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The US Public and American Foreign Policy Routledge
Studies in US Foreign Policy 1st Edition Andrew
Johnstone Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Andrew Johnstone, Helen Laville
ISBN(s): 9780415553155, 0415553156
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 1.01 MB
Year: 2010
Language: english
The US Public and American Foreign
Policy
Though often overlooked, public opinion has always played a significant role
in the development and promotion of American foreign policy and this work
seeks to comprehensively assess the impact and nature of that opinion
through a collection of historical and contemporary essays.
The volume evaluates the role of organizations and movements that look to
represent public opinion, and assesses the nature of their relationship with the
government. The contributors utilize a number of different approaches to
examine this impact, including polling data, assessments of the role of the
media, and the wider consideration of ideas and ideology, moving on to
examine the specific role played by the public in the policy making and policy
promotion process.
Engaging with new questions as well as approaching old questions from a
new angle, the work argues that whilst the roles change, and the extent of
influence varies, the power of the public to both initiate and constrain foreign
policy clearly exists and should not be underestimated. This work will be
of great interest to all those with an interest in American foreign policy,
American politics and American history.
Andrew Johnstone is a Lecturer in American History at the University of
Leicester. He is the author of Dilemmas of Internationalism, and his research
focuses on US internationalism and the relationship between the state and
private spheres in mobilizing support for US foreign policy.
Helen Laville is a Senior Lecturer in American History at the University of
Birmingham. She has published widely on women’s rights in the Cold War
years, including the monograph Cold War Women (2002). She is currently
writing a book on American women in the Civil Rights movement.
Routledge Studies in US Foreign Policy
Edited by: Inderjeet Parmar,
University of Manchester and
John Dumbrell,
University of Durham
This new series sets out to publish high quality works by leading and emer-
ging scholars critically engaging with United States Foreign Policy. The series
welcomes a variety of approaches to the subject and draws on scholarship
from international relations, security studies, international political economy,
foreign policy analysis and contemporary international history.
Subjects covered include the role of administrations and institutions, the
media, think tanks, ideologues and intellectuals, elites, transnational cor-
porations, public opinion and pressure groups in shaping foreign policy, US
relations with individual nations, with global regions and global institutions
and America’s evolving strategic and military policies.
The series aims to provide a range of books – from individual research
monographs and edited collections to textbooks and supplemental reading for
scholars, researchers, policy analysts and students.
United States Foreign Policy and National Identity in the Twenty-First
Century
Edited by Kenneth Christie
New Directions in US Foreign Policy
Edited by Inderjeet Parmar, Linda B. Miller and Mark Ledwidge
America’s ‘Special Relationships’
Foreign and domestic aspects of the politics of alliance
Edited by John Dumbrell and Axel R Schäfer
US Foreign Policy in Context
National ideology from the founders to the Bush doctrine
Adam Quinn
The United States and NATO since 9/11
The transatlantic alliance renewed
Ellen Hallams
Soft Power and US Foreign Policy
Theoretical, historical and contemporary perspectives
Edited by Inderjeet Parmar and Michael Cox
The US Public and American Foreign Policy
Edited by Andrew Johnstone and Helen Laville
The US Public and American
Foreign Policy
Edited by
Andrew Johnstone and Helen Laville
First published 2010
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2010.
To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s
collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.
© 2010 Editorial selection and matter, Andrew Johnstone and Helen
Laville; individual chapters the contributors
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
The US public and American foreign policy/edited by Andrew Johnstone
and Helen Laville.
p. cm.
United States–Foreign relations–Public opinion.
2. Public opinion–United States. I. Johnstone, Andrew
(Andrew E.) II. Laville, Helen.
E840.U855 2010
327.73–dc22
2009051833
ISBN 0-203-84927-2 Master e-book ISBN
ISBN13: 978–0–415–55315–5 (hbk)
ISBN13: 978–0–203–84927–9 (ebk)
Contents
Notes on Contributors ix
Acknowledgements xiii
Abbreviations xv
1 Introduction 1
ANDREW JOHNSTONE AND HELEN LAVILLE
Section One
The public and war 11
2 From coast defense to embalmed beef: the influence
of the press and public opinion on McKinley’s policymaking
during the Spanish–American war 13
JOSEPH SMITH
3 To mobilize a nation: citizens’ organizations and intervention
on the eve of World War II 26
ANDREW JOHNSTONE
4 Power to the people? American public opinion and
the Vietnam war 41
ANDREW PRIEST
Section Two
Public interests and ideology 57
5 Organized labor and the social foundations of American
diplomacy, 1898–1920 59
RHODRI JEFFREYS-JONES
6 Religion and world order at the dawn of the American century 73
ANDREW PRESTON
viii Contents
7 Gender apartheid? American women and women’s rights in
American foreign policy 87
HELEN LAVILLE
Section Three
Interests and ethnicity 105
8 African Americans and US foreign policy: the American Negro
Leadership Conference on Africa and the Rhodesian crisis 107
CARL P. WATTS
9 The American public and the US–Israeli “special” relationship 123
ELIZABETH STEPHENS
10 The Cuban lobby and US policy toward Cuba 138
JESSICA GIBBS
Section Four
The public and the war on terror 153
11 Neoconservatism and the American public: was 9/11
a hegemonic moment? 155
MARIA RYAN
12 “You don’t launch a marketing campaign in August”: The Bush
Administration and the public before and after the Iraq invasion 172
SCOTT LUCAS
Bibliography 190
Index 205
Notes on Contributors
Jessica Gibbs lectures in American and Cuban history at the University of
Aberystwyth. She has published on the reception of Cuban migrants in the
United States during the Cold War and afterwards, and on Cuban anti-
communists and their influence on US foreign policymakers between 1959
and 2000. Her monograph, United States-Cuban relations after the Cold
War, will be published by Routledge in 2010.
Rhodri Jeffreys-Jones is Professor Emeritus of American History at the Uni-
versity of Edinburgh. He is the author of 12 books, including Changing
Differences: Women and the Shaping of American Foreign Policy, 1917–1994
(1995) and Peace Now! American Society and the Ending of the Vietnam
War (1999). He is currently working on two further books: Triumphs of the
American Left: The Hidden Story of Contemporary Events and In Spies We
Trust: A History of International Intelligence and National Security in the
West.
Andrew Johnstone is a Lecturer in American History at the University of
Leicester. He is the author of Dilemmas of Internationalism: The American
Association for the United Nations and US Foreign Policy, 1941–1948
(Ashgate, 2009) and two further articles on the relationship between the
US Government and private organizations during World War II. An arti-
cle on the State Department’s Division of Public Liaison is forthcoming in
Diplomatic History. He is currently writing a book on the public debate
over US entry into World War II.
Helen Laville is a Senior Lecturer in American History at the University of
Birmingham. Dr Laville has published on the relationship between the
State and private groups, editing a collection on this theme, The US Gov-
ernment, Citizen Groups and the Cold War with Hugh Wilford in 2006. She
has published widely on women’s rights in the Cold War years, including
the monograph Cold War Women published by Manchester University
Press in 2002. She is currently writing a book on American women in the
Civil Rights movement.
x Notes on Contributors
Scott Lucas is Professor of American Studies at the University of Birmingham,
where he has worked since 1989. A specialist in US and British foreign
policy, he has written and edited seven books, more than 30 major articles,
produced a radio documentary on the Suez Crisis and co-directed the 2007
film Laban! He is also the creator of the internationally-prominent website
Enduring America, covering US foreign policy and international affairs. He
is currently completing a book on the foreign policy of the George W. Bush
Administration.
Andrew Preston is Senior Lecturer in History and a Fellow of Clare College
at Cambridge University. In addition to several journal articles and book
chapters, he is the author of The War Council: McGeorge Bundy, the NSC,
and Vietnam (Harvard University Press, 2006) and co-editor, with Fredrik
Logevall, of Nixon in the World: American Foreign Relations, 1969–1977
(Oxford University Press, 2008). He is currently writing a book on the
religious influence on American war and diplomacy from the colonial era
to the present, to be published by Knopf.
Andrew Priest is a Lecturer in the Department of International Politics at
Aberystwyth University, where he teaches and researches on the history of
American foreign policy. He is the author of Kennedy, Johnson and NATO:
Britain, America and the Dynamics of Alliance, 1962–68 (Routledge, 2006)
and is currently working on a monograph about American views of empire
after the Civil War.
Maria Ryan is a Lecturer in American History at the University of Nottingham.
Her research interests are broadly in the field of post-Cold War US foreign
policy. In particular, she has published articles and book chapters on the
development of neoconservatism, humanitarian interventionism, the Bush
Administration and the “Global War on Terror”, as well as the history of
the CIA. Her first book, Neoconservatism and the New American Century,
will be published by Palgrave MacMillan in 2010.
Joseph Smith is an Associate Professor in History at the University of Exeter.
An expert on American foreign relations, especially with Latin America,
his books include The Spanish-American War (Longman, 1994), A History
of Brazil, 1500–2000 (Pearson Education, 2002), The United States and
Latin America (Routledge, 2005), Historical Dictionary of United States-
Latin American Relations (Scarecrow, 2007), and Brazil and the United
States (University of Georgia, 2010).
Elizabeth Stephens is a visiting lecturer in American History at the University
of Birmingham where she specializes in US foreign policy and the inter-
national relations of the Middle East. Dr Stephens is author of the book
US policy toward Israel: The Role of Political Culture in Defining the
“Special Relationship” published by Sussex Academic Press in 2006 and a
number of journal articles including “The Cultural Turn in the US–Israeli
Notes on Contributors xi
Relationship”, in the Middle East Journal of Culture & Communication
in 2009.
Carl P. Watts completed his doctoral thesis on the Rhodesian Crisis at the
University of Birmingham, where he taught modern history and war stu-
dies. He has also taught at several universities in the American Midwest,
was a Research Fellow in the Centre for International Studies at the
London School of Economics, and is a Fellow of the Royal Historical
Society. He has published articles on various aspects of the Rhodesian
Crisis in journals such as Twentieth Century British History, Diplomatic
History, Commonwealth and Comparative Politics and the Journal of
Imperial and Commonwealth History. He is currently completing a book
entitled Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence: An Interna-
tional History, which will be published by Palgrave Macmillan.
Acknowledgements
This collection arose out of a colloquium entitled “We the People: The Public
and American Foreign Policy,” held at the University of Leicester on April 25
2008. For financial assistance in organizing that event, we would like to thank
the University of Birmingham for a Heritage Collaborate Research Network
Award, and the Centre for American Studies and the School of Historical
Studies at the University of Leicester. In addition to the contributors pub-
lished here, we would also like to thank David Milne, Kaeten Mistry,
J. Simon Rofe, Bevan Sewell and Alex Waddan for their input on the day.
Abbreviations
AAAA American-African Affairs Association
ACOA American Committee on Africa
AEI American Enterprise Institute
AFL American Federation of Labor
AFL-CIO American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial
Organizations
AIPAC American Israel Public Affairs Committee
AMSAC American Society for African Culture
ANLCA American Negro Leadership Conference on Africa
CAA Council on African Affairs
CANF Cuban American National Foundation
CBS Columbia Broadcasting System
CDA Cuban Democracy Act
CDAAA Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies
CEDAW Convention Eliminating Discrimination against Women
CFL Chicago Federation of Labor
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CORE Congress of Racial Equality
CSP Center for Security Policy
FCC Federal Council of Churches
FFF Fight for Freedom
FMF Feminist Majority Foundation
LEP League to Enforce Peace
LIBERTAD Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act
MPLA Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola
MSB Massachusetts State Board
NAACP National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
NAM National Association of Manufacturers
NBC National Broadcasting Company
NCRAC National Community Relations Advisory Council
NED National Endowment for Democracy
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
xvi Abbreviations
NPC Non-Partisan Committee for Peace through Revision of the
Neutrality Law
NSC National Security Council
NUL National Urban League
PAC Political Action Committee
PNAC Project for the New American Century
PSI Private Sector Initiative
UDL Unilateral Declaration of Independence
UN United Nations
UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund
UNITA National Union for the Total Independence of Angola
UNOCAL Union Oil Company of California
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
WMD Weapons of Mass Destruction
WWII World War II
1 Introduction
Andrew Johnstone and Helen Laville
The relationship between public opinion and the development of US foreign
policy has always been a contested one. The very principle of public involve-
ment in foreign policy has been hotly debated. On one side range the advo-
cates of the elite control of foreign policy, those who argue that the complex
work of international relations and the advancement of the long-stem strategy
interest of the United States should not be subject to the whims, passions and
unreasoned positions of the general public. Alexis de Tocqueville warned that
democracy and a stable foreign policy were mutually exclusive terrains,
asserting, “Foreign Politics demand scarcely any of those qualities which a
democracy possesses.” De Tocqueville argued that democracies “obey the
impulse of passion rather than the suggestions of prudence” and were driven
to “abandon a mature design for the gratification of a momentary caprice.”1
The concern over the danger of allowing the unreasonable and overly emo-
tional influence of public opinion on foreign relations has persisted well into
the twentieth century. In his 1922 study on public opinion Walter Lippmann
lambasted the influence of the public in foreign policy whilst diplomat/his-
torian George Kennan sought to avoid the short-term “emotionalism and
subjectivity” which made public opinion “a poor and inadequate guide for
national action.”2 Set against this position are those who have sought to dis-
prove the assumption of the over-emotional and unreasonable position of
public opinion and have instead sought to define their position as “rational”
and “sensible.”3
While theorists have struggled with the ideological debate on the rationality
of public opinion, and the advisability of the public’s involvement in foreign
relations, historians have long recognized and sought to assess the influence of
the public opinion in the making of US foreign policy. Historian Melvin
Small, for example, has insisted that consideration of the role of public opi-
nion is fundamental to understanding the construction of US foreign policy,
arguing “one cannot understand American diplomatic history without
understanding the central role of public opinion in that history.”4 While it
may be a challenging task for the historian to understand the exact nature of
that role, the need for such an understanding has seen a large body of litera-
ture on the subject since the end of World War II.5
2 Andrew Johnstone and Helen Laville
This scholarship has addressed a number of complex and challenging
questions. Even the seemingly simple issue of what public opinion is has led
to differing answers, though there is a degree of consensus. There are clearly a
number of American “publics,” with an elite public of opinion makers at the
top. Just beneath the elite is an attentive public, representing up to a quarter
of all Americans, which displays an educated awareness of international
issues. Below that is the mass or general public, representing some 75 percent
of the population.6 There are also a number of different ways in which those
publics can be represented in Washington. Public opinion can be transmitted
through polls, the media, and through organized citizens’ or interest groups
and identity based organizations. In addition, opinion is transmitted to the
presidency through Congress. Recent historians and commentators have cri-
ticized the excessive influence of interest groups in determining American
foreign policy. In particular, the role of ethnic lobbies has come in for detailed
scrutiny with critics suggesting that such groups have sought, and in some
cases gained, undue influence on US foreign policy.7 Yet criticism of the
influence of public opinion only reinforces its significance.
The most vexing questions, however, remain about the role and impact of
the public in the policy-making process. What role does the American public
play in the policy forming and policy promotion process? How can historians
assess the impact of the public, and the weight given to public opinion by
different presidents and policy makers? Does the public have the power to
create policy, or merely constrain it? To what extent can presidents lead (or
even manipulate) public opinion to their own ends? On these issues, despite
some excellent research on individual periods and issues, much work still
needs to be done.
However, despite a handful of monographs and articles, the last two dec-
ades have seen the study of public opinion as an influence on US foreign
relations fall from favor. There are a number of possible explanations for this,
including the broader trend among historians toward social and cultural his-
tory that has led to the de-emphasis of top-down political history. More sig-
nificantly, within the specific field of American foreign relations history, there
has been a move away from domestic influences toward internationalization.
This shift, placing the US in a more global context, has gone a long way to
addressing criticisms that the history of American foreign relations (or diplo-
matic history) is methodologically unsophisticated and excessively US-centric.
Yet while the development of a new international history, with its utilization
of numerous international archives, is to be applauded, it has led to the rela-
tive neglect of internal domestic factors.8
In the volume that does more than any other to define the state of the field,
Michael Hogan and Thomas Paterson’s Explaining the History of American
Foreign Relations, there is no chapter on the influence of public opinion. To
highlight how the theme has been passed over, it should be noted that the first
edition of the book in 1991 did contain a chapter on public opinion, yet this
was omitted from the second edition in 2004 despite its greatly expanded size.
Introduction 3
Commenting on that omission in his 2008 Presidential Address to the Society
for Historians of American Foreign Relations, Thomas Schwartz argued that
“explaining the history of American foreign relations without carefully
examining public opinion and domestic politics was a bit like explaining the
functioning of a car without discussing the internal combustion engine.”9
Other historians have noticed the neglect on domestic politics in a broader
sense. In his recent response to an assessment of the state of the field, Fredrik
Logevall highlighted the lack of attention paid to domestic politics, and while
his primary concern is party politics, he concedes that “public opinion, the
media, and ethnic and other special interest groups have been similarly over-
looked.”10 This is not to say that other approaches do not matter. However,
to neglect domestic politics broadly, and public opinion specifically, overlooks
a crucial determining factor behind US foreign policy. Indeed, the democratic
nature of the American political system makes public opinion particularly
relevant in the United States.
Despite the difficulties in assessing exactly how public opinion impacts on
foreign policy, its relevance has been evident on numerous occasions through
American history. Public opinion has clearly been influential in American
wars; whether debating the aftermath of World War I, entry into World War
II, or the conduct and execution of the Vietnam War. Yet the public’s interest
in American foreign policy is not confined to wars and conflicts. Throughout
the nation’s history, differing segments of society have organized to represent
the public, in order to promote a particular foreign policy outlook. Whether they
represent a particular ethnic group, religious affiliation, or gender, Americans
have sought to influence their nation’s place in the world.
The real impact of the public on US foreign policy lies somewhere between
the claim that public opinion has too much influence on American foreign
policy, and the implication in the current historiography that it has little or
none at all. The challenge for historians, and the purpose of this volume, is to
assess the impact and nature of that opinion more effectively.
The chapters in this volume have two broad aims. First, they aim to assess
the impact that the public has had on US foreign policy. Through a focus on
specific events, identity groups or ethnic lobbies, the question of the effect and
influence of the public is analyzed. Despite the methodological challenges in
making such assessments, consideration of public opinion is largely redundant
without any such appraisal. The contributions utilize a number of different
approaches to the question of impact. These include the use of polling data,
the assessment of personal and organizational relationships between members
of the public and the government, assessments of the role of the media, and
the wider consideration of ideas and ideology.11
The second aim is to examine the specific role played by the public in the
policy making and policy promotion process. The particular focus here is
on the role of organizations and movements that look to represent public
opinion, and an assessment of the nature of their relationship with the gov-
ernment. These organizations include private groups devoted primarily to
Other documents randomly have
different content
¡Oh por demás crueles y por demás funestos extravíos de mi
espíritu culpable! ¡Ved, tebanos, entre los de la misma sangre, el
asesino y la víctima! ¡Oh deplorable prisión, oh hijo mío, hijo mío! En
la primavera de tu vida has perecido de una muerte prematura, no
por tu imprudencia, sino por la mía.
El Coro
¡La justicia se ha mostrado bien tarde a vuestros ojos!
Creón
¡La conozco al fin por mis desgracias! Armado de una maza
terrible, un dios ha golpeado mi cabeza, me ha precipitado en
abismos espantosos, y de un puntapié ha derribado el edificio de mi
dicha. ¡Cuántos, cuántos tormentos reservados a los mortales!
ESCENA VI
Los precedentes, un ESCLAVO
El Esclavo
¡Amo mío, además de las desgracias que habéis sufrido, que
tenéis ante los ojos, que lleváis con vos, os queda todavía algo muy
doloroso que encontrar en vuestra casa!
Creón
¿Qué males pueden añadirse al horror de los que sufro?
El Esclavo
La madre del hijo que lloráis, la reina, ha muerto; madre
infortunada, expira herida por un golpe mortal.
Creón
Insaciable abismo de Hades, ¿por qué quieres consumar mi
pérdida? Y tú, que vienes a traerme tan funestas nuevas, ¿qué has
dicho?
El Coro
¡Desgraciado! Vienes a hacer morir de nuevo a un muerto.
Creón
¿Qué dices? ¿Qué acontecimientos vienes a noticiarme? ¡La
muerte de mi mujer después de la de mi hijo!
El Esclavo
Podéis juzgar por vuestros ojos. La reina no había aún llegado al
interior del palacio.
Creón
¡He ahí un nuevo objeto de dolor! ¿A qué destino, oh dioses, estoy
llamado aún? ¡Desgraciado! Tengo en mis brazos a mi hijo, que acaba
de expirar; tengo ante mis ojos el cuerpo ensangrentado de mi
esposa. ¡Madre infortunada, hijo mío!
El Esclavo
Ha comenzado por deplorar la muerte ilustre y prematura de su
primer hijo y el destino de Hemón; luego ha prorrumpido en
imprecaciones contra vos, a quien consideraba como el asesino de su
hijo, e hiriéndose con un hierro agudo, ha caído a los pies del altar,
cerrando los ojos a la luz.
Creón
¡Cielos! ¡Oh dioses! ¡Mi alma está confundida de horror! ¡Y que no
me hundan una espada en el seno! ¡Infortunado, he caído en un
abismo de calamidades!
El Esclavo
Os miraba al morir como único autor de tantos males.
Creón
¿Pero de qué manera ha acabado sus días?
El Esclavo
Hiriéndose a sí misma en cuanto ha sabido el deplorable destino
de su hijo.
Creón
Sólo yo entre los mortales, sólo yo la causa de tantas desgracias.
¡Infortunado, yo te he dado la muerte! Esclavos, apartadme de estos
lugares, llevadme cuanto antes como si no viviera ya, como si no
fuera ya nada.
El Coro
Lo que pedís es una ventaja para vos, si la hay en los males. Para
abreviar los que se tienen a la vista, el mejor partido es huir de ellos.
Creón
Que aparezca, que venga, pues, el momento deseado que ha de
rematar mi existencia; que venga, que no vea yo más la luz del día.
El Esclavo
Tales votos son para el porvenir; mas para el presente, ¿qué hay
que hacer? A los que atañe ese cuidado les toca ocuparse de él.
Creón
Sólo pido la muerte, no deseo otra cosa.
El Esclavo
Cesad de desear; no es dado a los mortales evitar el infortunio
que les reserva el destino.
Creón
¡Llevadme, llevaos a este insensato que, a su pesar, te ha hecho
perecer, hijo mío, lo mismo que a vos, cara esposa! ¡Infortunado! No
sé ya dónde dirigir mis ojos y mis pasos: todo ha huído de mis
manos; y una desgracia superior a mis fuerzas se ha desplomado
sobre mi cabeza.
ESCENA VII
El Coro
¡Cuán preferible es la prudencia a la fortuna! Hay que guardarse
de ofender a los dioses. La escandalosa vanidad de los hombres
presuntuosos les atrae con frecuencia crueles suplicios que les
enseñan demasiado tarde a conocer la prudencia.
Fin de ANTÍGONA
ÍNDICE
EDIP O REY Págs.
Acto I. 7
Acto II. 17
Acto III. 31
Acto IV. 51
Acto V. 71
EDIP O EN COLONA
Acto I. 87
Acto II. 117
Acto III. 127
Acto IV. 145
Acto V. 165
AN TÍG ONA
Acto I. 179
Acto II. 195
Acto III. 211
Acto IV. 225
Acto V. 233
Nota de transcripción
Los errores de imprenta han sido corregidos sin avisar.
Se ha modernizado la ortografía del original impreso y se han puesto
tildes a las mayúsculas.
Las páginas en blanco han sido eliminadas.
Algunas ilustraciones se han desplazado ligeramente para no
interrumpir un párrafo.
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