Estimating The Return On Investment of Child Caregiving Programs - Study of India - June 2022
Estimating The Return On Investment of Child Caregiving Programs - Study of India - June 2022
Return On
Investment:
Complete Report
JUNE 2022
A Study of India
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... 4
I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 4
II. Existing Research and Analysis .......................................................................................... 5
India Childcare and Early Childhood Education and Development ........................................... 5
III. Survey Methodology ............................................................................................................. 6
Survey Scope .............................................................................................................................. 6
Sample Design ............................................................................................................................ 6
Child Caregiving Questionnaire Modules ................................................................................... 7
Figure 1 – Child Caregiving Questionnaire Modules, Survey Logic ....................................... 8
Survey Fielding and Data Collection Period ............................................................................... 8
Data Processing, Demographics, and Sample Weighting ......................................................... 8
Table 1 – Survey Sample Characteristics, Weighted and Unweighted .................................. 9
Table 2 – Child Caregiving Module Respondents, Weighted and Unweighted ................... 10
IV. Survey Results ..................................................................................................................... 11
Early Child Caregiving Landscape............................................................................................ 11
Table 3 – Child Care Usage Patterns, by Population Group ................................................ 11
Figure 2 – Subsidized Care Usage, by Population Group .................................................... 12
Childcare Costs ......................................................................................................................... 12
Table 4 – Average Cash-Based Childcare Costs, by Population Group .............................. 13
Stated Child Caregiving Preferences........................................................................................ 13
Table 5 – Stated Childcare Preferences, by Population Group............................................ 14
Caregiving Perceptions and Actual Usage Patterns ................................................................ 14
Table 6 – Most Common Childcare Types, National Results ............................................... 14
Table 7 – Public Perceptions about Childcare Usage Types, by Population Group ............ 15
Figure 3 – Age of Neighbor, Friend, or Relative Caregivers, National Results .................... 16
Satisfaction with Current Caregiving Situation ......................................................................... 16
Table 8 – Satisfaction with Current Childcare Arrangements, by Population Group ........... 17
Satisfaction Factors ................................................................................................................... 17
Table 9 – Childcare Aspects Cited by Satisfied Parents, by Population Group ................... 17
Table 10 – Childcare Aspects Cited by Satisfied Non-Primary Caregivers and Type ......... 18
Table 11 – Barriers to Switching Existing Childcare Arrangements among Dissatisfied
Parents, by Arrangement Type ............................................................................................. 20
Table 12 – Barriers to Subsidized Childcare Services, by Population Group ...................... 21
Unpaid caregiving responsibilities represent a key barrier to women’s labor force participation in
many developed and developing countries, particularly while children are too young to attend
formal schooling. In this paper, we consider the child caregiving environment in India and
quantifies the potential economic returns of investing in early childcare programs. These potential
benefits focus on two key dimensions – increased labor force participation rates and increased
household income for currently unemployed primary caregivers. We estimate that addressing
primary caregivers’ childcare needs could lead to a 5-percentage point increase in the labor force
participation rate in India, which translates into roughly 46 million people joining or rejoining the
labor force. Furthermore, on average, for every $1 invested in accessible childcare services,
currently unemployed primary caregivers would expect to generate $8 in increased economic
activity. Public support for these types of subsidized child caregiving programs is extremely high
in India, with 93% of the population expressing support for such programs for needy families.
Super majorities of every demographic group (age, gender, socioeconomic status, and
urban/rural groups) support such programs. In fact, nearly two-thirds of Indians believe that early
childcare programs should be prioritized more than primary schooling provision. Therefore, the
Indian government could view early child caregiving investments not only as good economic
policy, but also good politics.
I. Introduction
Globally, female labor force participation is nearly 30 percentage points lower than for men (46%
versus 75%).1 Increased child caregiving responsibilities is a well-documented barrier to higher
female labor force participation.2 In the majority of countries, women disproportionately take on
child caregiving responsibilities that displace the time available for paid work. For example, in
India, the female labor participation rate (19%) is 50 percentage points lower than that of men
(69%). Gender disparities are even more pronounced among people with children in Sub-Saharan
Africa and most other developing regions.3,4 Unpaid childcare burdens materially restrict national
economic output, and it has been hypothesized that reducing childcare costs by 50% could
increase female labor supply by 6-10 percent in some country contexts.5
Building upon this literature, our study is among the first to comprehensively measure the potential
increase in labor force participation rates directly attributable to improved affordability and
accessibility of early childcare options in selected country contexts. Our household survey is
unique because it asks respondents about the precise economic activities that they or their
spouse/partner would pursue if they had access to affordable childcare options. While we expect
women to benefit disproportionately from such access, we focus on both female and male primary
caregivers. Moreover, our study also examines newly collected information about parents’
1
International Labour Organization, ILOSTAT database. Data retrieved on February 8, 2022. Female and
male labor participation rates.
2
Sarah Gammage, Naziha Sultana, and Manon Mouron (March 2019), The Hidden Costs of Unpaid
Caregiving, Finance and Development: International Monetary Fund, Vol. 56, Issue 01, pp 20-23.
3
The exception to the countries of Oceania, excluding Australia and New Zealand.
4
International Labor Organization (ILO): ILOSTAT blog. Having kids sets back women’s labour force
participation more so than getting married. March 3, 2020.
5
Sarah Gammage, Naziha Sultana, and Manon Mouron (March 2019), The Hidden Costs of Unpaid
Caregiving, Finance and Development: International Monetary Fund, Vol. 56, Issue 01, pp 20-23.
Fraym Mapping Humanity • fraym.io 4
satisfaction with existing childcare arrangements as well as support for potential government
programs and policies amongst the broader Indian population.
This paper is organized as follows. In section II, we briefly summarize the current context
regarding childcare and early childhood development in India. In section III, we detail the
household survey methodology and data collection that form the basis for much of the analytical
results. This includes documenting the survey scope, questionnaire design, sampling, and
weighting procedures. Survey results form the basis of section IV, which discusses the early child
caregiving landscape, including usage, costs, preferences, perceptions, and satisfaction with
current childcare arrangements in India. For care satisfaction, we report on the distribution of
factors cited as most relevant to satisfied parents’ evaluations, as well as the key barriers to
changing childcare arrangements amongst dissatisfied parents. Next, in section V, we focus on
the core analytical contribution of this paper – the ROI methodology and results. Section VI
reviews public attitudes about subsidized caregiving support, reviewing overall public support for
and desired prioritizations of government programs. Finally, the paper concludes with a summary
of the key results.
Formal schooling is an important part of early childhood development and a way to alleviate at
least some of the childcare burdens on families. As a result, child caregiving cannot be considered
in isolation from education.
The Government of India provides pre-primary education and early childhood development (ECD)
services through the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS), a centrally sponsored and
state administered ECD program that has been in operation since 1975. The ICDS scheme,
renamed as “Anganwadi Services,” administers pre-school services, including early learning for
children aged 3-6 years, and early care and stimulation for children under the age of three.
Supplementary nutrition, health and nutrition, immunization, referral services and health check-
ups are also provided at the Anganwadi Centres. There were a reported 1.36 million functional
Anganwadi Centers in 2018, serving some 70 million children, pregnant women, and lactating
mothers.6 Additionally, the central government sponsors the National Creche Scheme, which
provides daycare facilities to children (ages 6 months to 6 years old) of working mothers. As of
2020, there were 6,453 functional creches across the country under the scheme.7 The Ministry of
Women & Child Development is responsible for both Anganwadi Services and the National
Creche Scheme.
Although government-supported Anganwadis are widely known and accessed in the country, and
government-sponsored creches are increasingly utilized, private preschools appear to be growing
in popularity and utilization. A recent study tracking 13,000 children in several states in India found
6
https://pib.gov.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=181218
7
https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=1606292
Fraym Mapping Humanity • fraym.io 5
that about 43% attended private schools.8 Regulatory guidelines for private preschools were
introduced in 2017 and have since been rolled out across the country.9
In 2013, the government adopted the National Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE)
Policy along with a National ECCE Curriculum Framework and Quality Standards. Then, in 2020,
the Ministry of Education released a new National Education Policy, which expanded the structure
of school education to cover three years of pre-school or Anganwadi (for ages 3-6), in addition to
the mandatory, formal enrollment in primary school beginning at age six. The policy recognizes
the importance of early childhood education, stating “universal provisioning of quality early
childhood development, care, and education must thus be achieved as soon as possible, and no
later than 2030, to ensure that all students entering Grade 1 are school ready.” 10
Data released by UNICEF and Countdown 2030 in 2021 indicate that 38 percent of children aged
36-59 months attend an early childhood education program. 11
Taking place in the context of the COVID-19 crisis, our survey necessarily considered the effects
of COVID-19 on childcare in India. The nationwide lockdown that went into effect on 25 March
2020 included an immediate halt to formal and informal early childhood activities, including
schools, creches, and Anganwadi centers. As a result, the burden of unpaid care work increased
dramatically, particularly for women. A study by Dalberg, for example, estimated that women’s
unpaid work in India, already ten times more than men, increased by at least 30 percent during
the pandemic.12
The Caregiving ROI study analyzes existing household approaches to child caregiving,
satisfaction with existing early childhood services, obstacles to accessing care services, and
preferences for alternative care arrangements. We further assess public support for government-
subsidized childcare, among other issues, and examine whether existing primary caregivers
would enter or re-enter the labor force (and in what type of economic activity) if safe and quality
care services were available. For this study, we focus on caregiving for children under the age of
six.
Sample Design
The survey sample was designed to be nationally representative of all adults aged 18 or older
across India. We established interlocking quotas for age brackets (18-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54,
8
Ghosh, S., Dey, S. Public or private? Determinants of parents’ preschool choice in India. ICEP 14, 3
(2020).
9
Regulatory Guidelines for Private Play Schools: Guidelines for regulating private play schools for the
children of the age of three to six year. Education Division, National Commission for Protection of Child
Rights, 2017.
10
Ministry of Human Resource Development, National Education Policy 2020, 2020
11
https://nurturing-care.org/india-2021/
12
https://dalberg.com/our-ideas/addressing-womens-time-poverty-in-india/
Fraym Mapping Humanity • fraym.io 6
and 55+), gender (female, male)13, and states. This created 300 distinct interlocking demographic
quotas for data collection.14 The number of target respondents assigned to each of these
interlocking quotas was determined based on available information from 2016 Demographic and
Health Survey. The final sample included 20,818 respondents. We also included a separate
additional socioeconomic quota based on household asset ownership patterns. There is an
extensive literature that documents the usage of this approach in a variety of settings. 15 In India,
we considered over 20 potential household assets and then selected scooter ownership and flush
toilet, since they exhibit the most desired distributions of ownership rates. The ideal
socioeconomic proxy measure(s) would exhibit a linear relationship with the same level of
increase or decrease in asset ownership rates for each quintile of the household-level population.
While imperfect, this approach ensures that the sample is more representative of the general
adult population and can be used for ex post reweighting as necessary.
The second segmenting characteristic relates to those survey respondents with young children.
Households where someone other than the respondent or respondent’s spouse or partner
provides childcare are referred to as “non-primary caregivers” (n = 2,520) and were directed to a
series of questions on their existing child caregiving approach. Households where the respondent
or their spouse or partner currently provides childcare are considered “primary caregivers” (n =
1,328) and were directed to a series of questions similar to non-primary caregivers.17 However,
the latter also were asked questions concerning their demand for different types of care,
willingness to pay for care, current barriers to care, and about their expected economic situation
if safe and affordable childcare were accessible.
13
The sample quotas specifically focused on female and male respondents. However, the gender identity
question also included responses for transgender males, transgender females, and non-binary groups.
Statistically significant analysis of these gender identity groups was not possible due the limited number
of respondents.
14
This is calculated as follows: number of states (30) x the number of age brackets (5) x the number of
gender groups (2) = 300 distinct, interlocking quotas. Some union territories and states were excluded
from the quotas because of extremely small target sample sizes. Specifically, three union territories are
excluded from the quotas and three union territories are combined into a nearby state for quota targets.
15
For instance, see Ben Leo, Robert Morello, Jonathan Mellon, Tiago Peixoto, and Stephen Davenport.
2015. "Do Mobile Phone Surveys Work in Poor Countries?" CGD Working Paper 398. Washington, DC:
Center for Global Development. http://www.cgdev.org/publication/do-mobile-phone-surveys-work-poor-
countries-workingpaper-398.
16
Respondents in the first segmenting characteristic group (households with young children) also
completed the Public Policy and Caregiving Attitudes module.
17
We also use the term ‘parental caregiving’ later in this paper to refer to ‘primary caregivers’. It is
important to note, that while primary caregivers are typically the parents, this is not always the case.
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Figure 1 – Child Caregiving Questionnaire Modules, Survey Logic
Segmenting
Characteristic #2
Segmenting
Characteristic #1
All Respondents
Data collection occurred between 1 February 2022 and 2 March 2022. The final survey sample
included 20,818 Indian respondents aged 18 or older. The average survey completion time was
10 minutes and 7 seconds.
For survey execution, the survey vendor utilized a number of industry best-practices to quality
check responses. These included: (i) regularly testing and validating on a rolling basis to ensure
participants and their responses are real and accurate; (ii) comparing answers from respondents
to pre-collected information on the same respondents for consistency, such as the same age,
gender, socio-economic status, and geography; (iii) recontacting a percentage of respondents for
quality assurance and oversight purposes.; (iv) checking for straight lining (e.g. answering "C" for
all questions in a particular series or module); and (v) checking speed of completion rates, (e.g.
flagging observations that took 1/3 or less of the median time to complete the questionnaire).
Responses that failed any one of these tests were automatically removed from the data.
Modest divergence was found between sample characteristics and the general population
parameters according to available data from the 2016 Demographic and Health Survey. Post-hoc
weights were created to correct for these differences. An iterative proportional fitting process was
used to simultaneously balance the distributions of the following parameters: gender, age, urban
status, state, and socioeconomic status. Table 1 below details the demographic characteristics of
respondents by gender, age group, urban status, state, socioeconomic status, and caste. Both
Table 2 below details the segmenting characteristics of survey respondents that received each of
the three distinct child caregiving questionnaire modules.
18
We define socioeconomic status through an asset ownership approach based on the 2016 DHS,
selecting the two assets which best tracked DHS national wealth index trends. In India, respondents who
have neither a flush toilet nor a scooter are considered Low SES. Respondents who have only one of the
two assets are considered Medium SES and respondents who own both assets are considered High
SES.
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IV. Survey Results
Early Child Caregiving Landscape
The majority of Indian parents of a child under the age of six serve as their primary caregivers.
More specifically, 56% of adults with young children state that parents are the primary caregivers.
Facilities or hired caregiving services outside of the home is the next most frequently cited
caregiving arrangement (24% of respective households).
For this study, we are particularly interested in disaggregating results for marginalized sub-groups
of Indian society. Marginalized groups can be excluded from mainstream social, economic,
education and/or cultural life due to unequal power relationships and historic inequities. In this
analysis, we specifically consider individuals who are of lower socioeconomic class and who
belong to a backwards caste or a non-Hindu religion as a marginalized sub-group for specific
attention where appropriate and possible. As noted above, we proxied for household income with
questions about the ownership of key assets (flush toilet and scooter). Poor or “low” income
respondents owned neither key asset and “high” income respondent owned both.
19
For the remainder of this section, national refers to adults with at least one child under the age of six,
unless otherwise stated.
20
Respondents are not necessarily the parents of the young child in the household, as the survey does
not collect information on the role of the respondent in the household. Rather, this is defined as adults
with young children in the household that are considered marginalized.
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There is little variation in the outsourcing of caregiving to a hired caregiver in the home, relative,
neighbor or friend for care across sub-groups. Usage for these types of childcare are all below
10%.
Finally, 28% of parents with a child under six report that they currently use subsidized childcare.
These are parents who report using a childcare service that is provided at a reduced cost (i.e.,
through a subsidy or voucher) due to support from the government, a religious institution, or a
non-governmental organization. Unsurprisingly, subsidized care usage is higher among
marginalized parents (47%) and lower among wealthier parents (14%). In fact, the high usage of
subsidized care among marginalized parents likely explains the higher usage of care facilities as
compared to high SES parents. While nearly half of marginalized parents use subsidized care,
there are still opportunities to continue expanding access to affordable, quality care in vulnerable
communities.
Childcare Costs
Our study examined whether parents of young children pay for child caregiving services, and if
so, whether those payments are in cash or in-kind. Specifically, we look at the cost of childcare
among households where parents are not the primary caregivers. These costs capture
households relying on neighbors, friends, or relatives, as well as hired caregivers and facilities
such as preschools and nurseries.
Nationally, about two-thirds of respondents who utilize childcare pay 2,500 Rupees (about 33
USD) or more per month, with both subsidized care users and high SES parents paying these
types of higher costs
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Table 4 – Average Cash-Based Childcare Costs, by Population Group
Interestingly, subsidized care users appear to pay higher costs as do marginalized parents,
whereas there is more variation in spending among wealthier parents. Subsidized care users
and marginalized parents pay the most per month relative to other subgroups: 83% of
subsidized care users and 75% of marginalized parents outsourcing care pay at least 2,500
Rupees (about $33) per month. In comparison, only 64% of high economic status parents pay
the same amount every month.
We saw earlier in Table 3 that only about a quarter of high SES parents are outsourcing care.
Higher costs among subsidized care users and marginalized parents are likely driven by a
reliance on caregiving facilities such as preschools and nurseries rather than on hired
caregivers in the home, relatives, or neighbors. Additionally, about half of all marginalized
parents rely on subsidized care, which explains the relatively smaller gap between subsidized
care users and marginalized parents in payment patterns.
Direct caregiving by the parents is the preferred type of childcare for Indian parents, no matter
their socioeconomic or caste status, with half indicating a preference for a childcare
arrangement involving themselves or their spouse. This is followed by 31% who prefer to
outsource responsibilities to a hired caregiver or a facility. Another 11% prefer to rely on a
relative, neighbor or friend for providing caregiving in the home. The least popular arrangement
involves care in the home of a friend, neighbor or relative, with only 9% of parents reporting a
preference for this type of arrangement.
Consistent with national trends, both marginalized and high economic status parents show a
preference for direct caregiving. Roughly half of all marginalized parents and high
socioeconomic status parents prefer an arrangement involving themselves or their spouse or
partner (48% and 50%, respectively). Furthermore, 19% of marginalized parents and 21% of
high SES parents report preferring the second most popular arrangement: an external facility
run by the government, a religious group, NGO or private business. These trends across groups
suggest that there is a strong social preference for direct caregiving by the parents, but that
childcare facilities can be the next best option when direct caregiving is not possible.
At your home, provider by a hired caregiver (i.e. nanny) 11% 10% 10%
Personal preferences for childcare align closely with community perceptions and with the true
distribution of childcare arrangements across the country. Nearly half of parents show a
preference for direct childcare, which is only an 8-percentage point difference from actual
arrangements and only a 5-percentage point difference from community perceptions. The same
pattern can be observed for facilities. While 20% of parents indicated a preference for childcare
facilities, 24% of them currently use facilities as their main arrangement and 18% perceive
facilities as the most common arrangement in their community. It is important to note that, though
personal preferences appear to be aligned with actual usage patterns, this is not necessarily
indicative of satisfaction with current caregiving arrangements.
Perceptions about the most common type of caregiving arrangement in a community vary
moderately by subpopulation. All groups underestimated the popularity of facilities and direct
caregiving relative to actual arrangements, and overestimated the popularity of arrangements
dependent on relatives, neighbors and friends. Interestingly, marginalized parents and subsidized
care users perceived direct caregiving arrangements to be less common than other groups. Some
43% of marginalized parents and 38% of subsidized care users perceived direct caregiving as
the most common arrangement in their community, compared to 57% in reality. Marginalized
parents and subsidized care users additionally overestimated the popularity of informal
arrangements dependent on relatives, neighbors and friends. Roughly a quarter of marginalized
parents and 31% of subsidized care users perceived this arrangement as the most common,
compared to only 11% of actual usage among parents.
While a caregiving arrangement involving a neighbor, friend or relative was perceived as the
second most common arrangement, relatively few parents use this arrangement in actuality.
Those that do use this arrangement predominantly employ relatives or friends who are younger
adults, between 18 and 34 years of age. About 39% of parents who outsource care to friends and
relatives employ someone who is a young adult. Notably, employing children as caregivers also
appears relatively common, with 17% of households reporting this type of arrangement.
Approximately 6 out of 7 Indian parents with children under six (85%) are either satisfied or
somewhat satisfied with their current childcare arrangement. One-tenth of parents are dissatisfied
or somewhat dissatisfied and 5% are neutral.
Although most Indians are happy with their childcare arrangement, there are some relevant
distinctions between subpopulations. Primary caregivers and high SES parents report the highest
levels of satisfaction at 93%. Only 3% of primary caregivers and 4% of high economic status
households are dissatisfied with their current arrangement. By comparison, both marginalized
households and households using subsidized care have lower satisfaction levels, at 77%. Parents
relying on friends or relatives are the least satisfied, reflecting the relative unpopularity of this
arrangement, with only 72% reporting satisfaction.
Neither satisfied
Satisfied Dissatisfied
nor unsatisfied
Satisfaction Factors
Our study considered the following aspects of existing childcare satisfaction: cost and
affordability, convenience of location, good quality, safety, and norms.21 Among parents of young
children who are satisfied with their childcare arrangements, over half cite safety and/or good
quality as a key satisfaction factor. Cost and affordability is a slightly less important factor, with
only 41% of satisfied parents citing it. Finally, social norms do not appear to play a large role, in
that only 30% of parents with young children report this factor.
Marginalized parents and subsidized care users who are satisfied with their childcare
arrangements are substantially less likely to cite cost as a key reason for satisfaction. Less than
a third of marginalized parents and subsidized care users report cost and affordability as a reason
for satisfaction. Similarly, satisfied marginalized parents and subsidized care users are less likely
to report good quality, safety or convenience as key satisfaction factors compared to other groups.
21
Throughout this section, proportions do not add up to 100% because respondents could select multiple
options.
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Less than half of marginalized parents and subsidized care users cite good quality, and about a
third cite safety and convenience as reasons for satisfaction.
The high similarity in reactions between marginalized parents and subsidized care users can be
explained by the fact that the majority of marginalized parents are subsidized care users. Despite
subsidized care offering reduced fees, it does not appear that affordability is driving marginalized
parents and subsidized care users towards subsidized care. Since subsidized care users indicate
that they pay higher average costs compared to other groups, subsidized care may not be
sufficiently affordable and may still be consuming a large portion of the expenses of lower income
households.
High socioeconomic status parents report high rates of satisfaction across almost all relevant
factors: costs, quality, safety, and convenience. Three in four high SES parents who are satisfied
with their caregiving arrangement report good quality as being a key factor, and 71% report safety
as being a key factor. As with the national figures, social norms are the least cited.
While childcare center users are slightly more satisfied with cost and affordability compared to
marginalized parents and subsidized care users, less than half report good quality as a primary
reason for satisfaction. A moderately high proportion of satisfied parents relying on friends or
relatives report being satisfied because of the good quality and safety of care. 53 percent of these
parents cite good quality as a reason and 49% cite safety as a reason for satisfaction.
Interestingly, childcare center users report the highest rates of satisfaction with the social norms
aspect compared to all other groups (37%).
Finally, parents that utilize neighbors, friends, or relatives report quality as the most cited factor,
though the level of satisfaction is still lower than primary caregivers and high SES parents. Across
all sub-groups, this type of childcare arrangement reports the lowest levels of satisfaction with the
social norms aspect, which likely reflects the relative unpopularity with this arrangement that was
identified earlier (Table 6 and Table 7).
Given that parental caregiving is the most preferred form of childcare, and that the majority of high
economic status parents have this arrangement, it is unsurprising that parental caregivers and
high economic status parents generally report high satisfaction with the quality and safety of their
arrangements. Conversely, the lower satisfaction with cost, quality and safety observed across
subsidized care users and marginalized parents could be an indication that further policy reform
is necessary to improve the quality and safety of the associated childcare facilities.
Our study explored what may be preventing dissatisfied parents from switching to another
childcare arrangement. Understanding the barriers can help decisionmakers improve policy
options.
COVID-19 restrictions and a lack of local options are by far the most cited barriers to changing
childcare arrangements. Nationally, just under a third of dissatisfied parents say that COVID-19
restrictions or facility closures discourage them from switching to an alternative arrangement. This
is unsurprising, given that most Anganwadi centers were closed starting in March 2020. About
one-fourth of parents note that there are no other childcare service options in their community.
Dissatisfied parents additionally express apprehension over the safety of alternative
arrangements, with 22% expressing such concerns. By contrast, location does not appear to
factor heavily into childcare barriers, with only 13% of dissatisfied Indian parents worrying about
the location convenience of alternative arrangements.
Parental caregivers dissatisfied with their current childcare arrangements are most concerned
with the safety of alternative arrangements as well as the impact of COVID-19 restrictions, and
least concerned about location convenience. About one fourth of dissatisfied primary caregivers
shared worry about the safety of alternative arrangements, and about one fourth referenced
COVID-19 restrictions as a barrier to switching to another arrangement. Consistent with national
results, few dissatisfied primary caregivers (8%) reference inconvenient location as a reason for
not switching to another form of childcare.
Marginalized parents dissatisfied with their current arrangements cite COVID-19 restrictions and
a lack of options as factors influencing their decision not to switch to an alternative form of care.
27% of marginalized parents point to COVID-19 restrictions, while 26% point to a lack of options
in their community. Compared to other groups, relatively fewer marginalized parents highlight cost
or poor quality as barriers to switching to another arrangement. Only 15% of marginalized parents
report cost, and only 11% of marginalized parents report poor quality as a barrier.
Similarly, among dissatisfied subsidized care users, the main reasons for not switching to an
alternative form of care include COVID-19 restrictions and limited options in the community. About
a third of subsidized care users highlight restrictions, and about a third highlight limited options
as key factors for not switching to another arrangement.
Friends, Childcare
All Primary Marginalized Subsidized High SES Family, or Center
Groups Caregivers Parents Care Users Parents Relatives Users
Too Expensive 18% 20% 15% 16% 31% 22% 18%
Poor Quality 14% 18% 11% 15% 33% 9% 14%
Safety
22% 27% 13% 22% 47% 17% 24%
Concerns
Not Convenient 13% 8% 10% 14% 24% 18% 13%
No Time to
Search for 16% 16% 12% 15% 26% 22% 12%
Other Options
Concern What
Others Will 19% 18% 18% 23% 30% 13% 23%
Think or Say
No Other
26% 12% 26% 31% 29% 20% 36%
Options
COVID-19
31% 25% 27% 34% 44% 36% 30%
Restrictions
Note: Proportions don’t add up to 100% because respondents could select multiple options.
High economic status parents who are dissatisfied with their current caregiving arrangement
report safety and COVID-19 restrictions as barriers to considering alternative forms of care.
Almost half of these parents say that they have safety concerns with other forms of childcare.
Forty-four percent of them voice concerns over COVID-19 restrictions or facility closures.
Interestingly, compared to other groups, wealthier parents also have a stronger concern with the
cost of alternative arrangements. Nearly a third of these parents worry that alternative forms of
childcare will be more expensive than their current arrangement, which is 13-percentage points
higher than the national average of 18%.
Parents dissatisfied with their current arrangement who depend on friends or relatives for
childcare rank the following as their top key reasons for not switching to another form of care:
COVID-19 restrictions, cost, time constraints, and lack of alternative options. Over a third of these
dissatisfied parents say that COVID-19 restrictions are a barrier preventing them from switching
to another form of care. Twenty-two percent say that high costs of alternative forms of childcare
are a barrier, and 22% say that they do not have time to look for other options.
Finally, dissatisfied childcare center users identify barriers in similar proportions to all dissatisfied
parents. The exception is the identified barrier that there are no other options, 10 percentage
points higher than what all dissatisfied parents report. Furthermore, this is the most cited barrier
among this sub-group. The cost and quality of childcare centers are not a frequently cited barrier.
For eligible primary caregivers who are not currently using subsidized care, barriers include
COVID-19 restrictions, safety concerns and social norms. Half of parental caregivers share that
COVID-19 restrictions prevent them from switching to subsidized care. Fifty-two percent voice
concerns over safety, and 43% believe childcare is the primary responsibility of the parents. Both
trust and convenience of location are the least cited barriers. As with the barriers reported for
primary caregivers, marginalized parents cite COVID-19 restrictions and safety as the most
important barriers, although both barriers are reported at lower rates. Finally, parents relying on
informal caregiving arrangements with friends and relatives highlight safety concerns (41%) and
COVID-19 restrictions (36%) as important barriers to using subsidized care.
Friends,
Primary Marginalized Family, or
All Groups Caregivers Parents Relatives
Still Too Expensive 29% 30% 26% 32%
Poor Quality 28% 29% 22% 26%
Not Convenient 19% 20% 13% 14%
Safety Concerns 49% 52% 34% 41%
Don’t Trust Them 19% 20% 16% 17%
Consider Childcare a Family Responsibility 40% 43% 29% 29%
COVID-19 Restrictions 48% 50% 41% 36%
Other Reason 3% 2% 2% 3%
Not Eligible or Doesn’t Need 8% - 17% 0%
Note: Proportions do not add up to 100% because respondents could select multiple access barriers.
22
Non-primary caregivers are given the response option of “My family does not qualify for or does not
need these services.”
23
See Fraym (2021), Addressing the Caregiving Crisis: Gender-Transformative Global COVID-19
Recovery Plan.
24
Dang, H.A.H., Masako Hiraga, and Cuong Viet Nguyen (2019). Childcare and Material Employment:
Evidence from Vietnam. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 8856.
25
Taş, Emcet and Tanima Ahmed (2021). Women’s Economic Participation, Time Use, and Access to
Childcare in Urban Bangladesh. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 9735.
Fraym Mapping Humanity • fraym.io 21
in female employment rates.26 These studies did not, however, examine the potential return on
investment of expanding childcare access programs, including in comparison to potential
programmatic costs.
Our research builds upon these existing studies by applying a cost-benefit analysis framework in
five developing economies, including India, Indonesia, Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa. More
specifically, we investigate the potential impact of child caregiving policies and programs on labor
force participation rates as well as estimate the projected economic benefits for target households
in the form of increased earnings. Our return on investment (ROI) methodology follows traditional
Cost-Benefit Analysis principles and is outlined in greater detail below. This paper focuses solely
upon results from India.
First, we determined the key population subgroup for further focus and study. In this case, we are
primarily focused on the subgroup of primary caregivers who:
• Are 18 years of age or older and have at least one young child under the age of six in the
household (meaning the child is not yet eligible for primary school enrollment);
• Were unemployed at the time of the survey; and
• Would plan to look for income generating work if safe and affordable childcare was
available and accessible.
Targeting this key population subgroup allows us to analyze the group of caregivers that would
most likely enter or reenter the labor force in the event of a childcare focused intervention. In order
to achieve a higher sample size, respondents are asked whether they themselves or their spouse
or partner would pursue employment if they were not currently working. For example, a male
respondent may indicate that his spouse is the primary caregiver. We then ask this respondent
whether his spouse would return to work. While it’s possible that both parents are currently not
working, but would return to work, we assume one adult per household. The potential impact
focuses on respondents’ preferences and stated perceptions about their ability or their spouses’
ability to find income generating work in the future. Importantly, this approach does not observe
nor study actual employment outcomes over a specified period of time. Instead, the survey
respondents report their stated employment preferences or the employment preferences of their
spouse and expected actions under an accessible childcare arrangement scenario, and then
these expectations are fed into a simulation model that also includes a series of conservative
assumptions and sensitivity checks.
Second, we estimated the incremental potential household earnings that these primary caregivers
would expect to generate if they entered or reentered the labor force. These projected earnings
are first categorized by occupation type, including agricultural, clerical, domestic,
professional/technical/managerial, sales and services, skilled manual, and unskilled manual. We
consider average earnings for each of these occupation types based upon survey observations
from non-primary caregivers that are currently in the labor force.
26
Rosero, J., & Oosterbeek, H. (2011). Trade-offs between different early childhood interventions:
Evidence from Ecuador.
Fraym Mapping Humanity • fraym.io 22
Next, average earnings estimates (disaggregated by occupation type) are multiplied by the
proportion of primary caregivers in India (disaggregated by occupation type) who expect to enter
or reenter the labor force if affordable and accessible childcare was available. This process
creates a nationally representative estimate of what the average primary caregiver could expect
to earn annually if they were to enter or reenter the labor force.
After estimating benefits on a per capita basis for primary caregivers, we next calculate the costs
of a hypothetical child caregiving intervention. In this scenario, we apply a simplifying and
conservative assumption that programmatic costs would be equal to what households are
currently paying for childcare services, such as for a voucher or direct cash subsidy. This
approach does not account for administrative costs or other costs beyond service fees that may
be associated with programmatic implementation, monitoring, and oversight.
Costs are estimated through a process that mirrors step #2 above (estimating benefits) and draws
upon two primary inputs – the average childcare payment costs (disaggregated by occupation
type) and the proportion of Indians who are primary caregivers and would actively look for income
generating activities. Multiplying these two components together creates a nationally
representative cost estimate for covering child caregiving expenses for participating primary
caregivers.
Fourth, we consider and report an additional scenario that incorporates more conservative
assumptions about primary caregivers’ ability to find income generating activities. In this scenario,
we discount the projected employment benefits using the most recent national unemployment
rate. This acknowledges that not all primary caregivers may be able to find income generating
activities.
Our discount on labor force participation projections is based on the most current unemployment
rate of 9.8%.27 This highly conservative alternative scenario has the net effect of reducing the
expected ROI benefits by a corresponding 10% while maintaining the expected costs at full value.
27
National Statistical Office Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Press Note on Periodic
Labour Force Survey Quarterly Bulletin [July-September 2021]
Fraym Mapping Humanity • fraym.io 23
Figure 4 – Key ROI Methodology Criteria and Assumptions
Last, we estimate the overall economic benefits by subtracting the estimated costs per person
from the estimated benefits per person. The resulting figure projects the average economic benefit
that primary caregivers would receive/generate if affordable and accessible child caregiving
services were available in the country.
Caregiving Benefits
We find 15% of households have a primary caregiver that fit the criteria of the target population
subgroup, meaning a primary caregiver that would intend to enter or reenter the labor force if they
had access to affordable childcare arrangements Currently unemployed primary caregivers in
India, who comprise a significant portion of the total population, would expect to earn INR 417,000
($5,500) annually on average if they were to join to the labor force. However, incomes would vary
significantly based on the primary caregiver’s expected occupation. The average expected annual
income by occupation ranges from INR 338,000 ($4,400) for domestic workers to INR 487,000
($6,400) for professional / technical / managerial positions. Many respondents (7%) expect to
work in professional / technical / managerial roles, followed by sales and services roles and skilled
manual labor (2%) with an expected average income of INR 371,000 ($4,900) and INR 380,000
($5,000) annually.
Caregiving Costs
On average, primary caregivers and their partners are projected to spend $720 each year on
childcare services. These figures reflect average daily childcare costs reported by survey
respondents who are not currently their child’s primary caregiver and are relying on paid
caregiving services. The projected average childcare costs by occupation type ranges from $430
annually for agricultural employment to $910 annually for professional / technical / managerial
positions, which report the highest average annual childcare costs amongst all occupation types.
Unemployed Primary
Caregivers who would look
Average Reported Average Reported
Occupation for work if affordable and
Annual Childcare Annual Childcare
Type accessible childcare was
Costs (INR) Costs (USD)*
available
(% of households)
28
Unskilled manual labor childcare costs are reported as unweighted values when displayed as a
separate line item for India. This is because unskilled manual labor is highly correlated with several
factors that are associated with being assigned a higher weight value, namely, age (elderly), and state
(Bihar). In combination with an extremely small sample size (only 26 observations of unskilled manual
laborers reporting their childcare costs), the weighted value when reported alone introduces a positive
bias to the results that leads to an overestimation of costs when calculated separately that did not
correspond to the general distribution of costs observed across other occupation categories. Weights are
conserved in national estimates to serve in their original intended purpose for correcting for discrepancies
in representation at the national level.
29
Under the lower-bound approach, which incorporates a discount of 9.8% to reflect the most recent
national unemployment rate, we estimate that for every $1 invested in accessible childcare services,
unemployed primary caregivers would still generate $7 in increased economic activity on average.
Importantly, this more conservative approach is likely an underestimate because the analysis assumes a
complete switch for caregivers from unemployment to full-employment and does not account for
underemployed caregivers finding additional work.
30
National Statistical Office Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Press Note on Periodic
Labour Force Survey Quarterly Bulletin [July-September 2021]
Fraym Mapping Humanity • fraym.io 26
informal non-agricultural employment, agricultural employment, and employment in private
households.
As noted previously, roughly 15 percent of households have a primary caregiver that would
intend to enter or reenter the labor force if they had access to affordable childcare
arrangements. Applying this to the total number of Indian households (300 million), we find that
a child caregiving focused program potentially could contribute up to 45.8 million people joining
or rejoining the labor force. This equates to a 4.5 percentage point increase in the Indian
labor force participation rate (from 46.9 percent to 51.4 percent) even under conservative
assumptions.
There is overwhelming public support for subsidized child caregiving assistance in India. Overall,
93 percent of Indians believe that the government should support access to childcare services for
children under seven, either for free or at a discounted and affordable price for those families in
need. Most strikingly, there is a super majority of support across every demographic group in the
country spanning gender, age and socioeconomic status.
Public backing for prioritizing childcare services holds across demographic groups including
gender, age and socioeconomic status, with some variation in the degree of support. Interestingly,
wealthier individuals show the highest approval for prioritizing childcare services, followed by
women. Two out of three high socioeconomic status individuals express support for prioritizing
childcare services over primary education programs, and 64% of women express similar support.
By contrast, marginalized groups and primary caregivers show slightly weaker support, with 55%
Fraym Mapping Humanity • fraym.io 28
of marginalized individuals and 54% of primary caregivers sharing a preference for prioritizing
childcare services over primary education.
Survey Question: “In your view, should the government prioritize improving access to safe and affordable childcare services more or
less than the following…providing primary schooling?”
Similar trends can be observed when comparing attitudes towards prioritizing childcare services
over secondary schooling. 61% of Indians believe that the government should prioritize improving
access to safe and affordable childcare services more than secondary schooling. One in four
people believe that the government should prioritize them “about the same”. By contrast, 12% of
Fraym Mapping Humanity • fraym.io 29
people believe that early childcare service access should be prioritized less than secondary
schooling.
Replicating the results from comparing the prioritization of childcare services over secondary
schooling, wealthier individuals once again show the highest approval for prioritizing childcare
services, followed by women. Two in three high socioeconomic status individuals express support
for prioritizing childcare services over primary education programs, and 63% of women express
similar support. By contrast, 55% of marginalized individuals and 53% of primary caregivers think
that childcare services should be prioritized over secondary schooling.
We estimate that addressing primary caregivers’ childcare needs could lead to a 5-percentage
point increase in the labor force participation rate in India, which translates into roughly 46 million
people joining or rejoining the labor force. Furthermore, on average, for every $1 invested in
accessible childcare services, currently unemployed primary caregivers would expect to generate
$8 in increased economic activity. Moreover, public support for these types of subsidized child
caregiving programs is extremely high in India, with 93% of the population expressing support for
needy families. Super majorities of every demographic group (age, race/ethnicity, socioeconomic
status, and urban/rural groups) support such programs. In fact, roughly 60% of Indians believe
that early childcare programs should be prioritized more than primary schooling provision.
Therefore, the Indian government could view early child caregiving investments not only as good
economic policy, but also good politics.