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Foreign Language Education in Japan
CRITICAL NEW LITERACIES: THE PRAXIS OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE
TEACHING AND LEARNING (PELT)

Volume 3

Series Editors:

Marcelle Cacciattolo, Victoria University, Australia

Tarquam McKenna, Victoria University, Australia
Shirley Steinberg, University of Calgary; Director of Institute of Youth and
Community Studies, University of the West of Scotland
Mark Vicars, Victoria University, Australia

As a praxis-based sequence these texts are specifically designed by the team of

international scholars to engage in local in-country language pedagogy research. This
exciting and innovative series will bring a dynamic contribution to the development
of critical new literacies. With a focus on literacy teaching, research methods and
critical pedagogy, the founding principle of the series is to investigate the practice of
new literacies in English language learning and teaching, as negotiated with relevance
to the localized educational context. It is being and working alongside people in the
world that is at the core of the PELT viewpoint. The Praxis of English Language
Teaching and Learning series will focus on inter-culturality and interdisciplinary
qualitative inquiry and the dissemination of “non-colonised” research.
Foreign Language Education in Japan
Exploring Qualitative Approaches

Foreword by Ryuko Kubota

Edited by
Sachiko Horiguchi
Temple University Japan Campus, Tokyo, Japan
Yuki Imoto
Keio University, Tokyo, Japan
and
Gregory S. Poole
Doshisha University, Kyoto, Japan
A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

ISBN: 978-94-6300-323-0 (paperback)

ISBN: 978-94-6300-324-7 (hardback)
ISBN: 978-94-6300-325-4 (e-book)

Published by: Sense Publishers,

P.O. Box 21858,
3001 AW Rotterdam,
The Netherlands
https://www.sensepublishers.com/

All chapters in this book have undergone peer review.

Cover photo: courtesy of Jin Sakai

Printed on acid-free paper

All Rights Reserved © 2015 Sense Publishers

No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted

in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming,
recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the
exception of any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and
executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work.
 Table of Contents

Foreword vii
Ryuko Kubota

Preface xi

1. Introduction 1
Sachiko Horiguchi, Yuki Imoto and Gregory S. Poole

2. Homeland Education in a New Home: Japanese Government Policy

and Its Local Implementation in a Weekend Japanese Language
School in the United States 19
Kiri Lee and Neriko Musha Doerr

3. Identity, Place, and Language: Conflict and Negotiation in the

Writing of an English Textbook for Japanese Secondary School
Students 35
Thomas Hardy

4. Stuck in between: English Language Environment for International

Students and Skilled Foreign Workers in Japan 51
Akiko Murata

5. Bringing a European Language Policy into a Japanese Educational

Institution: The Contested Field of Institutional Foreign-Language
Education Reform 65
Yuki Imoto and Sachiko Horiguchi

6. Effecting the “Local” by Invoking the “Global”: State Educational

Policy and English Language Immersion Education in Japan 85
Gregory S. Poole and Hinako Takahashi

7. Cultures of Learning in Japanese EFL Classrooms: Student and

Teacher Expectations 103
Tiina Matikainen

8. Two Classes, Two Pronunciations: A Postmodern Understanding

of Power in EFL Students’ Classroom Performance 119
Akiko Katayama

v
Table of Contents

9. Willingness to Communicate: The Effect of Conference

Participation on Students’ L2 Apprehension 133
Rieko Matsuoka

10. An Internship in Communicative English Teaching 147

Patrick Rosenkjar

Afterword 167
Neriko Musha Doerr

Appendix: Discussion Questions 179

Akiko Katayama

About the Authors 183

Index 187

vi
 Ryuko Kubota

Foreword

“Globalization” has become a catchword to describe and transform various facets

of our contemporary society. The word conjures up a borderless society in which
diverse people, commodities, and information traverse freely, creating numerous
opportunities for exchanging and sharing perspectives, customs, and values. Of the
many real and virtual global spaces created in business, media, entertainment, and
education, one concrete example of a global space is the international sport event.
In preparation for the Tokyo Summer Olympics of 2020, the then newly elected
Governor of Tokyo, Yoichi Masuzoe, visited the Sochi Winter Games of 2014.
During the press conference upon his return, he made the following comments about
Sochi:1
… One problem was that they only spoke Russian. Usually when we go abroad
and shop, people there can at least say, “One, two, three” (in English) … No
language other than Russian was spoken. The same can be said about Japan.
It’d be no good if only Japanese could be used. As I said before, I think it’s
good to have volunteer interpreters, to have English conversation lessons. …
Actually the first official language of the Olympics is French and the second
is English. … So I think it’ll be good if some people serve as volunteers in
French. … (original in Japanese)
Some readers may be puzzled by the logic of this comment. Clearly, if Russian
people are unlikely to speak English, then the host of the Tokyo Olympics should
provide interpretation service in Russian. However, the oddity of the comment is
perhaps unquestioned by most people in Japan due to a prevailing discourse that
equates “global” (or anything “foreign”) with “English” (and “French” in this
particular case), while entirely disregarding actual linguistic practices and demands.
As the above comment suggests, issues of teaching additional languages are
fraught with paradoxes. These paradoxes are intertwined with politics and ideologies
at the state, institutional, and individual levels, as focused in this book. For another
example of paradox, we can take a look at Canada, where I currently live. Compared
to the anti-bilingual education policies and sentiments in the United States, Canadian
language education policy appears to be progressive, as represented by its successful
French immersion programs (i.e., bilingual education in French and English
for English-speaking students). However, a closer look at the situation reveals
that the Canadian support for bilingual education applies only to the two official

vii
R. Kubota

languages—English and French, or “white settlers’ languages.” The fact that there
are very few bilingual or immersion programs in languages other than the official
languages implies the political marginalization of indigenous peoples and settlers of
color (Haque, 2012; Haque & Patrick, 2015). The irony is that the lack of an official
language in the United States, which leads to fewer legal or financial constraints in
education, perhaps has enabled local school administrators, teachers, and parents to
support far more varieties of programs, including immersion, two-way immersion,
and bilingual programs, in various languages.
As in the United States, no official language is specified in Japan. However,
in actuality, Japanese is assigned the status of an official language. Another
dominant language in Japan with a symbolic (but not necessarily pragmatic) status
is English, as we have discussed in the Tokyo governor’s comment above, and
as was epitomized in the public discussion and debates surrounding a proposal
made in 2000 about making English an official language (see Butler & Iino, 2005;
Kubota, 2002). Although the 2000 proposal was never adopted, education policy
and practice implemented since then have reflected a further prioritization of
English language teaching and learning. A paradox here is that the emphasis on
English does not necessarily correspond to actual linguistic demands in domestic
or international workplaces; multilingualism and locally situated linguistic practice,
rather than a universal use of English, is the norm (see Murata in this volume;
Kubota & McKay, 2009; Kubota, 2013; see also increased international scholarly
attention to multilingualism and plurilingualism—e.g., Blackledge & Creese, 2010;
Martin-Jones, Blackledge, & Creese, 2012). Nevertheless, the discourse of English
as a universally useful lingua franca shapes policies and practices in various
institutions in Japan, while marginalizing the teaching of foreign languages other
than English,
It is important to note that the emphasis on English language learning, which
signifies an outward orientation and the neoliberal ideology of human capital
development (Kubota, 2011; Park & Lo, 2012), paradoxically coexists with an
inward thrust toward nationalism in Japan. Enhancing global capitalism dominated
by multinational corporations, neoliberalism has transformed a welfare state into
a corporate-style society of competitiveness supported by a flexible and unstable
employment system. Developing communication skills especially in English is
deemed part of the essential competence to survive in this unstable and yet globalized
workforce. Conversely, this emphasis on the outward vision of internationalization
(kokusaika) and globalization (gurōbaruka) has also promoted patriotic values
in social and educational contexts. The nationalistic trend is being strengthened
under the Abe conservative government’s uncompromising stance toward conflicts
with neighboring countries. Such a trend is further fueled by xenophobia overtly
expressed by some citizens who experience social and economical marginalization,
which is not unrelated to the economic disparity created by neoliberalism and the
nation’s economic stagnation (Yasuda, 2012).

viii
 Foreword

The above discussion raises a host of questions especially with regard to

English language education: What is the ultimate goal of learning English? Is it to
increase individual economic mobility, to enhance economic competitiveness of the
nation, to express and disseminate the nationalistic interest, or rather to promote
border-crossing communicative competence with critical understanding of culture,
history, and ideology (Kubota, 2012)? Does teaching English foster “global human
resources”—a recent buzzword in Japan—or “‘docile’ bodies” (Foucault, 1995,
138)—neoliberal subjects with linguistic skills and subjugated dispositions?
The outward-inward tension creates contradictions in not only teaching English
as a foreign language but in other aspects of language education. For instance,
teaching a heritage language in a globalized society naturally necessitates
negotiation with linguistic practice that reflects hybridity and diaspora, given
the fact that language is increasingly used across linguistic, cultural, and ethnic
borders. The neoliberal notions of human capital and “global human resources”
imply the need to foster plurilingual individuals and build a multilingual society.
Such outward trends run into conflict with an inward convergent worldview that
attempts to determine what type of heritage language should be taught in what way
and what kind of national identity should be fostered (see Blackledge & Creese,
2010 for the U.K. context).
This indicates that language education is shaped by a complex interplay between
policy and practice, which hides or reveals coherent or paradoxical discourses. This
also indicates that the ways in which power is exercised in language education
symbolizes governmentality. Drawing on the notion of governmentality discussed
by Foucault, Pennycook (2002) argues that language education policy and practice
should be understood as a multiplicity of means and techniques to exercise power,
through which policies and governances are enacted as local practices, rather than
as an imposition of rules and laws by means of authoritative power only. This
perspective encourages us to analyze how not only macro-level discourse, but also
diverse micro-level discourses and social practices (e.g., social, cultural, political,
economic, scholarly, and educational activities) function to enact governmental
power. Thus, exploring how language education policies and practices are carried out
at both macro and micro levels—e.g., state, institutional, classroom, and individual
dimensions—will enable us to understand how practices, no matter how seemingly
incoherent or paradoxical, are organized through discourses that circulate power
and to explore where resistance might exist. In this sense, this book offers valuable
knowledge and perspectives on language education as the embodiment of politics
and practices in diverse locations in Japan and beyond.

Note
1
http://www.metro.tokyo.jp/GOVERNOR/KAIKEN/TEXT/2014/140227.htm

ix
R. Kubota

References
Blackledge, A., & Creese, A. (2010). Multilingualism. London, England & New York, NY: Continuum.
Butler, Y. G., & Iino, M. (2005). Current Japanese reforms in English language education: The 2003
“Action Plan.” Language Policy, 4, 25–45.
Foucault, M. (1995). Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison. New York, NY: Vintage Books.
Haque, E. (2012). Multilingualism within a bilingual framework. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto
Press.
Haque, E., & Patrick, D. (2015). Indigenous languages and the racial hierarchisation of language policy
in Canada. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 36, 27–41.
Kubota, R. (2002). Impact of globalization on language teaching in Japan. In D. Block & D. Cameron
(Eds.), Globalization and language teaching (pp. 13–28). London, England: Routledge.
Kubota, R. (2011). Questioning linguistic instrumentalism: English, neoliberalism, and language tests in
Japan. Linguistics and Education, 22, 248–260.
Kubota, R. (2012). The politics of EIL: Toward border-crossing communication in and beyond English.
In A. Matsuda (Ed.), Principles and practices of teaching English as an international language
(pp. 55–69). Bristol, England: Multilingual Matters.
Kubota, R. (2013). Language is only a tool: Japanese expatriates working in China and implications for
language teaching. Multilingual Education, 3(4). Available from http://www.multilingual-education.com/
content/3/1/4
Kubota, R., & McKay, S. (2009). Globalization and language learning in rural Japan: The role of English
in the local linguistic ecology. TESOL Quarterly, 43, 593–619.
Martin-Jones, M., Blackledge, A., & Creese, A. (Eds.). (2012). The Routledge handbook of
multilingualism. New York, NY: Routledge.
Park, J. S.-Y., & Lo, A. (2012). Transnational South Korea as a site for a sociolinguistics of globalization:
Markets, timescales, neoliberalism. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 16, 147-164.
Pennycook, A. (2002). Language policies and docile bodies: Hong Kong and governmentality. In
J. W. Tollefson (Ed.), Language policies in education: Critical issues (pp. 92–110). Mahwah, NJ:
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Yasuda, K. (2012). Netto to aikoku: Zaitoku kai no “yami” o oikakete [The internet and patriotism:
Chasing the “darkness” of Zaitokukai (Citizens’ League to Deny Foreigners Special Rights)]. Tokyo,
Japan: Kodansha.

Ryuko Kubota
University of British Columbia

x
 Preface

This project originated from a panel session titled “Changes and Continuities in
Japanese Educational Institutions: Foreign Language Education and the Discourses
of Multi-Culturalism” that was organized by Imoto and Horiguchi for the Annual
Meeting of the Anthropology of Japan in Japan, held at Temple University Japan in
2009.
The issues raised in the panel resonated with many of the conference participants,
who had experience teaching English or were involved in international education
in Japan and who saw the necessity of addressing language education policy from
the ground level using qualitative approaches. We are grateful for the constructive
comments we received from the panel audience, and particularly to Jerry Eades who
encouraged us to bring the papers to publication.
It is hard to believe that the project has since then extended into a six-year
conversation, orchestrated by Greg Poole. We thank Thomas Hardy for providing us
the comfortable space of his home for the numerous lively authors’ meetings over
meals and drinks. And we thank all contributors for their good humor and patience in
this long process and for their continuing friendship and intellectual support. The real
fruits of the project have undoubtedly been in the hours of discussion and thinking
that took place among applied linguists and anthropologists as well as between the
editors. We hope that the manuscript is not only a reflection of this process but a
springboard toward further dialogue.
Since the initial inception of this project, much has moved on in the field of
Japanese education, not to mention the deep impact of the triple disasters of March
2011 on Japanese society. We believe that the fundamental issues that this volume
raises such as power, local contexts, and the need for dialogues, are still, if not more,
relevant today.
Finally, we extend our sincere gratitude to the series editors, Marcelle Cacciattolo,
Tarquam McKenna, Mark Vicars, Shirley Steinberg, publisher Peter de Liefde,
Kim Schuefftan, Yuka Mizuno, Akiko Katayama, and Kumiko Sawaguchi.
Japanese names within each chapter are written as in the vernacular, surname first
followed by given name. 100 JPY (¥100) is equivalent to approximately 0.80 USD
($0.80).

Sachiko Horiguchi
Yuki Imoto
Gregory S. Poole

xi
 Sachiko Horiguchi, Yuki Imoto
AND Gregory S. Poole

1. introduction

Voices from the field

Language education is a perennially contested arena within a nation and one that
arouses an array of sentiments and identity conflicts. What languages, or what
varieties of a language, are to be taught and learned, and how? By whom, for whom,
for what purposes and in what contexts? Such questions concern not only policy
makers but also teachers, parents, students, as well as businesspeople, politicians,
and other social actors. With the gradual dismantling of “modern” ideologies that
had bound one language to one nation-state, such contests are now being uncovered,
revealing fluid, pluralistic notions and practices of language by individuals at the
local level. The heightened discourse of “globalization” and the dominance of
English as the “global” language means that, for many countries, concerns are
increasingly directed towards English language education.
This volume seeks to present the cacophony of voices in the field of language
education for the case of Japan, with a focus on English language education, which
has been a dominating concern throughout the postwar period. We explore the
complex and intricate relationship between the “local” and the “global” (see also
Poole, 2008), and more specifically the links between the levels of policy, educational
institutions, classrooms, and the individual. Broadly put, such an exploration that takes
a qualitative approach to the study of language education is pressing, within a climate
that favors standardization towards global norms and emphasizes quantified evidence
based on statistical data to reinforce those norms. In this introductory chapter, we
set out the social and historical context of education, and particularly of foreign-
language education, to show how the Japanese case speaks to larger global trends. We
wish to thus provide a thematic and theoretical basis for bringing together researchers
in applied linguistics, sociology, anthropology, as well as concerned educators and
English speakers in Japan, into the discussion that follows in this volume.

The Japanese Case: Inter/Nationalism, “Global Standards”

In Education, and The Symbolic Nature of
English-Language Education

From a historical and socio-political perspective, Japan poses an interesting and

illuminating case for studying the processes of language education and policy. Despite

S. Horiguchi et al. (Eds.), Foreign Language Education in Japan, 1–18.

© 2015 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved.
S. Horiguchi ET al.

the emergent discourses of multiculturalism, as a society it is mostly perceived and

portrayed through the media, education, and other public arenas, as “monolingual.”
On the other hand, Japan is often described as a keen and creative “borrower” of
foreign systems, including its language, which combines Chinese-originated and
Western-originated loan words distinguished in its three-part orthography. The
creative and “permeable” nature of the Japanese language, however, when placed
against English and set in the international context, becomes an impenetrable,
primordial, and mystified culture. A very brief portrayal of how the concepts of
“language,” “Japanese,” and “English” have developed in relation to the changing
education system—intricately tied to social, political, and economic changes—will
help us to explain how these are in turn linked to the notion of “culture,” which we
wish to problematize in this chapter.
The formation of a standardized national language, kokugo (Yeonsuk, 1996;
Carroll, 1997; Mashiko, 2010), can be largely attributed to the establishment of the
modern education system that began as part of the Meiji government’s enterprise
of Westernization. As scholars have pointed out, however, it was only after World
War II that the ideology of a homogeneous, mass middle-class society came to be
operationalized, and this has been upheld by a highly standardized educational
system structured by rigorous entrance examinations—the belief that homogeneity
and education has enabled Japan to attain a highly literate and efficient workforce,
the engine that drives the nation’s economic power (see Oguma, 2004; Marshall,
1994). As Japan joined the ranks of the economic superpowers and gained confidence
on the international stage in the 1980s, discourses of “internationalization” were
paralleled with expressions of Japanese identity. Nihonjinron (theories on the
Japanese) literature proliferated during this period of internationalization, which
often made reference to the “uniqueness” of Japanese culture and its inseparability
from the Japanese language, both only truly understandable by those of “Japanese
blood” (Miller, 1982). The use of “internationalism” to express Japanese national
identity was particularly prevalent in the 1980s, when conservative Prime Minister
Nakasone Yasuhiro propounded a series of educational reforms to drive Japan’s
internationalization. Although the extent of the outcome of reforms are contested, his
legacies can be identified in the contemporary context (Hood, 2001), with Liddicoat
(2007, 42) stating that “Japanese policy in relation to the teaching and learning of
English in Japan and of Japanese abroad appears concerned with increasing the
symbolic power of Japanese in a global linguistic marketplace.”
Since the 1990s with the burst of the economic bubble, the myth of a homogeneous,
middle-class Japan has been dismantled, to be replaced by discourses of a stratified
society. There has been an increased visibility of poverty, and a problematization
of the apathy of younger generations in a social system faced with serious financial
and demographic issues in accommodating a super-ageing, declining population
(see Allison, 2013; Kingston, 2012; Goodman et al., 2011; Oguma, 2012). Serious
fiscal problems led to the dramatic implementation of neoliberal ideologies, which
had begun to be formulated during the Nakasone era but had previously been held

2
 Introduction

back by ministry-dominant politics (Schoppa, 1993; Hood, 2003). With increasing

dominance of neoliberalism in economic, social, and education reforms in
postindustrial nations from the 1970s (Takayama, 2008; Kubota, 2011b), efficiency,
decentralization, and flexibilization became key words that found their way to Japan
particularly during Prime Minister Koizumi’s reform years from 2004, with much
that had previously been controlled by the state being off-loaded to the market.
Under a neoliberal regime, education becomes redefined as a market-driven
private commodity. In terms of Japanese education, neoliberal restructuring was
steadily taking place as in other postindustrial states, despite being disarticulated
and masked under discourses that focused on the buzz word of kosei (individuality)
since the 1980s and, more radically, of yutori (“relaxed” education) reforms
since the 1990s (Takayama, 2009). The increasingly visible shift of power from
state bureaucracy to the business sector also meant a move away from postwar
egalitarianism to a multitrack system that would better serve the changing economic
structures; six-year integrated ”elite” secondary schools were introduced, breaking
down the postwar 6-3-3 single-track system, and school choice and ability grouping
were also introduced.
At the levels of compulsory education, a sense of “crisis” concerning failing
academic standards ensued after the yutori reforms were implemented in 2002
(Tsuneyoshi, 2004). The relaxed curriculum saw a 30% reduction of curricular
content but soon after it was introduced into public schools, it incited criticism from
various groups, including the neoconservatives, who called for a return to “basics”
and to more “traditional,” rigorous styles of education, as well as those on the left
(e.g., Kariya, 2012; Fujita, 2010), who saw the reforms as leading to social disparity
and a widening academic gap (Goodman, 2003). These critiques coincided with “the
PISA shock” in 2003, when Japan’s academic performance in the world rankings saw
“a significant drop” (see Takayama, 2008). The “problem of declining academics
standards” was heavily reported in the media, and the 2008 revisions with increased
academic content in the Curriculum Guidelines put a quick end to the 2002 reforms.
The levels of access to English-language education is also increasingly being
perceived as stratified, with English-language skills being one symbolic “global
capital’’ in the context of a more flexible, school-to-work transition where students
can no longer depend on the “protection” of a company offering lifetime employment
or the “name” of a top university on a resume (Brinton, 2011). Neoliberal discourses
emphasize that it is the responsibility of the individual to acquire the information and
skills, including communication or language ability, that are considered important
for the new knowledge economy—self-development of the “human capital” needed
to survive in a competitive labor market (Keeley, 2007). English attainment is
thus increasingly stratified, not only generationally but also in terms of class and
gender through the commodified English education market—private language
conversation and cram schools with an “international” orientation serving those with
the economic means, especially women with ambitions for upward mobility through
the cultural capital of English skills (Kitamura, 2011). As Kubota (2011b) finds,

3
S. Horiguchi ET al.

together with this neoliberal promise of English giving individuals a competitive

edge and the accountability framework that measures this skill, language teaching
has increasingly focused on the superficial aspects of language competence that can
be “objectively” quantified and tested by language exams, while overlooking the
many personal, cultural, and historical dimensions of the subjective experience of
language learning and language use, or “translanguaging” (Garcia & Wei, 2014).
While the distribution of discourses of “internationalization” and English
education has thus become diverse and stratified, the public discourse has shifted to
the current overarching buzzword of “globalization,” which is more about aligning
with the “global standard” for survival of individuals in the market than of asserting
national identity. However, the power balance between the two is a volatile and
ambivalent one (Seargeant, 2011) and, as Kubota (2013) also notes, the sociopolitical
climate of Japan during this period of “globalization” has been characterized by
growing nationalism.1
The following more recent policies concerned with cultivating “global leaders”
illustrate the extent of the impact of globalization discourse in the education and
employment market. The five-year Global 30 Project (Burgess et al., 2010) was
launched in 2010 by MEXT (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and
Technology), whereby 13 prestigious universities were selected to promote English
medium instruction (EMI) to raise the number of international students from roughly
20,000 to 200,000 (Phan, 2013). This was followed by a five-year Super Global High
School scheme for 56 selected high schools across Japan in 2013 (Clavel, 2014),
and the ten-year Top Global University Project launched in 2014 for 37 leading
public and private universities to boost their global ranking (Maruko, 2014). Such
funding schemes for the cultivation of global jinzai (global human capital) in higher
education and other policies that propose to accommodate foreign students have
been implemented alongside, and have been driven by, business sectors calling for
radical change, such as the electronic commerce/internet company Rakuten, which
raised media attention in proposing to conduct all business in English from 2010. On
the surface, these policies seem to demonstrate an expansion of state and business
investment in globalizing Japanese citizens; but “globalization” reform in higher
education has generally been invested in a small and competitively selected top tier
of society, which, ironically, tends to involve the core established institutions most
resistant to grassroots change (Imoto, 2013). Moreover, as Kamikubo (2013) points
out, the quintessentially neoliberal language of global jinzai pronounced in business
as well as educational sectors in Japan, places the responsibility of attaining global
human capital on the individual workers and students, which may potentially allow
these sectors to escape from institutional commitments towards cultivating global
human resources.
In all these policies, globalization is conflated with Englishization (Phan, 2013, see
also Murata’s chapter). Returning to the larger picture, we are reminded of the extent
to which the English language is a salient symbol in Japanese society (Seargeant,
2011), not only as the tool and fuel for responding to global pressures, but also in

4
 Introduction

the larger historical story of its modernization ever since the arrival of Commodore
Perry’s Black Ships in 1853, and more pertinently after the arrival of the GHQ
in 1948 and the subsequent influence of American culture (see Seargeant, 2009;
Terasawa, 2014, for an extended discussion). The English language represents the
historical ambivalence of Japan towards the cultural Other; English is both desirable
and threatening—or, as Aspinall (2003, 2013) implies, desirable if acquired in a
controlled manner so that “Japaneseness” is not obscured (see also Seargeant, 2011).
In spite of, or perhaps because of this ambivalence, there seems to be an ingrained
consensus in both the native and scholarly discourse, that postwar English-language
education in Japan has been a “failure” (Aspinall, 2006; Poole, 2005), which at the
policy level is linked to the absence of a coherent language policy (Yamada, 2003),
but more generally tends to be explained in terms of Japanese cultural characteristics.
This perception of “failure” has driven discussions of foreign-language education
reform at the national policy level for the past fifty years, creating a vast industry of
foreign-language teaching and a population of dedicated English-language learners.2
Rather than taking for granted that foreign-language education has “failed” and
to suggest solutions, however, we suggest the need to unpack how this “failure”
is constructed and consumed by interested actors. We are interested in how this
perception is explained and legitimized through complex discourses of “culture” and
how it interplays with issues of power and economics and identity. We outline the
conversations among applied linguists and anthropologists on this issue to provide
further context, specifically for the case of foreign-language education in Japan.3

The Cultural Debates Surrounding Foreign-Language

Education in Japan

At the center of cultural debates surrounding foreign-language education in Japan are

numerous theories proposed as to why the Japanese have great difficulty in acquiring
proficiency in English as a second language. The blame usually falls on either the
students/citizens themselves or their learning/educational/social environment.
Seargeant, in his detailed account of the various meanings and functions of English
in Japan, notes Haye’s (1979) stereotyped characterization (cited in Seargeant,
2009, 53) of how “the inward nature of the Japanese, the periods of ethnocentricity,
ultranationalism and xenophobia all augur against the teaching of English.” A more
recent citation that Seargeant gives are the remarks made in 2006 by Ibuki Bunmei,
the neonationalist Minister of Education at the time, which argued against the need
to teach English at the elementary level4 because it would diminish the Japanese
sense of values (2009, 15).
On the surface, the perceived lack of success with English-language teaching
(ELT) in Japan appears discordant with the fact that Japanese education shows
relatively good results in other areas (in spite of internal academic crises). Japan is
famous for “borrowing” and “copying” technology, and anthropologists have noted
that such “copying” is an important theme in Japanese education—“‘imitation is

5
S. Horiguchi ET al.

the highest form of praise’ in the Japanese cultural logic” (Rohlen & LeTendre,
1996, 371). In fact, the Japanese language itself consists of fully 13% loanwords,
mostly from English (Honna, 1995, 45). Why then, experts ask, has there been such
a widespread failure in, effectively, learning to “imitate” or acquire the English
language?
The discourse surrounding “foreign-language education failure” is perhaps
most completely summarized by the sociolinguist Loveday (1996, 95–99), who
describes ELT in the context of language contact in Japan. He explains how Japan
is a case of a “non-bilingual distant contact-setting” because of deficiencies that are
related to 1) the system of education, 2) the teachers, 3) the institutions and 4) the
socio-linguistic environment. Loveday argues that the education system has failed
because of the emphasis on grammar and translation teaching methodology (GT, or
yakudoku in Japanese, see below), the “wash-back” of entrance exams, and a history
of reductionist concentration on receptive skills for decoding foreign texts. Teachers
are at fault, he continues, because of their often limited proficiency in English,
lack of overseas experience, and opportunities for practical training (professional
development [PD] or faculty development [FD], as it is often glossed at universities),
and for perpetuating large, mixed-ability classes with a strict syllabus and time limits
using standardized texts prescribed by MEXT. He argues that there is an institutional
conservatism that inhibits effective English-language learning—the local classroom
norm of teacher-centered lecturing, collective conformity, emphasis on rote-learning
methods, and absolute correctness, and students motivated only by the extrinsic
demands of university entrance exams. Finally, Loveday points out that socio-
linguistic attitudes hamper proper second-language learning due to 1) the linguistic
distance between Japanese and English, 2) culturally specific styles of expression
and interaction with an emphasis in Japan on self-control, modesty, reassurance,
and perfectionism (factors, which, when combined, prioritize the written text over
verbal communication and make for taciturn students in the language classroom),
3) a nonintegrative attitude of ethnocentrism among Japanese speakers, 4) a lack of
both perceived and actual need for foreign languages, and finally, 5) little support
for maintenance of language skills after schooling, leading to wide-scale attrition.
Loveday (see also Aspinall, 2003, 2006) thus summarizes nicely the arguments
underpinning the widespread cultural belief in Japan, held by the person on the street
and the education expert alike, that ELT has failed.
This belief is strengthened by the prevalence of ELT in postwar Japan. Like many
industrialized nations, Japan has a high rate of postsecondary school attendance,
with 2.5 million undergraduates enrolled at over 600 national, public and private
four-year universities (Hirowatari, 2000). The majority of all Japanese teenagers,
then, apply to take a college entrance exam for admission into a tertiary institution.
Most such admissions exams include a compulsory English proficiency subtest,
even though English as a foreign language (EFL) is not a state-required subject at
primary, secondary, and tertiary schools in Japan (Poole, 2003). Partly because of
this, university entrance exams focus on English. Over ten million twelve to eighteen

6
 Introduction

year-olds, and another million or so university students, have no choice but to study
English. As Terasawa (2014) shows, based on his meticulous historical analysis,
despite the fact that English officially became a compulsory subject in 2002, it has
de facto been a compulsory subject in Japanese secondary schools throughout the
postwar period, with a dramatic increase in the enrollment rate of students attending
English-language classes in secondary schools in the 1960s. Not only is English
a requirement to enter college, but most students also study the subject at some
point during their four years of attendance. Nearly all tertiary institutions offer
foreign-language courses, and EFL is by far the most studied subject of these. In
fact, although students sometimes have a choice of different English classes from
which to choose, EFL in some form is a required subject at nearly every secondary
and postsecondary institution in Japan.
Notwithstanding this “failure” in Japan, very similar hurdles hamper foreign or
second-language learning in other predominately monolingual societies such as
Britain or the U.S. (see Holliday, 1994; Thornbury, 1998). Though it has been argued
there is a “larger culture of Japanese peculiarities” (McVeigh, 2002, 157–158), we
feel it is important to also consider the comparative socio-cultural realities of foreign-
language education worldwide—a “smaller culture of the ELT classroom” (Holliday,
1999). Many generalizations that describe the Japanese context of language teaching
and learning are in fact attributes of a wider phenomenon of tertiary English programs
worldwide, which Holliday (1994) describes as “Tertiary English and Secondary
English Programs” (TESEP).5 In fact, Kubota (1999) has argued, correctly in our
opinion, that observers need to take more care in their evaluations of the Japanese
context and that there exists an overemphasis of essentialized features of Japanese
students in the research literature on ELT. Holliday (1994, 14) points out a similar
danger of assuming too much when he argues that “‘learner’ carries the implication
that the only purpose for being in the classroom is to learn...[while] ‘student,’
on the other hand, implies roles and identities outside the classroom.” Likewise,
anthropologists have also noted that, for many students in Japan, classroom learning
is in fact not always the main priority and warn that the Western view of learner may
not fit with the Japanese model (McVeigh, 1997; Poole, 2010).
One example of the overgeneralizations that are rather common in the ELT literature
is the description of Asian students generally as “often quiet, shy and reticent in ELT
classrooms, indicating a reserve that is the hallmark of introverts... These ethnic
groups have a traditional cultural focus on group membership, solidarity and face-
saving, and they de-emphasize individualism” (Oxford et al., 1992, 445). While any
EFL teacher who has spent time in a Japanese language classroom would probably
agree that many of their students are quiet, an instructor in a North American college
might just as easily label a class of eighteen-year-olds as “reticent” or “face-saving”
(e.g., Nathan, 2005; Moffat, 1989).
Though similar to other contexts, the “failure” of ELT at Japanese secondary
and postsecondary levels is a cultural perception, an image, and an ideology that
has challenged both educators and MEXT officials for much of the past century.

7
S. Horiguchi ET al.

Responses to this challenge have varied, and for the most part real change has
been superseded by mere rhetoric for reasons that Holliday’s TESEP phenomenon
underscores. What might be important to point out in the context of this volume and
the chapters that follow, however, is the existence of a discourse around two traditions
of ELT in Japan. Japanese ELT experts, themselves, have formed two factions, one
supporting the yakudoku or GT method and one in favor of the “communicative
approach”—“one saying that cultural enrichment through reading is important in
the traditional manner, the other saying that English is needed for international
communication” (Wada & McCarty, 1984, 28).
The grammar translation method developed as a standard learning style for
mastering classical Greek and Latin in medieval Europe, persisting into the modern
classrooms of grammar schools in the West as a ubiquitous form of modern foreign-
language teaching (see Prator & Celce-Murcia, 1979). Likewise, the GT method
has a long tradition in Asia, with some tracing the origin of this language learning
methodology in Japan to the Nara and Heian periods (710–1185), when Japanese
Buddhist scholars were greatly influenced by the Chinese written language without
regard for oral proficiency (Henrichsen, 1989, 104­–107). Later in the Edo period
(1603–1868), rangaku (the study of Western sciences through Dutch) began to
complement this interest in Chinese and also necessitated the yakudoku approach
to language and learning (Wada & McCarty, 1984, 28). In prewar Japan, English
taught through yakudoku was part of the liberal arts approach at high schools and
preparatory schools in preparation for specialized training at universities. This long
GT tradition continues today alongside the more recent communicative approach to
ELT.
This latter methodology, employing theories from abroad, provided the impetus
for a wave of ELT reform in Japan in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. During this period,
language teaching worldwide underwent a change in perspective that has been called
the Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) revolution. A disenchantment with
grammar-translation and a search for a more effective oral approach to language
learning was one impetus to the development of a communicative teaching theory
and methodology. Shifts in theory of language were also instrumental in the CLT
paradigm shift (Higgs, 1985). In Japan, secondary and postsecondary level language
teachers who saw CLT as the next step in English teaching methodology published
a collection of reports on communicative methodology in the 1987 volume Gengo
shūtoku to eigo kyōiku (Language Acquisition and English Education) (Tanaka et al.,
1987).
There exist, then, ongoing debates between proponents of a nativist yakudoku
camp, with some claiming a hegemony of English linguistic imperialism (Tsuda,
1990; Suzuki, 1999), and other ELT scholars encouraging a communicative approach
based largely on Western applied linguistic theory.6 Against this backdrop of foreign-
language education in Japan, and ELT specifically, we explore the question of how
this can be observed and researched as a socio-cultural phenomenon and introduce
the methodological approaches we have taken in this volume.

8
 Introduction

Calls For a Qualitative, Collaborative Approach to the

Study of Foreign-Language Education and
Foreign-Language Education Policy

When defining our approaches in this volume, we are faced with a diverse range
of perspectives and assumptions regarding the meaning of research, the meaning
of data, and the meanings of culture. In order to create a platform for dialogue and
reflection, our intention is to accommodate for these diverse assumptions while
loosely connecting them under the banner of a qualitative approach.
A qualitative approach, in general, aims at providing a descriptive, micro-level
analysis of ideas and practices in specific local contexts and cases, as opposed to
macro-level analyses often based on statistical large-scale surveys modeled around
a natural science approach. Qualitative researchers study phenomena in their
natural settings, attempting to make sense of or to interpret them in terms of the
meanings people bring to them (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000, 4–5). Such research may
involve a mixture of methods, structured or unstructured interviews, open-ended
questionnaires, and ethnographic fieldwork. Qualitative research is often criticized by
those relying on a quantitative approach as lacking in objectivity or generalizability
and scientific rigor; qualitative researchers often identify themselves as bringing to
light more sensitized, plural, alternative, and thus holistic understandings. Ultimately,
it can be said that all research methods, whether quantitative or qualitative, and all
paradigms that frame and guide them, are human constructions that reflect partial
realities. Furthermore we should be aware that qualitative approaches encompass
a number of competing paradigms (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). For the purposes of
this chapter, we categorize them broadly into two: positivistic and processual. The
positivistic approach assumes an existing, identifiable reality—or problems—and
research would entail revealing those realities through the verification of hypotheses
and seeking solutions objectively. The processual approach assumes realities as
socially and historically constructed, and as being constantly (re)created through
the interaction of human actors. Such research generally aims at deconstructing
assumptions behind practices and relies more on an emic, insiders’ perspective while
engaging dialogically with etic perspectives.
All the authors in this volume take a qualitative approach, but while some of
the authors rely on the positivistic approach, others take the processual approach,
using primarily ethnographic methods. Thus, whilst some authors in this volume
employ “culture” as an objective, identifiable reality and an explanatory tool for
understanding practices and barriers of language education, others have more fluid,
constructivist notions of culture, pointing to ways in which cultures are constructed
and negotiated in educational practices, with the researcher being situated within
that very process.7
Although the methods employed and the assumed paradigms differ among the
contributors, we have aimed to sensitize all chapters to issues of power, taking a
critical stance in analyzing everyday practices and ideologies. As exemplified in

9
S. Horiguchi ET al.

works of critical applied linguists such as Pennycook (1998) and Kubota (2003),
“power” is a concept that cannot be ignored when dealing with language education
and policy. Not only do respective chapters in this volume place the role of actors
engaged in this identity formation as central, but we also explore a variety of
dimensions of power dynamics: the impact of socio-economic power to national
language policy (Lee & Doerr), the influence of discursive power or peer pressure in
the classroom (Katayama), institutional politics between the “core” and “periphery”
(Imoto & Horiguchi), negotiations of power in materials development (Hardy),
power of “universal” knowledge (ELT expertise) (Rosenkjar), and the gatekeeper’s
power (Murata). The authors in this volume see power as negotiated, often causing
conflict between agency and structure. This approach foregrounds individual actors,
seeing them as interested agents involved in the negotiation of political processes at
various institutional levels, situated in structures of power.
One of the key features of this volume is our aim for a dialogue between the
fields of applied linguistics and social or educational anthropology, as well as a
dialogue between practitioners and observers. It is therefore not viable to regard
applied linguistics as positivistic or “scientific” and anthropology as processual
or “practice-oriented,” in terms of ontological paradigms. The fields of applied
linguistics and anthropology are increasingly overlapping, with the emergent trends
in using qualitative methods in the former (Atkinson, 1999). For anthropologists,
the emerging discipline of applied linguistics and the professionalization of foreign-
language education to which the discipline is closely connected cannot be dismissed.
This is because anthropology is situated within interdisciplinary area studies, and
language has always been a key element of anthropological training and education.
Anglophone anthropologists of Japan, moreover, often first experience life in Japan
as English-language teachers, and some of them continue to retain dual identities
as language teachers and anthropologists in Japan. The backgrounds of the authors
of this volume, which often cross between the fields of anthropology and applied
linguistics, suggest the interrelatedness of these disciplines. Some of the authors have
backgrounds in applied linguistics with expertise in ethnographic research, some
have backgrounds in anthropology but have been engaged in the practices of foreign-
language education, while others have backgrounds in all of them: anthropology,
linguistics, and education. Although each chapter takes a distinctive approach and
style of research within the parameters broadly defined above, by presenting them
in one volume, we begin to better understand and become more aware of the varied
assumptions and methodological traditions that each researcher carries. We therefore
juxtapose chapters that are more concerned with macro-level policy analysis against
those that seek to contribute to classroom-level pedagogical practice; and we
juxtapose chapters that place importance on the observer’s subjective role against
chapters that present data in the form of positivist social science.
In addition to disciplinary collaboration, another dialogue we attempt to create
in this volume is that between “Japanese” and “non-Japanese” researchers on
foreign-language education. Language teachers in Japan tend to be grouped into

10
 Introduction

two camps; “native” speakers of English and those comprised of mainly Japanese
speakers of English. The two groups hold separate academic conferences (the Japan
Association of Language Teaching, JALT, for “native” speakers, and the Japan
Association of College English Teachers, JACET, for Japanese teachers), and in
recruitment practices, the categorization of native or non-native speakers is a
culturally engrained phenomenon. What we attempt in this book is to overcome this
symbolic disjuncture between Japanese and non-Japanese teachers/researchers in
the research field. It is worth noting that the Japanese authors in this volume have
received their postgraduate training and/or developed their careers in non-Japanese
institutions either abroad or in Japan (including Temple University Japan Campus),
while the non-Japanese authors have extensive experience in Japanese academic
contexts, leading to the questioning and dissolution of the very boundaries of what
counts as “Japanese” or “non-Japanese/foreign.”
Although we cannot claim to have sufficiently achieved such dialogues in this
volume, we see our endeavor as a starting point of a spiral process of generating
discussion and reflection. We see our attempt for collaboration as a significant
meeting of actors in the field of language education—seeking alternative, more
sensitized discourses and practices. One characteristic shared by all authors is that
we place ourselves, whether intentionally, or through serendipitous circumstances,
as marginals in our disciplines, institutions, and national or cultural affiliations,
crossing and blurring the boundaries of disciplines or Japanese-ness/foreign-ness.
This sense of marginal identity comes partly from the status of qualitative researchers
within the field of applied linguistics or linguistic/educational anthropologists within
the larger anthropological community. But marginal identity for anthropologists
and ethnographic researchers is a useful “tool” in gaining critical perspectives on
taken-for-granted assumptions and everyday realities at the ground level. A marginal
identity also results in heightened awareness of one’s own positionality, which
was shared in frequent conversations among the editors and authors—although the
degree to which the “reflexive self” is revealed in the text differs according to the
inclinations of each author within the broad spectrum of qualitative approaches.
Finally, as we proceed to present a brief summary and guideline of the chapters
of this volume, we provide some background on where each author is situated and
how she/he identifies her or himself in the vast discourse and industry of language
education in Japan.
The authors of Chapters 2 and 3 address the issue of implementation of national
policies drawing on long-term ethnographic research. The focus of Chapter 2 by
Lee and Doerr is on policies regarding the Japanese language and the practice of
Japanese language schools outside Japan. Hardy (Chapter 3) is concerned with
English-language education policies and the process of construction of an English-
language textbook.
Chapter 2 examines the widening gap between government policies regarding the
education of Japanese children overseas and the students’ needs at a community-
based Japanese weekend school overseas. Linguist Lee and anthropologist Doerr

11
S. Horiguchi ET al.

point to the focus of MEXT policies on Japanese children with Japanese citizenship
(Japanese nationals) who plan to come back to Japan and the lack of attention given
towards the children whose experiences were more rooted in the local culture. This
has created gaps between these policies and the shifting realities of children who
attend the community-based Japanese weekend schools with the rising number of
children who were born and raised outside Japan and have little Japanese-language
background. Through an ethnographic case study of a historical development of a
Japanese weekend school in the United States, the authors illustrate the difficulties
and conflicts faced by local administrators as well as MEXT-sent principals in its
endeavor to meet the requirements of a MEXT-approved school while catering to the
realistic needs of the local students.
In Chapter 3, Hardy, an anthropologist with over 20 years of experience teaching
English in Japanese private universities, discusses the roles the politics of identities
play in the construction of an English-language textbook series for Japanese middle
school students based on participant observation of meetings among the textbook
writers. He examines in particular the writers’ identities represented and negotiated
in the process of deciding on place, character, sex, language, culture, and nation.
Hardy points to the lack of the writers’ reflection about setting the geographical
location to Japan, yet endorsing a view of cosmopolitan Japan by including the
English-speaking Other as characters living in Japan.
Chapters 4, 5, and 6 on the other hand, are studies based on participant observation
and ethnographic interviews that examine how national and transnational policies
are implemented within institutions that do not come under direct control of the
nation state. In Chapter 4, Murata, an anthropologist trained in the U.S. and the
U.K., examines the Japanese government’s policy initiative to facilitate the use of
English language in higher education and in workplaces through two ethnographic
case studies. Her first case study analyzes engineering students and their language
contexts in graduate seminars at a Japanese college. Murata finds that while Japanese
is not required for entry into the graduate program, Japanese language is the norm
in the graduate seminars, which create problems for the international students.
The second study explores the importance of Japanese-language ability for Indian
software engineers to enhance their position in the Japanese labor market. Both
cases reveal how the power of the Japanese gatekeepers at school and workplace
as well as Japanese-language ability limit the accessibility of non-Japanese students
and workers even in sites where the use of English is supposedly facilitated at the
policy level.
Chapter 5 by Imoto and Horiguchi, U.K.-trained anthropologists, examine the
processes and identity politics behind the rhetorics of language education reform
through an ethnographic case study of a Japanese educational institution attempting
to adopt a European model of language education policy. The authors discuss how
the “CEFR” (Common European Framework of Reference) and its key concepts
such as “plurilingualism,” “autonomy,” and “communicative learning” seemed
attractive at the level of ideology, yet when implemented in practice, conflicts and

12
 Introduction

resistance emerged due to the multiple interpretations. This chapter also points to
how the organizational structure of power and the personal and institutional interests
and identities set within the university work both as incentive and obstacle for the
implementation of the reform.
Chapter 6, by Poole, an anthropologist, and Takahashi, an applied linguist and
bilingual education specialist, examines foreign-language immersion education in
private schools in Japan that reflect global ideologies and lie at the borderlands of
both national and local policies. Their chapter is based on ethnographic research at
two private primary schools in Japan and explores the contradictions of the ideology
espoused at these institutions, one that although purports to be “international” is
actually closely tied to statist schooling objectives. Poole and Takahashi’s study
questions whether elite international schools in Japan are not merely further
entrenching values that emphasize national boundaries, even while appearing to
embrace as a mission the ideals of a “global society.”
In the subsequent chapters in this volume, applied linguists take qualitative
approaches to make sense of learning that takes place in the area of English-language
education. Chapters 7 and 8 by Matikainen and Katayama focus in particular on
practices and expectations in Japanese university classrooms.
Matikainen, an applied linguist trained in the U.S., explores in Chapter 7 various
views of successful language learners and teachers among Japanese students and
non-Japanese teachers of English at a university in Tokyo. She finds that while both
students and teachers agreed that motivation and autonomy are important factors in
learning, there are differences in their perceptions of what makes a good language
teacher. She points to the importance of raising awareness of differences in individual
cultures of learning to bridge the gap between teachers’ and students’ expectations.
Katayama, an applied linguist trained in the U.S. and Japan, in Chapter 8 draws
on ethnographic research done with junior college English major students, who
demonstrate two different manners of pronunciation in two types of English courses
in one semester, and examines these differences using Foucault’s concepts of
power and discourse. She attempts to solve the puzzle of students who passionately
imitate an American accent in one pronunciation class while speaking with a heavy
Japanese accent in a different discussion class, through pointing to the temporary
and localized nature of students’ subjugation to power.
Chapters 9 and 10 examine the individual-level learning that takes place outside
the classroom. Chapter 9 by Matsuoka, an applied linguist trained in the U.S.,
focuses on the learners of English and illuminates the ways in which the experience
of volunteering as interns at an international conference was successful in reducing
the levels of communication apprehension and increasing the willingness to
communicate among serious learners of English. Utilizing a content analysis
approach, Matsuoka captures the five concepts of competitiveness, perfectionism,
other-directedness, self-efficacy, and strategy evident in the narratives of nine
students and demonstrates how students succeeded in gaining strategies to overcome
communication apprehension through an enhanced self-efficacy.

13
S. Horiguchi ET al.

On the other hand, the focus of Chapter 10 by Rosenkjar, an applied linguist,

is the “development” of a high school English teacher’s ability. Rosenkjar’s study
draws on data from dialogues between the teacher intern and the author, produced
in weekly journals reflecting on a year-long internship program at an American
university in Japan, and provides thick description of the process of identity
formation as a teacher of learning “new” pedagogical methods and as a user of
English. It also highlights the changes in pedagogy the teacher initiated as a result
of the internship experience.
The afterword by Doerr provides a commentary on each of the chapters. The
critical commentary enables a more engaged, dynamic dialogue between readers and
authors as well as between the chapters. We therefore suggest that this book be read
back and forth, rather than linearly, using Doerr’s incisive critique as one guide and
our general outline of the volume’s approach as another. We invite the reader to find
connections and contradictions among the chapters, to gain a sense of the contested,
dynamically changing, and multilayered nature of foreign-language education in
Japan. To help to further facilitate such a reading of this volume, Katayama has also
provided us with an appendix of discussion questions. We welcome you to join the
process of reflecting upon our practices, contexts, and conclusions.

notes
1
Moreover, at the level of Japanese education policy, as described by Roesgaard (2011), the alignment
with global norms through the introduction of yutori education was paralleled with the reintroduction
of traditionalist moral education with the revised Fundamental Law of Education (2006) encouraging
strong notions of patriotism and familialism. Roesgaard suggests that this strengthening of moral
education can be seen as a “gate-keeping” response to the perceived risks of an increasingly
individualized and fragmented society—“an attempt to retain Japanese national identity and values
while also integrating with the world” (2011, 104).
2
As Kubota (2011a) notes, it is significant that most discussions of foreign-language education in Japan
focus on the teaching and learning of English, despite the fact that the vast majority of foreigners in
Japan are non-native speakers of English. Of the two million immigrants in Japan, less than 5 percent
are from Anglophone countries. Most have emigrated from China, Korea, Brazil, and the Philippines
(Statistics Bureau, Ministry of Internal Affairs & Communication, 2014). This makes Japan an
important case study of the use of English as a lingua franca/international language and situating
it under the paradigm of “World Englishes” (Kachru, 1992; Seargeant, 2011) that can potentially
problematize the “native-speaker ideal” in English-language education. And yet it is also important
to note that this ideal is persistent in both public and private modes of English-language education in
Japan (Breckenridge & Erling, 2011).
3
We focus here mostly on English-language scholarship. Japanese-language scholarship is reviewed in
great detail by Terasawa (2014, 2015).
4
English was introduced in elementary school in 2011, after 40 years of emotional debate between the
proponents (which include the Keidanren and bilingualism specialists) and opponents (which include
conservative intellectuals and traditional scholars of English literature).
5
Holliday’s (1994) description of this worldwide phenomenon, Tertiary English and Secondary English
Programs or TESEP (Holliday, 1994) includes the following attributes:
• EFL as a part of a wider curriculum and influenced by institutional imperatives.
• ELT has a role alongside other subjects in socializing students as members of the work community.
• EFL is but one of many subjects taught and must work within the parameters and resources that are
delimiting factors for all courses.

14
 Introduction

• ELT methodology choice is limited by institutional-wide approaches adopted across different

subjects, as well as the expectations of the actors themselves (students, language teachers, teachers
of other subjects, administrators, and MEXT).
This seems to us to describe very closely the Japanese context.
6
Mizuno (2008) shows that recommendations made by Keidanren (Japan Federation of Economic
Organizations) provided a basis for MEXT’s “Action plan to cultivate ‘Japanese with English
abilities’” (2003) that supports CLT and emphasizes practical competence in English.
7
The authors of this volume have been in dialogue, but we have not always bridged the gap between our
different disciplinary assumptions. For example, we were caught in a dilemma trying to reach a shared
understanding of the concept of “culture.” In the end, we decided not to privilege one assumption over
another but to present a variety of interpretations of this contested concept.

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Sachiko Horiguchi
Temple University Japan Campus

Yuki Imoto
Keio University

Gregory S. Poole
Doshisha University

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 Kiri Lee AND Neriko Musha Doerr

2. Homeland Education in a New Home

Japanese Government Policy and Its Local Implementation in a
Weekend Japanese Language School in the United States

INTRODUCTION

As of July 2014, there were eighty weekend Japanese language schools in the
United States. They are called supplementary instruction schools (hoshū jugyō kō),
and their main purpose is to serve Japanese children overseas by providing them
with instruction in the Japanese language arts. All of the schools of this type are
community based, but their supporting organizations vary greatly. Schools located
in a region where many Japanese businesses exist are sometimes supported by a
local branch of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce; others are run by Japanese
or Japanese-American Associations (nihonjin-kai or nikkeijin-kai), and even by
small groups of Japanese families. Once these schools get approved by the Japanese
government and are officially recognized as hoshū jugyō kō, they can receive grants
and subsidies from the Japanese government. When a school has 100 students or
more, it can request the Japanese government to deploy teachers and a principal
from Japan. However, there are inherent conflicts in running a hoshū jugyō kō with
teachers and a principal from Japan, as the following two points are in contradiction
with each other: 1) hoshū jugyō kō are run by local people in the United States with
the aim of serving local students’ needs; and 2) Japanese government policy toward
Japanese children overseas is basically to provide instruction in the same curriculum
designed for schools in Japan, based on its Course of Study developed by the Ministry
of Education, Culture, Sports, and Technology (MEXT). As a result, hoshū jugyō
kō have an inherent tension between the local administration of the school and the
teachers and principal deployed by the Japanese government, who may not be fully
knowledgeable to deal with situations particular to a local community where the
school is located. In the 2000s, as the student bodies of hoshū jugyō kō diversified to
include those with fewer ties to Japan, this tension became more apparent.
In studies of heritage language education, however, the issues arising from the
gap between the policy of the Japanese government and its local implementation
has rarely been discussed. In this chapter, we examine how the tension common
to all hoshū jugyō kō played out in one weekend Japanese language school in the
northeastern United States. We trace the struggles of administrators sent by the
Japanese government and locally appointed counterparts to cope with a changing

S. Horiguchi et al. (Eds.), Foreign Language Education in Japan, 19–34.

© 2015 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved.
K. LEE & N. M. DOERR

student body, which reflected Japan’s changing position in the world and shifts in
migration patterns. The chapter is part of a wider, four-year-long ethnographic study
on the effects of institutional settings and heritage language education on students’
subjectivities (see Doerr & Lee, 2009, 2010, 2013).
We first situate our chapter in the existing research on heritage language education,
outline the changes in Japanese government policies towards the education of
Japanese citizens’ children overseas since the 1960s, and introduce a weekend
Japanese language school founded in 1980, located in the northeastern United States,
which we call Jackson Japanese Language School (JJLS; all names are aliases).
Then we present struggles experienced by local school founders/administrators, and
the principals deployed by the Japanese government, as the school sought to respond
to the changing student body while maintaining the status hoshū jugyō kō with a
principal deployed by the Japanese government.

RESEARCH ON HERITAGE LANGUAGE EDUCATION

Since the 1990s, scholars have used the term “heritage language” in the context of
research on education in the United States. It is an emerging field (Brinton et al.,
2008), and perhaps as a result a consensus has not yet emerged as to what exactly
“heritage language” is, or who “heritage learners” are (Carreira, 2004; Hornberger &
Wang, 2008, among others). In terms of studies in the Japanese heritage language
(JHL henceforth) in the United States, the focus has generally been on children
who are bilingual in English and Japanese (Kanno, 2003; Sato & Kataoka, 2008).
Such studies often discuss children’s language proficiencies (Chinen & Tucker,
2005; Kataoka et al., 2008), their identity construction (Chinen & Tucker, 2005;
Kanno, 2000, 2003), and heritage language curriculum development and pedagogy
(Douglas, 2005; Kondo, 2003). These studies do not refer to the operation of hoshū
jugyō kō from the points of view of local or MEXT-sent administrators. One of
the exceptions is Shibata’s study (2000), which describes the process of opening a
Japanese Saturday School and briefly mentions that the school became approved by
the Japanese government and was thus eligible to receive financial support. However,
the school discussed did not receive MEXT-sent teachers or a principal, and there
was no discussion on the relationship between MEXT-sent and local teachers and
administrators. Another exception is the study by Doerr and Lee (2009, 2013), which
refers to administrators’ efforts in building a JHL program within a hoshū jugyō
kō. It is safe to conclude that there are not many studies done on how the Japanese
government policies are interpreted and implemented by local administrators in such
community-based Japanese weekend schools, especially when they involve a teacher
who was sent by the government to oversee language instruction based on MEXT
guidelines. What makes the matter comparatively more complex in Japan’s case is
that the Japanese government policies must be implemented beyond the Japanese
boundary as a nation. However, because not many governments intervene with the
education of its citizens and their children abroad, there is not much discussion

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 Homeland Education in a New Home

about policies such as the Japanese government’s. Thus, discussions of policies

usually focus exclusively on the host country’s government policies on minority
language maintenance within that country (Hubner & Davis, 1999; Pavlenko, 2002).
This chapter, then, attempts to capture the increasingly widening gap between
the government policies towards the education for Japanese citizens’ children
overseas and students’ needs at community-based Japanese weekend schools. We
then examine struggles experienced by administrators—MEXT-sent and appointed
locally—in dealing with this gap.

HOSHŪ JUGYŌ KŌ AND JAPANESE GOVERNMENT

POLICIES SINCE THE 1960s

Hoshū jugyō kō are weekend Japanese schools that give instruction in subjects such
as language arts, mathematics, and social studies to “Japanese” children who are in
the 1st to 9th grades, which corresponds to compulsory education in Japan. They
are found mainly in the developed countries in Europe and North America (Sato,
1997).1 As mentioned, they are community-based schools, but the purpose is to
educate Japanese citizens’ children using the curriculum based on the Course of
Study designed by MEXT so that these children would have a smooth transition
to Japanese education once they return to Japan. These children go to either an
international school or a local school during the week and go to a hoshū jugyō kō on
either Saturday or Sunday. The length of school hours vary among hoshū jugyō kō,
from 3 hours to 6 hours per week (Japan Overseas Education Services, 2010).
Weekend Japanese schools have existed in Hawaii and California since Japanese
immigration started in the early 1900s, but our focus in this article is hoshū jugyō
kō since the early 1960s. There were no government policies on full-time Japanese
schools or weekend Japanese language schools abroad prior to this time. In 1962,
the Japanese government started deploying certified-administrators (principals/vice
principals) to nihonjin-gakkō (full-time schools for Japanese people) abroad, and
through these administrators, the education in Japanese schools abroad began to
follow the Japanese government’s Course of Study designed for schools in Japan
(Sato, 1997).
According to Sato (1997), once the Japanese government began to be involved
in education of Japanese citizens’ children overseas early in the 1960s, the Japanese
government’s policy toward them has been consistent; that is, to give the children the
same education they would have gotten in Japan as much as possible. The Japanese
government provides the education for Japanese citizens’ children due to Article
26 of the Japanese Constitution, which guarantees free compulsory education for
Japanese children between the ages of six and fifteen. Therefore, their policies are
always based on building “a good Japanese national,” and, as a result, they export
the same language arts curriculum they use for school children in Japan to these
schools abroad and send teachers who are trained to teach in public elementary and
middle schools in Japan.

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K. LEE & N. M. DOERR

In the beginning of the 1970s, because of Japan’s growing economy, more and
more companies began to send their employees abroad with their families. Based
on the data from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2010), in 1971, there were 8,662
Japanese children abroad, which increased to over 30,000 a decade later in 1981. As
the number of Japanese children increased, the number of full-time and weekend
Japanese schools increased very rapidly. The first certified teacher was deployed
to New York Hoshū Jugyō Kō in 1974. At the same time in 1974, the Central
Education Committee (Chūō Kyōiku Shingikai), one of the official committees of
MEXT, proposed governmental support for hoshū jugyō kō as follows (the Central
Education Committee, 1992, 297–298; English translation by Lee):
Support for Hoshū jugyō kō: (1) Hoshū jugyō kō is a part-time educational
institution which offers Japanese children overseas education such as that
of Japanese language arts while they attend local schools. Their operation
is not always easy; therefore the support toward these institutions should be
drastically increased by subsidizing items such as teachers’ salary, rental fees,
educational materials, etc. (2) More certified-teachers should be deployed
similar to full-time Japanese schools and the training of local teachers should
be encouraged.
In the 1980s, the number of hoshū jugyō kō increased rapidly—approximately
ten new schools per year—reflecting the increased number of Japanese employees
being sent abroad due to Japan’s increasingly strong economy and strong currency
(yen). Following this trend, in 1987, MEXT formed the Ad Hoc Education
Committee (Rinji Kyōiku Shingigai) and came up with a statement entitled “The
Reforms in Response to Internationalization” (Kokusaika e no taiō no tame no
kaikaku). One of the points of the reform relevant to the education of Japanese
children overseas is as follows (the Ad Hoc Education Committee, 1987, English
translation by Lee):
Regarding education of Japanese children overseas, while placing importance
on building their foundation as Japanese citizens, the effort should be made for
them to gain experiences from the local setting. Also, appropriate educational
institutions should be accommodated for the increasing number of high-school
age children.
However, no concrete measure was taken to implement this so that Japanese
children overseas “gain experience from the local setting.” The MEXT curriculum
designed for schools in Japan continued to be implemented, and there was no special
consideration for students whose experience was rooted more in local culture than
Japanese culture, such as those who were born and/or raised in the area.
As the number of children who were enrolled in hoshū jugyō kō increased, the
Research Study Group on Education of the Japanese Children Overseas (Kaigai
Shijo Kyōiku ni Kansuru Chōsa Kenkyukai), another committee of MEXT, made

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 Homeland Education in a New Home

the following proposal entitled “The Condition of Supplementary Schools” (Hoshū

jugyō kō no arikata) in 1992:
Hoshū jugyō kō are facing a big turning point: while they are expected to expand
their roles according to changes of the era and requests of parents, they should
reexamine their goals and existence in relation to other educational institutions
and the local community and explore their future roles and existence.
Proposal: 1. Clarify the purpose and goals of education. 2. Improve the
curriculum and pedagogy. 3. Strengthen guidance for students. 4. Strengthen
teachers’ organization. 5. Increase outreach for local communities.
The above proposals show that the Japanese government’s policies toward the
children overseas started to change in order to adjust to the globalizing world in
the early 1990s. However, their basic stance that this education was for Japanese
citizens has never changed.
Around this time, diversity of the student body began to grow for two reasons.
First, because of the adverse economic situation due to the bursting of the “bubble
economy” in Japan, many Japanese companies started to deploy their employees
for a longer term, which would help reduce the cost of relocating families abroad.
Rather than calling them back within 3–4 years, they began keeping them abroad for
more than 5 years, and sometimes for 10 years (Kataoka, 2008). Second, the number
of children of “interracial” and “intercultural” couples increased. According to the
statistics from 2005 (the Ministry of Health, Labour, & Welfare, 2006), “international
marriage” (kokusai kekkon), meaning marriage between a Japanese citizen and a
non-Japanese citizen, increased from less than 10,000 couples in 1980 to more than
40,000 in 2005. In the late 1990s, the term “international children,” (kokusai-ji)
meaning children of Japanese and non-Japanese parents, started appearing in the
government reports and scholarly literature frequently. This trend was reflected in
the number of such children residing in the United States.
Are these “international children” included in the target of the hoshū jugyō kō?
One way to tell this is to look at how MEXT decides who “Japanese” students are
when they decide whether to deploy teachers and/or principals to the school. As
mentioned, as part of support for hoshū jugyō kō, MEXT sends teachers/principals
from Japan to schools with more than 100 “Japanese” students. How to count
enrolment of “Japanese” children to qualify for this deployment is very arbitrary.
MEXT defines “Japanese” children as Japanese citizens who do not hold permanent
residency in the United States and who plan to return to Japan.
However, such a criterion does not capture the shifting reality of Japanese
families in the United States. For example, some families who stay in the United
States longer than they expected end up attaining permanent residency in the United
States when their children become high school students and start considering going
to college in the United States. Other families whose plan was to stay in the United
States permanently end up returning to Japan for personal reasons. As a result,

23
K. LEE & N. M. DOERR

it is completely up to a MEXT-sent principal’s discretion as to how to count the

number of qualified “Japanese” students. It is very crucial for hoshū jugyō kō to
receive principals and teachers because they bring in the most recent knowledge
and information about education in Japan. Also, local administrators feel that these
MEXT-sent teachers and principals enhance direct ties to Japan and Japanese
education as well as serve as a stamp of approval from the Japanese government.
The hoshū jugyō kō education was established on the assumption that students’
first language is Japanese and that they return to Japan in several years. However,
by the 1990s the language background of the student body was diverse and very
different from the expectation when hoshū jugyō kō were originally established.
When most of the students who went to these schools conformed to the original
purpose of hoshū jugyō kō, the MEXT-based curriculum worked. But it did not work
as well when the students’ language background became more diverse. In order to
resolve this gap, hoshū jugyō kō responded differently. Some made a hard decision
to cater only to children who are in the United States for a short period of time. This
means ignoring the needs of students who are born and raised in the United States
with little Japanese language background.2 Some provided supplemental instruction
within the MEXT-based curriculum. Other hoshū jugyō kō decided to create their
own curriculum, independent of the MEXT-based curriculum. Such programs are
called keishō go (heritage language) programs and were developed in some United
States cities (Chinen, 2004).3 However, unless they live in metropolitan areas, the
children who need any kind of Japanese language instruction often turn to a hoshū
jugyō kō, whether it specifically addresses their needs or not.
Which approach a school chooses depends on three issues. The first issue is
size. If the school is small, it makes no financial sense to even make supplemental
classes in addition to the usual classes in hoshū jugyō kō, let alone an independent
heritage language program for students who do not plan to return to Japan. The
second issue is the characteristics of the operating body. Hoshū jugyō kō in New
York and Chicago are overseen by Japanese Chambers of Commerce, whose main
interest is the wellbeing of their member companies’ employees who are based in
those cities but are planning to return home eventually. Therefore, they support the
MEXT-prescribed curriculum. The third issue is the school’s relationship to MEXT-
sent principals. Whether MEXT-sent principals are adamant about strictly following
the MEXT-based curriculum or willing to compromise to include non-MEXT-based
curriculum makes a big difference.
In sum: from the 1960s to present, both domestic and international contexts
surrounding hoshū jugyō kō have changed drastically. The Japanese government
policies towards the education of children of Japanese citizens abroad have shifted
to reflect those changes: from merely transporting the Japanese curriculum based on
the MEXT Course of Study to the United States, to enriching their Japanese education
by taking advantage of regional culture. However, there was no practical measure
taken to incorporate such regional culture and no attempt by the government to cater
to students whose lives center around the local culture, as it was left up to the schools

24
 Homeland Education in a New Home

themselves. That is, despite changes in its policies, the Japanese government’s
approach to hoshū jugyō kō has not changed; it is “education of its own nationals.”
In the following sections, we will introduce and discuss the case of Jackson
Japanese Language School (JJSL).

INTRODUCING JJLS

JJLS is located in a suburb of a major metropolitan area in the northeastern United

States. It caters to students who wish to learn Japanese, from preschoolers (three-
year-olds) to adults. JJLS is a private nonprofit organization and is overseen by a
board of trustees, who are chosen by existing board members. JJLS is funded by
a combination of tuition fees, MEXT funds4 (50% of the rent and roughly 50% of
hoshū kō-bu [supplementary school section]5 teachers’ salary), and donations from
local businesses. JJLS received its first principal sent by MEXT in 1989. JJLS’s
school year starts in April following the Japanese academic calendar. The school
meets 42 Sundays per year from 1:00 p.m. to 4:20 p.m. The school day is divided
into four periods with recesses in between. JJLS also offers optional mathematics
classes between 11:50 a.m. and 12:35 p.m. every Sunday and an optional current
affairs class for middle school students between 4:30 p.m. and 5:15 p.m. every other
Sunday.
JJLS’s school-age student body can be roughly categorized into three groups6
according to the length of their intended stay in the United States: (1) The chūzai
(“short-term residence”) group: students who live in the United States for three to
five years due to a parent’s intracompany transfer. Japanese tends to be the “first
language” of students in this group. (2) The chōki-taizai (“long-term residence”)
group: students who plan to stay in the United States for more than five years. Their
return to Japan depends on a parent transfer within the company. English is usually
the common means of communication for chōki-taizai students; they use Japanese
only in limited situations, such as at home to their parents or at JJLS. (3) The eijū
(“permanent residence”) group: students who have no plans to live in Japan. Often,
Japanese is not the “first language” of one or both of the student’s parents. For eijū
students, who are usually born and raised in the United States, English tends to be
their first language.
Since its inception in 1980, JJLS has opened its door to children with diverse
backgrounds. Its Japanese-as-a-foreign-language (JFL) program was there from the
beginning along with the hoshū jugyō kō. However, the existence of two programs
was not enough to cater to the diverse needs of students of JJLS, especially that of
eijū students, as their number increased in the 2000s. As of April 2010, the students
who have only one Japanese-speaking parent constituted about 60% of the student
body (135 out of 226, excluding families in the JFL program). Despite this diversity
in students’ background and experiences with Japanese, all of them used to attend
hoshū jugyō kō until 2004. Consequently, for some students, it became difficult to
meet its expectations. In order to accommodate such students, JJLS has offered

25
K. LEE & N. M. DOERR

several optional language classes supplemental to the MEXT-based curriculum

since 2002 within the umbrella of hoshū jugyō kō. This arrangement was very well
received by the eijū families, but the then MEXT-sent principal insisted that it did
not suit the goal and purpose of hoshū jugyō kō.
After much contemplation, in 2004, the school reorganized its structure, creating
another education unit, which houses programs that are based on curriculums other
than MEXT’s Course of Study-based curriculum. The section, which houses hoshū
jugyō kō was named hoshū kō-bu, and a MEXT-sent principal became the head of
that program. A position to head the new section was created, which was filled by
Lee.
JJLS also started offering a JHL curriculum in the new education unit for mostly
eijū students, whose purposes for studying Japanese language did not fit the MEXT-
based curriculum and expectation in the hoshū kō-bu.
The following is a brief summary of JJSL’s history regarding the status of their
hoshū jugyō kō and changes in curricula:

• 1980. JJSL opened with 47 students. Among them, 8 students enrolled in the JFL
program. It became a state-approved nonprofit educational organization and was
also approved as a hoshū jugyō kō by the Japanese government.
• 1987. JJSL requested a teacher be deployed by MEXT.
• 1989. JJSL received the 1st principal deployed by MEXT.
• 1992. JJSL received the 2nd principal deployed by MEXT.
• 1995. JJSL received the 3rd principal deployed by MEXT. It started offering a
separate curriculum for US-college-bound high school students.
• 1998. JJSL received the 4th principal deployed by MEXT.
• 2000. JJSL received the 5th principal deployed by MEXT.
• 2002. JJSL opened optional language classes for lower grade eijū students.
• 2003. JJSL opened optional classes for middle school eijū students.
• 2004. JJSL received the 6th principal deployed by MEXT curriculum. It created
a new education unit for the programs with non-MEXT base headed by a local
administrator, and started offering an independent JHL class to eijū students.
• 2006. JJSL received the 7th principal deployed by MEXT.
• 2009. JJSL received the 8th principal deployed by MEXT.
• 2012. JJSL received the 9th principal deployed by MEXT.

THE ROAD THEY TOOK: THE STORY OF JJLS

In this section, we describe struggles of local administrators and MEXT-sent

principals regarding balancing MEXT’s requirements and local needs. It is based on
interviews with former school administrators and one of the MEXT-sent principals
as well as the recollections of Lee, a local administrator between 2004 and 2012.
All interviews introduced below were done by Lee in Japanese and translated into
English here by Lee.

26
 Homeland Education in a New Home

Mr. and Mrs. Ikeda: Founding Members and Local Administrators

Lee interviewed the former administrators, Mr. and Mrs. Ikeda, who were also one
of the founding families of JJLS, on January 12, 2011 at their home. Mr. Ikeda came
to California with his family when he was in eighth grade. He went to college and
graduate school in the United States and is now a researcher at a local research
institute. He was the president of JJLS between 1980 and 2004. Mrs. Ikeda came to
the United States to marry Mr. Ikeda in 1975. They were classmates in Japan. She
was a secretary of JJLS between 1982 and 2004.
During the preparation period in 1979, the founding members came up with three
goals: first, the school should become a state certified non-profit organization in
the United States; second, it should become a MEXT-approved hoshū jugyō kō;
and third, it should have a realistic view of meeting students’ needs. Mr. Ikeda
recalled, “One of the founding members strongly felt that JJLS should become a
MEXT-approved hoshū jugyō kō, while another one wanted to build a school for
the local community. That was the reason why we have had a JFL program from the
beginning.”
The first two goals were attained soon. The school attained a nonprofit organization
status in June 1980 and then started to receive grant money towards teachers’ salaries
from the Japanese government in 1981 after becoming a MEXT- approved hoshū
jugyō kō. In 1989, the first MEXT-sent teacher was deployed to JJLS. However, the
third goal was not attained until the mid 2000s, since the second and third goals implied
incompatible aspirations, which were magnified as the student body diversified.
The second goal was achieved as the demography changed and more chūzai
families arrived. “In the early 1980s, we did not have many Japanese families who
were sent by [Japanese] companies in the area. Japanese families here were mostly
visiting researchers at local universities, and they returned to Japan in two to three
years.” Mrs. Ikeda continued, “During the 1980s, the number of families sent by
Japanese companies increased, and we received the first principal from Japan in
1989.”
There were benefits of being approved by MEXT. In answering Lee’s question
about the benefit of becoming a MEXT-approved hoshū jugyō kō, Mrs. Ikeda said,
“Before we became an approved school, we had to go and get textbooks somewhere
else, but once approved, textbooks are given free of charge and sent to our school
[by MEXT]. Also it would give peace of mind for parents if the school is MEXT-
approved.” She added that it is not possible to receive the governmental grant
towards rent of the school building if it is not MEXT approved. When Lee asked if
they were thinking of receiving a MEXT-sent teacher from the beginning, Mr. Ikeda
said that “It was not a goal, but if they have a program based on the MEXT-based
curriculum, we should follow the MEXT policies as much as possible, just like in
Japan.” Mrs. Ikeda added to her husband’s answer by saying, “It is very difficult to
build a curriculum from scratch. If there is already a curriculum with textbooks, why
not use it.”

27
K. LEE & N. M. DOERR

However, there were difficulties in implementing what MEXT expected in its

approved schools. When asked when they felt that the MEXT-based curriculum was
not appropriate for all the students at JJLS, Mrs. Ikeda replied, “By the late 1980s,
we already noticed that, especially in the high school program, there were students
whose Japanese abilities were not adequate to study with the MEXT certified
textbooks.”
Responding to this situation, local administrators sought to solve these problems
derived from the gap between MEXT’s requirements and the local situation by
offering classes at the high school level specifically designed to cater to local
students, as described earlier. However, not all welcomed such efforts. Mrs. Ikeda
recalled: “Before we started a high school program for U.S. college-bound students
in 1995, we made efforts to accommodate high school students who could not follow
the MEXT curriculum. When we ran a special composition class for eijū students,
there was a lot of opposition from their parents. They felt their children had been put
in a special-needs class.” However, Mrs. Ikeda recalls that the students were very
happy. She also said that a new principal who was sent by MEXT to JJLS had a hard
time explaining the high school program for the U.S. college-bound students in the
information session because this new program did not follow the MEXT curriculum.
Nonetheless, it was easier to create a program for eijū and chōki-taizai high school
students than for younger students, because high school is not a part of compulsory
education in Japan and thus it is out of the scope of hoshū jugyō kō education. As
mentioned earlier, in the late 1990s, the number of “interracial” and “intercultural”
marriages increased. This corresponded to the time when JJLS also started facing the
need to accommodate eijū and chōki-taizai in the lower grades.
When the school formed a committee to explore the possibility of building a
program for eijū and chōki-taizai children in the lower grades in 2001, Mr. and Mrs.
Ikeda recalled that the MEXT-sent principal then could not comprehend the idea
of JHL education. It was very difficult for the school to work with him. He made
complaints to MEXT, and the school was ordered not to involve the MEXT-sent
principal in any other part of school operation except the compulsory education part.
This shows MEXT’s firm position that MEXT-sent teachers are only responsible
for the education in elementary and middle schools within the MEXT-prescribed
curriculum.
This struggle of balancing MEXT’s position and local needs reflects the fact that,
while MEXT came to show its willingness to adjust to local needs in its policy
statements, its policy was not actually aimed to be put in practice. For example,
even though the Research Study Group on Education of the Japanese Children
Overseas in 1992 recommended that hoshū jugyō kō should accommodate parents’
wishes in a changing world and contribute to local communities, the basic education
policies towards Japanese children overseas do not go beyond the MEXT-prescribed
education for Japanese nationals.
There were other issues that made balancing being a MEXT-approved school with
MEXT-sent principals and catering to needs of local students difficult, according to

28
 Homeland Education in a New Home

Mr. and Mrs. Ikeda. First, there was the issue of the system in which the MEXT-sent
principals stayed only for a short period of time, and, thus, such principals were
not expected to meet the local needs. In answering Lee’s question if they felt these
MEXT-sent principals received enough orientation before they left, Mr. Ikeda said,
“I feel that often these teachers come to hoshū jugyō kō to use it as a stepping stone
in their career after they go back to Japan. Therefore, often there is no continuity
from one principal to the next.”
Second, there was an issue of the division of labor. Mrs. Ikeda added, “The school
is told by MEXT that it cannot involve a MEXT-sent teacher in business operations
of the school. He should only be involved in educational matters in 1st through 9th
grades. However, if we treat him following MEXT’s order and do not consult him
with school business matters, we end up insulting him.” This issue became solved
once the school was divided into two sections. However, the transition was not easy,
as Lee recalls next.

Lee: The Principal of the Second Educational Unit

JJLS ended up offering independent JHL classes as a result of negotiating the

three issues mentioned earlier. For financial reasons, in the first year, the school
offered only one pilot multi-aged class for students who do not plan to return to
Japan; this pilot class was all that was within their budget at the time. As more
students started enrolling in this course, it became financially viable to develop a
full-fledged JHL curriculum. The philosophy of the JJLS also influenced the new
program: JJLS’s roots as a community-based school founded by local parents, not
by a local Japanese Chamber of Commerce, was conducive to the establishment
of the JHL program.
The school’s relationship to the MEXT-sent administrators was rocky initially.
In 2002 and 2003, the difficulties in balancing the MEXT-sent principal’s role and
catering to eijū students’ needs reached its peak. There was significant tension
between the MEXT-sent principal and the local administrators. The friction derived
from disagreement as to whether or not the MEXT-approved hoshū jugyō kō was
responsible for education that did not use MEXT-based curriculum and for students
who were not planning to return to Japan to live.
Then, as described earlier, local administrators decided to reorganize the programs
in response to MEXT’s request that a MEXT-sent principal must concentrate on
educational matters only in the hoshū jugyō kō part. The JJLS was divided into
two educational units: one for the program with the MEXT-based curriculum, and
the other for an independent curriculum. This arrangement enabled a MEXT-sent
principal to only be concerned with the hoshū jugyō kō part of the school. In April
2004, the hoshū jugyō kō part of the school was renamed as hoshū kō-bu or the first
educational unit (daiichi-bu) and headed by a MEXT-sent principal, and the rest of
the programs in the school were named the second educational unit (daini-bu) and
headed by a local administrator, Lee. Lee feels that the JJLS response to MEXT’s

29
K. LEE & N. M. DOERR

request and the efforts of a new team of administrators have been taking effect, and
the school has been more or less functioning as one community.

MEXT-Sent Principals

MEXT-sent principals are the representatives of MEXT who ensure that a hoshū
jugyō kō runs according to the purposes and goals described by MEXT. They are
only responsible for the education of 1st through 9th grades following the MEXT-
based curriculum.7 They are public school teachers who apply to positions in schools
overseas and are selected by an individual local school board in Japan. They act
as a liaison to a Japanese consulate in the region, oversee how the curriculum is
carried out, train locally hired teachers, and give advice to chūzai families about their
children’s educational concerns.
As the representatives of MEXT, working with local administrators who have
a different agenda sometimes makes it difficult for the MEXT-sent principals to
implement MEXT’s agenda, especially when the division of labor is not clear.
That was the case for the 5th MEXT-sent principal, who served JJLS from April
2000 to March 2004. As mentioned by Mr. and Mrs. Ikeda and Lee, pre-2004 JJLS
developed programs to institutionally cater to eijū students outside the MEXT-
based curriculum, which created ambiguity in what the MEXT-sent principal
should do, leading to a tense atmosphere between the MEXT-sent principal and
local administrators. As his expressed duty was to take care of chūzai and chōki-
taizai students whom he understood as the responsibility of MEXT, Lee recalls, the
principal did not welcome the fact that his position as the principal of the entire JJLS
included programs that do not follow the MEXT-based curriculum: he insisted that it
did not suit the goal and purpose of hoshū jugyō kō. It is worth noting here, however,
that many MEXT-sent principals in especially small schools have been engaged in
matters beyond their job description. However, as long as their complaints are not
reported to MEXT officials, it does not seem to become a big issue. That is, it is up
to the MEXT-sent principals to a certain degree whether to make an issue of non-
MEXT based programs in their schools.
The 6th MEXT-sent principal who served the JJLS from April 2004 to March
2006 worked in the new structure of JJLS in which his duty was limited to hoshū
kō-bu, while Lee oversaw the second educational unit of JJLS. Prior to his arrival,
he held a position of principal in an elementary school in the western part of Japan,
and coming to JJLS was the first time he left Japan. There was no open tension
or struggle during his term. However, Lee heard later indirectly that he felt that
the school’s administrative support was not adequate enough and filed a complaint
to MEXT. This shows that there are pressures and difficulties that the MEXT-sent
principal feels despite the overt smoothness of operation at school.
The 7th MEXT-sent principal who served from April 2006 to March 2009 had
never held a position of either principal or assistant principal in a school in Japan,
unlike the other MEXT-sent teachers to JJSL. In his interview with Lee in December

30
 Homeland Education in a New Home

30, 2008 in the school business office, he told her that he originally applied for a
position of regular teacher in a hoshū jugyō kō, but was assigned as a principal at
JJLS. He was supportive of JJLS’s aspiration to cater to diverse students and was
involved in all aspects of school operation. However, he told Lee that he was told
by MEXT in official meetings and conferences not to pay too much attention to the
matters beyond hoshū kō-bu.
The 8th MEXT-sent principal, who served from April 2009 to 2012, was a retired
principal. MEXT started sending retired teachers to hoshū jugyō kō in 2008 as a cost-
saving measure. He held positions of principal in middle schools in Japan, and also
was a principal of a full-time Japanese school in the United States in the early 2000s.
Therefore, he was well-informed and knowledgeable about the situations in both
full-time and weekend Japanese language schools in the United States. In one of the
meetings for the regional hoshū jugyō kō held in summer of 2010, at which Lee was
present, he stated that JJLS is a future model of hoshū jugyō kō in offering programs
based on three different curricula: MEXT-based curriculum, JHL curriculum, and
JFL curriculum.

DISCUSSION

As described above, the Japanese government did not have a clear policy toward full-
time and weekend Japanese schools abroad prior to the 1960s. Through establishing
the system of sending teachers to those schools, the government was able to regulate
curriculum to follow the MEXT-based one and organize their support to these
schools.
For JJLS, being a MEXT-approved school yet rooted in the local community, its
desire to offer realistic education to all students was not always easy. The school
was founded in 1980, six years after the first teacher was deployed by the Japanese
government to hoshū jugyō kō in the midst of the rush of building such schools.
Therefore, it was easy to turn to MEXT for curriculum, textbooks, and accreditation
from the beginning. It differed from other hoshū jugyō kō in that it offered the JFL
program from the start to the local children and Japanese children from eijū families
based on their founding philosophy that the school should be open to the needs of
the local community. This philosophy played a pivotal role later. As the Japanese
economy became strong, more and more Japanese companies sent their employees
with their families, hence JJLS’s chūzai population increased, too. However, as Mr.
Ikeda’s statement shows, the school was well aware of the limitations of using the
MEXT-base curriculum for eijū students already in late 1980s.
As mentioned above, in 1987, the Ad Hoc Education Committee delivered
a statement on the importance of internationalization in education, and this
implies that the Japanese government was aware of the difficulty of enforcing the
MEXT-prescribed curriculum in hoshū jugyō kō. However, the data we introduced
show that the government’s policy was always based on “building good Japanese
nationals” and there was no concrete attempt to solve such a discrepancy. Faced with

31
K. LEE & N. M. DOERR

the immediate need to cater to all students with reasonable goals, the third goal for
JJLS, JJLS created JHL courses with independent curricula. This created a tension
between the MEXT-sent principal and local administrators, as described by local
administrators (Mr. and Mrs. Ikeda and Lee). The tension was ameliorated gradually
after creating the second education section for non-MEXT-base curricula.
The experience of the MEXT-sent principals show the effects of institutional
arrangement—whether or not there is a separate program with non-MEXT-based
curricula and whether or not the MEXT-sent principal is officially in charge of
such programs—as well as personal difference of the principals in terms of their
philosophy of what hoshū jugyō kō should look like, how to deal with the diverse
student body, as well as the philosophy of the school as a whole. The 5th MEXT-
sent principal’s case shows the most difficult scenario. The 6th MEXT-sent principal
needed more administrative support in the time of institutional transition. The case
of 7th MEXT-sent principal shows a successful case of the appropriate institutional
structure and the principal’s philosophy matching that of JJLS. His experience also
shows that, despite MEXT’s new policy to acknowledge student experience from
local settings, MEXT does not encourage putting that in practice. That puts the
MEXT-sent principals in a difficult position, especially if they wish to work with
local administrators and be involved in the activities of the entire JJLS. The case of
the 8th MEXT-sent principal shows a good match between the institutional maturity
and his own experience and vision.

Conclusion


As shown in this chapter, there has been a gap between the Japanese government
policies toward the education of Japanese citizen’s children overseas and locally-
based, community Japanese language schools. In facing the changing demography
of the Japanese children overseas, the way each individual school makes adjustment
to accommodate the local needs are intertwined with many factors.
The policies of the government changed to emphasize a need to adjust to local
situations, but there were no concrete measures to implement the changes nor to
provide support to locally initiated changes. This led to struggles by and between
the MEXT-sent principals and local administrators. The MEXT-sent principals thus
struggle to mend the gap. Also, the local administrators, who remain there while
MEXT-sent principals come and go, need to be innovative in coordinating different
needs of MEXT and the local student body and creating an institutionally viable
structure.
Research on heritage language education in Japanese has not been focusing on
this issue of interface between the government in the “homeland” and the local
implementation and struggles of those involved. This chapter attempted to trace
changing struggles and solutions that JJLS administrators developed.

32
 Homeland Education in a New Home

notes
1
When a Japanese family is sent abroad, if they want to keep their children in the Japanese education
in one way or the other, they have two choices: to send them to a full-time Japanese school called
nihonjin gakkō (full-time school for Japanese people) or to send them to a weekend Japanese school
called hoshū jugyō kō while they attend an international school or a local school. In developing
countries, especially in Asia, Japanese families tend to choose the first option (Sato, 1997).
2
For example, Washington hoshū jugyō kō followed this pattern.
3
For example, the establishment of the Washington Japanese Heritage Center in 2004, separate from
Washington hoshū jugyō kō. See www.keisho.org (Accessed November 15, 2014).
4
Because of the declining economic condition, the governmental supports have been decreasing
recently.
5
In order to differentiate JJLS’s set up from other hoshū jugyō kō, we use the term “hoshū kō-bu” which
houses the program equivalent to Japan’s compulsory education.
6
These are conventional categories used at hoshū jugyō kō in general in the United States (see Sato &
Kataoka, 2008). Although there is another group who study JFL at JJLS, they are out of scope of our
research.
7
Job descriptions of teachers deployed to schools outside of Japan 3-(1), Department of International
Education, MEXT (zaigai kyōikushisetsu haken-kyōin-no shokumu 3-(1) Kokusai kyōiku-ka).

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Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare. (2006). Jinkō dōtai chōsa [Report on population changes].
Retreived from mhlw.go.jp/toukei/itiran/
Pavlenko, A. (2002). ‘We have room for but one language here’: Language and national identity in the US
at the turn of the 20th century. Multilingual, 21, 163–196.
Sato, G. (1997). Kaigai kikokushijo no kyōiku no saikōchiku [Reconstruction of education of oversea/
returnee children: From the perspective of cross-cultural education]. Tokyo, Japan: Tamagawa
University Press.
Sato, G., & Kataoka, H. (2008). Amerika de Sodatsu Nihon no Kodomotachi [Japanese children growing
up in America]. Tokyo, Japan: Akashi Shoten.
Shibata, S. (2000). Opening a Japanese saturday school in a small town in the United States: Community
collaboration to teach Japanese as a heritage language. Bilingual Research Journal, 24, 465–474.

Kiri Lee
Lehigh University

Neriko Musha Doerr

Ramapo College

34
 Thomas Hardy

3. Identity, place, and language

Conflict and Negotiation in the Writing of an English Textbook for
Japanese Secondary School Students

Introduction

In this chapter I discuss the roles that the politics of identities play in the construction
of a second language textbook for Japanese junior high school students. The chapter
begins with a précis of some of the contexts of the matter, including the textbook
itself, institutional issues, and methodological matters.
The ways that one group of writers navigates among these matters while they
create the identities of characters in English textbooks for Japanese junior high school
students are recounted in brief. In particular, in my role as a language educator with
a background in anthropology, I report on discussions dealing among my informants
about various Others and the languages they speak. This brings to the fore tensions
inherent between the use of English as a global language, English used for cultural
expression in Japan, the demands of markets, and powerful state institutions.
I conclude with reflections on some of the implications of these matters for
education, the state, and identities.

Issues and contexts


To fruitfully observe the politics of identities in the construction of a second

language textbook for Japanese junior high school students, it is useful to address the
following issues and contexts: what identity is; the field on which it is being played
out and enacted; when and how the fieldwork takes place; and who the stakeholders
in the processes are.

Identity

For the purposes of this chapter, and drawing on the work of writers as varied as
Martin and Nakayama (2000) to classic reflections by Erickson (1968), I define
identity as stories claimed by the individual and conferred by the group answering
the questions “Who am I?” and “What makes me, me?” Some of the classical answers
in identity studies to the first question, “Who am I?” include responses based on four
basic sociological clusters: age; sex, gender, and sexuality; social class, variously

S. Horiguchi et al. (Eds.), Foreign Language Education in Japan, 35–49.

© 2015 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved.
T. HARDY

defined; and the constellation of race, ethnicity, and nationality. Common answers
to the second question, “What makes me, me?” typically include four basic social
institutions: family; schools; peer groups and friends; and religion.
Identity is a fraught concept. The attraction and perils of identity and the pitfalls
of these questions and the standard answers—conceptually, politically, and in
practice—are well known (Nussbaum, 2006; Sen, 2006). In particular, identity and
its relationships to language, nation, culture, and education are complex with no
complete or satisfying single response (Joseph, 2004; Lin, 2007; Schmid, 2001).
Nevertheless, it remains a powerful concept that needs to be considered. However, for
the purposes of this chapter, I accept these problematic responses because they take
us directly to issues of personal identities, in particular to those issues concerning the
constellations of sex and gender, and race, ethnicity, and nationality. One standard
answer leads directly in the role of school, a powerful state institution guiding the
construction of identity. And, these answers lead, by only slightly more circumspect
paths, to language and the place of foreign-language education in identity.
In short, the textbooks and their construction processes lend themselves to
investigations of the linkages between language and personal identities; the linkages
between language and national identities; the linkages between national languages
and foreign languages; and the role of the state in these matters.
The material that follows could go in many directions other than the ways writers
construct identities for characters in the textbook. It lends itself to an analysis of the
politics of textbook publishing as suggested in the classic work by Apple (1988). A
close reading of the images and texts would also repay the effort. And the textbooks
and responses to them by teachers and students could eventually lead to an analysis
of textbooks’ roles in the broader Japanese educational system. Though these are
beyond the scope of this chapter, these and related issues will be addressed in the
fuller ethnography of the textbook that is, hopefully, to follow.

Fieldwork and Methodology

Ethnography, of education or more generally, is a form of research focusing on the

sociology of meaning through close field observation of socio-cultural phenomena.
It is not far removed from the sort of approach that we all use in everyday life to
make sense of our surroundings; it takes research activities from the lab to the homes,
streets, and classrooms where people are. It relies heavily on close observations and
personal experience. Clifford and Marcus (1986) famously observe that ethnography
literally means a “portrait of a people” and is a written description of a particular
culture based on information gathered through fieldwork.
Contemporary ethnographies since the work of Clifford and Marcus (1986) tend
to have a voice that is more personal and more accurately reflects the indeterminate
and uncertain nature of fieldwork (Hendry, 1999). “The writer” in ethnography is
now, as often as not, an “I.” Informants are given greater voice and allowed to speak
for themselves as much as possible in a postcolonial world. This can be done by

36
 Identity, place, and language

letting them write their own ethnographies or by providing space in the ethnography
that allows their voices to be heard, as seen in Taussig (1991) and Feldman (2007).
Both these developments emphasize the transformative experience fieldwork can
have on the subjects and the writers (Lewin & Leap, 1996).
These changes have not been universal in ethnography nor have they been without
critics. But the current and developing ethnographic style, with its unconventional
and narrative structure, is in fact motivated by the same high academic motives as
the earlier rhetorical patterns: the reflection and analysis of reality that is as complete
and accurate as possible. The ethnographic descriptions that follow reflect these
changes in ethnographic discourse. There is an explicit “I” in the discourse, that of
the ethnographer, the primary writer of this chapter. Informants are given extended
space to express themselves, sometimes at odds with the ethnographer. The shifting
relationship between ethnographer and informant is explicitly acknowledged and
presented. And the ways that the fieldwork experience transforms both informants
and ethnographer are alluded to.
In this account I do not avail myself of all these possibilities, but recognize their
presence and their utility in exploring aspects of an ethnography of a textbook.

The Field

The issues of identities being considered here are primarily being played out and
enacted in an English as a foreign language textbook series (Takahashi et al.,
2005). The series covers the three years of junior high school in Japan: grades 7,
8, and 9. Each of the three textbooks contains about 120 pages, including inside
front and back covers, introduction, and appendices; 82 to 96 pages of actual text
and exercises; 8 or 9 two-to-three-page lessons; and 2 two-to-four-page readings.
The rest is composed of exercises and appendices. For simplicity, I refer to all
three as “the textbook.”

The fieldwork experience: Participants. There are four major categories of

participants in the textbook writing process: a small group of four at the emeritus
level who provide general guidance and comments; the honbu-in, a core group of
five writers who set the parameters and topics of the book, make the final decisions
and do most of the close final writing; a broad group of about twenty-four writers
who submit materials for consideration by the core group and create first drafts; and
editors assigned by the publishing company to the project. The writers are based
all over Japan, making electronic communications the primary media of sharing
materials, though two or three times in the publishing cycle there may be a general
meeting of all participants.
I participate in general meetings, all core-group meetings, and am on call
for specific issues raised by subgroups. In addition, I frequently meet with the
editorial staff and create materials for future discussion at core group meetings.
The experiences of working with the core group and editorial staff are the primary

37
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exhibited mild symptoms of plumbism, such as a blue line round the
gums, and more or less ill-defined indisposition; paralyses were
absent. They were all in their usual state of health within a few
hours or days preceding death. Death was unexpected, mostly
sudden. In four cases it was preceded by epileptic fits and coma; but
in the fifth case no convulsions were noted, although they may have
occurred in the night.
The author[849] had an opportunity of investigating by chemical
means the distribution of lead in the fourth and fifth cases in the
liver, kidney, and brain.

[849]“The Distribution of Lead in the Brains of two Lead Factory

Operatives,” Journ. of Mental Science, Jan. 1888.

In the fourth case, from 402 grms. of liver 24·26 mgrms. of lead
sulphate were separated. The right kidney (weighing 81 grms.)
yielded 5·42 mgrms. of lead sulphate. The brain was dehydrated
with alcohol, and then treated with ether, hot alcohol, and
chloroform until an albuminoid residue remained; lead was extracted
from each of these portions, viz., the alcohol used for dehydration,
the ethereal and chloroform extracts, and the albuminoid residue, as
follows:—

Mgrms. of
Lead Sulphate.
Soluble in cold alcohol, 1·11
Soluble in ether and chloroform and hot alcohol, 25·47
Albuminoid residue, 7·76
34·34

In the fifth case, the brain was examined more in detail, and the
lead present estimated in the following solutions and substances:—
1. Alcohol used for dehydration. This may be called “the watery
extract,” for, after the brain has remained in strong alcohol for some
weeks, the result is that the alcohol contains much water and
substances extracted with water.
2. White matter—(a) from cerebrum; (b) from cerebellum.
3. Kephalin—(a) from cerebrum; (b) from cerebellum.
4. Ether extract, kephalin-free—(a) from cerebrum; (b) from
cerebellum.
5. Substances soluble in cold alcohol—(a) from cerebrum; (b) from
cerebellum.
6. The albuminoid residue—(a) from cerebrum; (b) from cerebellum.
The general results were as follows:—

Cerebrum, Cerebellum,
460·8 grms. 156·2 grms.
Mgrms. of Mgrms. of
PbSO4. PbSO4
White matter freed from kephalin by ether, 0·0 5·0
Kephalin, 1·5 6·0
Ether extract, kephalin-free, 0·0 0·0
Substances soluble in cold alcohol, 0·0 0·0
Albuminoid residue, 40·0 6·0
41·5 17·0

The aqueous extract contained 1·5 mgrm. of lead sulphate. In

neither of the cases did the pathologist ascertain the total weight of
the brain, but, presuming that the weight was an average weight,
and that the lead in the remainder of the brain was similarly
distributed, the amount of lead calculated as sulphate would amount
to 117 mgrms. From these results it appears to the author probable
that lead forms a substitution compound with some of the organic
brain matters. This view would explain the absence of changes
apparent to the eye found in so many of the fatal cases of lead
encephalopathy.
§ 785. Lead taken for a long time causes the blood to be
impregnated with uric acid. In 136 cases of undoubted gout, 18 per
cent. of the patients were found to follow lead occupations, and
presented signs of lead impregnation.[850]

[850]“On Lead Impregnation in Relation to Gout,” by Dyce Duckworth,

M.D., St. Barth. Hosp. Reports, vol. xvii., 1881.

Ellenberger and Hofmeister[851] found that, with chronic poisoning of

sheep with lead, excretion of hippuric acid ceased, and the output of
uric acid was diminished. This may be explained by the formation of
glycocol being arrested.

[851] Arch. f. wiss. u. pract. Thierheilk., Bd. x., 1884.

§ 786. There are some facts on record which would seem to

countenance the belief that disease, primarily caused by an
inorganic body like lead, may be transmitted. M. Paul (e.g.) has
related the history of the offspring (thirty-two in number) of seven
men, who were suffering from lead-poisoning—eleven were
prematurely born and one still-born; of the remaining twenty, eight
died in the first year, four in the second, and five in the third year, so
that of the whole thirty-two, only three survived three years.
The influence of the poison on pregnant women is, indeed, very
deleterious. M. Paul noted that in four women who were habitually
exposed to the influence of lead, and had fifteen pregnancies, ten
terminated by abortion, two by premature confinement, three went
the full term, but one of the three children was born dead, a second
only lived twenty-four hours; so that, out of the whole fifteen, one
only lived fully. In another observation of M. Paul’s, five women had
two natural confinements before being exposed to lead. After
exposure, the history of the thirty-six pregnancies of these women is
as follows:—there were twenty-six abortions (from two to five
months), one premature confinement, two infants born dead, and
five born alive, four of whom died in the first year.
Chronic poisoning may be nearly always accounted for by the
inhaling of lead dust, or by the actual swallowing of some form of
lead; but, if we are to accept the fact narrated by the late Dr. Taylor,
viz., that he himself had an attack of lead colic from sitting in a room
for a few hours daily, in which there was a large canvas covered with
white lead and drying oil, and one or two other similar cases,[852] we
must allow that there is some subtle volatile organic compound of
lead evolved. In the present state of our knowledge, it seems more
reasonable to account for such cases by the suggestion that lead has
entered the system by an unsuspected channel.

[852]The gate-keeper of a graveyard at Bordeaux continually used the

remnants of crosses, covered with lead paint, to replenish his fire; the
chimney smoked; gradually paralysis of the extensors of the right wrist
developed itself, and he suffered from colic and other signs of lead-
poisoning.—Marmisse, Gaz. des Hôpit., No. 25, 1866.

In 1882, a very interesting case occurred at Keighley, in which a

mechanic, aged 42, died from the supposed effects of lead-
poisoning, induced from drinking the town water, which was proved
by Mr. Allen to contain about 3⁄5 of a grain of lead per gallon. For six
months he had been out of health, and a week before his death he
suffered from colic, vomiting, constipation, and a blue line round the
gums, and occasional epileptiform seizures. After death the kidneys
were found granular, and the heart somewhat enlarged. The viscera
were submitted to Mr. Allen for analysis; no lead was found in the
heart or brain, a slight, non-estimable trace in the kidneys, and
about a grain was separated from the liver and spleen. Dr. Tidy, who
was called in as an expert, gave a very guarded opinion, rather
against the theory of direct lead-poisoning; and the verdict returned
by the jury was to the effect that the deceased died from granular
kidney, accelerated by lead-poisoning. Murder by the administration
of doses of sugar of lead is rare, but such a case has occurred.
At the Central Criminal Court, in December 1882, Louisa Jane Taylor
was indicted for poisoning Mary Ann Tregillis at Plumstead, and
convicted. From the evidence it appeared that the prisoner, who was
thirty-six years of age, came to reside with Mr. and Mrs. Tregillis, an
aged couple of eighty-five and eighty-one years respectively. The
prisoner was proved to have purchased at different times an ounce
and half an ounce of sugar of lead, and to have added a white
powder to the medicine of Mrs. Tregillis. The illness of the latter
extended from about August 23 to October 23—a period of two
months. It is difficult to say when the first dose could have been
given, but it was probably some time between August 13 and 23,
while the administration, without doubt, ceased on or before
October 6, for on that date different nursing arrangements were
made. The symptoms observed were nausea, vomiting, pain in the
pit of the stomach, burning in the throat, very dark teeth, a blue line
round the gums, and slight jaundice. There was great muscular
weakness, with trembling of the hands, and a week before death
there was paralysis of the right side.
Lead was discovered in most of the viscera, which were in great part
normal, but the kidneys were wasted, and the mucous membrane
blackened. The actual quantity of lead recovered by analysis was
small, viz., 16·2 mgrms. (1⁄4 grain) from the liver; from 8 ounces of
brain, 3·2 mgrms. (1⁄20 grain); from half of the stomach, 16·2
mgrms. (1⁄4 grain); and from the spleen, the kidneys, and the lungs,
small quantities. It is, therefore, probable that, if the whole body
had been operated upon, the yield would have been more than ·15
grm. (a little over 2 grains); but then, it must be remembered that
the deceased lived, at least, seventeen days after the last dose.
§ 787. Post-mortem Appearances.—In acute cases of poisoning
by the acetate, there may sometimes be found a slight inflammatory
appearance of the mucous membrane of the stomach and intestines.
Orfila considered that streaks of white points adherent to the
mucous membrane were pathognomonic; but there have been
several cases in which only negative or doubtful signs of
inflammatory or other action have presented themselves. A general
contraction of the intestines has often been noticed, and is of
considerable significance when present; so also is a grey-black
mucous membrane caused by deposited lead sulphide. Loen found in
dogs and guinea-pigs, poisoned by lead, local inflammation areas in
the lungs, liver, and kidneys; but in no case fatty degeneration of the
epithelial cells of the liver, kidneys, or intestines. As a rule, no
unabsorbed poison will be found in the stomach; the case related by
Christison, in which a person died on the third day after taking at a
single dose some large quantity of acetate of lead; and at the
autopsy a fluid was obtained from the stomach, which had a sweet
metallic taste, on evaporation smelt of acetic acid, and from which
metallic lead was obtained—is so very extraordinary in every respect,
that its entire accuracy is to be questioned. In death from chronic
lead-poisoning, there is but little that can be called diagnostic; a
granular condition of the kidneys, and all the pathological changes
dependent on such a condition, are most frequently seen. If the
patient has suffered from colic, a constriction of portions of the
intestine has been noticed; also, in cases in which there has been
long-standing paralysis of groups of muscles, these muscles are
wasted, and possibly degenerated. In instances, again, in which lead
has induced gout, the pathological changes dependent upon gout
will be prominent. The blue line around the gums, and sometimes a
coloration by sulphide of lead of portions of the intestines, may help
a proper interpretation of the appearances seen after death; but all
who have given any attention to the subject will agree that, simply
from pathological evidence, it is impossible to diagnose chronic lead-
poisoning.
§ 788. Physiological Action of Lead.—The action of lead is still
obscure, but it is considered to have an effect mainly on the nervous
centres. The paralysed muscles respond to the direct current, but
not to the induced, leading to the suspicion that the intramuscular
terminations of the nerves are paralysed, but that the muscular
substance itself is unattacked. On the other hand, the restriction of
the action to groups of muscles supports the theory of central
action.
The lead colic is due to a true spasmodic constriction of the bowel,
the exciting cause of which lies in the walls of the bowel itself; the
relief given by pressure is explained by the pressure causing an
anæmia of the intestinal walls, and thus lessening their sensibility.
The slowing of the pulse produced by small doses is explained as
due to a stimulation of the inhibitory nerves; and, lastly, many
nervous phenomena, such as epilepsy, &c., are in part due to
imperfect elimination of the urinary excreta, causing similar
conditions to those observed in uræmia.
§ 789. Elimination of Lead.—When a large dose of acetate or
carbonate is taken, part is transformed into more or less insoluble
compounds—some organic, others inorganic; so that a great portion
is not absorbed into the body at all, but passes into the intestines,
where, meeting with hydric sulphide, part is changed into sulphide,
colouring the alvine evacuations black. Some of the lead which is
absorbed is excreted by the kidneys, but the search often yields only
traces. Thudichum[853] states that in fourteen cases of lead-
poisoning, in two only was obtained a weighable quantity from a
day’s urine; in the remaining twelve lead was detected, but only by
the brownish colour produced in an acid solution of the ash by hydric
sulphide.

[853] Pathology of the Urine, p. 550.

The elimination of lead by the kidneys is favoured by certain

medicines, such, for example, as potassic iodide. Annuschat found in
dogs poisoned by lead from 3·8 to 4·1 mgrms. in 100 c.c. of urine;
but, after doses of potassic iodide, the content of lead rose to 6·9
and even to 14 mgrms. Lead appears to be eliminated by the skin,
being taken up by the epithelial cells, and minute, insoluble particles
coming away with these cells. If a person who has taken small doses
of lead for a time be placed in a sulphur water-bath, or have his skin
moistened with a 5 per cent. solution of sodium sulphide, the upper
layer of the epidermis is coloured dark; but the perspiration excited
by pilocarpin or other agency contains no lead.
§ 790. Fatal Dose—(a.) Sugar of Lead.—It may almost be said
that it is impossible to destroy human life with any single dose likely
to be taken or administered. In three cases an ounce (28·3 grms.)
has been taken without fatal result. Although it must be allowed that
repeated moderate doses, extending over some time, are more
dangerous to health and life than a single large dose, yet there
seems to be in some individuals a great tolerance of lead. Christison
has given ·18 grm. in divided doses daily for a long time without any
bad effect, save the production of a slight colic. Swieten has also
given daily 3·9 grms. (60 grains) in ten days without observing toxic
effects. That, in other cases, less than a grain per gallon of some
lead compound dissolved in drinking-water, or in some way
introduced into the economy, causes serious illness, is most
inexplicable.
(b.) The Basic Acetate in solution is more poisonous apparently
than the acetate—60 c.c. (11⁄2 drms.) have caused serious
symptoms.
(c.) The Carbonate of Lead.—Doses of anything like 28 grms. (an
ounce) would probably be very dangerous to an adult; the only case
of death on record is that of a child who took some unknown
quantity, probably, from the description of the size of the lump,
about 10 grms. (21⁄2 drms.).
§ 791. Antidotes and Treatment.—Soluble sulphates (especially
magnesic sulphate) have been given largely in both acute and
chronic cases; in the acute, it stands to reason that it is well to
ensure the presence of plenty of sulphates in the stomach and
intestines, in order to form the sparingly soluble lead sulphate,
should any residue remain; but to expect this double decomposition
to go on in the blood and tissues is not based upon sound
observation. The chronic lead-poisoning is best treated by removal
from the source of mischief, the administration of large quantities of
distilled water, and medicinal doses of potassic iodide.
§ 792. Localisation of Lead.—In a dog, which was killed by
chronic lead-poisoning, Heubel found in the bones 0·18 to 0·27 per
1000 of lead; in the kidneys, 0·17 to 0·20; liver, 0·10 to 0·33; spinal
cord, 0·06 to 0·11; brain, 0·04 to 0·05; muscles, 0·02 to 0·04; in the
intestines traces, 0·01 to 0·02; in the spleen, the blood, and the bile,
he also only found traces. Ellenberger and Hofmeister found in the
kidneys of the sheep, 0·44 to 0·47; liver, 0·36 to 0·65; pancreas,
0·54; salivary glands, 0·42; bile, 0·11 to 0·40; bones, 0·32; fæces,
0·22; spleen, 0·14; central nervous system, 0·07 to 0·18; blood,
0·05 to 0·12; flesh, 0·05 to 0·08; urine, 0·06 to 0·08; and in the
unstriped muscles and the lungs, 0·03 per 1000 of lead.
Without going so far as to say that lead is a natural constituent of
the body, it is certain that it may be frequently met with in persons
who have been apparently perfectly healthy, and quite free from all
symptoms of lead-poisoning. Legrip found in the liver and spleen of
a healthy person, 5·4 mgrms. of lead oxide in every kilogram;
Oidtmann, in the liver of a man fifty-six years of age, 1 mgrm. of
lead oxide per kilogram, and in the spleen 3 mgrms. per kilogram.
Hence, the analyst, in searching for poison, must be very careful in
his conclusions. Grave and serious errors may also arise from
complications; suppose, e.g., that a deceased person previous to
death had partaken of game, and inadvertently swallowed a shot—if
the analyst had not carefully searched the contents of the stomach
for solid bodies, but merely treated them at once with acid solvents,
he would naturally get very decided lead reactions, and would
possibly conclude, and give evidence to the effect, that a poisonous
soluble salt of lead had been administered shortly before death.
§ 793. Detection and Estimation of Lead.—A great number of
fluids (such as beer, wines, vinegar, water, &c.), if they contain
anything like the amount of one-tenth of a milligramme in 100 c.c.,
will give a very marked dark colour with SH2. It is, however, usually
safest in the first place to concentrate the liquid, to add an acid, and
deposit the lead on platinum, in the way to be shortly described.
Nearly all the lead from oils and fatty matter may be dissolved out
by shaking up the fat with dilute nitric acid; if necessary, the fat
should previously be melted.
If (in the usual course of routine research) a hydrochloric acid
solution is obtained from the treatment or destruction of organic
substances by that agent, and lead sulphide (mixed possibly with
other sulphides) is filtered off, any arsenical sulphide may first be
extracted from the filter by ammonia, and any antimonious sulphide
by sodic sulphide; then the sulphide may be extracted by warm
hydrochloric acid, which will leave undissolved such sulphides as
those of copper and mercury. On diluting the liquid, and filtration at
a boiling temperature, crystals of lead chloride will be deposited on
cooling.
If, however, organic matters are specially searched for lead,
hydrochloric acid is not the best solvent, but nitric should always be
preferred; and, if there is reason to think that the lead exists in the
form of sulphate, then the proper solvent is either the acetate or the
tartrate of ammonia; but, in either case, the solution should contain
an excess of ammonia. It must, however, be remembered that
organic matters retain lead with great tenacity, and that in all cases
where it can with any convenience be effected, the substances
should be not only carbonised, but burnt to an ash; for Boucher has
shown[854] that carbon retains lead, and that the lead in carbon
resists to a considerable extent the action of solvents.

[854] Ann. d’Hygiène, t. xli.

In the case of sulphate of lead, which may be always produced in an

ash from organic substances by previous treatment with sufficient
sulphuric acid, a very excellent method of identification is to convert
it into sugar of lead. To do this, it is merely necessary to boil it with
carbonate of ammonia, which changes it into carbonate of lead;
treatment with acetic acid will now give the acetate; the solution
may (if the lead is in very small quantity) be concentrated in a
watch-glass, a drop evaporated to dryness on a circle of thin
microscopic glass, and the crystals examined by the microscope; the
same film next exposed to the fumes of SH2, which will blacken it;
and lastly, the solution (which should be sweet) tasted. A crystalline
substance, possessing a sweet taste, and blackening when exposed
to SH2, can, under the circumstances, be no other substance than
acetate of lead.
If the analyst does not care for this method, there is room for
choice. Lead in solution can be converted into sulphide; in this case
it is, however, absolutely necessary that there should be no great
excess of acid, since as little as 2·5 per cent. of free hydrochloric
acid will prevent all the lead going down. On obtaining the sulphide,
the latter, as already described, can be converted into chloride by
hydrochloric acid, and the crystalline chloride is extremely
characteristic.
From the solution of the chloride the metal may be obtained in a
solid state by inserting a piece of zinc in the solution contained in a
crucible; the lead will be deposited gradually, and can be then
collected, washed, and finally fused into a little globule on charcoal.
A lead bead flattens easily when hit with a hammer, and makes a
mark on paper. Solutions of the chloride also give a heavy precipitate
of lead sulphate, when treated with a solution of sodic sulphate.
When lead is in very minute quantity, an electrolytic method is
generally preferable; the lead is precipitated on platinum by using
exactly the same apparatus as in Bloxam’s test, described at p. 566;
the liquid to be tested being placed in the inner cell, the lead film
may now be identified, dissolved in nitric acid, and estimated by a
colorimetric process. For the estimation of the minute fractions of a
grain by a colour method, it is merely necessary to have a very
dilute solution of acetate of lead, to add a known volume of SH2
water to the liquid to be tested in a Nessler cylinder, noting the
colour, and add to another a known quantity of the standard lead
solution and the same quantity of SH2 as was added to the first.
The process has an advantage which is great, viz., that it either
detects copper, or proves its absence at the same time; and there
are few cases in which the analyst does not look for copper as well
as for lead. Lead, if in sufficient quantity, may be most conveniently
estimated as oxide, sulphate, or chloride; the chief properties of
these substances have been already described.
§ 794. The Detection of Lead in Tartaric Acid, in Lemonade,
and Aërated Waters.—To detect lead in tartaric acid a convenient
method is to burn it to an ash, digest in a little strong sulphuric acid,
and then add either sodic chloride or a drop of HCl; lead, if present,
is precipitated as chloride, giving a pearly opalescence. Lemonades
often contain minute quantities of iron and copper as well as lead.
Neither copper nor iron are precipitated by ammonium sulphide in
presence of potassic cyanide. On the other hand, the sulphide of
lead is not soluble in the alkaline cyanides. Hence a liquid which, on
the addition of potassium cyanide and then ammonium sulphide,
becomes dark coloured, or from which a precipitate separates,
contains lead.[855]

[855] F. L. Teed, Analyst, xvii. 142-143.

2. COPPER.

§ 795. Copper, Cu = 63·5; specific gravity, from 8·921 to 8·952;

fusing-point, 1091° (1996° F.). Copper in analysis occurs either as a
film or coating on such metals as platinum, iron, &c., or in a state of
fine division; or, finally, as a bead. In thin films, copper has a
yellowish or a yellowish-red colour; it dissolves readily in nitric,
slowly in hydrochloric acid. If air be excluded, hydrochloric acid fails
to dissolve copper, and the same remark applies to ammonia; but, if
there be free access of air, ammonia also acts as a slow solvent.
Metallic copper in a fine state of division can be fused at a white
heat to a bright bluish-green globule, which, on cooling, is covered
with black oxide.
§ 796. Cupric Oxide (CuO = 79·5; specific gravity, 6·5, composition
in 100 parts, Cu 79·85, O 20·15) is a brownish-black powder, which
remains in the absence of reducing gases unaltered at a red heat. It
is nearly insoluble in water, but soluble in ClH, NO3H, &c.; it is
hygroscopic, and, as every one who has made a combustion knows,
is readily reduced by ignition with charcoal in the presence of
reducing gases.
§ 797. Cupric Sulphide, CuS = 95·5, produced in the wet way, is a
brownish powder so insoluble in water that, according to Fresenius,
950,000 parts of water are required to dissolve one part. It is not
quite insoluble in ClH, and dissolves readily in nitric acid with
separation of sulphur. By ignition in a stream of H it may be
converted into the subsulphide of copper. It must always be washed
by SH2 water.
§ 798. Solubility of Copper in Water and Various Fluids.—The
solubility of copper in water and saline solutions has been very
carefully studied by Carnelley.[856] Distilled water exerts some
solvent action, the amount varying, as might be expected, according
to the time of exposure, the amount of surface exposed, the
quantity of water acting upon the copper, &c. It would appear that,
under favourable circumstances, 100 c.c. of distilled water may
dissolve ·3 mgrm. of copper (·2 grain per gallon).

[856] Journ. Chem. Soc., 1876, vol. ii. p. 4.

With regard to salts, those of ammonium exert a solvent action on

copper more decided than that of any others known. With the
others, however, the nature of the base exerts little influence, the
action of the salt depending chiefly on the nature of its acid radical.
Thus, beginning with the least effective, the following is the order of
dissolving strength:—Nitrates, sulphates, carbonates, and chlorides.
It will then at once be evident that a water, contaminated by
sewage, and therefore containing plenty of ammonia and chlorides,
might exert a very considerable solvent action on copper.
Almost all the oils and fats, as well as syrups, dissolve small
quantities of copper; hence its frequent presence in articles of food
cooked or prepared in copper vessels. In the very elaborate and
careful experiments of Mr. W. Thompson,[857] the only oils which
took up no copper, when digested on copper foil, were English
neats’-foot oil, tallow oil, one sample of olive oil, palm-nut oil,
common tallow oil, and white oil, which was protected from the air
by a thick coating of oxidised oil on its surface.

[857]“Action of Fatty Oils on Metallic Copper,” Chem. News, vol. xxxiv. pp.
176, 200, 313.

The formation of copper compounds with the fatty acids takes place
so readily that Jeannel[858] has proposed the green colouring of fats
by copper as a test for the presence of copper; and Bottger[859]
recommends a copper holding brandy to be shaken up with olive oil
to free it from copper.

[858] L’Union pharmac., xvii. 81.

[859] Arch. de Pharm., 1853, cxxvi. 67.

Lehmann has made some useful researches on the amount of

copper taken up by fats under different conditions. 100 c.c. of
strongly rancid fat dissolved in fourteen days 8·7 mgrms. of copper;
but when heated to 160° for one hour, and then allowed to stand, a
similar amount was found. Some rancid butter was rubbed into a
brass bowl of 90 c.c. capacity, and then allowed to stand for twenty-
four hours; the butter became of a blue-green colour. Into this dish,
thus partially attacked by fatty acids, 50 c.c. of rancid butter was
poured in a melted condition, and allowed to stand for twenty-four
hours. The amount taken up was found to be equal to 10 mgrms. of
copper for every 100 c.c. of fluid butter.
Hilger found a fatty soup, which had stood twelve hours in a clean
copper vessel, to contain 0·163 per cent. copper. According to
Tschirch, the easiest fatty salt to form is the oleate, hydrated copper
oxide dissolving in oleic acid with great ease, and even copper oxide
dissolving to some extent; the palmitate and the stearate are not so
readily produced; hence the amount of copper dissolved is greater in
the case of olive oil and butter (both rich in oleic acids) than in the
case of the firmer animal fats. Acid solutions, such as clarets, acetic
acid, vinegars, and so forth, as might be expected, dissolve more or
less copper. The amount likely to be dissolved in practice has been
investigated by Lehmann. He steeped 600 square metres of copper
sheeting or brass sheeting in vessels holding 2 litres of acid claret;
the sheets were in some of the experiments wholly immersed, in
others partly so. More copper was dissolved by the wine when the
copper was partly immersed than when it was wholly immersed; and
more copper was dissolved from brass sheeting than from pure
copper sheeting. With a sheet of copper, partly immersed, claret may
contain as much as 56 mgrms. per litre. Lehmann also investigated
the amount of copper, as acetate, which could be dissolved in wine
before the taste betrayed its presence: with 50 mgrms. per litre no
copper taste; with 100 mgrms. there was a weak after taste; with
150 mgrms. it was scarcely drinkable, and there was a strong after
taste; with 200 mgrms. per litre it was quite undrinkable, and the
colour was changed to bluish-green. Vinegar, acting under the most
favourable circumstances on sheet brass or copper, dissolved, in
seven days, 195 mgrms. of copper per litre from the copper sheet,
195 from the brass sheet.
Lehmann discusses the amount of copper which may be taken at a
meal under the circumstance that everything eaten or drank has
been artificially coppered, but none “coppered” to the extent by
which the presence of the metal could be betrayed by the taste; and
the following is, he thinks, possible:—
300 c.c. of soup boiled in a copper vessel, mgrms.
20 Cu.
1 litre of wine which has been standing in a copper vessel, 50 „
50 c.c. vinegar which has been kept in a copper vessel, 10 „
50 grms. of fat which has been used for frying in a copper
vessel, 5 „
200 grms. of strongly coppered peas, 50 „
500 grms. of strongly coppered bread, 60 „

The total only amounts to 195 mgrms. of copper, which only slightly
exceeds a high medicinal dose. The metal is tasted more easily in
liquids, such as wine, than in bread; bread may be coppered so that
at a meal a person might eat 200 mgrms. of a copper compound
without tasting it.
It is pretty well accepted that cooking in clean bright copper vessels
will not contaminate any ordinary food sufficiently to be injurious to
health.
§ 799. Copper in the Vegetable and Animal Kingdom and in
Foods.—Copper is widely distributed in the vegetable kingdom, and
is a constant constituent of the chief foods we consume; the
following quantities, for example, have been separated from the
chief cereals:—

Wheat, 5·2 to 10·8 mgrms. per kilo.

Rye, 5 mgrms. „
Oats, 8·5 „ „
Barley, 11·8 „ „
Rice, 1·6 „ „
Bread, 1·5 to 4·4 mgrms. „

It has also been found in vermicelli (2-10 mgrms. per kilo.), groats
(1·6-3 mgrms. per kilo.), potatoes (1·8 mgrm. per kilo.), beans (2-11
mgrms. per kilo.). In similar small quantities it has also been found
in carrots, chicory, spinach, hazel-nuts, blackberries, peaches, pears,
figs, plums, tamarinds, black pepper, and many other fruits and
spices. The most common food which has a high copper content is
cocoa, which contains from 12 mgrms. to 29 mgrms. per kilo., the
highest amount of copper being in the outer husk; copper has also
been found in many supplies of drinking water, in aërated waters, in
brandies, wines, and many drugs.
It has been calculated that the ordinary daily food of an average
man contains the following:—

Copper.
900 grms. bread, 0·45 mgrm.
260 grms. meat, 0·25 „
200 grms. fruit and vegetables, 0·25 „
0·95 mgrm.

That is to say, that, neglecting altogether foods artificially

contaminated with copper, each of us eats daily about 1 mgrm. of
copper (0·015 grain).
In the animal kingdom it is a constant and natural constituent of the
blood of the cephalopods, crustacea, and gasteropods, and is nearly
always present in the liver and kidneys of domestic animals, as well
as in men. Dr. Dupré[860] found ·035 to ·029 grain (1·8 to 2 mgrms.)
in human livers, or about 1 part in 500,000. Bergeron and L. L’Hôte’s
researches on fourteen bodies, specially examined for copper, fully
substantiate those of Dr. Dupré; in twelve the copper was found in
quantities of from ·7 to 1·5 mgrm.; in the remaining two the amount
of copper was very minute, and was not estimated.[861] Copper is
also found normally in the kidneys, and Dupré [862] detected in
human kidneys about 1 in 100,000 parts; it is also found in the bile,
and in minute traces in the blood.[863]

[860] Analyst, No. 13, 1877.

[861] Compt. Rendus, vol. lxxx. p. 268.
[862] Op. cit.
 [863] Hoppe-Seyler, Handbuch der physiologisch. Analyse, p. 415.

In the kidneys and livers of the ruminants copper may always be

found, a sheep’s liver containing about 1 part in 20,000.[864] Church
found copper in the feathers of the wings of the turaco; melopsitt in
the feathers of a parroquet (Melopsittacus undulatus).[865] In these
cases the copper enters into the composition of the colouring matter
to which the name of “turacin” has been given. Turacin contains 7
per cent. of copper, and gives to analysis numbers which agree with
the formula of C82H81Cu2N9O32.

[864] Dupré, op. cit.

[865] Chem. News, xxviij. 212.

Copper has been discovered in aërated waters, its presence being

due to the use of copper cylinders, the tin lining of which had been
rendered defective by corrosion.[866]

“On the Presence of Lead and Copper in Aërated Waters,” by Dr.

[866]
James Milne, Chem. News, xxxi. p. 77.

Accidents may also occur from the use of copper boilers. Mr. W.
Thompson found in one case[867] no less than 3·575 grains in a
gallon (51 mgrms. per litre) in water drawn from a kitchen boiler.

[867] Chem. News, xxxi. No. 801.

At Roubaix, in France, sulphide of copper had been deposited on the

roof, as a consequence of the use of copper flues; the sulphide was
changed into sulphate by the action of the air, and washed by the
rain into the water-tank.[868]

[868] Author’s Dictionary of Hygiène, p. 167.

That preserved vegetables are made of a bright and attractive green
colour by impregnation with copper, from the deliberate use of
copper vessels for this purpose, is a fact long known. Green peas
especially have been coloured in this way, and a number of
convictions for this offence have taken place in England.
§ 800. The “Coppering” of Vegetables.—The fact that green
vegetables, such as peas, beans, cucumbers, and so forth, preserve
their green colour, if boiled in copper vessels, has long been known.
In this “coppering” the French have been more active than the
English traders; the French operate in two different ways. One
method is, to dip from 60 to 70 litres of the green vegetables in 100
litres of 0·3 to 0·7 per cent. of copper sulphate, to leave them there
for from five to fifteen minutes, then to remove them, wash and
sterilise in an autoclave. A second method is to put the vegetables
into a copper vessel, the wall of which is connected with the
negative pole of an electric current, the positive pole dips in a
solution of salt in the same vessel, the current is allowed to pass for
three minutes, and the vegetables are afterwards sterilised. Fruits
are simply allowed to stand with water in copper vessels, the natural
acidity of the juice dissolving sufficient copper.
The amount of copper taken up in this way is appreciable, but yet
not so much as might be expected; the prosecutions for selling
“coppered” peas in England have been based upon quantities
varying from 1 to 3 grains per lb.; the highest published amount of
copper found in peas artificially coloured is 0·27 per kilo., or 18·9
grains per lb.
The reason why vegetables preserve their green colour longer when
treated with a copper salt has been proved by Tschirch[869] to be
owing to the formation of a phyllocyanate of copper.

[869] Das Kupfer, Stuttgart, 1893.

Phyllocyanic acid is a derivative of chlorophyll, and allied to it in
composition; the formula of C24H28N2O4 has been ascribed to it.
Under the action of acids generally, mineral or organic, chlorophyll
splits up into this acid and other compounds. Copper phyllocyanate,
(C24H27N2O4)2Cu, contains 8·55 per cent. of copper; it forms black
lamellæ, dissolving easily in strong alcohol and chloroform, but
insoluble in water; it is a little soluble in ether, insoluble in petroleum
ether, and dissolved neither by dilute acetic acid, nor by dilute nor
concentrated hydrochloric acid. The compound dissolves in caustic
alkali on warming. In alcohol it forms a beautiful non-fluorescent
solution. A solution of 1 : 100,000 is still coloured strongly green.
This solution, in a stratum of 25 mm. thick, gives four absorption
bands when submitted to spectroscopic observation, and Tschirch
has worked out a process of estimation of the amount of copper
phyllocyanate based upon the disappearance of these bands on
dilution.
Green substances, so carefully treated that they only contain
phyllocyanate of copper, would yield but small quantities of copper,
and probably they would not be injurious to health; but the
coppering is usually more extensive, and copper leguminate and
other compounds are formed; for the vegetables, when exhausted
by alcohol, give a residue which, successively exhausted by water, by
soda-lye, and lastly by hydrochloric acid, parts with copper into the
three solvents mentioned.
It might be argued that, from the insoluble character of the
phyllocyanate of copper, and especially seeing that it does not
dissolve in strong hydrochloric acid, that it would be perfectly
innocuous; but Tschirch has proved that, whether the tartrate of
copper (dissolving easily in water), or copper oxide (not dissolving at
all in water, but soluble in hydrochloric acid), or phyllocyanate of
copper (insoluble both in water and in hydrochloric acid) be used,
the physiological effect is the same.
Copper may be found in spirits, owing to the use of copper
condensers, a remark which applies also to the essential oils, such
as oleum cajepute, menthæ, &c.[870] In France, it has been added
fraudulently to absinthe, to improve its colour.[871] Green
sweetmeats, green toys, green papers, have all been found to
contain definite compounds of copper to a dangerous extent.

According to Eulenberg (Gewerbe Hygiene, p. 716), Oleum cajepute,

[870]
Menth. pip., Melissæ, Tanaceti, &c., are almost always contaminated with
copper.
[871] Tardieu, Étude Méd. Lég. sur l’Empoisonnement.

§ 801. Preparations of Copper used in Medicine and the Arts.

(1) Medicinal Preparations:—
Sulphate of Copper, Cupri Sulphas, CuSO45H2O.—This well-
known salt is soluble in water at ordinary temperature, 3 parts of
water dissolving 1 of the sulphate; but boiling water dissolves double
its weight; 1 part of copper sulphate dissolves in 21⁄2 of glycerin; it
reddens litmus, and is slightly efflorescent; its solution responds to
all the usual tests for copper and sulphuric acid. A watery solution of
the salt to which twice its volume of a solution of chlorine has been
added, gives, when treated with ammonia in excess, a clear
sapphire-blue solution, leaving nothing undissolved, and thus
showing the absence of iron. Besides iron, sulphate of copper has
been found to contain zincic sulphate.
Nitrate of Copper, Cu(NO3)23H2O, is officinal; it is very soluble.
Cuprum Aluminatum.—A preparation, called cuprum aluminatum
(Pierre divine), is in use in France and Germany, chiefly as an
external wash. It is composed of 16 parts cupric sulphate, 16
potassic nitrate, 16 alum, fused in a crucible, a little camphor being
afterwards added.
Regular and irregular medical practitioners, veterinary surgeons,
farriers, and grooms, all use sulphate of copper (bluestone) as an
application to wounds. Copper as an internal remedy is not in favour
either with quacks or vendors of patent medicines. The writer has
not yet found any patent pill or liquid containing it.
(2) Copper in the Arts.—Copper is used very extensively in the
arts; it enters into the composition of a number of alloys, is one of
the chief constituents of the common bronzing powders, is contained
in many of the lilac and purple fires of the pyrotechnist, and in a
great variety of pigments. The last-mentioned, being of special
importance, will be briefly described:—
Pigments:—
Schweinfurt and Scheele’s Green[872] are respectively the aceto-
arsenite and the arsenite of copper (see article “Arsenic”).

The synonyms for Schweinfurt green are extremely numerous:—Mitic

[872]
green, Viennic green, imperial green, emerald green, are the principal
terms in actual use.

Brighton Green is a mixture of impure acetate of copper and

chalk.
Brunswick Green, originally a crude chloride of copper, is now
generally a mixture of carbonate of copper and chalk or alumina.
Mountain Green, or Mineral Green, is the native green carbonate
of copper, either with or without a little orpiment.
Neuwieder Green is either the same as mountain green, or
Schweinfurt green mixed with gypsum or sulphate of baryta.
Green Verditer is a mixture of oxide and carbonate of copper with
chalk.
Verdigris is an acetate of copper, or a mixture of acetates. Its
formula is usually represented as (C2H3O2)CuO. It is much used in
the arts, and to some extent as an external application in medicine.
Its most frequent impurities or adulterations are chalk and sulphate
of copper.
§ 802. Dose—Medicinal Dose of Copper.—Since sulphate of
copper is practically the only salt administered internally, the dose is
generally expressed as so many grains of sulphate. This salt is given
in quantities of from ·016 to ·129 grm. (1⁄4 to 2 grains) as an
astringent or tonic; as an emetic, from ·324 to ·648 grm. (5 to 10
grains).
The sulphate of copper is given to horses and cattle in such large
doses as from 30 up to 120 grains (1·9 to 7·7 grms.); to sheep, from
1·3 to 2·6 grms. (20 to 40 grains); rabbits, ·0648 to ·1296 grm. (1
to 2 grains).
§ 803. Effects of Soluble Copper Salts on Animals.—Harnack
has made some experiments on animals with an alkaline tartrate of
copper, which has no local action, nor does it precipitate albumin. 1⁄2
to 3⁄4 mgrm. of copper oxide in this form, administered
subcutaneously, was fatal to frogs, ·05 grm. to rabbits, ·4 grm. to
dogs. The direct excitability of the voluntary muscles was gradually
extinguished, and death took place from heart paralysis. Vomiting
was only noticed when the poison was administered by the stomach.
[873] The temperature of animals poisoned by copper, sinks,
according to the researches of F. A. Falck, many degrees. These
observations are in agreement with the effects of copper salts on
man, and with the experiments of Orfila, Blake, C. Ph. Falck, and
others.

[873]On the other hand, Brunton and West have observed vomiting
produced in animals after injection of copper peptone into the jugular
vein.—Barth. Hosp. Rep., 1877, xii.
Roger[874] experimented on the effect of copper leguminate which
was administered subcutaneously; he found gradual increasing
paralysis of the motor spinal tracts, which finally destroyed life by
paralysis of the breathing centre. The heart beat after the breathing
had stopped. The irritability and contractility of the muscles of frogs
were lost, while sensibility remained. He also found that, if the
copper was injected into the intestinal vessels, the dose had to be
doubled in order to destroy life; this is, doubtless, because the liver,
as it were, strained the copper off and excreted it through the bile.
Roger was unable to destroy life by large doses of copper given by
the mouth, for then vomiting supervened and the poison in great
part was removed.

[874] Revue de Médecine, 1877, xii.

Bernatzic[875] considers that the poisonous properties of copper are

similar to those of zinc and silver. He says: “Silver, copper, and zinc
are, in their medicinal application, so much allied that, with regard to
their action, they graduate one into the other and show only minor
differences; copper, which is a little the more poisonous of the three
so far as its remote action is concerned, stands between the other
two. If taken, in not too small a quantity, for a long time, the
functional activity of the muscular and nervous systems is influenced
injuriously, the development of the animal cells is inhibited, the
number of the red blood corpuscles decreased, and therefore the
oxidising process and metabolism are likewise diminished, leading
ultimately to a condition of marked cachexia. . . . From a toxic point
of view, the three metals named also stand near each other, and
their compounds differ from other metals injurious to the organism
in this, that they do not produce notable changes of the tissues or
coarse functional disturbances leading to death as other poisonous
metals, and therefore are not to be considered poisons in the same
sense as lead, mercury, arsenic, antimony, phosphorus are
considered poisons; for, on stopping the entry of the poison, any
injurious effect is completely recovered from and the functions again
become normal.”

[875] Encycloped. d. ges. Heilkunde, xi. S. 429.

Lehmann[876] has also experimented on the effects of copper; his

experiments were made on both animals and men. He found that
small quantities were more thoroughly absorbed than medium or
large doses; the method of separation appeared to be different in
different animals—thus, the chief copper-excreting organ in dogs is
the liver; in rabbits, the intestine; and in man, the kidneys. Of 3
mgrms. of copper taken by a man in three days, 1 mgrm., or a third,
was recovered from the urine. Lehmann experimented on 6 rabbits,
4 cats, and 1 dog. During the first few days the animals were given
10 to 30 mgrms. of copper, in the form of a salt, in their food; then
the dose was raised to 50 mgrms. or even to 100 mgrms., and the
experiment continued for from two to four months; in one case, six
months. The sulphate, acetate, chloride, oleate, butyrate, and
lactate were all tried, but no essential difference in action
discovered. Apart from slight vomiting, and in a few cases, as shown
by post-mortem, a slight catarrh of the stomach, the animals
remained well. A few increased in weight. Nervous symptoms,
cramps, convulsions, diarrhœa, or the reverse, were not observed.
The analysis of the organs showed considerable copper absorption;
the liver of the cats gave a mean amount of 12 mgrms. of copper,
and in the other organs there was more copper than is found in
cases of acute poisoning.

[876] Münch. med. Wochenschrift, 1891, Nr. 35 u. 36.

Lehmann has also made experiments upon himself and his pupils on
the effect of the sulphate and the acetate when taken for a long
time:—

One of the experimenters took for 50 days 10 mgrms. daily Cu as sulphate.

 „ „ „ then for 30 „ 20 „ „
Another took for 3 days 5 mgrms. as acetate.
„ then for 10 days 10 „ „
„ „ 1 day 15 „ „
„ „ 19 days 20 „ „
„ „ 18 days 30 „ „

None of these daily doses had the least effect.

Five farther experiments showed that 75 to 127 mgrms. of copper in
peas and beans, divided in two meals, could be taken daily without
effect; but if 127 mgrms. were taken at one meal in 200 grms. of
peas, then, after a few hours, there might be vomiting; and
Lehmann concludes that doses of copper in food of about 100
mgrms. may produce some transient derangement in health, such as
sickness, a nasty taste in the mouth, and a general feeling of
discomfort, but nothing more; some slight colicky pains and one or
two loose motions are also possible, but were not observed in
Lehmann’s experiments.
§ 804. Toxic Dose of Copper Salts.—This is a difficult question,
because copper salts generally act as an emetic, and therefore very
large doses have been taken without any great injury. In fact, it may
be laid down that a medium dose taken daily for a considerable time
is far more likely to injure health, or to destroy life, than a big dose
taken at once. In Tschirch’s[877] careful experiments on animals, he
found 10 mgrm. doses of CuO given daily to rabbits, the weight of
which varied from 1200 to 1650 grms., caused injury to health, that
is, about 3·5 mgrms. per kilo. If man is susceptible in the same
proportion, then daily doses of 227·5 mgrms. (or about 31⁄2 grains)
would cause serious poisonous symptoms; although double or treble
that quantity might in a single dose be swallowed and, if thrown up
speedily, no great harm result. 120 grms. of sulphate of copper have
been swallowed, and yet the patient recovered after an illness of two
weeks.[878] Lewin[879] mentions the case of an adult who recovered
after ten days’ illness, although the dose was 15 grms.; there is also
on record the case of a child, four and a half years old, who
recovered after a dose of 16·5 grms. (a little over half an ounce). On
the other hand, 7·7 grms. have been with difficulty recovered from.
[880] A woman died in seventy-two hours after taking 27 grms. (7
drms.) of copper sulphate mixed with 11·6 grms. (3 drms.) of iron
sulphide; 56·6 grms. (2 ozs.) of copper acetate have caused death in
three days; 14·2 grms. (0·5 oz.) in sixty hours.[881]

[877] Das Kupfer, Stuttgart, 1893.

[878]Referred to by Bernatzic, on the authority of Ketli, in Encycl. d. ges.
Heilkunde, xi. S. 433.
[879] Toxicologie, S. 133.
[880] D Taylor, op. cit.
[881] Sonnenschein, op. cit.

§ 805. Cases of Acute Poisoning.—Acute poisoning by salts of

copper is rare; in the ten years ending 1892, there were registered
in England 8 deaths from this cause—3 suicidal (2 males, 1 female)
and 5 accidental (4 males, 1 female). The symptoms produced by
the sulphate of copper are those of a powerful irritant poison: there
is immediate and violent vomiting; the vomited matters are of a
greenish colour—a green distinguished from bile by the colour
changing to blue on the addition of ammonia. There is pain in the
stomach, and in a little time affections of the nervous system, as
shown by spasms, cramps, paralysis, and even tetanus. Jaundice is a
frequent symptom, if life is prolonged sufficiently to admit of its
occurrence.
One of the best examples of acute poisoning by copper sulphate is
recorded by Maschka.[882] A youth, sixteen years old, took an
unknown large dose of powdered copper sulphate, mixed with water.
Half an hour afterwards there was violent vomiting, and he was
taken to the hospital. There was thirst, retching, constriction in the
throat, a coppery taste in the mouth, and pain in the epigastrium,
which was painful on pressure. The vomit was of a blue colour, and
small undissolved crystals of copper sulphate were obtained from it.
The patient was pale, the edges of the lips and the angles of the
mouth were coloured blue, the surface of the tongue had also a blue
tint, the temperature was depressed, the extremities cold, nails
cyanotic, and the pulse small and quick. Several loose greenish-
yellow evacuations were passed; there was no blood. The urine was
scanty, but contained neither blood nor albumen. During the night
the patient was very restless; the next morning he had violent
headache, pain in the epigastrium, burning in the mouth and gullet,
but no vomiting. The urine was scanty, contained blood, albumen,
and colouring matter from the bile. On the fourth day there was
marked jaundice. The mucous membrane was very pale, the
temperature low, pulse frequent, and great weakness, cardiac
oppression, and restlessness were experienced. There were
diarrhœa and tenesmus, the motions being streaked with blood; the
urine also contained much blood. The liver was enlarged. The
patient died in a state of collapse on the seventh day.

[882] Wiener med. Wochenschr., 1871, Nro. 26, p. 628.

In 1836 a girl, sixteen months old, was given bluestone to play with,
and ate an unknown quantity; a quarter of an hour afterwards the
child was violently sick, vomiting a bluish-green liquid containing
some pieces of sulphate of copper. Death took place in four hours,
without convulsions, and without diarrhœa.
§ 806. Subacetate of Copper, Subchloride, and Carbonate, all
act very similarly to the sulphate when given in large doses.
§ 807. Post-mortem Appearances.—In Maschka’s case, the chief
changes noted were in the liver, kidneys, and stomach. The
substance of the liver was friable and fatty; in the gall-bladder there
were but a few drops of dark tenacious bile. The kidneys were
swollen, the cortical substance coloured yellow, the pyramids
compressed and pale brown. In the mucous membrane of the
stomach there was an excoriation the size of a shilling, in which the
epithelium was changed into a dirty brown mass, easily detached,
laying bare the muscular substance beneath, but otherwise normal.
In a case of poisoning by verdigris (subacetate of copper) recorded
by Orfila,[883] the stomach was so much inflamed and thickened that
towards the pyloric end the opening into the intestine was almost
obliterated. The small intestines throughout were inflamed, and
perforation had taken place, so that part of the green liquid had
escaped into the abdomen. The large intestines were distended in
some parts, contracted in others, and there was ulceration of the
rectum. In other cases a striking discoloration of the mucous
membrane, being changed by the contact of the salt to a dirty
bluish-green, has been noticed, and, when present, will afford
valuable indications.

[883] Toxicologie, vol. i. p. 787 (5th ed.).

§ 808. Chronic Poisoning by Copper.—Symptoms have arisen

among workers in copper or its salts, and also from the use of food
accidentally contaminated by copper, which lend support to the
existence of chronic poisoning. In the symptoms there is a very
great resemblance to those produced by lead. There is a green line
on the margin of the gums. Dr. Clapton[884] found the line very
distinct in a sailor and two working coppersmiths, and the two men
were also seen by Dr. Taylor. Cases of chronic poisoning among
coppersmiths have also been treated by Dr. Cameron,[885] but this
symptom was not noticed. Corrigan speaks of the line round the
gums, but describes it as purple-red. Among workers in copper,
Lancereaux[886] has seen a black coloration of the mucous
membrane of the digestive canal; its chemical characters appear to
agree with those of carbon.

[884] Med. Times and Gazette, June 1868, p. 658.

[885] Med. Times and Gazette, 1870, vol. i. p. 581.
[886] Atlas of Pathological Anatomy.
Metallic copper itself is not poisonous. A Mr. Charles Reed has
published a letter in the Chemical News of Jan. 12, 1894, stating
that he was, when a boy, wounded in the shin by a copper
percussion-cap, and the cap remained in the tissues; it was removed
from the shin after a sojourn thereof some twelve years; about the
year 1873 he noticed that whenever a piece of clean iron or steel
came in contact with his perspiration it was at once covered with a
bright coating of copper, and this continued until the percussion-cap
was removed. Presuming the truth of this, it shows conclusively that
metallic copper deposited in the tissues is in itself not poisonous,
and farther, that one method of elimination is by the skin. The
experiments already cited throw doubt as to whether repeated small
doses of copper taken for a long time produce in a scientific sense
chronic poisoning; those which apparently support the view that
there is such a thing as chronic poisoning by copper, have been
produced by copper mixed with other metals; and there is the
possibility that these cases are really due to lead or arsenic, and not
to copper. The great use of late years of solutions of copper sulphate
as a dressing to plants, for the purpose of preventing the ravages of
various parasites, has provided, so far as animals are concerned,
much material for the judgment of this question. Sheep have been
fed with vines which have been treated with copper sulphate, oxen
and pigs have consumed for a long time grass treated with a 3 per
cent. of copper sulphate, without the least health disturbance.
Mach[887] has fed cows with green food coppered up to 200 mgrms.
of copper sulphate, without observing the slightest bad effect, for
long periods of time; and Tschirch[888] summarises the evidence as
to chronic poisoning as follows:—“So it appears the contention that
there is no chronic poisoning in men or animals is at present
uncontradicted; it is farther to be considered proved that the small
amounts of copper naturally in food, or carefully introduced into
food, are not injurious to the health of those that take such food,
because the liver, kidneys, and other organs excrete the copper
through the urine and bile, and prevent a pernicious accumulation.”
At the same time, Tschirch does not consider the question is
definitely settled; the experiments should, he thinks, have been
continued not for months, but for years, to obtain a trustworthy
judgment.

[887]Mach, Bericht über die Ergebnisse der im Jahre 1886 ausgeführten

Versuche zur Bekämpfung der Peronospora, St. Michele, Tyrol.
[888] Op. cit.

It may also be remarked that, if we are to rely upon the separation

of copper by the kidneys and the liver, those organs are presumed to
be in a healthy state, which is not the case with a percentage of the
population; to persons whose liver or kidneys are unsound, even the
small amounts of copper found in “coppered” peas may act as a
poison, and the experiments previously detailed throw no light upon
the action of copper under such circumstances.
§ 809. Detection and Estimation of Copper.—Copper may occur
either in the routine process of precipitating by SH2, or it may, as is
generally the case, be searched for specially. If copper is looked for
in a precipitate produced by SH2, it is taken for granted that the
precipitate has first been treated successively by carbonate of
ammonia, sulphide of sodium, and hydrochloric acid; in other words,
arsenic, antimony, and lead have been removed. The moist
precipitate is now treated with warm nitric acid, which dissolves out
copper sulphide with separation of sulphur; if there is sufficient
copper, the fluid shows a blue colour, which of itself is an indication
of copper being present. The further tests are—(1) Ammonia gives a
deeper blue; (2) ferrocyanide of potash a brown-red colour or
precipitate; (3) a few drops mixed with a solution of tartrate of soda,
alkalised with sodic hydrate, and boiled with a crystal or two of
grape-sugar, gives quickly a red precipitate of oxide of copper; (4) a
needle or a clean iron wire, or any simple galvanic combination,
immersed in, or acting on, the liquid, soon becomes coated with the
very characteristic reddish metallic film. Various other tests might be
mentioned, but the above are ample.
 Special Examinations for Copper.

(1) In Water and Liquids generally.—The liquid may be

concentrated, and the copper separated by electrolysis. A simple
method is to place the liquid in a large platinum dish, and insert a
piece of zinc, adding a sufficient quantity of ClH to dissolve the zinc
entirely; the copper is found as an adherent film on the inner surface
of the dish. It is neater, however, and more accurate, to connect the
platinum dish with the negative plate of a battery, suspending in the
liquid the positive electrode. The modifications of this method are
numerous; some chemists use (especially for small quantities of
copper) two small platinum electrodes, either of foil or of wire, and
on obtaining the film, weigh the electrode, then dissolve the copper
off by nitric acid, and re-weigh. Such solid substances as peas are
conveniently mashed up into a paste with water and ClH; an aliquot
part is carefully weighed and put in a platinum dish, connected, as
before described, with a battery; at the end of from twelve to
twenty-four hours all the copper is deposited, and the dish with its
film dried and weighed. The weight of the clean dish, minus the
coppered dish, of course equals the copper. Fat and oils are best
thoroughly washed with hot acid water, which will, if properly
performed, extract all the copper. By the use of separating funnels
and wet filters, the fat or oil can be separated from the watery
liquid.
A galvanic test has been proposed, which is certainly very delicate,
1⁄100 of a mgrm. in solution being recognised with facility. A zinc

platinum couple is made with two wires; on leaving this in an acid

liquid containing a mere trace of copper, after several hours the
platinum will be found discoloured. If the discoloration is from
copper, on exposing the wire to hydrobromic acid fumes (easily
produced from the action of potassic bromide and sulphuric acid)
and bromine, the wire will become of a violet colour. This colour is
easily recognised by rubbing the wire on a piece of porcelain.[889]
 [889] Chem. News, Nov. 30, 1877.

(2) Animal Matters, such as the liver, brain, spinal cord, &c., are
best entirely burnt to an ash, and the copper looked for in the latter.
[890] The same remark applies to bread and substances consisting
almost entirely of starchy matters. Any injurious quantity of copper
can, however, be extracted with hydrochloric acid and water; and,
although this method of extraction is not quite so accurate, it is
quicker.

[890]In exhumation of long buried bodies, it may be necessary to know

the composition of the soil. Sonnenschein mentions a skull, now in the
museum at Madrid, which was dug out of an old Roman mine, and is quite
green from copper compounds.—Sonnenschein’s Handbuch, p. 83.

§ 810. Volumetric Processes for the Estimation of Copper.—A

number of volumetric processes have been devised for the
estimation of copper, but for the purposes of this work it is
unnecessary to detail them. When copper is in too small a quantity
to be weighed, it may then be estimated by a colorimetric process.
One of the best of these is based upon the brown colour which
ferrocyanide of potash produces in very dilute solutions of copper. A
standard copper solution is obtained by dissolving sulphate of copper
in a litre of water, so that each c.c. contains 0·1 mgrm. Cu, and a
solution of ferrocyanide of potash in water is prepared, strength 4
per cent. It is also convenient to have a solution of nitrate of
ammonia, which is found to render the reaction much more delicate.
The further details are on the well-known lines of colorimetric
estimations.

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