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War as Experience Contributions from International
Relations and Feminist Analysis 1° Edition Christine
Sylvester Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Christine Sylvester
ISBN(s): 9780415775984, 0415775981
Edition: 1°
File Details: PDF, 3.66 MB
Year: 2012
Language: english
WAR AS EXPERIENCE

This book is a major new contribution to our understanding of war and how it
should be studied in the field of international relations (IR). It is divided into two
sections. The first part surveys the state of war and war studies in IR, in security
studies and in feminist IR, using an exemplary texts approach. The second part
addresses a missing area of IR studies of war that feminism is well placed to fill in:
the physical and emotional aspects of war.
The author demonstrates how war is experienced as a body-based politics and
in so doing provides an innovative and challenging corrective to traditional theories
of war. This will be essential reading for all those with an interest in gender, war,
and international relations.

Christine Sylvester is Professor of Political Science and of Women’s Studies at

the University of Connecticut and is an affiliated professor of the School of Global
Studies, The University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
Series: War, Politics and Experience
Series Editor: Christine Sylvester

Experiencing War
Edited by Christine Sylvester

The Political Psychology of War Rape

Studies from Bosnia and Herzegovina
Inger Skjelsbæk

Gender, Agency and War

The maternalized body in US foreign policy
Tina Managhan

War as Experience
Contributions from international relations and feminist analysis
Christine Sylvester
WAR AS EXPERIENCE
Contributions from international
relations and feminist analysis

Christine Sylvester
First published 2013
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2013 Christine Sylvester
The right of Christine Sylvester to be identified as author of this work has been asserted
by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any
form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
ISBN: 978-0-415-77598-4 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-415-77599-1 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-0-203-10094-3 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk
To friends and colleagues at Gothenburg, Lund, and Malmö
universities, Sweden.
CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ix

Introduction: War questions for feminism and

International Relations 1

PART I
International Relations and feminists consider war 15

1 IR takes on war 17
2 Feminist (IR) takes on war 38

PART II
Rethinking elements and approaches to war 63

3 War as physical experience 65

4 War as emotional experience 87
5 Concluding, collaging, and looking ahead 111

Notes 127
References 131
Index 142
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book would have been difficult to write without the wonderful Kerstin
Hesselgren Professorship I was awarded by the Research Council of Sweden; it
enabled me to spend a stimulating academic year (2010-2011) writing away at
the School of Global Studies (SGS), the University of Gothenburg. SGS is one
of the more innovative academic homes I have been fortunate to experience at
close range, and for me part of its charm lies in my not quite realizing what a rare
interdisciplinary place it is. I would like to offer very special thanks to Maria Stern,
Stina Sundling Wingfors, and Sungju Park-Kang, my PhD student who joined
me there.
Remarkably, I was then invited to stay on in Sweden for 2011-2012 at the
Political Science Department at Lund University, and spent one semester there
before moving to a terrific surprise professorship at the University of Connecticut.
Many thanks to Annica Kronsell and Tomas Bergstrom at Lund and to Mark Boyer,
Nancy Naples, and Jeremy Teitelbaum at UConn; I am now back in my home state
of Connecticut after eighteen years working in Australia, the Netherlands, Britain,
and Sweden.
Three people graciously read all or part of this book manuscript, something
I genuinely prize. Lene Hansen and Swati Parashar commented in detail on an
entire draft – Lene taking part of her vacation period in Denmark to do so, and
Swati squeezing the reading between the cricket matches she was avidly watching
at the time in Australia. Megan MacKenzie commented on one chapter from her
then perch in Wellington, New Zealand. Each of these worldly friends offered
their special and inimitable takes on the work, for which I am most grateful. I
also presented parts of the manuscript to colleagues at Kent University, the Peace
Research Institute of Oslo, Lund University, Gothenburg University, the University
of Connecticut, a London School of Economics Millennium Conference, and
x Acknowledgements

several International Studies Association conferences. I very much appreciate those

invitations and the input of so many colleagues.
The incomparable Michael Weil repeatedly read my mind, repeatedly kept
the computers running and the homefires burning, and kept shaking his head
sympathetically while I tapped away. My old friend Karen Pugliesi watched Eliza
dog in Arizona while I was in Lund (very heroic of her), new friends Dan and
Nancy Lucente watched the house in Mystic whenever Michael and I were both
away, and Erika Svedberg and family – Gion,Vera, Fabian, and Tilly dog – nurtured
my soul in Sweden. To all of you, Skål!
INTRODUCTION
War questions for feminism and
International Relations

War has decreased in frequency in our time. Based on counting armed conflicts
between and within states, IR analysts can claim that we live in a less warlike
era than, say, during the Cold War period of the twentieth century (Gleditsch,
2008; Gleditsch et al., 2002; Newman, 2009; Mueller, 2004; Goldstein, 2011). Of
course, that finding relies on certain assumptions, a key one often being that states
are the main actors involved in war, the key participants. Such studies can also
assume that casualties are counted properly (see Butler, 2004b; Melander et al.,
2007) and that war takes recognizable forms. Yet it is abundantly clear that war is
trickier to recognize, count, and tally up than it was in earlier times or under earlier
state-centric understandings of war.1 There are so many participants in today’s wars
that it can be difficult to determine which one among them is “the” main actor
whose presence determines that war is taking place; at the very least, there can
be guerrilla forces, networked organizations, private firms, states, and mixed state
and nonstate coalitions involved (Abramson and Williams, 2010; Leander, 2012;
Stanger, 2009). Wars also always involve people, whose locations with respect to
war, and experiences with it, are diverse and yet significant for them, their societies,
international relations, short- and long-term outcomes of wars, and the prospect
of future wars. And then there is the thorny problem of reckoning with casualties
in war, which some IR accounts use as a measure of war intensity. The problem
there, as Judith Butler (2004b) aptly reminds her readers, is that some war deaths
are counted and grieved and many others are ignored – because deaths of everyday
people in wars “over there” are collateral rather than important damage for the
counters to tally.
This book argues that understanding people’s experiences with/in war is
essential for understanding war. Feminist IR war studies of recent vintage make that
proposition a touchstone of their research. The rest of IR tends to operate at more
abstract levels of analysis when studying war, focusing on states, organizations, laws,
2 Introduction

norms, discourse and the like.Yet even IR theories that seem most devoid of people
can show eyes peeking through cracks in the analysis and gazing out from everyday
locations in homes, villages, battle areas, fields, or streets. Sadly, those brief and often
anecdotal moments showing that international relations is a place of people are
overpowered in much of IR by a speedy return to abstract actors. Yet war cannot
be fully apprehended unless it is studied up from people’s physical, emotional, and
social experiences, not only down from “high politics” places that sweep blood,
tears, and laughter away, or assign those things to some other field.
It is not as easy to define war when the participants in it are conceptualized
as multiple, scattered, and occupying “high” and “low” ground. Consider some
examples. A state might take on a troublesome regime head (Saddam Hussein), a
rump group that once ran a state (the Taliban), militant anti-state forces inside state
borders, like the Tamil Tigers of Sri Lanka, or warlords of failed states (Somalia).
Wars can also create and engage civilian identity groups that go at each other
viciously, despite having lived together relatively comfortably as Yugoslavs or
Rwandans up to that point. Some wars start with one goal and set of participants
and end up in other social realms and spaces.The 2003 Iraq war, for instance, began
as a high-tech operation of American military prowess – shock and awe – unleashed
against Iraq to force regime change.That assault led to urban street battles in several
locations across the country as religious and secular militants responded to the
attacks and to each other. It then turned into a complex civil war to settle old and
new scores, which led to a sustained counterinsurgency effort by a coalition of
forces attempting to set the country on a new path. As well, the American-led war
on Afghanistan ostensibly defeated the Taliban in the first round, but that group rose
again in mountain regions and remote towns, and the war spilled into neighboring
Pakistan via a number of “discreet military operations” (Zenko, 2010), including the
one that killed Osama bin Laden. Other shadow or stealth wars are ongoing against
Al Qaeda cells that operate training bases in Yemen, Somalia, Kenya, Pakistan, or
former Soviet republics; these can feature private contractors and local operatives
working with state intelligence agencies to locate key enemy commanders (Shane,
Mazzetti and Worth, 2010).
Stealth and other wars can beget conflicts elsewhere in which ordinary people
feature. An errant US Predator strikes a party of suspected Al Qaeda agents in
the remote desert of Yemen. It kills five people, including a friendly provincial
governor who was mediating between militants and the Yemeni government.
Some months later, average Yemenis take to the streets, some with arms, to rid
themselves of a loathed dictator. They become one national group among many
in what will be the lingering Arab Spring of 2011, a time of mass uprisings against
determined autocrats. Most such groups of citizens will fight their own states largely
on their own. In the case of Libya, however, British and French planes will attack
targets in Tripoli and elsewhere in support of anti-government militants fighting a
sophisticated Libyan war machine.
Meanwhile, collective violence flares regularly between Israel and ordinary
Palestinians. In Sierra Leone, Congo, and Liberia, packs of child soldiers ravaged
 Introduction 3

rural villages for causes that are unclear; meanwhile, their soldier overseers engaged
in mass rape as a war-fighting strategy or opportunistic crime; the Democratic
Republic of Congo (DRC), where war has been ongoing for as long as many
people can remember, is considered the rape capital of the world. A violent
Maoist movement of mostly ordinary people conducts violence in India, and there
is a recent history of anti-government guerilla movements in Mexico and Peru,
Chechnya, Kashmir, and Thailand. Criminal gangs overrun northern Mexico,
turning the border city of Juarez into a war zone. Two Korean states face each
other across a cruelly misnamed demilitarized zone, as they have since the 1950s,
despite a succession of peace talks over the years. Thai soldiers battle Cambodian
forces around a string of ancient temples at their borderlands, which both countries
seem willing to damage in a standoff over ownership.

Queries and concepts

Given a crowded picture of contemporary post-World War II wars, with their many
centers of authority and agency – and I have only touched its edges – the main war
questions to pose and address here are these: What is war and what is war about
today? How does IR generally analyze war; that is to say, what does IR usually
include and exclude in its war studies? How do related fields, as well as its own
subfield of feminist IR, analyze war? What do they include and exclude? Can and
should traditions of analysis be bridged in order to provide a fuller picture of war
than any tradition alone has achieved? How? And how far can IR stray from the
social sciences in order to study war as though people counted?
My approach to laying out the issues is to start simply and contingently, so that
a variety of frameworks that are seemingly at odds can be read with, rather than
against, each other. I look for nuggets of insight on war as bodily and emotional
experience in IR and feminist texts that exemplify important traditions of thought,
adding on related academic fields and literary sources. As various traditions are
considered – from realist IR to feminist studies of war mourning, to novels featuring
bodies, emotions, and institutions – the meanings of war and the experiences
of war broaden, becoming more complicated rather than more parsimonious as
the book proceeds. I use an exemplary text methodology, which enables me to
juxtapose competing frames of analysis in pursuit of new ways of thinking about
an old and very disciplining social institution. What results is an example of the
art-making logic of collage, about which I have written (Sylvester, 2009, 2005).
The approaches touch at points, leaving it to me as one analyst, and to readers with
many perspectives, the task of pondering the ways, means, and subjects of war as so
many pieces tacked to a board, whose interconnections must be theorized rather
than assumed.
As a starting definition of war, think of collective violence used to achieve a political
agenda, the usual IR understanding of war; but think about the nature of that collective
violence instead of its existence as a “mere” defining fact. I will argue in the chapters
ahead that war is a politics of injury: everything about war aims to injure people
4 Introduction

and/or their social surroundings as a way of resolving disagreement or, in some

cases, encouraging disagreement if it is profitable to do so. As part of that mission,
many will endeavor to protect themselves from injuries by fleeing the war zone,
donning protective clothing, hiding, or looking away from war scenes on the
television news; some people will be in a position both to injure and to evade injury
at different moments in a war. The point is that injury is the content of war not the
consequence of it, as Elaine Scarry (1985: 67), an analyst in the humanities not IR,
was able to see a number of years ago. By treating war at a higher level of analysis,
focusing very often on causes and correlates of war, on war strategies, weapons
systems, national security interests and the like, IR repeatedly makes injury into
a lamentable and regrettable consequence of the “normal” violence of war (e.g.,
Levy and Thompson, 2011; Vasquez, 2009).
Add two provisos. One is that all wars fought today have international components.
Those components might be weapons recycled from earlier international wars (as
in Afghanistan) or combatants who receive military training in one country to carry
out acts of war in another (as Al Qaeda bases in Yemen and Pakistan). The provision
of funds or military equipment to start or sustain a war counts as an international
component (Libya), as do activities that breach international laws on war, genocide
or human rights (Rwanda); outright attack of one state by other states, as in Iraq
today, is also clearly an international intervention. The second proviso is that war
should be studied as a social institution, which means that a range of people and
their experiences and relations constitute and change war as much, perhaps, as
developments in law, weaponry and strategy. War is an institution in the sense that
heterosexuality or marriage is a social institution. Using Foucauldian terminology,
such institutions have no fixed locations or administrators. Rather they are regimes
of truth that emerge over time and dominate alternative ways of living to such a
degree that they seem normal and natural, or at least unavoidable. In the case of
war, the institutional components include: heroic myths and stories about battles for
freedom and tragic losses; memories of war passed from generation to generation;
the workings of defense departments and militaries; the production of war-
accepting or -glorifying masculinities; the steady production and development of
weapon systems; religions that continue to weigh issues of just and unjust wars
instead of advocating no wars; and aspects of global popular culture – films, video
games, TV shows, advertisements, pop songs, and fashion design – that tacitly
support activities of violent politics by mimicking or modeling their elements in
everyday circumstances.
When we are studying war as a social institution, people count as participants
who have experiences and agencies related to war. It is not just the “important”
people who affect and are affected by war, the ones whose photos appear in the
media. Everyday people are involved in the social institution of war in straightforward as
well as complicated and often unnoted ways – as combatants, yes, but also as mourners,
protesters, enthusiasts, computer specialists, medical personnel, weapons designers,
artists, novelists, journalists, refugees, parents, clergy, child soldiers, and school
children. Globalization has redoubled the ways that everyday people can access
 Introduction 5

war as members of private security companies, mercenaries, relief workers,

photographers, and students. One can read, watch, or do war by logging onto
YouTube and Facebook; or people can listen to the village radio for reports of
local and distant wars. Trite though it is to say, few people are genuinely isolated
and unaffected by specific wars or the constancy of war-supporting economies,
war language, and war images. We are all part of what Vivienne Jabri (2006) refers
to as a system matrix of war, which I call the transhistorical and transcultural social
institution of war in its various particularities. In this book, the ordinary person
alone or in a group is the essential unit, subject, and level of war analysis, and such
persons can figure as sufferers of war, enthusiasts, and spectators of close and distant
violent politics. In this global time, everyone is in that war matrix, which means that
everyone has war experiences.
People can be inside the matrix in a variety of experiential ways. But how to
study war as experience? The very word “experience” is commonplace – we all
have experiences – and yet it is simultaneously abstract and difficult to characterize.
In this study, it is taken as axiomatic that war is experienced through the body, a unit
that has agency to target and injure others in war and is also a target of war’s capabilities.
The body is a biopolitical fact of war that we must not train ourselves any longer
to avoid studying, or get so confused about that we cannot study “it.” The body is
also a contested and diverse entity that comes with gender, race, class, generational,
cultural, and locational markings that affect and are affected by social experiences.
Analysts from a wide array of disciplines raise questions concerning the body
as a physical and material entity, a performative entity or a mostly symbolic or
externally manipulated actor. Bodies can be thought of as biological, as cyborgs, as
rampantly undead monsters or even as spaces filled with nonalive actants operating
in assemblages (Bennett, 2010). Are bodies surfaces only or depths? Is the mind
part of the body or something separate from it? In this book, the human body as a
material and discrete entity emerges from the great stable of intriguing possibilities
of its nature and existence.That the body might be a vampire, cyborg or robot does
not matter at a general level; or rather, it is better to say that the many types and
aspects of bodies that fascinate so many body theorists and cultural observers are
socially mediated. Zombie culture would mediate zombie experience differently
than the myriad specificities of culture that surrounding bodies that do not lead
undead existences for up to 400 years.2 The point is that bodies experience war in
differentiated and mediated ways, but the body is central. Experience is therefore the
physical and emotional connections with war that people live – with their bodies and their
minds and as social creatures in specific circumstances. Experience as a salient concept and
set of practices has been mostly neglected across IR and is only now being explored
in the field’s writings on war (Brighton, 2011; Sylvester, 2011a).3
The body can experience war physically – through wounds and attending to
wounds, through running, firing, falling, having buildings fall on it, writing about
war, filming moments of war, photographing war, feeling hungry or sick during
war and so on. It can also experience war through emotions, a category that when
pulled out and underscored can imply an unfortunate mind–body dualism. In 1997,
6 Introduction

feminist Elizabeth Spelman brusquely noted that “those of us drawn to Cartesian

tidiness may be tempted to tote up our sufferings under two columns, one labeled
‘mental’ and one labeled ‘physical’ – though Descartes himself seemed to find this
distinction confounded in the case of everyday pain” (Spelman, 1997: 4). Is the
mind part of the body or something separate from it? It is au courant in much
cultural studies literature, including feminist cultural studies, to deny – not dualism
at all, but the role of the body as a source or even realistic location of emotions. The
mind of the body, rather, is seen as the interpreter of feelings or the sensing center
of affect, those psychological and physiological intensities that become emotions
when they are given socially conditioned meaning. Accordingly, it could be said
that many societies accept war or become inured to its violence and injurious
nature, or buy into the threats and fears that governments project as justification
for large militaries and their use, through emotions that line up with the prescribed
war scripts.
Along with positing the importance of the body as the entity that experiences
war, this study also takes a position in the discussions on affect and emotions and
where these are lodged, arguing that the social determinist tendency in the study
of emotions is undoubtedly not wrong; but it can be reductionist. Writing instead
of reciprocities of body and mind, relays, and comminglings – giving the body
some credit as the unit that senses and feels and thinks about its surroundings – is
more sensible than saying that the body is out of the picture, to all intents and
purposes, when it comes to emotional activities of all kinds, including war activities
(Connolly, 2002). Despite writing about the body and war in “physical” and then
“emotional” terms, there is an important sense in which the two actually interlock
and mutually create experiences.4

Foregrounding IR and feminism

In a variety of contexts and ways over the past couple of years I have been asking
for a war question (actually, a set of questions) to emerge in feminist International
Relations thinking. By war question, I mean the development of an area of study
– one could call it war studies – within academic feminism, as it is located in the
wider field of IR. That call is decidedly not based on any personal belief in war
as a good or usually even useful political strategy. The intent is not to glorify war.
The intent is for feminist IR to study it with the same intensity that it has tackled
other large social institutions like gender, motherhood, religion, marriage, and
heterosexuality. War has not been studied with any comparable degree of systematic
attention within the ranks of feminism, which is not to say that there is no work
on war. In the following chapters I refer to numerous feminist tracts that explore
aspects of war, including militarization, militarized masculinity, women in Western
militaries, women suicide bombers or militants, and women and political violence.
Still, because feminist thinking has historically pitched against war and other forms
of violence, feminism within IR has also been comfortable studying peace rather
than war – even though war is a core subject of IR. Put differently, war is not
 Introduction 7

a social institution that feminism “owns;” rather, feminist analysis usually depicts war
as someone else’s misguided institution, someone else’s area of study. The feminist
mission is to end war as an institution and set of practices.
And that position makes sense. It makes sense to be against war as a politics,
economy, sociology, and performance of power. It is rational to worry about the
militarization of the world today and to fret about young American men and
women sent each generation to foment or fight wars far from US shores, such as in
Afghanistan, Iraq, Bosnia, and Vietnam. It makes sense, too, to worry about people
who are killed in distant wars by Western troops and by local marauders. It makes
sense to hate war’s shameless destructiveness, repeated and repeated through the
ages as though war were somehow utterly indispensable to political life. Indeed,
if there is one social institution that is both historical and transcultural it is war.
Intriguingly, however, feminism was also opposed for many years to organized
religion, to marriage, to heteronormativity, yet studied those institutions deeply and
systematically. That war is a relatively neglected topic of feminist analysis is odd,
especially since war is gender-inclusive in its components and impacts. No one can
claim to be outside the institution of war, although anyone can hold normative
positions against it. Myself, I have no stomach for war, but war is just as much ours
to investigate as anything that affects embodied women and “women” and “men” as
subject statuses intersecting with other subject statuses. Having implicitly assigned
war, however, to originary spaces tangential to our remit, feminist literatures pick
and choose what to study on war. War philosophy, military history, war strategy,
battlefield tactics, weapons and war industry analysis are generally not part of the
narrow and spotty feminist focus on war.
Women and men who join the institution of war or work with it can also put
feminists in a conundrum: to support them, not support them, take no position,
look the other way? There’s unease about khaki and how it can become some
women (Enloe, 1983), just as there is unease about other women who say they are
feminists but advocate positions that tend to fall outside the usual feminist narrative.
Hirsi Ali is one such woman – a difficult feminist whose reception illustrates the
way lines can be drawn and people thrust out and away from feminist analysis. Ali
is the Somalian-Dutch feminist and former MP, who writes antagonistically about
the effects of Islam on women adherents. Feminist thinking was once secularist but
is now cautious about giving offense by supporting people and debate positions
that could be interpreted as orientalist. Its positions on certain topics can accord
with Michael Sandel’s (1998) description of liberalism in Western countries today
as empty at the center, having relinquished all positions in favor of an overarching
tolerance. So Hirsi Ali, whose critique of a religion on feminist grounds would once
have been embraced by feminism, ends up dangerously isolated with a security
problem that requires bodyguards to keep at bay.
And here is another contradiction within that contradiction: feminism
today honors difference. It oftentimes does so, however, by assessing how local
communities of feminists and nonfeminists are responding to controversial issues
about women and rights. The difference approach corrects the tendency in the
8 Introduction

1960s and 1970s generation of feminism to use the term “women” in well-
intentioned but nonetheless universalized ways, as in (all) women are oppressed by
patriarchy, capitalism, biased public policies and traditions, bad research methods,
and so on. All women were, in fact, often Western women speaking of ourselves and
projecting Western feminist thinking outwards on cultural others. The necessary
corrective was that feminists started heeding the experiences of others by supporting
women whose lived experiences entailed making choices that we might not think
are choices at all. We became quieter about our own experiences and less sure
that we could know what is right for women whose daily lives are different than
our own. Difference thinking is reasonable and practical, a strong approach for
a multicultural, multiracial, and multiclass world.
It can seem, however, that upholding difference in order to give others voice
can become an end in itself rather than a means of determining feminist positions.
In some cases, feminist positions can be proclaimed if they accord with local
views imprimatured by groups living in the situations under discussion – living as
Muslims, living in societies that practice female circumcision or that tolerate sex
work. When a self-proclaimed feminist takes up a difficult or unpopular political
position today in the name of feminism, problems arise. Feminist Hirsi Ali (2006)
criticizes Islam. The Iranian feminist Azar Nafisi (2004) secretly reads and analyzes
Nabokov’s novel, Lolita, which is favorable toward sex with underage girls, with
women university students during the Iranian revolution. Both women have
defied local cultural authority on the grounds that it cripples women’s agency.
Yet such women are differences too – within feminism and with respect to culturally
approved modes of behavior. Have they crossed an invisible line to become a
difference that is so far beyond difference that it cannot be handled within the
framework of difference feminism? A similar problem can result when some
feminist analysts choose to investigate aspects of war rather than focus on peace,
when they treat warring women’s actions and politics as instances of agency instead
of unacceptable exceptions to the peace position. At such times, feminist academics
can become knowledge gatekeepers, excluding rather than including controversial
positions. This was something we decried when feminist positions were vetted and
found wanting by traditional academic fields. Is the correct position on difficult
issues and people the one that a majority of feminists or publics holds, even if those
views are unmoored from the concerns with tolerance and cultural specificity that
gave rise to difference feminist thinking? I think not. In a complicated world, it
is important to include “difficult” people and topics and differences, rather than
decide a priori who/what is in and who/what is out.
IR has its internal progression and legendary discipline-defining debates,
too. As a central tendency, however, it does not worry too much about people’s
experiences of international relations.War was one of the instigating politics behind
the emergence of IR in the UK on the heels of World War I. IR is not necessarily
pro-war, although some have argued that is complicit in the many violences of
our time (Smith, 2004). Rather, the field has historically viewed war as one of the
political and material dynamics that emerge when nation-states and other actors
 Introduction 9

operate beyond the realm of enforceable rules of law that characterize domestic
politics in many (ideal) states. IR considers factors behind historic wars involving
international actors, the frequency and types of wars, the weapons and strategies
of war, public responses to wars, and actions that can work to quell war: all of this
has a place in IR’s stable of knowledge. As the international system and the world
change, however, many of IR’s traditional ways of understanding the sources of
war, combatants, and the way war is waged and resolved, must also change. I argue
in this book that it is time to add people to IR’s stable of war actors and not
exclude or marginalize them any more. Just as some feminists find that what they
once advocated is now passé, so too must IR face up to their bits of obsolescent
thinking. The state system theorized by the field is no longer the sole keeper of
international war; nor is war what it was at the time of World War II or during
the Cold War period.
The social institution of war and the range of people’s involvement with
it is what many in feminist IR believe that IR should study alongside its other
categories and levels of analysis. Indeed, the goal should be to link levels in ways
that provide a bigger, more complete picture of a phenomenon, a picture that
cannot as easily be reduced to acronyms and to impersonal language overall. IR has
not gotten quite that far yet, even though the field has evolved a capacious camp
structure in recent years that accommodates every topic, methodological approach,
and constituency that clamors to be part of IR (Sylvester, 2007). Each of about
30 camps has its favorite personages, texts, journals and identity codas, for example,
there are a lot of women in the feminist IR camp and a lot of Europeans in the
international political sociology camp. The camp structure of IR emerged rather
quickly when the Cold War ended and parts of the world once pronounced on from a
distance turned up in IR and began influencing its agendas. Simultaneously, a “third
debate” on epistemology worked its way through IR and raised probing critiques
that fueled disciplinary chagrin when IR failed to anticipate the fall of a Cold
War wall. People – everyday people, masses of defiant people – took to the streets
in East Berlin and simply, eloquently broke boundary rules and lived through the
experience. Such people were not even a glimmer in the eye of reigning IR
theories of the time.
They still are not: IR was taken by surprise again when the same kinds of people
rose against the autocrats of one after another Middle Eastern state in 2011.5 The
field seems hogtied to the notion that ordinary people cannot have the type of
agency in international relations that can shift polarity or overpower embedded
authoritarian regimes. But at least today’s IR shelters more people and places of the
international than it did 30 years ago, and investigates a wider set of relations than
those associated with the (always big G and big P) Great Powers. It also disperses
disciplinary power to the point that no one camp can define the field or rid IR of
any “undesirable” analytic tendency. There is no realm of heresy in democratized IR.
Yet there are still many blind spots. For one, camp dispersals can make intersectional
analysis difficult. Billowing smoke from 30 or so campfires obscures commonalities
and promotes intellectual identity politics instead of mutual learning. If one is in the
Other documents randomly have
different content
 Translated by Professor LEO WIENER and edited by H. ADDINGTON BRUCE

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 Transcriber’s Notes

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... and intimate ‘co-operation between her ...

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... healthy!” Of course there is a number ...
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