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Regionalism and Regional Security in South Asia The
Role of SAARC New Regionalisms Series 1st Edition
Zahid Shahab Ahmed Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Zahid Shahab Ahmed
ISBN(s): 9781409467694, 1409467694
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 2.77 MB
Year: 2013
Language: english
 Regionalism and Regional Security
in South Asia

The common ailments of SAARC nations are: pervasive poverty, malnutrition, disasters,
poor health, illiteracy and intra-and inter-state conflicts. However, these nations started
with the least controversial ailments before attempting regional security to be called a useful
organisation on its own terms. Ahmed brings this refreshingly new analysis on SAARC
mission, its viability and its enthusiasm for a shared future and shared regional security.
Venkat Pulla, Charles Sturt University, Australia

Ahmed’s pioneering and path breaking work on SAARC is a fascinating study into the nature
of regionalism in South Asia. He probes deep into the nature and dynamics of regionalism
and appraises the formation and working of SAARC with profundity and alacrity. He throws
into relief the reasons for the rather staggered development and working of the Association,
teases out the reasons for this and then offers a template that corresponds very well to
the reasons of SAARC’s trajectory and development. His work is theoretically robust and
empirically vigorous.
Aijaz R. Mattoo, Islamic University of Science & Technology, India

Ahmed’s book is a comprehensive guide for the reader along South Asia’s bumpy road to
increased regionalism, analysing past developments and the obstacles ahead with great
attention to detail, providing a sober outlook on the prospects of a populous region of vital
importance for global security.
Péter Marton, Corvinus University, Hungary

In this rigorous study of South Asian regionalism, Ahmed has highlighted the importance
of reforming existing institutions such as SAARC, which have a largely unrealised potential
for catalysing cooperation. Using his extensive field experience and training in peace-
building the author provides an eclectic analysis of regionalism. This book is useful to
scholars of international relations more broadly, as well as policy analysts working on
South Asian peace-building.
Saleem H. Ali, University of Queensland, Australia
 The International Political Economy of
New Regionalisms Series
The International Political Economy of New Regionalisms Series presents
innovative analyses of a range of novel regional relations and institutions. Going
beyond established, formal, interstate economic organizations, this essential series
provides informed interdisciplinary and international research and debate about
myriad heterogeneous intermediate-level interactions.
Reflective of its cosmopolitan and creative orientation, this series is developed
by an international editorial team of established and emerging scholars in both the
South and North. It reinforces ongoing networks of analysts in both academia and
think-tanks as well as international agencies concerned with micro-, meso- and
macro-level regionalisms.

Editorial Board

Timothy M. Shaw, Visiting Professor, University of Massachusetts, Boston, USA

Isidro Morales, Director, EGAP, Gobierno y Política Pública, Campus Estado de
México and Director, Foreign Policy Edición Mexicana
Maria Nzomo, University of Nairobi, Kenya
Nicola Phillips, University of Sheffield, UK
Johan Saravanamuttu, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore
Fredrik Söderbaum, School of Global Studies, University of Gothenburg,
Sweden and UNU-CRIS, Belgium

Recent titles in the series (continued at the back of the book)

Comparative Regionalisms for Development in the 21st Century

Insights from the Global South
Edited by Emmanuel Fanta, Timothy M. Shaw and Vanessa T. Tang

Mapping Agency
Comparing Regionalisms in Africa
Edited by Ulrike Lorenz-Carl and Martin Rempe

The EU and the Eurozone Crisis

Policy Challenges and Strategic Choices
Edited by Finn Laursen

China-Africa Relations in an Era of Great Transformations

Edited by Li Xing with Abdulkadir Osman Farah
 Regionalism and Regional
Security in South Asia
The Role of SAARC

Zahid Shahab Ahmed

Centre for International Peace and Stability (CIPS), National University
of Sciences & Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan
First published 2013 by Ashgate Publishing

Published 2016 by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 2013 Zahid shahab ahmed

Zahid shahab ahmed has asserted his right under the copyright, designs and Patents act,
1988, to be identified as the author of this work.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any
form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only
for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
a catalogue record for this book is available from the British library

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows:

ahmed, Zahid shahab.
Regionalism and regional security in south asia : the role of saaRc / by Zahid shahab
ahmed.
pages cm. -- (the international political economy of new regionalisms series)
includes bibliographical references and index.
isBn 978-1-4094-6769-4 (hardback) 1. south asian association for Regional
cooperation. 2. south asian cooperation. 3. south asia--economic integration. i. title.
ds335.a33 2013
341.24'7--dc23
2013004543
isBn 9781409467694 (hbk)
isBn 9781315604442 (ebk)
 Contents

List of Figures   vii

List of Tables   ix
List of Abbreviations   xi
Preface   xv
Foreword   xvii

1 Introduction   1

2 An Introduction to South Asia   11

3 SAARC: An Overview   29

4 Economic Cooperation   63

5 Environmental Security   87

6 Human Welfare   109

7 Cooperation in Security Matters   133

8 South Asian Regionalism: Possible Lessons to be Drawn

from ASEAN   153

9 Conclusion   175

Bibliography   187
Index   213
To my parents for their guidance, prayers, love and support
 List of Figures

2.1 United Nations Map of South Asia and Neighbouring Countries   13

2.2 Numbers of Refugees and IDPs in South Asia, 2011   25
2.3 Military Expenditure of South Asian Countries (2005-10)   27

3.1 Structure of the SAARC Secretariat   48

3.2 Hierarchy of SAARC   49

4.1 Percentage Share of Intra-SAARC Trade in World (1967-2010)   76

This page has been left blank intentionally
 List of Tables

2.1 Overview of the SAARC Member States   15

3.1 Institutional Cost Sharing (Effective since December 2006)   46

3.2 Programming Cost Sharing (Effective since December 2006)   46

4.1 GDP Growth Rates of the SAARC Countries, 2006-10   64

4.2 Selected Economic Indicators of the SAARC countries (US$)   65
4.3 Yearly Trade of SAARC Member States under SAFTA
(US$ Millions)   71

5.1 Number of People Affected by Natural Disasters in

South Asia to 2011   91

6.1 Human Development Index (HDI) ranks of SAARC

versus ASEAN Countries, 2011   110
6.2 Health-related Indicators of South Asian Countries, 2011   113
6.3 Education-related indicators of South Asian countries, 2008   114

7.1 A Snapshot of Post-9/11 Terrorist Attacks in South Asia,

Up To October 2011   135

8.1 Overview of the ASEAN Member States   155

This page has been left blank intentionally
 List of Abbreviations

ACIAR Australian Centre for International Agriculture Research

ADB Asian Development Bank
ADMM ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting
AFTA ASEAN Free Trade Area
AOSIS Alliance of Small Island States
APEC Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
APSC ASEAN Political-Security Community
ARF ASEAN Regional Forum
ASA Association of Southeast Asia
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
ASEANPOL ASEAN Chiefs of National Police
ASEM Asia-Europe Meeting
BIMSTEC Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and
Economic Cooperation
CBMs Confidence-building Measures
CHT Chittagong Hill Tracts
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
COE Committee of Experts
CSIRO Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation
CSO Civil Society Organisations
DRR Disaster Risk Reduction
EAS East Asia Summit
ECO Economic Cooperation Organisation
ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States
EU European Union
FAO Food and Agriculture Organisation
FDI Foreign Direct Investment
FIA Federal Investigation Authority
G8 Group of Eight
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GEP Group of Eminent Persons
GFC Global Financial Crisis
GLOFs Glacial Lake Outburst Floods
GNH Gross National Happiness
HADR Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief
HDI Human Development Index
ICIMOD International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development
xii Regionalism and Regional Security in South Asia

ICT Information and Communication Technology

IDPs Internally Displaced Persons
IFA Institute of Foreign Affairs
IFAD International Fund for Agricultural Development
IGCG-R-E-F Inter-governmental Core Group on Research-Extension-
Farmer Linkages
IGEG.CC Inter-Governmental Expert Group on Climate Change
IGG Inter-Government Group
IGO Inter-governmental Organisation
IMF International Monetary Fund
IMR Infant Mortality Rate
IPA Integrated Programme of Action
IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
IPKF Indian Peace Keeping Force
IPRI Islamabad Policy Research Institute
IRS Institute of Regional Studies
ISACPA Independent South Asian Commission on Poverty Alleviation
ISAF International Security Assistance Force
ISSI Institute Strategic Studies Islamabad
LDCs Least Developed Countries
LHRLA Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid
LTTE Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
MDGs Millennium Development Goals
MERCOSUR Mercado Común del Sur (Common Southern Market)
MHHDC Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre
MMR Maternal Mortality Rate
MNF Most Favoured Nation
MoU Memorandum of Understanding
MT Metric Tons
NAFTA North American Free Trade Area
NAM Non-Aligned Movement
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
NGO Non-governmental Organisation
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
OIC Organisation of the Islamic Conference
OSCE Organisation for Security Cooperation in Europe
PIF Pacific Islands Forum
PPP Public Private Partnerships
PPP Pakistan Peoples Party
RATS Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure
RCD Regional Cooperation for Development
RCST Regional Convention on Suppression of Terrorism
SAARC South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
SABAH SAARC Business Association of Home-Based Workers
 List of Abbreviations xiii

SAC SAARC Agriculture Centre

SACEP South Asia Co-operative Environment Programme
SACODiL SAARC Consortium of Open and Distance Learning
SADC Southern African Development Community
SADF South Asian Development Fund
SAF South Asia Forum
SAFTA South Asian Free Trade Area
SAGQ South Asian Growth Quadrangle
SAIC SAARC Agriculture Information Centre
SAPTA SAARC Preferential Trading Agreement
SARSO South Asia Regional Standards Organisation
SAU South Asian University
SCCI SAARC Chambers of Commerce and Industry
SCO Shanghai Cooperation Organisation
SCZMC SAARC Coastal Zone Management Centre
SDC SAARC Documentation Centre
SDF SAARC Development Fund
SDGs SAARC Development Goals
SDMC SAARC Disaster Management Centre
SDOMD SAARC Drug Offences Monitoring Desk
SEANWFZ Southeast Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone
SEATO Southeast Asian Treaty Organisation
SEC SAARC Energy Centre
SEWA Self Employed Women’s Association
SFB SAARC Food Bank
SFC SAARC Forestry Centre
SHRDC SAARC Human Resources Development Centre
SIC SAARC Information Centre
SIPRI Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
SOSA Security Organisation for South Asia
STAC SAARC Tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS Centre
STOMD SAARC Terrorism Offences Monitoring Desk
TAC Treaty of Amity and Cooperation
TCARD Technical Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development
UN United Nations
UNAIDS United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNEP United Nations Environment Programme
UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
UNFPA United Nations Fund for Population Activities
UNISDR United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction
UNODC United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
UNSC United Nations Security Council
xiv Regionalism and Regional Security in South Asia

USF University of the South Pacific

WB World Bank
WHO World Health Organisation
WTO World Trade Organisation
ZOPFAN Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality
 Preface

During 2003-2008, I participated in numerous international events across

South Asia. The issue of regionalism emerged many times during those
occasions; therefore, an assessment of the South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation (SAARC) was inevitable. In this regard, I must appreciate the
annual conflict transformation workshops organised by the Women in Security,
Conflict Management and Peace (WISCOMP) – an NGO based in New Delhi.
I participated in two of WISCOMPS’s workshops in New Delhi organised for
young professionals from India and Pakistan. In such forums, I received valuable
opportunities to interact with South Asian scholars, who have been enthusiastically
working on the ideas of peace, development and cooperation in South Asia. After
this experience, I was convinced by a widespread opinion that intra-regional
cooperation is a logical way for South Asian countries to address their common
challenges, such as poverty, terrorism and development. After reading numerous
literature on SAARC, I found that a comprehensive study of SAARC was
required comprising of a thorough investigation regarding SAARC’s performance
in key areas, such as trade, environmental security, human welfare and security
cooperation. Consequently, in 2008, I decided to embark on examining the role of
SAARC with regard to regional integration in South Asia.
The mission of producing a unique research on SAARC would not have been
possible without the support of many scholars. Foremost, I would like to express
my sincere gratitude to an expert team at University of New England’s School
of Humanities, in particular Dr Karin von Strokirch, Associate Professor Habib
Zafarullah, Professor Howard Brasted and Dr Adeel Khan, whose guidance made
this work possible. My extra thanks to Professor Brasted for writing the foreword
that added more value to this book. There are many colleagues to whom I wish
to thank, particularly Dr Graham Young, Dr Ken Fraser, Dr Paul Healey, and Mr
Tanzimuddin Khan, who were kind enough to read my work and provide their
productive comments.
I am grateful to various institutions for making this study possible. The University
of New England for their financial support that made it possible for me to carry out
fieldwork in Nepal and Pakistan. The Australian National University, particularly the
Australia-South Asia Research Centre for hosting me as a visiting researcher in 2008
and the SAARC Secretariat for inviting me to participate in the prestigious SAARC
Internship Programme during August-September 2009. The official engagement
at the SAARC Secretariat made it possible for me to gain valuable insights into
the work of the Association through regular interactions with SAARC officials in
Nepal and Pakistan. I am indebted to Mr Riaz Hamidullah and Mr Ghulam Dastgir,
xvi Regionalism and Regional Security in South Asia

who played crucial roles in facilitating my research at the SAARC Secretariat and
beyond, for their hospitality and guidance during my stay in Kathmandu.
Finally, yet importantly, I would like to convey my appreciation to my family,
my parents and siblings, for their moral support and prayers throughout my life.
Particularly, I owe my deepest gratitude to my wife, Kiran, for sharing valuable
comments on this manuscript. My loving thanks to my son Daniyal for making
this endeavour a lot more enjoyable.
 Foreword

On Wednesday, 27 February 2002, the hands of the ‘Doomsday Clock’ were

moved to 11.53 pm, just 7 minutes away from the ‘midnight’ or nuclear hour.1
Symbolically measuring the threat of nuclear war this mock up wooden clock,
which was maintained in the office of the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists at Chicago
University, had its time manually adjusted for the first time in nearly four years.
When the Soviet Union collapsed just 12 years earlier in 1990, ‘midnight’ had
been calculated to be 17 minutes away, at 11.43 pm. What was reported to have
triggered the latest time adjustment by the Bulletin was not the September 11
attacks by Al-Qaeda terrorists on the twin towers of the World Trade Centre in
New York and the Pentagon in Washington, but a deadly assault by Pakistani-
based terrorist groups on the Indian parliament on 13 December 2001 and the
renewed tensions over Kashmir.
Since 2002, many prominent personalities have described South Asia as ‘the
most dangerous place in the world’.2 Certainly, nuclear-armed India and Pakistan,
since becoming independent in 1947, have gone to war on three occasions – in
1948, 1965 and 1971 – and seem prepared to go to total war over Kashmir at any
time. In 1999 because of a military skirmish in the mountainous region of Kargil
they confronted each other with more than a million troops massing along their
joint border, and reputedly with nuclear missiles targeting each other’s largest
cities.3 The world held its breath then. And it holds its breath whenever there is a
border incident over disputed Kashmir or at any time when relations between the
historically antagonistic neighbours fracture.
This dangerous volatility is the omnipresent backdrop to Zahid Shahab
Ahmed’s study of SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation),
an organisation that has just celebrated 25 years of existence. Established on
8 December 1985 by Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan
and Sri Lanka (with Afghanistan joining two years later), and headquartered in
Kathmandu, SAARC was conceived as a multi-lateral organisation that could
promote not only the economic development and social and scientific progress of
all member nations, but also ultimately regional security as well.
Assessing the performance and impact of SAARC in persuading South Asia
to act as both a collective trading and regional security bloc, Zahid Shahab
Ahmed concedes, as most critics have maintained, that it has failed to live up to

1 Sydney Morning Herald, 1 March 2002.

2 New York Times, 30 May 2002.
3 New York Times, 14 May 2002.
xviii Regionalism and Regional Security in South Asia

the expectations originally held for it. For a start it has struggled to overcome a
‘legacy of mistrust’ arising from the Muslim separatist movement in the 1930s that
argued that Hindus and Muslims could not live amicably together and the trauma
associated with the way they eventually parted company in 1947. In the process,
the Indian subcontinent was not so much partitioned as brutally torn apart.4
With the newly created India and the newly created Pakistan immediately at
loggerheads over the status of Kashmir, it soon became clear that Indians and
Pakistanis were not going to live amicably apart either. Having been divided by the
British along religious lines they were further divided ideologically by the Cold
War and by Cold War rivalries. That Pakistan was itself torn apart in 1971 when
Muslim East Pakistan, supported by India, broke away to form the separate state of
Bangladesh, has added a further complicating dimension. Thus, in confronting the
task of promoting multilateral ties within South Asia, SAARC has had to contend
with the reality of on-going bilateral tensions between its three largest members.
In part, too, the promotion of close regional cooperation has not been helped
by the obvious disparities between member countries in terms of the relative
size of population, military capacity, GDP, economic strength, levels of poverty,
terms of trade, and so on. The underlying apprehension that India would come to
dominate the region, given the opportunities that regionalism would provide, has
served to act as a brake on any substantial progress towards a regional free trade
agreement being reached. Even when this fear could be cast aside there was always
Kashmir to set things back. This happened recently, for example, when a ceasefire
violation along the line of control dividing Kashmir put at least a temporary halt
on Pakistan according India MNF (Most Favoured Nation) status. In such a fragile
environment, a concrete defence arrangement seems even further off.
While SAARC seems a long way from achieving the close regional cooperation
it was originally set up to facilitate Zahid Shahab Ahmed’s study, Regionalism
and Regional Security in South Asia: The Role of SAARC, offers a corrective to
the negative commentary that invariably attaches to most discussions of SAARC
and the prevailing assumption that it has achieved nothing worthwhile. Despite
acknowledging that the rate of progress towards regionalism has been slow, Zahid
Shahab Ahmed argues that this should not blind anyone either to the groundwork
that SAARC has actually accomplished to date or to the distinct possibility that it
has the potential to fulfil its mission. Consensus–building in any context takes time
and given South Asia’s turbulent history has necessitated the most painstaking and
diplomatic preparation. Indeed, from 1985 to 2005, SAARC devoted much of its
time and effort to establishing a workable agenda that all member countries could
endorse and would be willing to pursue. It is only in recent years that it has begun
what Ahmed has termed the ‘project implementation phase’.
Zahid Shahab Ahmed advances the thesis that SAARC’s current approach is
to concentrate its efforts on building cooperation in the ‘non-controversial’ areas

4 See D.A. Low and Howard Brasted (eds), Freedom, Trauma, Continuities: Northern
India and Independence”, Sage, New Delhi, 1998.
 Foreword xix

of human security, rather than the more difficult and contentious domain of sub-
continental security. However, as he argues, the two are really interconnected.
Regional cooperation at the one level can ultimately pave the way for cooperation at
the other. The ‘successes’ SAARC has had in managing to secure some agreement
in the common areas of poverty alleviation, underdevelopment, illiteracy, and
basic health provision, has generated the kind of ‘goodwill’ that will be necessary
if the problem of regional conflict resolution is to be productively engaged. In the
absence of any other mechanism to persuade the states of South Asia to forget
their recent conflictual history and start to work together as a united bloc, not just
on trade and development, but mutual defence as well, Zahid’s recommendation
that the SAARC experiment should not only be persevered with but more fully
promoted, seems entirely reasonable.

Professor Howard Brasted

Chair of History and Coordinator of Islamic Studies; and Co-director of the
Asia-Pacific Centre, University of New England, Australia
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house. There are two points nearly similar, where are benches; the
water fills the bottom of the vale in the style of a very noble river;
few, indeed, in the kingdom exceed it. We may conjecture that if
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would never pardon his superb imitation for exceeding the original, it
was the view from one of these benches that inspired the sentiment.
The proud waves that roll at your feet; the declivity steep enough to
make the water and every contiguous scene more interesting to the
eye; the opposite shore, a hill spread with wood that hangs with
forest boldness to the water; the whole is formed to make an
impression on the mind. No ill-judged decoration weakens by
dividing the effect; no intruding objects hurt the simplicity of the
scene. I know not any artificial scene that is finer. The concluding
one where the water expands is great, but I think inferior to this.
But to return——

[l.]
It appears this year[109] that I was engaged in a pursuit entirely
new to me, that of making many new and pneumatic experiments
on expelling gas from soils, manures, and various other substances,
in order to ascertain whether there was any connection between the
quantity and species of such gas (from Geist, German for ghost,
spirit. Authority, B. of Llandaff, see Newman’s ‘Trans. of Boerhave’s
Chemistry’) and the fertility of the soils from which my specimens
were selected. It seems that I prosecuted this enquiry with
diligence; and as it was my commencement in chemistry, I
corresponded upon the subject with Dr. Priestley, and went to
Cambridge for the conversation of Mr. Milner, then Professor of
Chemistry in that University. The result of my experiments was very
remarkable, for I decided, after a very careful deduction from the
result of all my trials, that there existed a very intimate, and almost
unbroken, connection between the fertility of land and the gas to be
expelled from it. This was an entirely new discovery belonging to me
only, and it has been quoted by many celebrated chemists in a
manner which showed that they considered me as the origin of it. I
sent a detail of my trials to the Royal Society, through the hands of
Mr. Magellan,[110] as my paper contained some eudiometrical
experiments made with the eudiometer invented by that philosopher.
Mentioning to a friend what I had done, ‘You have been very foolish,’
observed the friend, ‘for depend upon it your paper will never get
into the “Philosophical Transactions.”’ Expressing my surprise, I
demanded the reason. ‘Why, know you not,’ he replied, ‘that there is
a most inveterate hostility between Sir J. Banks and Magellan, from
a violent quarrel, and Sir J. is not a man to permit anything to be
printed that comes through hands offensive to him, especially as the
paper is to the credit of Magellan’s instrument?’ The event proved
the truth of this prediction, but this did not prevent my labours being
duly appreciated by those who were the most competent judges. In
the pursuit of these trials I gradually established and furnished a
laboratory, sufficient for my own enquiries, at about 150l. expense.
l.
‘Birmingham: Jan. 27, 1783.

‘Dear Sir,—There is no person I should serve with more pleasure

than you, because there is no person whose pursuits are more
eminently useful to the world. You alone have certainly done more to
promote agriculture, and especially to render it reputable, in this
country than all that have gone before you. But the little I might do
to aid your investigations will be reduced to a small matter indeed by
my distance from you.
‘All that I should be able to do with water would be to expel by
heat all the air it contains, and then examine, by nitrous air, how
much phlogiston that air contains, but it is very possible that the
fitness of water for irrigating meadows may depend upon something
besides the phlogiston it contains. Experiment alone can determine
these things. I never heard before of the inference, you say, has
been drawn from my doctrine with respect to the use of light in
vegetation. I know of no use that light is of to the soil. The whole
effect is on the living plant, enabling it to convert the impure air it
meets with in water or in the atmosphere into pure air. When that
end is effected that water is of no further use to it. Plants will not
thrive unless both their leaves and roots be exposed to air in some
degrees impure. This I have fully ascertained, but I am afraid that
the doctrine is not capable of much practical application.
‘I know of no method of conveying phlogiston to the roots of
plants but as combined with water, and this seems to be done in the
best way by a mixture of putrid matter. Water will not imbibe much
inflammable air. I find volatile alkali to contain much phlogiston. It is
indeed almost another modification of the same thing.
‘Since my last, I have hit upon various methods of converting
water into permanent air. It is sufficient to give it something more
than a boiling heat. If I only put an ounce of water into a porous
earthen retort, I get a hundred ounce measures of air from it, and
when I have, in this manner, got near an ounce weight of air from
the same retort, it has not weighed one grain less than it did.
‘I shall be glad to hear the result of your experiments, and am
truly sorry that I can do so little for you.
‘J. Priestley.’

‘Birmingham: March 31, 1783.

‘Dear Sir,—I received from Mr. More[111] two bottles of water, one
marked Ｘ , which Mr. Boswell informed him was from the spring
mentioned in his “Treatise on Watering Meadows,” and another
without any mark from a spring arising in a bed of sand, and I
examined them immediately. I found the former to contain air much
purer than that of the atmosphere; but the latter air was much
worse, that is, phlogisticated; a candle could hardly have burned in
it. This last I should think to be the better spring for the watering of
meadows, or perhaps it might have been better corked; for on the
19th, though I put the corks in again immediately, but without any
cement, I found the air in both very pure, more so than the purest
before, and hardly to be distinguished, and they were so this day
when I examined them again. They should be examined on the spot.
The air in the spring from the sand was much warmer than that in
my pump water, or than that of water in general. But water exposed
to the open air soon loses the phlogiston it contains.
‘Perhaps much of the effect of water on meadows is that, at this
time of the year, it comes out of the earth considerably warmer than
the roots of the grass. What think you of this?
‘I expect to set out for London this day three weeks, and shall stay
there about a fortnight. I should be glad to meet you there, when
we shall find an hour’s conversation better than all our
correspondence. Wishing you success in all your laudable pursuits.
‘I am, dear Sir,
‘Yours &c. &c.
‘J. Priestley.’

At Chadacre, six miles from Bury, resided John Plampin, Esq.[112]

who had three daughters, all, at this time, unmarried and at home. I
was intimately acquainted with them. Two of these ladies were much
distinguished by their beauty, and reigned as toasts throughout the
county: Sophia married afterwards to the Rev. Mr. Macklin, and Betsy
married in 1794 to Orbell Ray Oakes, Esq. of Bury. I introduced my
friend Lazowski to these ladies, and he was much at Chadacre,
admiring not a little the youngest of them. They persuaded their
father to give a ball, at which the Duke of Liancourt, his two sons,
Lazowski and myself were present, and the evening passed with
uncommon hilarity till the rising sun sent us home. Mr. Symonds
afterwards gave a weekly ball when the Frenchmen were with him,
and these parties were uncommonly agreeable.
Early in the spring of 1787 I received a letter from a friend at
Paris, Mons. Lazowski (who had resided two years at Bury, much to
my amusement and satisfaction, with the two sons of the Duke of
Liancourt), to inform me that he was going with the Count de la
Rochefoucault to the Pyrenees, and proposed my being of the party.
[113]

‘Liancourt: April 9, 1787.

 ‘Dear Sir,—I was at Liancourt when I heard from you the last time,
so that I was very uneasy upon the bill which you had drawn upon
M. de Vergennes, who could not be informed by me about it, but
very happily my letter to him went at a proper time, and it has been
paid. Nothing wants now but to have turnips, as your English wit
whispers it. But we have another matter to settle together, if you are
not now incumbered. I told you by the last that it could be, but I
would travel this summer. The case is that the Count is, for the sake
of his health, obliged to go to Bagnères-de-Luchon, in the Pyrénées,
to drink those waters; he asked from me to be his companion, and
his relations seemed to be glad of it. I did therefore comply with his
demand, and we are going about the middle of May, which is the
time just of your coming over to France. Now will you come with us?
Such proposition is not a foolish one. We will pass by a part of
France in going, and come back by another part, so that you will see
almost the two-thirds of this kingdom. You will learn the French;
with us everything will be explained to you; in short, I will be with
you, and that is enough, I hope. That part by which you will pass
through is not an uninteresting one. Look upon a map. You will pass
through the Limousin and Toulouse in going, and in coming back by
Bordeaux, &c.; the Pyrénées are very worth to be seen, and,
besides, if nothing very extraordinary prevents it, we intend to go to
Barcelona in Spain, in order to see the Catalogne,[114] the finest
province after that travel. I must not tell you that I shall be another
Arthur here for you, not that I presume to say that you will find in
me an Encyclopædia living as I did in you, but your friend, and
therefore to your commands in Paris and everywhere. Our manner of
travelling is very convenient to you also; we go with our own horses,
you will have one, my servants will be yours, nothing therefore shall
be too much expensive. Have you your horse? Is it possible to come
over with him at a proper time? If not, do write to me a word, and
the Count and I will do our utmost to get one cheap enough,
between fifteen and twenty pounds. If you cannot be ready here for
the 15th of May, we will expect five or six days, but you see that it is
impossible to expect more, since the Count must drink the waters; in
two words, you seemed to wish to see this kingdom, never you will
have such an opportunity; if I am obliged to stay at Bagnères,
nothing will prevent you to make some excursions in the environs,
and you will speak French very well. The whole depends of your
family business. If you cannot now, then you will wait till September,
and we will be at Paris; but you must give greatest of attention to it,
and as soon as your mind will be fixed upon anything pray do write
to me. What devil are you doing about the notables? (l.) I suppose
you know my mind about the whole by my letter.[115] M. de Calonne
is exiled, so is M. Necker. What will be the result I do not know, but
the notables have missed the way, and they know nothing of the
matter; but public business must give way to what I make a
proposal to you, it is question of nothing else but to travel together a
thousand miles, without more expense but that you would spend
anywhere, &c. &c. so you may go to the devil if you don’t speak well
of me and my prospect. My best compliments to M. Symonds &c. &c.
chiefly Lady Gage and Sir Thomas.
‘Yours for ever,
‘Ly.
‘Do not forget to write and to speak about your horse,
whether you will bring yours, or if we must get one for you.’

This was touching a string tremulous to vibrate. I had so long

wished for an opportunity to examine France. In the survey of
agriculture which I had taken in England and Ireland, of about
7,000 miles, I had calculated, from facts, the rent produce and
resources of those Kingdoms, and I had often reflected on the
importance of knowing the real situation of France; the effect of
Government; the state of the farmers, of the poor—the state and
extent of their manufactures with a hundred other enquiries
certainly of political importance; yet strange as it may seem not
to be found in any French book written from actual observation,
all that I was before able to learn having been composed in
some great city without travelling beyond the walls. I should
accept a very unsatisfactory work upon sheep, written by Mons.
Cartier, employed and paid by Government. I had but little time
given me to consider of the proposal, but I wrote to learn if they
travelled post, because I previously determined in that case not
to go. And, further, I requested to know if I were to travel at any
other expense than that of myself and horse. The answer was
that they travelled with their own horses, and did not propose
making more than twenty or twenty-five miles a day; that my
expense would be merely what I stated, and mostly in a cheap
part of the kingdom. This most agreeable plan I instantaneously
acceded to, and soon set out for France on horseback. At Dover,
being detained, I copy the following note on that expedition:—
‘l.—Had the packet sailed this morn as I expected I should not
have scaled, as I never did before, Shakespeare’s Cliff. By the
way it is by no means so formidable as I expected from it. I
think the look down from its perpendicular position very striking,
and when I reflected how much more it must be from the
summit, the reflection, perhaps, injured the principal effect (l.).
This is a proof that we ought never, when a powerful impression
is wished, to advance to the principal point gradually. It should
come upon us at once; nor should I have seen Mr. Harris’s drill
plough,[116] which I liked much better from seeing it than from
the print. But I principally should have wanted time to run over
my accounts, to review the debts and credits of several loose
memoranda, and find from the result that I had not acted
imprudently or unguardedly in omitting the necessary
preparations to such a journey. My dear child, my lovely Bobbin,
I left in perfect health, the rest of my family well and provided
for in every respect as they themselves had chalked out, the
‘Annals’ lodged in the hands of a man on whose friendship and
abilities I could entirely confide. Revolving these circumstances
in my mind gave me pleasure, so that I could hardly regret in
the evening the day which in the morning I had pronounced lost.
At night I went into a bye boat[117] and had a villainous passage
of fourteen hours. Nine hours rolling at anchor had so fatigued
my mare that I thought it necessary for her to rest one day, but
next morning I left Calais.
‘l.—Wait at Desseins three days for a wind, Dover, London,
Bradfield, and have more pleasure in giving my little girl a French
doll than in viewing Versailles.’[118]
The journey to France cost me 118l. 15s. 2d. Things bought,
20l. 17s.; books, 8l. 16s. 6d.
This year I had a long visit at Bradfield from M. Bukaty,
nephew to the Polish Ambassador, a heavy, dull man with a
Tartar countenance. His intention was to learn agriculture, but he
made a poor progress. My correspondence this year contained
much variety, and I have reperused many of the letters with
much pleasure. In the number were the following:—
From Sir J. Sinclair[119] on clothing for sheep, which he sent
and desired me to buy. I did so, and the rest of the flock took
them I suppose for beasts of prey, and fled in all directions, till
the clothed sheep jumping hedges and ditches soon derobed
themselves.

‘Whitehall: April 11, 1787.

‘Sir,—I went yesterday to Knightsbridge, and have ordered the

canvas for covering the sheep, which will be ready next week,
and I shall be glad to know how it can be best forwarded.
‘My idea is to put the coverings on immediately after the
sheep are shorn, when I imagine it would be comfortable instead
of distressing to the animal. That the experiment may have full
justice done I send you three covers of oil skin, three of pretty
strong unoiled canvas, and two done over with Lord Dundonald’s
tar. If lambs are apt to die of cold, would it not be of use to
them?
‘I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
‘John Sinclair.’

From Mr. Symonds, an account of his tour in the West &c., of

the King and Queen’s visit to Whitbread’s Brew House; duties to
the Crown, 52,000l. per annum for the brewery alone.

‘Sunning Hill: July 12, 1787.

 ‘My dear Sir,—I wrote to you from Cornwall, and hope you
received the letter which was directed to Creil. I am returning
from a tour through Devonshire, where I visited Mount
Edgecombe, Dartmouth, Teignmouth, Torbay, Dawlish and
Exmouth. At Exeter I passed ten days with my old friend the
Bishop, Dr. Ross, and however I may have lost my time in other
things I certainly was not deficient in my religious duties, for
during the ten days I attended divine service nineteen times,
taking in his Lordship’s private chapel and the cathedral.
‘After visiting most of the fine seats in Somersetshire &c.
including Lord Radnor’s famous triangular house, I came to
Salisbury, where I met several old acquaintances, and among the
rest Mr. Windham, who published Doddington’s Diary, and who
permitted me to look over the vast collection of Doddington’s
private correspondence, and to copy what I pleased.
‘From Salisbury I came hither, having made nearly a thousand
miles in my gig, without suffering the least inconvenience, either
from weather or accident. Could I do better than to end, as it
were, my tour with a visit to the "Monarch’s and the Muses’
Seats"?
‘The only public news that you can now think of abroad is
whether we are to have peace or war; but I have heard here
from very good authority that Thurlow, Lord Stafford, and Mr.
Pitt are for peace, and that ’tis thought the latter will resign if
things take a different turn.
‘Whitbread expended not less than 15,000l. in entertaining the
King and Queen at his brewery. They left off working it three
days before—new clothes—the floor carpeted, and three or four
sets of china made on purpose at Worcester after the most
beautiful models of Sèvres, that the Royal Family might be
entertained separately, though in the same rooms. The King
asked Whitbread what he paid for duties to the Crown, and his
Majesty was not a little surprised to hear that he paid 52,000l.
for the Brewery alone. You will say all that is kind for me to the
Count and Lazowski. Madame de Polignac[120] &c., together with
the French Ambassador, have been at the Terrace, where they
were received by the King and Queen. At Bath the French ladies
broke the standing rules by all going to the ball much too late,
and on foot, which is not common, and one danced in coloured
gloves.
‘You and I shall agree about the Liancourt Plough as well as
most other things. The Duke’s ideas of farming resemble those
of Mons. Baron, whose self-conceit is exceeded only by his
ignorance, and who must inevitably starve, if he had to gain his
bread by farming, and practised for himself.
‘Adieu. Ever faithfully yours,
‘J. Symonds.’
 CHAPTER VIII

TRAVEL AND INTERNATIONAL FRIENDSHIPS, 1788-

89-90

The Wool Bill—Sheridan’s speech—Count Berchtold—Experiments—Second

French journey—Potato-fed sheep—Cost of housekeeping—Chicory—
Burnt in effigy—Correspondence—Third French journey—With Italian
agriculturists—Bishop Watson and Mr. Luther—Correspondence—Literary
work—Illness—The state of France.

Early in the spring I was deputed by the wool growers of Suffolk

to support a petition against the Wool Bill[121] which at that time
made much noise in the agricultural world; and in which I united
with Sir Joseph Banks,[122] who was deputed by the county of
Lincoln for the same purpose. I was most strenuous in the
cause. By this Bill the growers of wool were laid under most
insufferable restraints by its patrons the manufacturers, under
the false pretence which had upon so many occasions been
listened to by the Legislature, that immense quantities of wool
were smuggled to France; on the gross fallacy of which they
made good use, in taking those measures which answered their
only design, that of sinking the price.
I applied to many of the leading members of both Houses of
Parliament, but to very little effect. Those who deputed me were
very desirous that I should see Mr. Fox on the subject; and Sir
Peter Burrell, who was also greatly hostile to the Bill, and acted
at that time as Lord Great Chamberlain of England at the trial of
Mr. Hastings, recommended me to take an opportunity of the
managers for the Commons, waiting at that trial to desire to
speak with Mr. Fox in the manager’s box; and with this view gave
me a pass ticket for the whole trial, by means of which I could
be at the bar ready to serve such an opportunity when it offered.
These tickets were sold at twenty guineas each; and this
afforded me many opportunities of much entertainment. I
accordingly saw Mr. Fox, and found him by no means inclined to
patronise any opposition to the Bill. All that could be done was to
make him a master of certain important facts of which he was
ignorant, and which did seem to have some little weight with
him. It may here be observed that as I was walking one day in
Fleet Street with my pass ticket and a 20l. note in my pocket
book, I was hustled unskilfully by a knot of rascals, who picked
the book out of my pocket, but I missing it instantly, luckily
observed it on the pavement near my foot, and seized on it
immediately, and the rascals went off at once. By means of this
ticket I was present when Mr. Sheridan made the speech that
rendered his eloquence so celebrated.[123] I was examined at the
Bar of the Houses of Lords and Commons, and published two
pamphlets on the subject of the Wool Bill.
But notwithstanding all the opposition that was made to the
measure, after moderating some of the most hostile clauses the
Bill passed; but the manufacturers experienced so determined
and vigorous an opposition that they would hardly engage again
in any similar attack upon the landed interest. In the course of
this business I experienced a strange instance of roguery in an
Ipswich attorney named Kirby. This man was appointed secretary
and receiver of the Suffolk subscriptions for supporting the
expense of opposing the Bill. He paid the reckoning twice at the
‘Crown and Anchor’ when a few persons dined there; and after
that, under various pretences, when money was to be paid; and
on a moderate computation put more than 100l. into his own
pocket. I was unwilling to believe it, but upon his death a few
years after it was found that he was one of the greatest knaves
the devil ever created.
 My deputation by the county of Suffolk to represent it, in
opposing the Bill at the bar of the two Houses of Parliament, in
the same manner as Sir Joseph Banks, a highly eminent
character for influence and affluence, was deputed by the county
of Lincoln, did me much honour, and shows that a prophet may
sometimes be esteemed, even in his own country. The reader
who is desirous of becoming acquainted with this portion of the
history of wool in England may consult my Question of Wool—my
speech that might have been spoken—my Reasons against the
Bill, and various other papers by myself, inserted in the ‘Annals.’
The opposition certainly would have been successful if Mr. Pitt
had not found what so many ministers have experienced before
—that the trading interest at large is a hundred times more
active than the landed interest; for very few counties exerted
themselves on this occasion. Had half of them acted like Suffolk
the Bill would have been inevitably lost, and had I not been a
resident in Suffolk that county would have slept with the rest. It
may not be amiss to observe that a pamphlet was published,
entitled a ‘Letter to Arthur Young, Esq., on the Wool Bill, by
Thomas Day,[124] Esq.,’ from which the following is an extract:—

‘If we are delivered from the present danger, I know no one

who has so great a claim to the public gratitude as yourself. As
soon as the storm began to gather, your active eye remarked the
curling of the waters and the blackening of the horizon, while all
our other Palinuruses were quietly slumbering around.
Distinguished, therefore, as you long have been for literary
talents, you have now added a nobler wreath, and a sublimer
praise to all you merited before.’ Mr. Day in this letter calls my
opposition to the Bill ‘A noble stand in defence of the common
liberties.’

‘April 22.—I was examined on the Wool Bill in the House of

Commons. It was a most hard-fought battle between the
manufacturers and the landed interest; the Bill laid heavy
shackles on every movement of wool near the sea coast, and
was opposed with great resolution, both by Sir Joseph Banks and
myself.
‘We opposed it both in the Commons and the Lords, both
being examined at the Bar of the two Houses; the manufacturers
on this occasion were so hotly opposed that Sir Joseph thought
they would be quiet in future. I was of a different opinion, being
convinced that they never would omit any opportunity of
imposing their shackle on that insensible, torpid, and stupid body
“the landlords of Britain.”’
About this time Count Leopold Berchtold[125] visited me at
Bradfield. But part of the time which he spent in Suffolk (I being
absent) was at the ‘Angel’ at Bury, where he lived an
extraordinary life of retirement and economy. He daily went out,
and employed the whole day in writing and reading. Such
temperance has scarcely been known. He drank neither wine nor
beer, and would dine upon a potato or an egg.
He told the landlord of that inn that he could not live in the
manner of other travellers, but that he might charge what he
pleased for his apartments. He was a most extraordinary
personage. His father had a considerable estate in Bohemia, and
one reason for the son’s travelling over a great part of the world
was the extreme disgust he took at the measures of the Emperor
Joseph II., which were oppressive and ruinous to the nobility
&c., constantly changing his ill-formed political schemes. He had
lived in the principal countries of Europe long enough to become
a master of their languages, in every one of which he printed a
work which he conceived might be useful to the inhabitants.
When at Bradfield he was working hard to learn Arabic, as he
proposed passing from England to Morocco, thence to Egypt and
Arabia. This journey afterwards he executed, and returned home
to Bohemia through the greatest part of the Turkish Empire;
and, after escaping a thousand dangers, as he was going to
Vienna was murdered by banditti.
He was very tall and graceful in his person, of a handsome,
expressive countenance, and as elegant as if he had passed his
whole life in a Court. Though invested with the Order of St.
Stephano by the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Leopold, he never wore
it in England, as his father being alive made it necessary for him
to live economically. His conversation was intelligent and
pleasing, his knowledge almost universal. He travelled much on
foot; and once through France or Germany—I forget which—
when he was beset by three or four robbers; but he assumed so
much firmness in his manner, with so resolute and determined
an air, and with so threatening an attitude of defence, that, after
a pause, the robbers retired, thinking it best to let him alone. He
had a sabre or some other weapon, and said that they might
have had the worst of it if they had made the attack, as he had
before been set on in the same way more than once.
His first business in every country was to study unremittingly
till he had perfectly learnt the language, as without this he
considered men and women but as cows and sheep. He then
applied himself with singular assiduity to understand those
branches of human industry or political economy for which the
country was most celebrated, and for this purpose applied to
those who were most able to satisfy his inquiries. He was
introduced to me by Anthony Souga, the Imperial Consul at
London, who gave him the highest possible character. When he
had registered these inquiries and printed a book in the
language, he left the country for some other.
The grand object of Ct. B.’s investigations and inquiries
seemed to be not so much the good of the countries he visited,
as to possess himself of a great mass of that sort of knowledge
which might be most useful in adding to the welfare and
happiness of the inhabitants of that estate to which he was born,
and which was a very extensive property. He spent some time
with me in Suffolk gleaning agricultural information, intending to
apply it to the farmers and peasants of his paternal estate and of
his own favourite Bohemia, from which he often lamented that
he was driven by the folly and tyranny of Joseph II. It was with
great concern that I heard of his very unfortunate and untimely
death about ten years after leaving England. He was about
thirty-six years of age when in Suffolk, was possessed of various
and uncommon powers, built mentally and bodily on a great
scale, talked English like a native, walked like a giant, and was of
all the multitude of foreigners who frequented my house the
most persevering and the most intelligent.
This year I made some experiments on the distemper in wheat
called the smut, which were amongst the most satisfactory and
decisive that I ever found, and in which I corrected some errors
of Mr. de Tillet,[126] and proved, too clearly to be doubted, the
proximate cause and prevention of that disease.
It is almost intolerable, after experiments so decisive, that so
many men, through ignorance of what I had done, should for a
long time have been bewildering themselves upon the same
subject, and continuing to do so to the present day, publishing,
too, the greatest errors. These experiments are inserted in the
‘Annals.’
This year I set out on my second journey to France in the
month of July. I made this alone, my cloak-bag behind me; and I
did not travel thus an[127] hundred miles before my mare fell
blind. I have heard and read much of the pleasure of travelling;
how it may be with posting—avant-couriers preparing
apartments and repasts—I know not. Let those who enjoy such
comfort pity me, who made 3,700 miles on a blind mare! and
brought her (humanity would not allow me to sell her) safe back
to Bradfield. I claim but one merit—that of practising in the
midst of all this folly the severest economy in travelling.
In the winter Mr. Macro took a seat in my postchaise on a
farming tour across Essex and into Sussex, where we spent a
day or two with Lord Sheffield.
In this tour I learned that General Murray had 4,000 South
Down sheep, and that he fed them with potatoes. This was
sufficient. To come into the country on the search for sheep and
potato intelligence, and not to see such a man, would not be to
make a very wise figure when we returned home. But I had not
the honour to be known to the General. No matter; 4,000 sheep
fed on potatoes were an object before which form must give
way. I wrote a card, stating our pursuit, and wishes to have it
gratified, desiring leave to view his flock. Those who know the
General’s liberality and passion for agriculture will not want to be
told what the answer was. We spent five days in his house, and
found it the residence of hospitality and good sense.
Mrs. Murray had resided nine years in the island of Majorca,
being the daughter of the English consul. She gave me many
particulars relating to that island, and, among others, that the
climate was by far the finest she had ever experienced. She
never was for a single hour either too hot or too cold, nor ever
saw a fog; but the people were unpleasant, ignorant and
bigoted.
I was always very regular in keeping accounts, but do not
often mention them in this detail; I may, however, just observe
that I seemed to have been no bad economist, as the total
expense of house, garden, stable, servants, and keeping a
postchaise with not a little company, cost in four months 97l. 2s.
3d., or at the rate of 291l. 6s. 9d. per annum; how it was done I
forget. If such an expense be compared with the present
times[128] it will show the enormous difference, arising principally
from the desperate increase of taxation, which has crippled so
many classes of the kingdom; but I had a large farm in my
hands. On being at London, some time after, I went to Esher and
spent a day with Mr. Ducket, examining his farm with great
attention; he dined with me at the ‘Tun,’ and I had a very
interesting conversation with him to a late hour, upon all the
points of his husbandry.
In this year I first introduced the cultivation of Cichorium
Intybus[129] at Bradfield, and registered it in the ‘Annals of
Agriculture;’ it was at first upon a small scale, but sufficient to
convince me of the vast importance of the plant. I brought the
seed from Lyons in France, and gradually extended the culture
till I had above one hundred acres of it; the utter stupidity of the
farming world was never more apparent than in their neglect of
this plant, so repeatedly recommended in the ‘Annals.’ The Duke
of Bedford kept ten large sheep per acre on a field of it.
The following letters were among others received this year:—
 From B. H. Latrobe, Esq., on my being burnt in effigy at
Norwich by the manufacturers (in re Wool Bill), a very lively
letter.

‘Stamp Office, Somerset Place: May 22, 1788.

‘Dear Sir,—We have been waiting for your arrival in town

patiently for the week past, and I am afraid we must now make
up our minds to wait patiently a great deal longer, as the passing
of the Wool Bill has not been able to bring you to town. By the
word We I mean my brother, our friend the lord of slaves,[130]
myself, and I dare say it includes fifty other people whom I have
not the honour of knowing. We have been three days past laying
our heads together to find out some method of doing you
honour in effigy in order to make up to you in some measure the
disgrace you have undergone (as is creditably reported about
town) of being burnt in effigy by the wool manufacturers at Bury.
My brother is for procuring your effigy, and after having crowned
it with a wreath composed of turnip roots, cabbage leaves,
potato-apples, wheat-ears, oats, straws, &c., and tied with a
band of wool, thinks it ought to be placed upon its pedestal
(being the volume of Virgil’s “Georgics”) to be worshipped by the
real patriots; Mr. Huthhausen thinks a plain ribbon a sufficient
honour for a man whose ideas can admit of the belief of slavery
in Silesia; and, as for myself, I am of opinion that a man whose
life has been devoted without fee or reward to the service of the
public has so great a reward arising from the consciousness of
having done good, and so just a claim to honour, that I shall not
trouble my head about methods to increase it. But I must beg
your pardon for this lady-like chat, though your having been
burnt in effigy is enough to make any pen run wild.... I could
wish that a favour I have to beg of you were not inconvenient.’

[The writer requests that some remarks of his own on the

book named above may be inserted in the ‘Annals.’]
 From Edmund Burke, Esq., on an application I made to him
relative to the Wool Bill. [Unfortunately no copy can be found of
this letter.]
Sir Joseph Banks gives me joy of being burned in effigy at
Norwich (Bury?) on account of my opposition to the Wool Bill:—

‘Soho Square: May 13, 1788.

‘Dear Sir,—With this you will receive the “Instructions given to

the Council against the Wool Bill.”[131]
‘I have corrected the whole, but I fear you will find it
miserably deficient in point of composition, but as I am not
ambitious on that head I mean to be satisfied if I am intelligible.
‘I give you joy sincerely at having arrived at the glory of being
burned in effigy; nothing is so conclusive a proof of your
possessing the best of the argument. No one was ever burned if
he was wrong—the business in that case is to expose his
blunders—but when argument is precluded firebrands are ready
substitutes.
‘Believe me, dear Sir,
‘Yours faithfully,
‘J. Banks.’

1789.—I had yet work to do in France; the survey of that

kingdom was not completed in the journeys of the two preceding
years. I did not hesitate therefore, but as soon as business at
home would permit me to be absent I set out on my third
expedition, June 2, and went to Paris in the diligence. As the
carrying specimens of remarkable soils and of manufactures,
wool, &c. was so inconvenient, I made this journey in a chaise.
Through the kindness of the Duchess d’Estissac (de
Rochefoucauld) I was most agreeably received at the Hôtel de la
Rochefoucauld, and as the States General were assembling I
went thither to the Duke’s apartment, where I met many
persons of note, such as the Duke of Orleans, the Abbé Sieyès,
Rabaut St. Étienne,[132] &c. and was present at an interesting
debate in the National Assembly. I spent some time at Paris,
which I quitted on my third journey on June 28. I felt much
regret on taking leave of my excellent friend Monsieur Lazowski,
whose anxiety for the fate of his country[133] made me respect
his character as much as I had reason to love it for the thousand
attentions I was in the daily habit of receiving from him. My kind
protectress the Duchess d’Estissac had the goodness to make
me promise that I would again return to her hospitable hotel
when I had finished the journey.
At Toulon I sold my horse and chaise, as I had been informed
that I could not thus travel with safety in Italy. I embarked at
Toulon to save one or two stages, which gave me an opportunity
of viewing the fine harbours of that port. On leaving Nice I went
by a vetturino to Turin, and was fortunate in making the
acquaintance of some of the gentlemen that accompanied me.
At that capital I was introduced to various lovers of the plough,
and received much valuable information. From this place I went
to Milan, where through the kind attentions of the Abate[134]
Amorette, a true lover of agriculture and a friend of its
professors, I was introduced to a variety of persons who
afforded me much intelligence and accompanied me to the seat
of the Count di Castiglioni, sixteen miles north of the city, with
whom I passed sufficient time to give me an opportunity of
remarking the country life of an Italian nobleman of high
consideration.
From Milan I went to Lodi through one of the finest scenes of
irrigation in the world. At the latter place I assisted in the whole
operation of making a Lodesan, called Parmesan cheese in
England, and thereby learnt a few circumstances in that
manufacture, which I afterwards applied with success in making
cheese in Suffolk. At Lodi I attended the opera, where the
Archduke and Archduchess with the most splendid company
were present, and it gave me particular pleasure to find such a
house so filled in a little town quite dependent on cows, butter
and cheese.
 At Bergamo I was electrified by the fine eyes of an Italian fair,
and just as I was making a nearer approach, impeded in it by
the sudden appearance of her husband.
At Verona I viewed its celebrated amphitheatre and gained
some agricultural intelligence, then on to Vicenza and Padua,
where I stayed some days, having introductions to several
professors, then by the canal to Venice, where I employed
several days in viewing that singular place and numberless
curiosities to be found in it. It fully answered my expectations.
At Bologna I was so fortunate as to meet Mr. Taylor, of Bifrons,
in Kent, with his very agreeable family. By him I was introduced
to such of the nobility of the place as had a taste for farming,
which, with some excursions in the vicinity, enabled me to
understand the agriculture of the district.
Thence I travelled to Florence, where my time was divided
between agriculture and the Tribuna, that is, between Farmers
and Venuses.
I was here introduced to many celebrated characters and to
others able to give me valuable agricultural information. At home
we had a very pleasant party, and abroad our eyes were feasted
with all that Art or Science could produce.
Quitting Turin [on the return journey] I joined company with
Mr. Grundy, a considerable merchant, from Birmingham. We
crossed over Mont Cenis on our route to Lyons.[135]
During the winter of this year I met Dr. Watson several times
at my friend Symonds’, and shall here copy a private note I made
on that celebrated character.
I was well acquainted with him for some years before he was
made a Bishop as well as long after. Nor is it strange that I
should be assiduous in cultivating a connection with a man of
such extraordinary powers, who had a most peculiar felicity in
bringing all the stores of a richly furnished mind to bear as
occasion required in conversation. His memory was wonderfully
retentive, and he had the art of speaking upon subjects with
which he was not well acquainted without betraying any
ignorance. He had a clear, logical head, great promptness of
application, and the utmost fluency of expression, but sometimes
with an affectation of enunciation in a delicate manner which did
not at all become the native sturdiness of his disposition. He had
a mathematical calculating head, which enabled him readily to
apply scientific researches to the ordinary purposes of life. His
style was always uncommonly perspicuous. The King once said
to him, ‘I know not how it is, my Lord, but when I read any of
your publications I am never for one moment at a loss for your
meaning, whereas in reading the works of other very able men
their want of clearness often makes me doubtful.’ ‘Sir,’ replied the
Bishop, ‘we are very assiduous at Cambridge to study Euclid and
Locke.’ Almost from being made a Bishop he became a disgusted
man, because he never could procure a translation, and it was
supposed that the Queen was influenced against him by Bishop
Porteus, who had not so high an opinion of him as many others.
He was once speaking to Porteus in praise of Locke’s
‘Reasonableness of Christianity,’ and said in the course of
conversation, ‘I presume, my Lord, you are of the same opinion.’
But Porteus, who had not been able to get in a word for some
time, with a firmness not perhaps common with him when
conversing with such a man as Watson, said, ‘Indeed, my Lord, I
am quite of a different opinion’—then left the room abruptly.
Watson disapproved of his daughter learning Latin, but was
very assiduous to procure her translations of the Classics. Upon
coming to the University, or not long after, he found himself very
deficient in Classical learning, and applied to recover lost time
with indefatigable attention. He was tutor to Mr. Luther, of Essex,
at Cambridge, and was useful to him in the great contested
election for that county. Soon after, Luther, as was supposed
from motives of economy, went to France, and, in his absence,
some malignant reports were spread to his disadvantage.
Watson saw the great importance of trampling upon them
immediately; not trusting to any correspondence, he went to
Paris, and represented to him the necessity of instantly returning
and showing himself in every company that was possible. Luther
felt the propriety of the advice, and directly returned with the
Doctor, whose conduct upon this and many other occasions
made such an impression on his mind that he left him a good
estate in the very heart of the Earl of Egremont’s at Petworth, so
that part of it joined not only the park, but the garden. To
purchase this estate was a very great object to Lord E., and the
Bishop, not liking to ask too high a price in the years’ purchase
for the land, made a valuation of a great quantity of young
timber on what would be the future value of the trees, and by
this means contrived to have a very great price for the estate. It
was too great an object to Lord E. to be refused; but the Bishop
did not escape without censure.
Count Leopold Berchtold published this year his ‘Hints to
Patriotic Travellers,’ which in a very handsome manner he
dedicated to me. My correspondence was somewhat numerous. I
could give a long list, but shall only mention the following:—
From Count Bukaty, Polish Ambassador, invitation from the
King of Poland.[136]

‘Holles Street: May 27, 1789.

‘Sir,—I acquit myself of my old debt of gratitude which I owe

you in returning my sincere thanks for all the kindness which my
nephew has experienced from you and your family during his
residence at Bradfield Hall. I left him in Poland to spread your
name and superior merit, which is already so well known and
justly admired all over Europe. Your well-deserved fame reaching
his Majesty the King of Poland, and his brother, the Prince
Primate, makes them wish to see you once in that country,
whose natural riches consisting in agriculture might be
essentially improved by your transcendent knowledge therein. It
was already their intention to establish there a Society of
Agriculture, had it not been for the present political
circumstances, which necessarily take up all their time and
attention. I would be exceedingly happy, Sir, when you will be
present in Town in order to have some conversation with you on
the subject. In the meantime, I take the liberty to ask your
favour in informing me where I could get the machine for
separating corn from chaff, whereof the drawing was brought to
Poland by my nephew?
‘I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect,
‘Sir, your most obedient, &c.,
‘F. Bukaty,
‘Envoy Extraordinary of Poland.’

From Dr. Burney

‘Chelsea College: Oct. 20, 1789.

‘My dear Friend,—I have begged a corner of this sheet from

your daughter Bessy to congratulate you on your safe arrival on
Classic ground after the perils and dangers of Gothic ground.
How insipid will the history of the present times in this last
country render all other history! And what weight will it not give
to what has been long called the history of Fabulous times! The
Poissardes are but the Amazons of the present day, and the
leaders at the attack of the Bastille the Hercules and Theseus.
The fetching the King, Queen, and Royal Family from Versailles,
and the total demolition of the ancient government of the
Kingdom, have no type in history or fable, ancient or modern.
The nobles and clergy indiscriminately stripped of their honours
and property, not to give it to others of the same rank and class,
but to the mob, who are helping themselves to whatever they
like, and destroying whom and what is not honoured with their
approbation in a more successful and effectual way than our Wat
Tyler or Jack Straw ever intended, and which would have
astonished even J. J. Rousseau had he been living, in spite of his
ideas of an égalité de condition. But whether a totally levelling
scheme can be rendered permanent in a great Empire or no,
time, not experience, can show. I used to think la loi des plus
forts only existed among savages, and that in Society there were
tall minds as well as tall bodies, but none such have as yet
appeared in France. But let us talk of Italy, where I found no
want of tall minds, even in these degenerate days. I am glad you
seem to like the farming of the Milanese. I was particularly
struck with it all through Lombardy, and think you will find even
among the peasantry shrewdness, industry, and ingenuity. In all
the great cities I found philosophers, mathematicians, and
scholars, as well as musicians; these last, indeed, make more
noise in the world, and, being travellers, spread their own fame
into remote countries, while the drone and scientific part of a
nation are seldom heard of out of the walls of their colleges or
towns till after their decease. Indeed, almost all those I knew
personally nineteen years ago in Italy are now no more! Padre
Boccaria at Turin, Padre Boscovich at Milan, and Padre Sacchi.
This last, I believe, is still living. But Count Firmian is dead, to
whom I and every English traveller was much obliged by his
hospitality and kindness. You probably owe the same obligation
to his successor, with whose name even I am unacquainted. If
you go to Padua you will probably stop at Verona, where there
are always men of learning and science. But you must not judge
of the present state of musick in any part of Italy unless you
remain there during the Carnival. At other times (except at the
great fairs) the principal theatres are shut, and the others
supplied with such riff-raff as our Sadler’s Wells during summer.
If Guadagni had been living, you would have him at Padua, and
if I had not engaged him to the Pantheon, Pachierotti, whom we
expect here in a few days. Pray go to the church of Sant’ Antonio
on a festival; there Tartini used to lead and Guadagni sing. If
Padre Valetti is living, the Maestro di Capella, pray present my
compliments to him and enquire after the sequel of his Treatise.
I have as yet only seen the first part. I likewise beg to be
remembered to Signor Marsili, the Professor of Botany, and
Padre Columbo, the Professor of Mathematics: the first was
some time in England and speaks our language; the second was
the great friend of Tartini, and left in possession of all his
manuscript papers. Enquire what is become of them, and try to
get intelligence of the disposal of Padre Martini’s papers, books,
and sequel of his ‘History of Musick’ at Bologna. Enquire likewise
when you meet with intelligent musical people what are the
defects of the newest and best of the great Italian theatres. No
plan is, I believe, as yet adopted for rebuilding ours. Le Texier
has a model made with many conveniences and more
magnificence than our former theatre could boast, but whether it
will be adopted, or whether it is to be wished that a Frenchman
should ever have the management of an Italian opera, I know
not. However partial he or his countrymen may seem to German
and Italian musick, I know by long observation that they are
totally ignorant of, and enemies to, good singing, without which
what are the two or three acts of an opera but intermezzi or act
tunes to the ballets? I perceive, however, that, amidst all the
horrors of Paris, they suffer Italian operas to be performed in
Italian and by Italians, which were never allowed before, except
at Versailles; but these are only burlettas; serious operas so
performed might have some effect on the national taste in
singing. But les Dames des Halles, their excellencies Mesdames
les Poissardes, furnish them with “other fish to fry” at present;
so I shall say no more of France, but that I pity most sincerely
every honest man who has the misfortune to be resident in that
distracted kingdom.
‘God bless you, my dear Sir, and give you health and spirits to
enjoy your rational and useful enquiries.
‘Charles Burney.’

[The following extracts from Arthur Young’s letters home, and

letter to his darling Bobbin, then aged five, are worth giving.
With very slight excisions all letters to his daughter Mary are
incorporated in the ‘French Travels.’]

‘Lyons, Dec. 28, 1789.—Symonds says Arthur has set off very
well at Cambridge, which I am very glad to hear. God send him
understanding enough to know the value of these four years
there, which are either lost absolutely or applied to the
amelioration of all his life after. French and Italian or German
after four years at Cambridge may qualify it for anything.’
 From another letter to the same:—

‘I found here your Mother’s two letters, of which I can hardly

make head or tail; according to custom they are so cross written
and so crammed and topsy-turvy, that, like the oracles of old,
they may be made to speak whatever is in the reader’s head,
alley croaker (sic) or “Paradise Lost” are all one.’

From a third letter, dated Florence, November 18, 1789:—

‘I received here a letter from you, and two from your Mother;
yours is dated October 17, one of hers the 30th, the other no
date, and not a word of Bobbin in it. What a way of writing, and
this to a man 1,400 miles from home. I am greatly concerned for
Mr. Arbuthnot, though his silence made him dead to us from the
time he went to Ireland. I never knew a family which was the
centre of every mild and agreeable virtue so shattered into
nothing by a man’s failure. I have long and often regretted that
period.... I took 100l. with me, and it lasts exactly six months,
buying books included.... Good night. Thank God, Bobbin is well;
give her a kiss.’

To his youngest Daughter, Martha (Bobbin)

‘Moulins: August 7, 1789.

‘My dear Bobbin,—I fully expected to have heard from Mary

here, and to have known how my dear little girl does, but I was
much disappointed and found no letter from England.
‘I think it high time to enquire of you how you pass your time
—what you do—how Mr. Mag (the pony) does, and the four
kittens; I hope you have taken care of them and remembered
your Papa wants cats. Do the flowers grow well in your garden?
Are you a better gardener than you used to be? The Marq. de
Guerchy’s little girls have a little house on a little hill, and on one
side a little flower garden, and on the other side a little kitchen
garden, which they manage themselves and keep very clean
from weeds—Bobbin would like much to see it.
‘I have passed through perils and dangers, for a part of the
country is infested by 800 plunderers in arms, yet have burnt in
only one district near Mâcon twelve chateaus; but I am now
passed the worst and hope to escape at last with whole bones. I
have a passport, and am carried to the Bourgeois guard at all
the towns.
‘Pray, my little girl, take care, and keep clear from weeds the
row of grass I sowed in the round garden, on right hand about
ten yards long, but don’t take up anything like grass. And if the
two willows which I brought last year 1,000 miles from France
are alive yet, give them some water; one is by the hole, and the
other by Arthur’s garden—I made little mounds around them.
You do not know, my little Bobbin, how much I long to have a
walk with you at Bradfield. It is a sad thing I have no letter here;
I shall have none till Clermont. I desire a particular account of
my farm to be sent here.
‘I have been ill from heat and fatigue, and had a sore throat,
but by care and an antiseptic diet I am now, thank God, quite
well.
‘What do you think of the French at such a moment as this
with a free press? yet in this capital of a great province there is
not (publickly) one newspaper to be seen; at a coffee house,
where twenty tables for company, not one. What blessed
ignorance. The Paris m—— have done the whole, and are the
only enlightened part of the K——.
‘Adieu, my dear B.
‘I am, yours affectionately,
‘A. Y.’

[In a note A. Y. writes:]

‘I found Madame la Comtesse de Guerchy a very pleasant,

agreeable woman, and among other trifles which occurred at
their house was an expedition into the kitchen to teach me to
make an omelette, the operation attending which occasioned no
little merriment both in the kitchen and parlour. I succeeded
pretty well.’[137]

1790.—All this summer I was employed in preparing my

[French] Travels for the press. In October I had a violent fever,
which brought me to the brink of the grave. I made a minute of
that illness in the following words: ‘From almost the bed of
death, it pleased the Divine Goodness to raise me up, and I
remember it was in perfect hardness of heart and free from all
true or grateful feelings. I was in a state of blindness and
insensibility, on which I reflect with horror and amazement.’[138]
I cannot speak of the ingratitude of my heart to God at this
period but in the strongest terms, as it amounted to a degree of
insensibility quite unaccountable. I fear that not one thought of
God ever occurred to me at that time, and I doubt whether [it
was so], while one evening I had resumed the habit of prayer,
that is, of those formal prayers which an unconverted person
may repeat without any real devotion; and yet during my
delirium the physician afterwards told me that I one day broke
forth into one of the most eloquent and sublime prayers he ever
heard, to his utter astonishment.
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