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59
We are told that when Bahrām Gūr returned from this
expedition to his capital, Ctesiphon, he appointed his
brother Governor of Khorāsān, designating Balkh as his
residence.
60
According to the Persian historians, the Khākān was
named Khush-Nawāz. Nöldeke, however, disapproved of
this reading, the invention he thinks of Firdawsi, and
employs that of Akh-Shunwar.
61
Tabari tells us that Pīrūz had previously ceded to the
Khākān the important frontier town of Tālikān.
62
Some of the means would hardly commend themselves
to modern economists. Pīrūz remitted taxes and large
sums from the treasury; but he also compelled the rich
to feed their poorer neighbours from these taxes.
63
The more ancient form is Kavadh.
64
I.e. Ctesiphon.
65
We are told that this made him look upon Anūshirawān
as a talisman, and the interesting detail is added that
the mother and the boy were conducted back to Madā
´in in a cart as became a princess. Wheeled traffic is
unknown on these roads, but Professor Nöldeke refers
us to Plutarch’s Artax. 27, where we are told that the
king’s wife used that means of locomotion. In recent
times Europeans have taken their carriages from Meshed
to Teheran on Kobād’s route.
66
Persian historians assert that he was converted by a
sham miracle, and that he continued to believe in
Mazdak during the rest of his life. But his motives were
probably purely political, and not based on conversion.
67
The famous Orkhon inscriptions which have been
deciphered by MM. Radloff of St. Petersburg, and V.
Thomsen of Copenhagen, belong to this branch of the
Turks.
68
De Guignes, ii. p. 374.
69
Cf. De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 378.
70
Persian and Roman writers assert that Anūshirawān
conquered Transoxiana, but this seems most
improbable. For, as Nöldeke points out (footnote to page
159 of his Sāsānides), Huen-Tsang, who visited the
country soon after these events, speaks only of Turkish
and other barbarian States. Moreover, the State of
Transoxiana at the time of the Mohammedan invasion
augurs strongly against the extension of Persian rule.
71
For a full account of his life—historical and fictitious—we
refer the reader to the Appendix of Nöldeke’s Sāsāniden,
p. 474.
72
It was reconquered in 629 by Heraclius, the Byzantine
emperor, who set up the Cross in the city which had first
beheld the emblem of salvation; and the Feast of the
Elevation of the Cross is kept on the 14th September in
memory of that event.
73
The origin of this well-known expression is curious. The
designation Yemen, or the “right hand,” was given by its
northern neighbours to a strip on the south-eastern
coast of the Red Sea. But in Arabic, as in the Latin and
many other languages, the right hand is associated with
good fortune. Hence by mistranslation the territory
became known to the West as “The Blessed,” or “Felix.”
It is well watered, and is better peopled than any other
part of the Arabian peninsula.
74
The Ka`ba is said to have contained 160 idols, each
tribe having its separate God; and so great was the
toleration in ante-Mohammedan times that on the pillars
of the temples there were also to be found images of
Abraham and of the Virgin and Child. In the sixth
century the primitive religion had lost its old signification
and had developed into fetishism.
75
Swedenborg was fifty-eight ere he had his first vision.
76
There are two popular fallacies to be noted with regard
to the so-called “Hegira.” In the first place, it should be
transcribed as Hijra; and secondly, the word does not
mean flight, but separation, for the incident to be
recalled was not Mohammed’s flight to Medīna—but his
separation from his family.
77
“Islām” is synonymous for Mohammedanism in all
Arabic-speaking countries. Its literal meaning is
“resignation”—a heart-whole submission to the divine
will.
78
Khalīfa Rasūl Illāh was the full title of the “Successor of
the Prophet of God.” The correct designation of the
holder of the office is Khalīfa, while the office itself is
Khilāfaa. The former word has till quite lately been
transcribed “Khalif,” or Caliph. The self-styled successor
of the Mahdi in the Soudan is, however, known to
Europe under the correct designation, Khalifah.
79
The outraged hospitality was avenged, for the murderer
was torn to pieces by the mob, while the body of
Yezdijerd was embalmed and buried in his ancestral
tomb at Istakhr.
80
He was the Prophet’s son-in-law, and had been elected
in A.H. 44 by a council of six as successor to the stern
 `Omar, the second Caliph.
81
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, chap. li.
82
Cf. Muir, Decline and Fall of the Caliphate, p. 208.
83
Tabari, Annales, Series II. p. 15. From this date until the
appearance in Central Asia of Kutayba in A.H. 86, our
history is little more than an enumeration of Arab
governors in Khorāsān, whose rule was usually as
uneventful as it was shortlived. We have, however,
considered it fitting to enter here into detail somewhat
disproportionate to the rest of our narrative, seeing that
the facts have hitherto been only accessible in works of
Oriental writers.
84
Müller, Der Islam, i. p. 354.
85
Tabari, Annales, II. p. 109.
86
He was not the son of the famous governor of Basra.
87
In the interim the post seems to have been filled for a
short time by Khulayd ibn `Abdullah el-Hanafī (Tabari,
II. p. 155).
88
Tabari, II. p. 156.
89
Vambéry considers Tarkhān (or Tarkhūn) to be an old
Turkish title, which Mohammedan authors have regarded
erroneously as a proper name.
90
Tabari, II. p. 156.
91
Tabari, II. p. 169. Tabari says he was the first to cross
the mountains of Bokhārā on a camel, loc. cit.
92
Tabari, II. p. 169. The Persian Tabari does not mention
this queen, but relates the same incident of the king of
the Turks; Ba`lami, the Persian translator, also adds that
 the shoe was sold by Ubaydullah to the merchants of
Basra. Cf. Zotenberg’s Chroniques de Tabari, tome iv. p.
19.
93
The direm, derived from the Greek drachma, contained
25 grains of silver, and was worth about 5d. of our
money. On this basis the value of the shoe would be
£4166 sterling!
94
Vambéry, History of Bokhārā, p. 20. The author says he
has this fact from “Arabic authors,” but we have been
unable to find any mention of it in either the Arabic or
Persian versions of Tabari.
95
According to Tabari (II. p. 179), Sa`īd was met by a
great Soghdian force on reaching Samarkand. The rival
hosts stood facing each other till nightfall, but on the
following day Sa`īd made a furious onslaught and put
the defenders to flight, taking fifteen young nobles as
hostages.
96
Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, p. 39.
97
Bellew and Vambéry both call him “Muslim,” a reading
which has been adopted in the Russian translation of
Narshakhi, published in Tashkent in 1897. The latter,
indeed, contains a note to the effect that the name is
written “Salm” in Arabic sources. It is also the spelling in
the Persian Tabari. Salm was twenty-four years of age
on his appointment. His father was `Ubaydullah, the
famous governor of Basra.
98
This warrior held command of the Arab troops in Central
Asia under several viceroys in succession, and thus
gained the confidence of his troops and an intimate
knowledge of Khorāsān and the adjoining tracts. The
stability in the office of generalissimo went far to
 neutralise any disadvantages occurring from the
frequent changes in that of viceroy.
99
Tabari (II. p. 394) tells us that Salm took his wife Umm
Mohammed with him, and that she was the first Arab
woman to cross the Oxus. She bore him a son, who was
surnamed the “Soghdian.”
100
£55 reckoned in our currency.
101
Narshakhi’s account of these events brings the lack of
discipline among the Arabs into a strong light, and
serves to account for the vicissitudes of their rule in
Central Asia.
102
This curious custom still survives in Merv. “One day,”
writes O’Donovan, “the town-crier, accompanied by half
a dozen other Turcomans, entered my hut, each to
present me a new-born child. I could not catch the exact
words; all I could understand was that one of the infants
was O’Donovan Beg, another O’Donovan Khan, a third
O’Donovan Bahadur. I forget what the others were. It
turned out that the Tekkes’ newly born children are, as a
rule, called after any distinguished strangers who may
be on the oasis at the time of their births, or have
resided there a short time previously, or after some
event intimately connected with the tribe” (The Story of
Merv, p. 329).
103
Cf. Aug. Müller, Der Islam, p. 411, who gives the date as
A.H. 85.
104
An entertaining account of this cruel and witty governor
will be found in d’Herbelot, under the article Heggiage-
ben-Josef-al-Thakefi.
105
Merv has been styled by almost all European writers on
the subject, “The Queen of the World.” Now the origin of
 this high-sounding title is the expression Merv-i-
Shāhijān, a title used to distinguish this town from Merv
er-Rūd. This word Shāhijān has been taken as a
corruption of Shah-i-jahān, or “Queen of the World.”
Yakūt says that Shāhijān means “Soul of the King.” The
form as it now stands is probably “Arabicised” from an
old Persian form Shahgūn, “what appertains to a king.”
Cf. Rückert, Gram. Poet. und Rhet. der Perser (Gotha,
1874), p. xix. The mistranslation, if such it be, has
shared the fate of most mistranslations of the kind, and
become universal among Europeans.
106
It must be remembered that Bokhārā is the name of a
kingdom as well as of a town.
107
Between Balkh and Merv er-Rūd, three days’ journey
from the latter. Istakhri, the geographer, speaks of it as
the most important place in Tokhāristān.
108
Dihakān = the man (i.e. the head man) of the dih, or
village.
109
Vambéry seems to confuse the two accounts, for he
says: “He had not yet arrived within the limits of ancient
Bactria when the inhabitants of Balkh came out to meet
him, and conducted him with honour into their city.” But
Tabari speaks distinctly of an engagement, in connection
with which he remembers an interesting detail. Among
the captives taken at that time was the wife of a certain
Barmek. She was taken into the harem of Kutayba’s
brother `Abdullah, by whom she had a son, who was
commonly regarded as the ancestor of the famous
Barmecīdes of the court of Baghdād. The story was
probably invented to give the family a less obscure
lineage than that of humble immigrants from Balkh. Cf.
Muir, History of the Caliphate, p. 358.
110
Cf. Tabari’s Annales, Series II. p. 1187, and Zotenberg’s
Chroniques de Tabari, vol. iv. p. 157.
111
Neither version of Tabari gives any details of this siege,
but Narshakhi’s account, of which we extract a portion,
is most vivid.
112
Tabari says that he had gone five farsakhs, but mentions
no place-name.
113
Narshakhi records that the lieutenant, who was named
Varkā, was answerable for this catastrophe. A citizen of
Baykand, it seems, had two beautiful daughters. These
the lieutenant abducted, whereupon the father
remonstrated with him, saying: “Baykand is a large
town, why, when you have the whole population to
select from, should you carry off my daughters?” As
Varkā gave no answer, the enraged father drew out his
knife and stabbed him, but not mortally.
114
Narshakhi tells that in Baykand, Kutayba found a
heathen temple in which was a silver idol weighing 4000
direms; also a quantity of golden vessels which, when
weighed together, amounted to 150,000 mithkals. But
the most remarkable of his discoveries were two pearls,
each the size of a pigeon’s egg. Kutayba on beholding
them asked the people whence such large pearls had
been brought. They replied, “that they had been brought
to the temple by birds in their beaks.” When Kutayba
sent intelligence of his conquest of Baykand to Hajjāj, he
also despatched these two pearls, with the account of
the tradition relating to them. The reply of Hajjāj ran
thus: “We have read your story, and it has filled us with
wonder; but more wonderful than the two large pearls,
and the birds that brought them, is your generosity in
having sent to me these precious prizes you had taken.
May the blessing of God be upon you.”
115
Ed. Schefer, p. 43. Khartūm may possibly come to offer
a parallel.
116
Vambéry, Bokhara, p. 25.
117
Tabari, Annales, Series II. p. 1195.
118
Scholars have hitherto failed to read this satisfactorily.
The forms that occur are Kur-Bughanūn, Kurighanūn,
etc. Professor Houtsma has suggested that the
termination should be read nūīn, i.e. prince.
119
Narshakhi.
120
Not, of course, to be confounded with Fārāb opposite
Chārjūy; but the reading of the name is doubtful.
121
The italics indicate three excellent puns in the original
Arabic. Hajjāj had a universal reputation as a master of
this difficult tongue. The words may be transcribed as
follows: Kiss bi Kissa wansif Nasafan waridd Wardan.
122
Narshakhi’s version of the campaign is full of
discrepancies, and the events of the years 88–91 are
perforce presented to the reader without much regard
for chronology or natural sequence. The results are to
be found in Bellew’s epitome (Yarkand Expedition, p.
117).
123
Annales, Series II. p. 1201.
124
Vambéry says, evidently following his Turkish Tabari:
“Their women ... tore their faces!”
125
One of the most famous tribes of Yemen.
126
Vambéry says a yearly tribute of 2,000,000 direms!
127
Narshakhi, ed. Paris, p. 40.
128
Vambéry follows Narshakhi in ignoring this revolt, which
was certainly a very serious one as far as Kutayba was
concerned, but both versions of Tabari give detailed
accounts of its various phases.
129
Old Persian word signifying commander-in-chief.
130
He was opposed to Nīzek’s design. We are also told that,
in order that a certain appearance of respect might be
kept up, his chains were of gold. Cf. Tabari, Annales,
Series II. p. 1206.
131
Tabari, Annales, Series II. p. 1218.
132
On the river Jīhūn, one of the three principal towns of
Khwārazm, of which Medīnat-el-Fīl, or the Town of the
Elephant, was the largest.
133
Tabari relates that one day several Soghdians mounted
the rampart and called out: “Oh ye Arabs, why do ye
exert yourselves thus vainly? Know that we have found
written in a book that our town shall not be taken except
by one whose name is “Camel-Saddle,” whereupon
Kutayba called out—“God is great! for verily that is my
name.” (In Arabic, Kutayba means literally “camel-
saddle.”)
134
He is said to have obtained no less than 20,000 native
levies, men from Kesh, Nakhshab, and Khwārazm. Cf.
Tabari, Annales, Series II. p. 1256.
135
In the year 95 Hajjāj died at the age of fifty-four.
136
Welīd had been most anxious to make his own son heir-
apparent in the place of his brother, and in his designs
had been supported by Hajjāj and Kutayba. Hence the
bad blood that existed between the conqueror and the
new Caliph.
 Vambéry adds the following details without reference
(not to be found either in Tabari or Narshakhi): “Having
conquered Farghāna, he went through the Terek Pass
into Eastern Turkestān. Here he encountered the princes
of the Uïgurs, who in default of union among themselves
were easily conquered. We are told that the Arabs
extended their incursions into the province of Kansu....
Turfan, on the very first appearance of the Arabs,
embraced Islam.” (Bokhara, pp. 31, 32).
137
Gibbon recognised the greatness of Kutayba as a
conqueror, while lamenting the scanty notices to be
found of him in European works; cf. Decline and Fall,
chap. li. d’Herbelot, in his Bibliothèque Orientale,
dismisses our hero, under the heading Catbah, in a very
summary manner. “Ce fut un des plus villains Arabes de
son siècle, Valid, sixième Khalife de la race des
Ommiades, le fit général de ses armées en Perse, l’an de
l’Hégire 88. Il conquît tout le grand pays de Khorazan, et
obligea en ces quartiers-là à brûler leurs idoles et à bâtir
de Mosquées. Après cette conquête, il passa dans la
Transoxiana et prit de force les fameuses villes de
Samarcande et de Bokhara, et défit Mazurk roi de
Turkestan, qui s’était approché pour les sécourir. Ce
grand capitaine finit ses conquêtes l’an 93 (sic) de
l’Hégire.”
138
Tabari, Annales, Series II. pp. 1283–96.
139
An important town on the Perso-Turkish frontier, north-
east of Baghdād.
140
This saying is not to be found in the Arabic Tabari, but in
the Persian version. See Zotenberg, vol. iv. p. 204.
141
See Zotenberg’s translation of the Persian Tabari, vol. iv.
p. 221.
142
After remaining, as Tabari tells us, four months in
Khorāsān to settle the administration of the province.
143
Zotenberg, vol. iv. p. 225 et seq.
144
Tabari, Annales, Series II. p. 1318.
145
He directed that converts were to be exempt from all
taxes, and placed on the same footing as the Arabs;
while unbelievers were to be taxed to the utmost. No
churches, synagogues, or fire-temples were to be
destroyed, but the erection of new ones was forbidden.
Cf. Muir, Caliphate, p. 380.
146
His post was the same as Hajjāj’s, and was equivalent to
a viceroyalty of the Eastern conquests of the Caliphate.
147
Known by the sobriquet of Khuzayna, “the Village Girl,”
because of his effeminate ways.
148
See Tabari, Annales, Series II. pp. 1431 and 1433.
Vambéry (who reads the name as Tarshi) states that this
man succeeded Yezīd ibn Muhallab on the appointment
of Maslama. Cf. Bokhara, p. 37. The Persian Tabari also
says that the nomination was made by Maslama. Cf.
Zotenberg, vol. iv. p. 268.
149
The Annales devote many pages to his progress, but as
the details are of small importance we refrain from
summarising them, and merely follow the abridged
account of the Persian Tabari.
150
He seems already to have been dismissed, and to have
been reinstated.
151
It is very remarkable that from this point in the history
the account in the Arabic is as prolix as that in the
Persian translation is compressed and condensed.
152
Vambéry calls him (wrongly) Esresh.
153
Called by Vambéry, Jandab. He succeeded to the
command in A.H. 111. He had previously been in Sind,
and on his way to join the army at Bokhārā he narrowly
escaped falling into the Khākān’s hands. Tabari relates
that he obtained his promotion by offering to Hishām’s
wife a necklace of precious stones, which the Caliph
admired so greatly that Junayd procured another like it
for him. See Tabari, Annales, Series II. p. 1527.
154
In this battle a nephew of the Khākān was taken
prisoner, and afterwards sent to the Caliph. Tabari
notices that there is a doubt as to the year in which
these engagements took place, some saying A.H. 112
and others 113 (730, 731).
155
This defeat was known as the battle of the Defile (ash-
Shīb), A.H. 112 (730).
156
Tabari, Annales, Series II. p. 1539.
157
About ten or eleven thousand perished in the battle, the
remainder were betrayed to the Khākān (Tabari, loc. cit.
p. 1542).
158
Tabari, loc. cit. p. 1543.
159
Junayd in his report seems to have laid the blame of his
defeat on Saura for advancing too far out of Samarkand.
According to Tabari, his words were: “Saura disobeyed
me; I ordered him to keep near the river, but he did not
do so” (loc. cit. p. 1544). Beladhori also, in his very brief
account of this campaign, makes no mention of defeat
or even disaster. He merely says that Junayd fought the
Turks till he had utterly repulsed them, and then asked
the Caliph for reinforcements. The account in the Persian
Tabari is roughly as follows:—Junayd’s first brush with
 the Turks was successful; but their Khākān was not
discouraged by his reverse. He mustered a host so
formidable that Junayd found it necessary to order
Saura, who had taken possession of Samarkand, to join
forces with him. He then marched against the Khākān
with 20,000 men. The Turkish leader adopted tactics
which have again and again enabled a prescient leader
to triumph against immense odds. On learning that
Saura had left Samarkand, he turned and fell upon him
with such ferocity that not one of his 20,000 troops
escaped to tell the tale. Thereupon Junayd summoned
every town of Khorāsān and Tokhāristān to send him its
quota of reinforcements; and having thus gathered an
army of 43,000 strong, despatched it under a trusted
follower to relieve Samarkand, which was closely
besieged by the victorious Khākān. The Mohammedans
reached the city when their garrison was on the point of
surrendering, and attacked the beleaguering host. For
the first time during many disastrous years the banner
of Islām prevailed. The Khākān was smitten hip and
thigh, and forced to raise the siege of Samarkand.
Junayd placed a garrison there of 5000 men under Nasr
ibn Sayyār, and returned to Merv, where death soon
closed his brilliant career.
160
He appears to have received the appointment from his
brother Khālid, the governor of `Irāk.
161
It is worthy of remark that in the Persian Tabari the
record of Asad’s second tenure of office is not only very
brief, but even differs essentially from that of the Arabic
original.
162
In Schefer’s edition of Narshakhi (p. 59) the date is
absurdly given as 166.
163
Descendants of `Abbās, uncle of the Prophet. See note
below, p. 80.
164
Cf. Tabari, loc. cit. p. 1988 et seq.
165
Hārith ibn Surayj mentioned above was still with the
Turks, and when Nasr ibn Sayyār reported his victory to
the governor of `Irāk the latter ordered him to capture
Hārith, subdue Farghāna, and destroy the town of
Shāsh.
166
By the promulgation of a general amnesty the Soghdians
were brought back to their allegiance.
167
Their names were Welīd II., Yezīd II., Ibrāhīm, and
Merwān II.
168
His father, Mohammed, had died in A.H. 124.
169
An amusing incident is given in this connection by
Tabari. Kirmānī was very stout, and the passage by
which he had to escape was so narrow that his servant
was obliged to drag him through by main force, and the
operation very nearly killed him.
170
See note 1, p. 82.
171
For a full account of the story of El-Kirmānī and Hārith
ibn Surayj, see Tabari, Annales, Series II. pp. 1855–69,
1887–90, and 1917–35.
172
The following table will explain the descent of the two
branches:—
 Kossay
|
`Abd Menāf
|
+------+--------------+
| |
`Abd Shems Hāshim
| |
Umayya `Abd al-Muttalib
|
+--------------+----+------------+
| | |
Abū Tālib `Abdullah `Abbās
| |
`Alī Mohammed
173
Zotenberg, op. cit. vol. iv. p. 323 et seq.
174
He was then not twenty years of age.
175
We are told that Abū Muslim wished to have a distinctive
colour for his party, the Umayyads having adopted
white. After making one of his slaves clothe himself in
suits of various colours, he ordered him to dress in
black, and finding the sombre hue the most awe-
inspiring adopted it for his party. Cf. Zotenberg, lot cit. p.
327. Later the Khārijites adopted red, and the Shi`ites
green.
176
Nasr ibn Sayyār was a poet of no mean order, and
Arabic histories contain many quotations from his
compositions, specimens of which will be found on p. 87
and 88 of Nöldeke’s Delectus Vet. Carm. Arab.
177
Two very different versions of the end of Nasr are to be
found in Oriental histories. That given in the text is the
usually accepted one; but in the Persian translation of
Tabari (cf. Zotenberg, loc cit. p. 329), in the Tārīkh-i-
Guzīda, etc., we are told that he fled unaccompanied as
far as Ray, where he died. No mention is made here of
the engagements with Kahtaba, who, according to the
 author of the Guzīda, gained possession of Jurjān, Ray,
Sāva, and Kum without striking a blow.
178
His horse ran away with him and, slipping on the banks
of the river, threw its rider into the water, where he was
drowned. His disappearance was not remarked until
daybreak. The Guzīda says that Ibn Hobayra also
perished in the battle.
179
Numbering, according to the Persian Tabari, more than
30,000 men.
180
The Caliph’s two uncles, Dā´ūd and `Abdullah,—the
former in Mekka and Medīna, the latter in Palestine,—
were responsible for the wholesale extermination of the
Umayyads in those countries. The historians tell us that
`Abdullah on one occasion invited seventy members of
the house of Umayya to a feast, under promises of a full
amnesty, and that, at a given signal, the servants fell
upon the unsuspecting guests and put them all to death.
This tragedy recalls the famous “Blood bath” in
Stockholm, but the Umayyads had no Gustav Wasa to
avenge their death. We are told that the spirit of
revenge carried them so far that they caused all the
tombs of the Umayyad Caliph to be opened, and what
remained of their corpses to be scattered to the winds.
Cf. Chroniques de Tabari, vol. iv. p. 343.
181
History of Bokhara, p. 40.
182
Es-Saffāh was ten years younger than Abū Ja`far, but,
as Weil suggests, was preferred to the latter, because his
mother was a free woman, while his brother’s was a
slave.
183
See Weil, Geschichte der Khalifen, vol. ii. pp. 24, 25.
184
The correspondence is fully reported by Tabari; and
Weil, recognising its historical interest, has translated in
full three of the letters. Cf. Weil, op. cit. vol. ii. pp. 27,
28.
185
Tabari, Annales, Series III. p. 122.
186
An account of this man may be found in the Siasset
Namèh, pp. 122–23 of Schefer’s text.
187
In the Arabic, Wadhālika innahu kāna min sanāyi`ihi.
188
Numbering 6000 men.
189
Wrongly read by Weil as Jumhur.
190
Tabari, loc cit. p. 120.
191
According to both versions of Tabari, he fell from a
window and broke his back.
192
El-Mahdi, who was at this time about twenty years of
age, had, we are told, a lieutenant to assist him in his
duties as governor.
193
The Rāvandīs believed in the transmigration of souls,
and held that the soul of the Deity was temporarily
resident in the body of the Caliph, while the souls of
Adam and Gabriel were residing in the bodies of two of
his generals. For accounts of this sect, see Weil,
Geschichte der Khalifen, vol. ii. p. 36 et seq.; Muir, The
Caliphate, p. 448; Tabari, Annales, Series III. p. 129 et
seq.; and Zotenberg, Chroniques de Tabari, vol. iv. p.
137 et seq.
194
In the preceding pages undue space may appear to
have been given to the history of the Caliphs, but the
growing importance of Central Asia will in future render
our history almost independent of events at Baghdād.
195
The famous Annales of Tabari (which have been our
Haupt-Quelle for the history of the Arabs in Central
Asia), like those of Ibn el-Athīr, are arranged under the
heading of each succeeding year. We make a point of
giving throughout the name of each governor of
Khorāsān appointed by the Caliphs, for, though such
details are in themselves trivial, no list of them has, to
our knowledge, appeared in any European work.
196
Weil, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 65, says that he gave himself out
as a prophet, but Tabari says nothing of this. Cf. Tabari,
Annales, Series III. p. 149.
197
El-Mahdi had held this post since A.H. 141 (758).
198
We have not thought fit to dwell at any length on the
adventures of this famous impostor. Professor Vambéry,
in his History of Bokhara, devotes no less than ten pages
to the rising. The story, in its main outlines, is familiar to
Englishmen from Moore’s Lalla Rookh.
199
Cf. Tabari, loc. cit. p. 631.
200
This powerful family took its descent from one Barmek,
a physician of Balkh. One of its members, Khālid ibn
Barmek, became vezīr of the first `Abbāsid Caliph, and
under El-Mahdi was intrusted with the education of the
heir-apparent Hārūn. Khālid’s son Yahya succeeded him
as vezīr in A.H. 170 (786), and showed himself one of the
most capable rulers of his age. For an account of their
fall consult Sec. iii. of the Terminal Essay in vol. x. of
Burton’s Thousand and One Nights.
201
August Müller, generally so accurate, calls him
erroneously Isā ibn Alī, and equally erroneously states
that he was killed in battle in the year 191, whereas he
did not die till 195 (see below).
202
Zotenberg, op. cit. iv. p. 469.
203
Cf. Müller, op. cit. i. p. 497; Vambéry, Bokhara, pp. 53,
54; Zotenberg, op. cit. iv, 71 et seq.
204
Its exact nature is not known, but it was probably the
fruits of a life of reckless dissipation.
205
Cf. Zotenberg, op. cit. tome iv. p. 481.
206
He was minister of both the civil and military
departments, and was hence known as Dhu-l-
Rīyāsatayn, or “Lord of the two Ministries.”
207
Cf. Weil, Geschichte der Khalifen, vol. ii. p. 197.
208
He was called “the Magian, the son of a Magian.”
209
Ma´mūn had conceived an aversion for Tāhir (some
authors say because Tāhir reminded him of his brother
Amīn’s death), and, being conscious of this, Tāhir
naturally feared the proximity of the Caliph. He
superseded a certain Ghassān, whom Ma´mūn had left
in charge of Khorāsān.
210
Who died A.H. 166 (782).
211
His full title was Sāmān-Khudāt, being lord of a village
which he himself had built and given the name of
Sāmān. He claimed descent from the Sāsānide Bahrām
Chūbīn. Cf. Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, pp. 57, 58.
212
Vambéry (Bokhara, p. 55) notes that “the fact that
Sāmān, whilst still a heretic, had held a command long
after the Arab conquest, proves the small progress
Islāmism had at first made among the followers of
Zoroaster.”
213
See above, p. 96.
214
See note 1 above, p. 100.
215
Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, reads absurdly 292!
216
Cf. Mīrkhwānd, Historia Samanidarum, ed. Wilken, p. 3.
Narshakhi says that Ahmed was made governor of Merv,
but from what follows this seems erroneous.
217
d’Herbelot quotes a Persian quatrain in which the
Tāhirides are enumerated—
Dar Khorāsān zi āl-i-Massābshāh,
Tāhir u Talha būd u Abdullāh,
Bāz Tāhir, digar Mohammad dān
Kū be Ya`kūb dād takht u kulāh.

Translation.—In Khorāsān, of the house of Massāb

(Tāhir’s name was Tāhir ibn Husayn ibn Massāb) there
were the following princes—Tāhir, Talha, `Abdullah,
another Tāhir and then Mohammad, who gave up throne
and crown to Ya`kūb.
218
He ruled from A.H. 232–247 (846–861).
219
In Arabic Saffār, whence the dynasty took its name.
220
Cf. Khwāndamīr’s account of the Saffārides in his Habīb-
us-Siyar. We refer the reader also to Nöldeke’s brilliant
sketch of this man’s career, entitled “Ya`qūb the
Coppersmith” (Sketches from Persian History, pp. 176–
206).
221
Malcolm, History of Persia, vol. i. p. 148.
222
Cf. Müller, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 29.
223
Narshakhi (ed. Schefer, p. 78) gives the date as A.H. 260
(872), Mīrkhwānd (ed. Wilken, p. 4) as A.H. 261 (873).
224
Narshakhi, loc. cit. Muwaffak is here spoken of as
Caliph, but he was merely chief minister of state to his
brother the Caliph Mu`tamid.
225
This point is not made clear by Persian historians. The
Saffārides had by their victories become masters of all
the provinces ruled by the Tāhirides, of which
Transoxiana was certainly one. It is hard to conceive
either that they should have renounced their claim on
Transoxiana, or that the feeble Caliph should have taken
upon himself to pronounce the Samānīdes independent
of Khorāsān.
226
Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, p. 79.
227
Vambéry is in this place (see Bokhārā, p. 58) guilty of a
curious error, for he says that this Rāfi` was the Rāfi`
ibn Layth who had rebelled against Hārūn er-Rashīd in
A.H. 190 and was pardoned in 196 by Ma´mūn. He would
by the year 272 have been rather old to receive a
governorship of a province.
228
Mīrkhwānd (ed. Wilken, p. 6) says that it was in
connection with this friendship that certain mean
persons poisoned the mind of Nasr against his brother.
This author tells us that Isma`īl had requested and
received of Rāfi` the province of Khwārazm, and this, so
Nasr’s advisers said, was merely a plot to deprive Nasr
of Transoxiana.
229
See below, p. 110.
230
Five farsakhs to the south of Aulié-ātā. For a full account
of what is known of Christianity in Central Asia in early
times we refer the reader to an excellent monograph on
this subject by M. Barthold, of St. Petersburg, which was
published in vol. viii. of the Zapiski, or Journal of the St.
 Petersburg University Oriental Faculty. Much valuable
information on this subject is also to be found in Col.
Yule’s Cathay and the Way Thither.
231
Ed. Schefer, p. 84.
232
Bellew (Forsyth Mission, p. 119) says that Isma`īl
received his patent of succession from the Caliph while
engaged in this campaign; but this is not in agreement
with Narshakhi, whom he gives as his authority.
233
See above, p. 105.
234
Cf. Weil, op. cit. ii. p. 483.
235
Weil, op. cit. ii. p. 485, hints at this duplicity, basing his
statement on the fact that the Caliph praised and
rewarded Isma`īl when he heard of his victory over
`Amr. Khwāndamīr, in his Habīb-us-Siyar, leaves the
question open, and expressly says that Isma`īl acted
“either on the Khalif’s orders or on his own initiative.”
236
Nizām ul-Mulk, in his Siyāset Namé, tells an amusing
anecdote in this connection. After `Amr had been taken
prisoner, towards nightfall one of his fellows, having
procured some meat and borrowed a saucepan, was
preparing a meal for his master: while he for a moment
left his cooking to fetch some salt, a dog came and
poked his head into the saucepan. In trying to pull out a
bone the handle of the pot fell round his neck, and he
scampered off, carrying the scalding pot with him. On
seeing this, `Amr remarked: “This morning 300 camels
bore my kitchen, and to-night a dog has carried it off.”
237
Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, p. 90. The editor was here (as in
only too many places in this uncritical edition) guilty of
allowing an absurd date to be printed in his text; for the
date of `Amr’s death is given as 280!
238
Narshakhi, loc. cit. Vambéry points out (op. cit. note to
p. 66) that Sind and Hind are “a random boast” of the
author.
239
The governor before him had made Bokhārā his
residence.
240
A very striking description of the literary talent gathered
there is given by ath-Tha`labi, in the Yatīmatu ´d-Dahr,
vol. iv. p. 30 (Damascus ed.).
241
Vambéry (Bokhara, p. 67) adds to this list Kazwīn,
Shīrāz, and Isfahān, which were towns in the dominion
of the Būyides. The Būyides and the Sāmānides
practically shared the whole of Persia and Central Asia as
follows:—
Sāmānides—Khorāsān, Sīstān, Balkh, Bokhārā, and
Samarkand.
Būyides—The two `Irāks, Fars, Kirmān, Khuzistān, and
Luristān.
Tabaristān and Jurjān were continually changing
hands.
242
He died of some malady at a place called Zarmān,
whither the doctors had sent him for change of air.
243
Dawlat Shāh, in his Lives of the Poets (see Browne’s
edition, p. 44), quotes from `Unsuri the following
quatrain in which the rulers of the house of Sāmān are
enumerated—
Nūh kas būdand zi āl-i-Sāmān mazkūr
Dā´īm bi imārat-i-Khorāsān mashhūr
Ismā`īl ast u Ahmadī u Nasrī
Dū Nūh u dū `Abd-ul-Malik u dū Mansūr.
 Translation.—Nine members of the house of Sāmān
were famous in the government of Khorāsān, namely,
Ismā`īl, one Ahmad, one Nasr, two Nūh’s, two `Abd el-
Melik’s, and two Mansūr’s.
244
Cf. Vambéry, Bokhara, p. 81, and Bretschneider,
Mediæval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources
(London, 1888), vol. i. p. 236 seqq. An interesting article
was published in 1874 by Grigorieff in the Memoirs of
the Eastern Branch of the St. Petersburg Archæological
Society, vol. xviii. p. 191 seqq. This article contains the
Turkish text of an extract from the Tārīkh-i-Munajjim-
Bāshī, with an introduction, a translation, and copious
notes. The name of Kara-Khānides was first suggested
by Grigorieff for this dynasty, after Satuk Kara Khān,
who was the first of its kings to embrace Islām. The title
is more convenient than the others by which this
dynasty has been known, such as Uïghūrs, Ilek-khāns,
and Ilkhāns, as will appear from note below, p. 116.
Bretschneider, whom on such subjects it is hard to
contradict, was by no means convinced by Grigorieff’s
positive assertion that the Kara-Khānides were not
Uïghūrs.
245
The passage from his famous history, the Tārīkh-i-
Jahān-Kushāy, dealing at great length with the Uïghūrs,
has been translated by d’Ohsson. Cf. Histoire des
Mongols, vol. i. p. 430 et seq.
246
Narshakhi (ed. Schefer, p. 233) calls this dynasty of
“Turkish Khāns” the “house of Afrāsiyāb.” Afrāsiyāb is
one of the most prominent figures in Firdawsi’s great
epic of kings, the Shāh Namé. B.C. 700 is given as a
conjectural date of the first migration of the Turks across
the Oxus—as far as India and Asia Minor. According to
the coins, it appears that the Turks (under what name it
is not known) entered the Greek kingdom of Bactria. Cf.
 Reinaud, Rélations de l’Empire, Rom. avec l’Asie Centrale
(Paris, 1863), p. 227. Tradition has it that Afrāsiyāb
flourished about B.C. 580. He was the emperor of Tūrān,
of which Turkestān was a province, and was the great
foe of Īrān. During his reign Siyāwush, son of the
emperor of Īrān, Kay-Kā´ūs, having incurred his father’s
displeasure, fled across the Oxus, which formed the
boundary between the two kingdoms, to Afrāsiyāb, who
held court at Rāmtīn. Siyāwush received Afrāsiyāb’s
daughter Ferengis in marriage, with the provinces of
Khotan and Chīn as her dowry. Afrāsiyāb’s brother
Gersīwaz, jealous of the strangers growing power, set his
brother’s mind against Siyāwush, and induced him to
take the field against his son-in-law, who was captured
and conveyed to Rāmtīn and there put to death.
Siyāwush left a posthumous son by Ferengis, named
Kay-Khosrū, who became emperor of Īrān. Kay-Khosrū,
bent on avenging his father’s death, besieged Rāmtīn,
drove Afrāsiyāb out of his country, and occupied it for
seven years; Afrāsiyāb afterwards returned and
recovered his capital, but was finally defeated and slain.
Kay-Khosrū now became master of Samarkand and
Bokhārā; but, wishing to devote his days to religious
contemplation, resigned his government to Lohrāsp, the
son-in-law of Kay-Kā´ūs, who soon exacted homage
from the rulers of Tartary. Thus the Persian dynasty
existed till the overthrow of Darius II.
247
The accurate transcription of this name is Khitā´ī;
however, for convenience the more familiar spelling of
Khitāy has been retained throughout.
248
The exact position of this town, which during the tenth
and eleventh centuries was the capital of the Khāns of
Turkestān (see Ibn el-Athīr), is not known. Abulfeda says
 it was not far from Kāshghar. Juvaynī says that in the
days of the Mongols it was called Gu-Balik.
249
Grigorieff, in his well-known but harsh, and indeed
unjust, review of Vambéry’s Bokhara, published as an
Appendix to vol. i. of Schuyler’s Turkestan, says (1) that
the Ilik Khāns were not Uïghūrs, but Karlukhs, and (2)
that the Kara-Khitāys were their descendants. Though
he takes M. Vambéry to task for not knowing such
“facts,” neither of these statements will bear the light of
modern research. Vambéry was, however, wrong in
calling the Kara-Khitāys Uïghūrs.
250
Klaproth (Sprache und Schrift der Uiguren) proves
convincingly that the Hui-ho of the Chinese authors
anterior to the Mongol period are identical with the
Uïghūrs, and that the Uïghūrs are to be classed among
the Eastern Turks. The term Hui-ho was, however, used
by Chinese writers of the Mongol period to designate
Mohammedans generally (cf. Bretschneider’s article on
the Uïghūrs in his Mediæval Researches from Eastern
Asiatic Sources, to which excellent monograph most of
these notes are due). Translations of the principal
Chinese records of the Uïghūrs are to be found in
Videlou’s supplement to d’Herbelot’s Bib. Orient.
251
The name Uïghūr is first found in Mohammedan histories
at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Previously to
this they seem to have been known by the name of
Taghazghaz, which is doubtless a corruption. Cf. Tarikh-i-
Rashidi, or, History of the Moghuls of Central Asia, by
Ney Elias and E. Denison Ross, p. 94 of Introduction.
252
For notices of these places, consult Grigorieff’s article on
the Kara-Khānides, and Bretschneider’s Mediæval
Researches.
253
He was not actually the last of the Sāmānides, for one
member of the family named Isma`īl el-Muntazir had
escaped from Ilik’s hands. His subsequent adventures
would go to make an exciting story. For six years he
maintained himself at the head of a faithful following.
With the help of the Ghuz he twice defeated Ilik’s
troops, and (in 391–1001) actually wrested Nīshāpūr
from the hands of the governor, Mahmūd of Ghazna’s
brother. He finally perished at the hands of a Bedouin in
A.H. 395 (1005).
254
His name was Abū-l-Husayn Nasr I.
255
A tentative list of the Khāns of Turkestān is given in S.
Lane-Poole’s Mohammedan Dynasties, p. 134. They
ruled, according to this author’s computation, from
about A.H. 320–560 (932–1165).
256
He was born in A.H. 333 (944). Cf. Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p.
287.
257
Cf. Forsyth’s Mission to Yarkand,—Dr. Bellew’s chapter
on the History of Kāshghar, p. 121. The account of the
first introduction of Islām into Kāshghar is given in a
Turki work entitled the Tazkira Bughra Khān (which was
translated from the Persian of Shaykh `Attār). Extracts
from this somewhat fantastic work have been published
in the original in Shaw’s Turki Grammar.
258
Ed. Schefer, p. 233.
259
They advanced within three stages of Balāsāghūn. They
are spoken of as coming from Sīn (China), but they were
probably not Chinese but Eastern Uïghūrs (cf.
Bretschneider, i. 253).
260
His name is often given in Oriental histories as Kadr. See
Raverty, Tabakāt-i-Nāsiri.
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