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Analytical Techniques
Discussion
Conclusion

Notes
Biographies

Chapter 3 Adoption and Commercialization

of Digital Health
Greg Moon and Phillip Olla

Scenario: Accenture: Adding AI Bots to Enhance Digital

Health Solution

I. Introduction
II. Background
III. Current Perspective
IV. Future Directions
V. Conclusion
Notes
Chapter Questions
Biography

Policy Review I
Online Health Information Seeking: Recasting
Access and Digital Equity
Fay Cobb Payton and Lynette Yarger

I. Introduction
II. Accessing Health Information Beyond the Internet
III. Alternative Means of Accessing Health Information
IV. Future Directions
Notes
Biographies

Mini-Case (Part I)
Ginger.io: Mental Health Behavioral Analytics
Phillip Olla and Greg Moon

I. Introduction
II. Commercialization
III. Moving Forward
IV. Takeaway
Notes

PART II HMIS Technology and Applications

Chapter 4 Data in Digital Health Systems

Siti A. Arshad-Snyder

Scenario: Network Connectivity for Connected Health in U.S.

Health System

I. Introduction
II. Background
III. Healthcare Data
IV. Issues and Problems Related to Health Data
V. Addressing Issues and Problems Related to Data
VI. Future Trends of Data and Data Analytics
VII. Conclusion
Notes
Chapter Questions
Biography

Technology Review II
Technology Review II
Big Data, Geospatial Technology, IoT, and
Cloud Computing for Health Systems
Prabha Susy Mathew, Anitha S. Pillai, and Joseph Tan

I. Introduction
II. Geospatial Data and Technologies in Health Care
III. Geospatial Analytics
IV. SBD Unique Security Requirements
V. Geospatial Technology, Big Data, IoT, and Cloud
Convergence
VI. Use Cases of Healthcare IoT, Cloud, and Geospatial Data
VII. Conclusion

Notes
Biographies

Chapter 5 Digital Health Enterprise

Software: SCM, CRM, and ERP
Joshia Tan with Joseph Tan

Scenario: Customer Relationship Management with Blue

Cross Blue Shield of Minnesota

I. Introduction
II. Supply Chain Management
III. Customer Relationship Management
IV. Enterprise Resource Planning
V. Conclusion
Notes
Chapter Questions

Technology Review III

Technology Review III
Supply Chain Management (SCM) for Health
Systems
Matilda Isaac Mustapha and Joseph Tan

Introduction
Innovative Standard of Care
Resource Optimizing
Supply Chain Management and Cost
Supplier Cost in Supply Chain Management
Optimizing Supply Identifiers
Engineering Approaches to Supply Chain Management
Organizational Culture and Supply Chain Management
Technology Orientation in Supply Chain Management
Managerial Implications of Supply Chain Management
Implementation
Conclusion

Notes
Biography

Chapter 6 Key Patient-Centric

Technologies: EHR, CPOE, CDS,
and PP
Joseph Tan with Phillip Olla and Joshia Tan

Scenario: How Samsung Health Redefines Personal Fitness

and Beyond
I. Introduction
II. What Are Electronic Health Records, Computerized
Physician Order Entry, Clinical Decision Support, and
Patient Portals?
III. Historic Evolution of EHR, CPOE, CDS, and PP
 IV. Electronic Health Records
V. Computerized Physician Order
VI. Clinical Decision Support
VII. Patient Portals
VIII. Benefits and Challenges of EHR, CPOE, CDS, and PP
VIII. Conclusion
Notes
Chapter Questions

Chapter 7 Pharmacy Informatics:

Technologies for the Medication
Use Process and Professional
Education
Misty Jensen and Ping Ye

Scenario: The SAPHIRE Project

I. Introduction
II. Background
III. Current Perspective
IV. Future Trends
V. Conclusion
Notes
Chapter Questions
Biographies

Mini-Case (Part II)

The Case of Lose It!
Joseph Tan with Michael Dohan

Introduction
Learning How to Use Lose It!
Benefits Versus Downsides of Using Lose It!
Conclusion
Note
Biography

PART III HMIS Planning and Management

Chapter 8 Digital Health Strategic Planning

and Strategies for Health
Systems
Joseph Tan and David Pellizzari

Scenario: The Future Big Data, Big Health Gains Scenario

I. Introduction
II. Strategic Information Systems Planning and Strategic
Awareness
III. Situational Analysis (SA)
IV. Strategy Conception and Formulation
V. Strategy Implementation (SI)
VI. Conclusion
Notes
Chapter Questions
Biography

Policy Review II
Roles and Responsibilities of Health Systems
Leaders and Managers
Joseph Tan with Phillip Olla and Joshia Tan

Vision
Strategy
Execution
Characteristics of Healthcare Leaders and Managers
Specific Health IT Roles and Responsibilities
Conclusion

Notes

Chapter 9 Decision Aiding and Predictive

Systems: A Framework for Data
Mining and Machine Learning for
Health Systems Management
Saumil Maheshwari, Anupam Shukla, and Joseph Tan

Scenario: Open Health Tools for Interoperable Health Care

I. Introduction
II. Data Mining (DM) and Machine Learning (ML) for Health
Care
III. Framework
IV. Contributions of DM–ML in Health Care
V. Conclusion

Notes
Chapter Questions
Biographies

Chapter 10 The Role of Informatics in Public

Health
April Moreno Arellano

Scenario: Aligning Clinical and Public Health Data Standards

Through Partnership with the Public Health Data
Standards Consortium

I. Introduction
 II. Global Public Health
III. EHR as a Comprehensive Tool for Health Care
IV. HL7 Message Examples
V. Relevant Data Elements for Chronic Disease Surveillance
of Prediabetes and Hypertension
VI. Conclusion
Notes
Chapter Questions
Biography

Chapter 11 Health IS/IT Project

Implementation, Innovation
Procurement, and Services
Management
Joseph Tan with Phillip Olla and Joshia Tan

Scenario: Wellcentive—Philips Population Health

Management Solution

I. Introduction
II. Critical Success Factors for Health IT Implementation
III. Strategic Planning and Management Issues
IV. Health IT Implementation Stages
V. Innovation Procurement (IP)
VI. IT Services Management Concepts
VII. Conclusion

Notes
Chapter Questions

Mini-Case (Part III)

Physician Intervention in Reducing
Readmissions and Tele-Health Solution
Jacqueline S. Jones, Sam Kazziha, and Mohan Tanniru

Introduction
Readmission Strategy of Cardiac Patients at a Nursing Home
Conclusion

Notes
Biographies

PART IV HMIS Standards, Policy,

Governance & Future

Chapter 12 Clinician Confidentiality, Privacy,

and Ethical Issues in the Digital
Age
Charie Faught

Scenario: Privacy and Security Policy and Subsequent Theft

of Patient Information

I. Introduction
II. Current Perspective
III. 1996 HIPAA Rules
IV. Health Information Technology
V. Potential Issues Arising from Technology Use
VI. Solutions and Recommendations
VII. Future Trends and Conclusion
Notes
Chapter Questions
Biography

Policy Review III

Health IT Standards Adoption in Health
Systems
Sanjay Sood and Joseph Tan

Introduction
ICD and Other Standards
HL7
DICOM
Adoption of DICOM Standards
Web Standards
Conclusion
Notes
Biography

Chapter 13 AI and Social Media Analytics

for Health Systems:
Understanding Consumers’
Preferences on Healthcare
Services
Adela S. M. Lau, Kristine Baker, Katherine Kempf, Katie
Grzyb, Sijuade Oke, Eric Tsui, Liege Cheung, Marie-
Claire Slama, and Min Su

Scenario: AIA and Madonna University’s Master of Science in

Health Services Administration
I. Introduction
II. Consumer Shopping, Behavioral Changes, and E-Health
Services
III. Social Media Analytics (SMA) and AI
IV. Zocdoc Case: SMA Use and Consumer’s Preference on E-
Health Services
V. Conclusion
Acknowledgments
Notes
Chapter Questions
Biographies

Chapter 14 Health Care Globalization

Through Health Information
Technology Enabled Initiatives
Anantachai Panjamapirom and Philip F. Musa

Scenario: UPMC and KingMed Diagnostics Collaboration

I. Introduction
II. Tele-Care, Telemedicine, Tele-Health, and E-Health
III. Types of Telemedicine
IV. The Economic Perspectives of ICT and E-Health
V. Factors Influencing the Adoption of E-Health
VI. Barriers to E-Health Adoption
VII. Stakeholder Analysis
VIII. WHO’S Strategic Framework for E-Health Development
IX. Flow of Resources Between Developed and Developing
Countries
X. Conclusion

Notes
Chapter Questions
Biographies

Chapter 15 Exploring Healthcare Futures:

Emerging Technology in Health
Care
Phillip Olla, Rajib Biswas, and Joseph Tan

Scenario: Orbita Driving Innovation in Conversational

Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Voice Technology Solutions
 for Health Systems

I. Introduction
II. Developing Trends of Healthcare BDA
III. Key Emerging Technologies in the Next 5–10 Years
IV. Reinventing Healthcare Futures
V. Conclusion

Notes
Chapter Questions
Biography

Mini-Case (Part IV)

The Leadership of Future Health
Joseph Tan with Joshia Tan

The Leadership of Future Health

Conclusion

Note

PART V HMIS Practices and Cases

Case 1 Digital Health Technology

Commercialization Strategies
Greg Moon and Phillip Olla

Digital Health
Categories of Global D-Health Solutions
Categories for Commercial D-Health Systems
Commercialization Strategies
A Note on Financing Digital Health Companies
Case Questions
Notes

Case 2 The Impact of Electronic Medical

Records (EMRs) on Clinical
Workflow and Practices:
Perspectives of MS, a Physician
Resident in Ottawa, Canada
Brandon Lam and Joseph Tan

Introduction
Patient Charting/Documenting
Centralized Application to Access Patient’s Medical Records
Orders
Access to Resources
Mobile Access (Tablets, Phones)
Clinics
Reference Value
Privacy of Patients
EMR Implementation

Case Questions
Notes
Biography

Case 3 St. Joseph Mercy Oakland (SJMO):

Digital Leadership in Health Care
Mohan Tanniru, Jack Weiner, and Monica Garfield

Background of SJMO
Healthcare Industry Landscape
Organizational Structure of Hospitals
Information Technology (IT), Systems, and SJMO Capabilities
SJMO’s Digital Transformation
Case Scenario 1—Early Warning System (2009–2014)
Case Scenario 2—Performance Dashboard (2010–2012)
Case Scenario 3—Intelligent Care Systems (2012–2015)
Case Scenario 4—Medication Board (2014–2015)
Case Scenario 5—RSVP (2014–2015)
Looking Forward
Case Questions
Notes
Biographies

Case 4 Theranos: Innovating an Industry

Primed for Innovation
Chloe Nyitray, Brandon Nixon, Grace Simpson, and
Joseph Tan

Introduction
Elizabeth’s Upbringing and History
Developing the Disruptive Technology
Seeking Partnerships
Elizabeth’s Rise to Fame
Warning Signs: Myths Versus Reality
The Beginning of the End
The Downfall of Theranos
Theranos and Elizabeth’s Future

Case Questions
Notes
Appendix A—Theranos Investment Rounds
Appendix B—List of Theranos Investors
Appendix C—Glassdoor Reviews as of July 2018
Biographies

Case 5 Patients Like Me (PLM): Social Media

Case 5 Patients Like Me (PLM): Social Media
in Public Health
Phillip Olla, Brianna Mozariwskyj, Vickee Le, and Ly Le

Introduction
SM Adoption in Health Care
Patients Like Me (PLM)
Conclusion

Case Questions
Notes
Biographies

Index
 © phasin/Getty Images

New to This Edition

Adaptive Health Management Information Systems, Fourth
Edition, is for those instructors needing and wanting to keep pace
with rapidly evolving perspectives in the field of healthcare
management information systems (HMIS) and e-health
digitalization. Not just a regular update of the previous edition, this
new edition is vastly reorganized, revised, and reformatted with
numerous contributed pieces from experts in all HMIS-related
fields. To improve the previous edition, we have added much
needed discussions in contemporary topics, such as precision
medicine, digital health commercialization, pharmacy informatics,
big data analytics, and AI (artificial intelligence). Therefore, this
new edition, containing new motivating scenarios related to digital
health technology applications, is also packed with creative
developments and designs of real-world examples; stimulating
chapter questions; glossary; illustrative graphics, tables, and
exhibits; and additional readings. Significant updates and
complete revisions have been incorporated throughout the text—
so much so that readers familiar with the previous editions of this
work would not have recognized this work as a derivative of the
previous ones.

Specific updates:
■ Content. Rich, extensive coverage of topics in HMIS and
Health IT/IS domains across all dimensions, with contemporary
perspectives, emerging technological applications, and
implementations from developed and developing countries to
serve as examples in enhancing the understanding of topics.
■ Scenarios. Real-world, realistic scenarios set the stage for
topic discussion and motivate student readers: A short
reflection is also provided at the end of each scenario to
develop students’ imagination.
■ Technology Reviews. Background readings on technological
topics to enhance understanding of contemporary research and
developments in Health IT/IS domains.
■ Policy Reviews. Background readings on policy-related areas
to enhance understanding of policy implications for trends in
Health IT/IS domains.
■ Mini-Cases. Reflective readings for students to draw lessons
from various parts of the major sections of the text.
■ Glossary. Brief definitions or shortened terminologies
(acronyms) used throughout this new edition for easy
referencing and shortening the text to be read.
■ Chapter Questions. Short and long questions to stimulate
classroom discussion and promote learning of various topics
discussed in the text.
■ New Major Cases. A range of relevant new cases to enhance
understanding of the materials and promote further interactions
among students and between student groups and instructors.
 © phasin/Getty Images

Dedication
To the memory of all those loved ones, who have since passed
away as I worked through various editions of this enduring text; to
my students and colleagues, who have contributed to my near 30
years of teaching and learning; and those who have enjoyed my
works in the fields of health services administration, health
informatics, business and e-health information systems, e-
Business informatics and strategies; and to my inner and
expanding circle of friends and relatives, especially my own
beloved family members who have all assisted me one way or
another to hone my thinking and fuel my lengthy academic
publishing and writing career.

—Joseph Tan
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
The Project Gutenberg eBook of Memoirs
of the Reign of King George the Second,

Volume 1 (of 3)
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away
or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License
included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the
laws of the country where you are located before using this
eBook.

Title: Memoirs of the Reign of King George the Second, Volume

1 (of 3)

Author: Horace Walpole

Editor: Baron Henry Richard Vassall Holland

Release date: April 21, 2018 [eBook #57016]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by MWS, John Campbell and the Online

Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file
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The
Internet Archive/American Libraries.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MEMOIRS OF

THE REIGN OF KING GEORGE THE SECOND, VOLUME 1 (OF 3) ***
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been placed
at the end of each chapter.
The Appendix has sections marked B to K; there is no section A, and no section
J.
As the Editor notes in his Preface, “Some, though very few, coarse expressions,
have been suppressed by the Editor, and the vacant spaces filled up by [3 or 4]
asterisks.” A few names have been editorially omitted; these are sometimes
indicated by —— and sometimes by ****.
Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
 M E M O I R S

OF THE REIGN OF

KING GEORGE THE SECOND.

VOL. I.
 GEORGE II.
London. Henry Colburn, 1846.
 M E M O I R S
OF THE REIGN OF

KING GEORGE THE SECOND.

BY

HORACE WALPOLE,
YOUNGEST SON OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, EARL OF ORFORD.

EDITED, FROM THE ORIGINAL MSS.

W I T H A P R E FA C E A N D N OT E S,
BY THE LATE

LORD HOLLAND.

Second Edition, Revised.

W I T H T H E O R I G I N A L M OTTO E S .

VOL. I.

LONDON:
HENRY COLBURN, PUBLISHER,
GREAT MARLBOROUGH S T R E E T.

1 8 4 7.
 EDITOR’S

PREFACE.

The work now submitted to the public is printed from a Manuscript

of the late Horace Walpole, Earl of Orford.
Among the papers found at Strawberry Hill, after the death of
Lord Orford, was the following Memorandum, wrapped in an
envelope, on which was written, “Not to be opened till after my Will.”

“In my Library at Strawberry Hill are two wainscot chests or

boxes, the larger marked with an A, the lesser with a B. I
desire, that as soon as I am dead, my Executor and Executrix
will cord up strongly and seal the larger box, marked A, and
deliver it to the Honourable Hugh Conway Seymour, to be
kept by him unopened and unsealed till the eldest son of
Lady Waldegrave, or whichever of her sons, being Earl of
Waldegrave, shall attain the age of twenty-five years; when
the said chest, with whatever it contains, shall be delivered to
him for his own. And I beg that the Honourable Hugh Conway
Seymour, when he shall receive the said chest, will give a
promise in writing, signed by him, to Lady Waldegrave, that
he or his Representatives will deliver the said chest unopened
and unsealed, by my Executor and Executrix, to the first son
of Lady Waldegrave who shall attain the age of twenty-five
years. The key of the said chest is in one of the cupboards of
the Green Closet, within the Blue Breakfast Room, at
Strawberry Hill, and that key, I desire, may be delivered to
Laura, Lady Waldegrave, to be kept by her till her son shall
receive the chest.
 (Signed) “Hor. Walpole, Earl of Orford.
“August 19, 1796.”

In obedience to these directions, the box described in the

preceding Memorandum was corded and sealed with the seals of the
Honourable Mrs. Damer and the late Lord Frederick Campbell, the
Executrix and Executor of Lord Orford, and by them delivered to the
late Lord Hugh Seymour, by whose Representatives it was given up,
unopened and unsealed, to the present Earl of Waldegrave, when he
attained the age of twenty-five. On examining the box, it was found
to contain a number of manuscript volumes and other papers,
among which were the Memoirs now published.
Though no directions were left by Lord Orford for the publication
of these Memoirs, there can be little doubt of his intention that they
should one day or other be communicated to the world.
Innumerable passages in the Memoirs show they were written for
the public. The precautions of the Author to preserve them for a
certain number of years from inspection, are a proof, not of his
intention that they should remain always in the private hands of his
family, but of his fears lest, if divulged, they might be published
prematurely; and the term fixed for opening the chest seems to
mark the distance of time when he thought they might be made
public without impropriety. Ten years have elapsed since that period,
and more than sixty years since the last of the historical events he
commemorates in this work.[1] No man is now alive whose character
or conduct is the subject of praise or censure in these Memoirs.
The printed correspondence of Lord Orford contains allusions to
this work. In a letter written in 1752,[2] he informs Mr. Montagu, that
“his Memoirs of last year are quite finished,” but that he means to
“add some pages of notes that will not want anecdotes;” and in
answer to that gentleman,[3] who had threatened him in jest with a
Messenger from the Secretary’s Office to seize his papers, after a
ludicrous account of the alarm into which he had been thrown by the
actual arrival of a King’s Messenger at his door, he adds, “however, I
have buried the Memoirs under the oak in my garden, where they
are to be found a thousand years hence, and taken, perhaps, for a
Runic history in rhyme.”
The Postscript, printed in this edition at the end of the Preface,
but annexed by the Author to his Memoirs of the year 1751,
evidently implies, that what he had then written was destined for
publication. It is addressed in the usual style of an author to his
reader, and contains an answer to objections that might be made to
him. In this answer or apology for his work he justifies the freedom
of his strictures on public men, vindicates the impartiality of his
characters and narrative, claims the merit of care and fidelity in his
reports of parliamentary proceedings, and explains the sources of
information from which he derived his knowledge of the many
private anecdotes and transactions he relates.
In the beginning of his Memoirs of 1752, he again speaks of his
work as one ultimately destined for the public. “I sit down,” he says,
“to resume a task, for which I fear Posterity will condemn the
Author, at the same time that they feel their curiosity gratified.”
Many other passages might be quoted that imply he wrote for
Posterity, with an intention that at some future time his work should
be given to the public. “These sheets,” he remarks, “were less
intended for a history of war than for civil annals. Whatever tends to
a knowledge of the characters of remarkable persons, of the
manners of the age, and of its political intrigues, comes properly
within my plan. I am more attentive to deserve the thanks of
Posterity than their admiration.”—“I am no historian,” he observes in
another place; “I write casual memoirs, I draw characters, I preserve
anecdotes, which my superiors, the historians of Britain, may
enchase into their mighty annals, or pass over at pleasure.”—“To be
read for a few years is immortality enough for such a writer as
me.”—“Posterity, this is an impartial picture.”
At the conclusion of his Memoirs of 1758, where the Author makes
a pause in his work, and seems uncertain whether he should ever
resume it or not, he again addresses himself to his readers in the
style of an author looking forward to publication. If he should ever
continue his work, he warns his readers “not to expect so much
intelligence and information in any of the subsequent pages as may
have appeared in the preceding.”—“During the former period,” he
goes on to observe, “I lived in the centre of business, was intimately
acquainted with many of the chief actors, was eager in politics,
indefatigable in heaping up knowledge and materials for my work.
Now, detached from these busy scenes, with many political
connexions dropped or dissolved, indifferent to events, and indolent,
I shall have fewer opportunities of informing myself or others.”
He then proceeds to give a character of himself, and to “lay open
to his readers his nearest sentiments.” He acknowledges some
enmities and resentments, confesses that he has been injured by
some, and treated by others with ingratitude, but assures his
readers, as he probably thought himself, that he has written without
bias or partiality, “that affection and veneration for truth and justice
have preponderated above all other considerations,” and that when
he has expressed himself of particular men with a severity that may
appear objectionable, it was “the unamiableness of the characters he
blames that imprinted the dislikes,” to which he pleads guilty. Can it
be supposed, he asks, that “he would sacrifice the integrity of these
Memoirs, his favourite labour, to a little revenge that he shall never
taste?” Whatever may be thought of the soundness of this
reasoning, and whatever opinion may be formed of the impartiality
of his work, it seems impossible that anything short of a positive
injunction to commit his Memoirs to the Press could have conveyed
a stronger indication of the intention and desire of the Author, that,
at some future period after his decease, this his favourite labour
should be communicated to the public.
The extraordinary pains taken by Lord Orford to correct and
improve his Memoirs, and prepare them for publication, afford no
less convincing proof of his intentions in the legacy of his work. The
whole of the Memoirs now published have been written over twice,
and the early part three times. The first sketches or foul copies of
the work are in his own hand-writing; then follows what he calls the
corrected and transcribed copy, which is also written by himself; and
this third or last copy, extending to the end of 1755, is written by his
secretary or amanuensis, Mr. Kirkgate, with some corrections by
himself, and the notes on the blank pages, opposite to the fair copy,
entirely in his own hand. This last copy was bound into two regular
volumes, with etchings from designs furnished by Bentley and
Muntz, to serve as a frontispiece to the whole work, and as head-
pieces for each chapter, explanations of which were subjoined at the
end.
So much for the authenticity of the present work, and obvious
intention of the Author that after a sufficient lapse of years it should
be published. Of the Author himself, so well known by his numerous
publications, little need be said, except to give the dates of his
entrance into Parliament, and of his retirement from public life, with
some few observations on his political character and connexions.
Horace Walpole, afterwards Earl of Orford, was third son of the
celebrated Sir Robert Walpole. He was born on the 5th of October,
1717, and brought into Parliament in 1741, for the borough of
Callington. At the general election in 1747, he was returned a second
time for the same borough; and in 1754 he came into Parliament for
Castle Rising. On the death of his uncle, Lord Walpole, of Wolterton,
in 1757, he accepted the Chiltern Hundreds, in order to succeed his
cousin, become Lord Walpole, in the representation of Lynn Regis,
“the Corporation of which had such reverence for his father’s
memory, that they would not bear distant relations while he had
sons living.”[4] At the general election for 1761, he was again
returned for Lynn without opposition; but being threatened with a
contested election, and heartily tired of politics, from which he had
in a great measure withdrawn after the accession of his friends to
office in 1765, he voluntarily retired from Parliament in 1768. In
1791 he succeeded his nephew as Earl of Orford, and died on the
2nd of March, 1797, in the eightieth year of his age.
The House of Commons, in which Mr. Walpole first sat, was the
one that overturned his father’s Administration. In the very first
week of the session, the Minister was left in a minority. He still,
however, kept his place, and so nearly were parties balanced, that
for two months he maintained, with alternate victories and reverses,
a contest with his adversaries. At length, secretly betrayed by some
of his colleagues, who had entered into private engagements with
his enemies, and defeated in an election question, which had been
made a trial of strength between Ministry and Opposition, he retired
from office, and became Earl of Orford.
His son Horace, though exempt from ambition, was roused by his
father’s danger, and, while the struggle lasted, took a lively interest
in all that passed. In his letters, he gives an entertaining and not
uncandid account of the Debates that took place, and communicates
freely to his Correspondent the hopes and fears, the good and bad
success of his party; his anticipations of their strength in the
different questions as they arose, are followed by his explanations of
their failures, as far as he could account for them at the time; the
desertion and falling off of their friends are stigmatized as they
occurred, with the severity such conduct deserved; and when Sir
Robert was compelled to resign, his son records with satisfaction the
successful efforts used to secure him from the vengeance of his
enemies, by disuniting the parties coalesced against him, and
rendering them odious to the public, and hostile to one another.
But, though assiduous in his attendance on Parliament during this
period, and sincerely anxious for his father, Mr. Walpole, who had no
turn for public speaking, once and once only addressed the House. It
was on a motion of Lord Limerick, seconded by Sir John St. Aubin, to
appoint a Committee of Inquiry into the conduct of Robert, Earl of
Orford, during the last ten years of his Administration.[5] A similar
motion to inquire generally into the conduct of affairs at home and
abroad for the last twenty, had been made and rejected a fortnight
before.[6] The selection of this occasion for his maiden speech, did
credit to the judgment and feelings of Mr. Walpole; and, though
there is little force in his arguments against the motion, there is
modesty, right feeling, and some happiness, both of thought and
expression, in what he said. The speech, as he delivered it, is
preserved in his Correspondence; and as it has no sort of
resemblance to the speech published in his name by the London
Magazine, and since reprinted in the Parliamentary History, we
subjoin it for the satisfaction of our readers. The report of it, given
by Mr. Walpole himself the day after it was made, is as follows:—

“Mr. Speaker,
“I have always thought, Sir, that incapacity and
inexperience must prejudice the cause they undertake to
defend; and it has been diffidence of myself, not distrust of
the cause, that has hitherto made me so silent upon a point
on which I ought to have appeared so zealous.
“While the attempts for this inquiry were made in general
terms, I should have thought it presumption in me to stand
up and defend measures in which so many abler men have
been engaged, and which, consequently, they could so much
better support: but when the attack grows more personal, it
grows my duty to oppose it more particularly; lest I be
suspected of an ingratitude, which my heart disdains. But I
think, Sir, I cannot be suspected of that, unless my not having
abilities to defend my father can be construed into a desire
not to defend him.
“My experience, Sir, is very small; I have never been
conversant in business and politics, and have sat a very short
time in this House. With so slight a fund, I must mistrust my
power to serve him, especially as in the short time I have sat
here, I have seen that not his own knowledge, innocence,
and eloquence, have been able to protect him against a
powerful and determined party. I have seen, since his
retirement, that he has many great and noble friends, who
have been able to protect him from farther violence. But, Sir,
when no repulses can calm the clamour against him, no
motives should sway his friends from openly undertaking his
 defence. When the King has conferred rewards on his
services; when the Parliament has refused its assent to any
inquiries of complaint against him, it is but maintaining the
King’s and our own honour to reject this Motion, for the
repeating which, however, I cannot think the authors to
blame, as I suppose, now they have turned him out, they are
willing to inquire whether they had any reason to do so.
“I shall say no more, Sir, but leave the material part of this
defence to the impartiality, candour, and credit of men who
are no ways dependent on him. He has already found that
defence, Sir, and I hope he always will. It is to their authority
I trust; and to me it is the strongest proof of innocence, that
for twenty years together no crime could be solemnly alleged
against him; and, since his dismission, he has seen a majority
rise up to defend his character, in that very House of
Commons in which a majority had overturned his power. As,
therefore, Sir, I must think him innocent, I must stand up to
protect him from injustice—had he been accused, I should
not have given the House this trouble; but I think, Sir, that
the precedent of what was done upon this question a few
days ago, sufficient reason, if I had no other, for me to give
my negative now.”

This speech of a son, in defence of his father, appears to have

been well received by the House. Mr. Pitt, who was at that time one
of the most violent against Lord Orford, said in reply, “How very
commendable it was in Mr. Walpole to have made the above speech,
which must have made an impression on the House; but, if it was
becoming in him to remember that he was the child of the accused,
the House ought to remember, too, that they are the children of
their country.” “It was a great compliment from him,” adds Mr.
Walpole, “and very artful, too.” The Motion was carried by a majority
of 252 to 245. Nothing was made of the inquiry.
 For many years after the fall of Lord Orford, Mr. Walpole took an
active part in all the political intrigues and dissensions of the times.
Though he had not been treated, as he frequently hints, with any
great kindness or indulgence by his father, he was indignant at the
persecution against him, and appears to have been warmly and
affectionately attached to his memory. In his private
correspondence, he continually alludes to the mild and prudent
policy of Sir Robert, and contrasts it with the violence and rashness
of succeeding Ministers; and, as he advanced in life, these
impressions became stronger, and recur more frequently in his
writings. His political connexions were originally with his father’s
friends; and for many years he appears to have indulged in
sentiments of bitter hostility towards his enemies. When any of them
were guilty of tergiversations, either in their public conduct or
political friendships, he never fails in his correspondence to mark
their perfidy and inconsistencies, and seems to enjoy with delight
their apostasy and disgrace. But after a certain time he became less
inimical to their persons, though to the end of his life he never
ceased to blame their persecution of his father, which, indeed, many
of them subsequently acknowledged to have been unmerited and
unjust.
At the time when these Memoirs commence, the resentments he
retained on his father’s account were directed less against the
enemies who had openly opposed, than against the friends who had
secretly betrayed and deserted him. He appears, for instance, to
have been reconciled very speedily to Lord Granville, and ultimately
to have become a warm admirer of Mr. Pitt. But against the Pelhams
and Lord Hardwicke, whom he repeatedly and unequivocally charges
with treachery to his father, his resentment was implacable.[7] In the
early part of his public life, his chief political friends appear to have
been Mr. Winnington and Mr. Fox. For the former, who died in 1746,
his admiration was unbounded.
In his Memoirs, indeed, where in no instance but one he ever
confers praise unmixed with censure, he bestows on Mr. Winnington
the character of being one “whom it was impossible to hate or to
trust;” and, in a subsequent passage, he describes him “as
perniciously witty, affecting an honesty in avowing whatever was
dishonourable.” But, in his private correspondence, written
immediately after the sudden and melancholy death of Mr.
Winnington,[8] he calls him one of the first men in England, and
adds, “I was familiarly acquainted with him, loved and admired him,
for he had great good-nature, and a quickness of wit most peculiar
to himself; and for his public talents he has left nobody equal to him,
as before nobody was superior to him but my father.”
With Mr. Fox he appears to have lived on the most confidential
terms, till that gentleman accepted the Seals in 1755 under the Duke
of Newcastle. Mr. Walpole, whose inveteracy to the Pelhams was
unabated, could not pardon in his father’s friend, a connexion with
the man whom he regarded as the chief traitor in the
accomplishment of his father’s ruin. The step too was taken without
consulting him. This added to his indignation; and from that time,
though he continued in habits of intimacy with Mr. Fox, he became
cold to his interests, and, by his own account, was, on one important
occasion, active and successful in traversing his designs.
He was, in truth, during the whole of his public life, too much
under the guidance of personal feelings and resentments, and too
apt to sacrifice his friendships to his aversions; and as the latter
were often excited by trivial and accidental causes, his political
conduct, though unexceptionable on the score of interest or
ambition, was fluctuating and uncertain, and his judgment of men
variable and capricious. The affair of Admiral Byng, in which he took
a part that does credit to his feelings and humanity, completed his
estrangement from Mr. Fox. He animadverts with great severity on
the cruelty of obstructing an irregular application for mercy with the
view of embarrassing an Administration. The questionable conduct
of Mr. Fox on that occasion seems to have deserved some such
censure; but Mr. Walpole betrays his own partiality by the
comparative tenderness with which he treats the Ministers
themselves. They had it in their power to save Admiral Byng, and
justice as well as humanity required them to exert it if they thought
him either injured or innocent. Yet they chose to sign the warrant for
his execution rather than incur the odium with the King or the public
of insisting on his pardon.
About the time of his separation from Mr. Fox, Mr. Walpole appears
to have lost the influence he had acquired over the Duke of Bedford
through the intervention of Mr. Rigby; and during the latter part of
these Memoirs, detached from all political intimacies, he seems to
have had no better means of information than might have been
possessed by any other industrious and attentive member of the
House of Commons.
On the merits of the present work it would be improper to enlarge
in this place. That it contains much curious and original information
will not be disputed. The intimacy which the Author enjoyed with
many of the chief personages of the times, and what he calls, “his
propensity to faction,” made him acquainted with the most secret
intrigues and negotiations of parties; and where his resentments did
not cloud his judgment, his indifference to the common objects of
ambition rendered him an impartial spectator of their quarrels and
accommodations. The period of which he treats was not
distinguished by splendid virtues or great vices, by extraordinary
events or great revolutions; but it is a part of our history little known
to us, and not undeserving our curiosity, as it forms the transition
from the expiring struggles of Jacobitism to the more important
contests that have since engaged, and still occupy our attention.
The account of Parliamentary Debates in these Memoirs would
alone be a valuable addition to our history. No one is ignorant, that
from the fall of Sir Robert Walpole to the American war, our reports
of the proceedings in Parliament are more barren and unsatisfactory
than at any period since the reign of James the First. For the last ten
years of George the Second, Mr. Walpole has supplied that deficiency
in a manner equally entertaining and instructive. His method was to
make notes of each speaker’s argument during the Debate, and
frequently to take down his expressions. He afterwards wrote out
the speeches at greater length, and described the impression they
made on the House. The anecdotes interspersed in the work are
numerous, and, from the veracity of the Author, when they are
founded on his personal knowledge, they may always be received as
authentic. When derived from others, or from the common rumour
of the day, he gives his authority for them, and enables his readers
to judge of the credibility they deserve.
To his portraits it will be objected, that in general they incline to
severity, and though he professed, and probably intended the
strictest impartiality in his delineations of character, it cannot be
denied that they are sometimes heightened by friendship, and more
frequently discoloured by resentment; and on many occasions it is
evident, that they are dictated by the conduct of the persons he
describes in the last occurrence that brought them before his eyes,
rather than by a steady and comprehensive view of their merits and
defects. His observations on the Cavendishes may be taken as an
illustration of this remark. He seldom mentions the two Dukes of
Devonshire, who flourished in his time, without some sneer or
malignant reflection. The truth was, that notwithstanding his
Whiggism, he held all the members of that family in detestation, on
account of the part they had taken against him on his breach with
his uncle Lord Walpole. Yet, within a few years after the conclusion
of these Memoirs, when William, fourth Duke of Devonshire, had
bequeathed five thousand pounds to his friend Mr. Conway, in
approbation of his public conduct, he uses the following exaggerated
expressions in speaking of the legacy.
“You might despise,” he writes to Mr. Conway,[9] “the acquisition
of five thousand pounds simply; but when that sum is a public
testimonial to your virtue, and bequeathed by a man so virtuous, it
is worth a million. Who says virtue is not rewarded in this world? It
is rewarded by virtue, and persecuted by the bad: can greater
honour be paid to it?”
 There are, indeed, few persons in his Memoirs, of whom he does
not vary his opinion in the course of his work. Marshal Conway, the
Pelhams, and Lord Hardwicke, are almost the only exceptions. He
always speaks of Marshal Conway with affection and respect; of Mr.
Pelham with dislike; of Lord Hardwicke with hatred; and of the Duke
of Newcastle with contempt and aversion. Of other persons
mentioned in his book, there is scarcely any strong expression of
commendation or censure, which in some subsequent passage he
does not qualify, soften, or contradict. It is a proof, however, of his
fairness, at least of his desire to give his readers the impression he
formed at the time of the personages and transactions he describes,
that even when he changed his opinion, he allowed his original
account to remain, leaving it to be effaced in the minds of others, as
it was not unfrequently in his own, by subsequent reflections and
events. In some instances, but rarely, he subjoins a note correcting
his first impression: more frequently he only intimates to his readers
his change of sentiment by the difference of his language with
respect to the person he had before described. In his Memoirs of
1752, for example, he characterizes Lord George Sackville as a man
“of distinguished bravery,” and that passage he has left as originally
written, though after the battle of Minden he appears to have had
more than doubts of Lord George’s courage. He was, in truth, as he
says of himself, a bitter, but placable enemy, a warm, but (one
instance only excepted) an inconstant friend.
It remains only to say a few words of the labours of the Editor. He
has added some notes marked (E), and in some very few instances
added or altered a word for the sake of delicacy or perspicuity. On
such occasions the word added, or substituted, is printed between
brackets of this shape [ ].
The spelling of the manuscript is peculiar, and different from that
in ordinary use. It was the intention of the editor to have followed
this orthography in the printed book, knowing it was the result of
system and affectation, and not of accident or carelessness. He has
accordingly retained it in the title of the book, and in words of
unfrequent recurrence; but, finding such vicious and affected
orthography disfigured the text, and fearing it might perplex on
perusal, he determined in common words to revert to the usual and
approved mode of spelling. The word to-morrow, for instance, which
Lord Orford always writes to-morow, he has printed in the usual
manner.
With respect to omissions, it is right to inform the reader, that one
gross, indelicate, and ill-authenticated story had been cut out by
Lord Waldegrave before the manuscript was delivered to the Editor;
but he is assured the Author himself acknowledged that the facts
related in it rested on no authority but mere rumour. Some, though
very few, coarse expressions, have been suppressed by the Editor,
and the vacant spaces filled up by asterisks; and two or three
passages, affecting the private characters of private persons, and
nowise connected with any political event, or illustrative of any great
public character, have been omitted. Sarcasms on mere bodily
infirmity, in which the Author was too apt to indulge, have in some
instances been expunged; and where private amours were
mentioned in the notes or appendix, the name of the lady has been
seldom printed at length, unless the story was already known, or
intimately connected with some event of importance, to the
elucidation of which it was indispensable. Such liberties would be still
more necessary if the remaining historical works of Lord Orford were
ever to see the light. They have been very sparingly used on the
present occasion, and appeared to be warranted by the
consideration, that, though the work had been obviously written for
publication, it was left without directions how to dispose of it, and
entirely at the discretion of those by whose authority it is now given
to the public. Greater freedom might perhaps have been taken,
without prejudice to the Author, or to his Memoirs. But the Editor
was unwilling to omit any fact or anecdote, that had a direct or
indirect tendency to illustrate the causes, or trace the progress of
any political change or public event. The few omissions made are
entirely of a private nature, and, in general, regard persons
comparatively insignificant.
 The Author had himself affixed an Appendix to the work. Some of
his notes, which were of an inconvenient length, have been
transferred to that part of the book, and some articles have been
added by the Editor. The latter are marked with asterisks, and are
for the most part taken from notes and compilations of Lord Orford
himself, or of some contemporary pen.
 F O OT N OT E S :
[1] The reader will bear in mind, that some years have elapsed
since this was written.
[2] June 6th, 1752.
[3] July 20th, 1752.
[4] Correspondence, Feb. 13th, 1757.
[5] March 23rd, 1742.
[6] March 9th, 1742.
[7] A story of the private intrigues of the Duke of Newcastle with
Lord Carteret, during Sir Robert Walpole’s Administration, is told
by Lord Orford in his Common Place Book. When Lord Hervey
was to be made Privy Seal (in 1740), the Duke of Newcastle, to
prevent the appointment, obtained Lord Carteret’s consent to
accept the office, and moved at Council, that it should be offered
to him. Sir Robert said he did not know whether Lord Carteret
(who was then in Opposition) would take the place. The Duke
said he would answer for him. Sir Robert replied, “I always
suspected you had been dabbling there, now I know it; but if you
make such bargains, I don’t think myself obliged to keep them.”
Lord Hervey had the office.
[8] Correspondence, April 25, 1746.
[9] Letter to Mr. Conway, October 13, 1764.
 THE AUTHOR’S

POSTSCRIPT [10]

TO THESE MEMOIRS.

The reader has now seen these Memoirs; and though some who
know mankind, and the various follies, faults and virtues, that are
blended in our imperfect natures, may smile with me at this free
relation of what I have seen and known, yet I am aware that more
will be offended at the liberty I have taken in painting men as they
are; and that many, from private connexions of party and family, will
dislike meeting such unflattered portraits of their heroes or their
relations. Yet this, I fear, must always be the case in any history
written impartially by an eye witness: and eye witnesses have been
generally allowed the properest historians. Indeed, the editor of
Chalon’s History of France was of a different opinion, and lamented
that Thuanus, who has obliged the world with so complete and so
ample a history of his own times, should have confined himself to
write nothing but what passed in his own time, and comme sous ses
propres yeux.[11]
Thus much I shall premise: if I had intended a romance, I would
not have chosen real personages for the actors in it; few men can sit
for patterns of perfect virtue. If I had intended a satire, I would not
have amassed so many facts, which, if not true, would only tend to
discredit the Author, not those he may censure. Yet councils and
transactions, not persons, are what I anywhere mean[12] to blame.
The celebrated Bayle has indeed offered a notable excuse for all who
may offend on the severer side. “The perfection of a history,” says
he,[13] “is, when it displeases all sects and all nations, this being a
proof that the author neither flatters nor spares any of them, and
tells the truth to all parties.” A latitude this, in which I am not at all
desirous of being comprehended; nor very reconcileable with a
notion of history which he has laid down in another place.[14] There
he says, “As the sacred history was not the work of a particular
person, but of a set of men, who had received from God a special
commission to write; in like manner, civil history ought to be drawn
up by none but persons appointed by the State for that purpose.”
Unless State writers could be inspired, too, I fear history would
become the most useless of all studies. One knows pretty well what
sort of directions, what sort of information would be given from a
Secretary’s office; how much veracity would be found, even if the
highest in the historical commission were a Bishop Sprat. It is not
easy to conceive how Bayle, who thought it his duty to collect and
publish every scandalous anecdote from the most obsolete libels,
should at last have prescribed a method of writing history, which
reduces it to the very essence of a gazette; a kind of authorized
composition which the most partial bigots to a Court have piqued
themselves upon exposing. Roger North, the voluminous squabbler
in defence of the most unjustifiable excesses of Charles the Second’s
Administration, has drawn[15] the following picture of State
Historians. “It was hard to varnish over the unaccountable
advancement of this noble Lord without aid of the Gazetteer—but
the historian has made sure of a lofty character of his Lordship, by
taking it from the Court. We may observe in his book in most years a
catalogue of preferments, with dates and remarks, which latter, by
the secretarian touches, show out of what shop he had them; and
certainly the most unfit for history of any, because they are for the
most part not intended for truth but flourish; and what have Court
compliments to do with history?” Here I beg leave to rest this part of
my apology; and proceed to answer other objections, which I
foresee will be made to me.
 For the facts, such as were not public, I received chiefly from my
father and Mr. Fox, both men of veracity; and some from
communication with the Duke of Bedford at the very time they were
in agitation. I am content to rest their authenticity on the sincerity of
such men; at the same time I beg it may be remembered, that I
never assert anything positively unless from very good authority;
and it may be observed, that where I am not certain, I always say, it
was said, it was believed, it was supposed, or use some such phrase.
The speeches, I can affirm, nay, of every one of them, to be still
more authentic, as I took notes at the time, and have delivered the
arguments just as I heard them; never conceiving how it can be
proper in a real history to compose orations, as very probably
counsels were not taken in consequence of those arguments which
the Author supplies; and by that means his reasoning is not only
fictitious, but misleads the reader. I do not pretend by this to assert,
that parliamentary determinations are taken in consequence of any
arguments the Parliament hears; I only pretend to deliver the
arguments that were thought proper to be given, and thought
proper to be taken.
It will perhaps be thought that some of the characters are drawn
in too unfavourable a light. It has been the mode to make this
objection to an honest Author, Bishop Burnet, though he only did
what Tacitus, the Cardinal de Retz, and other most approved
historians taught him to do, that is, speak the truth. If I have
thought such authorities sufficient, I have at least acted with this
farther caution, that I have endeavoured to illustrate, as far as I
could, my assertions by facts, and given instances of effects
naturally flowing from the qualities I ascribe to my actors. If, after
all, many of the characters are bad, let it be remembered, that the
scenes I describe passed in the highest life, the soil the Vices like:
[16] and whoever expects to read a detail of such revolutions as
these brought about by heroes and philosophers, would expect—
what? why, transactions that never would have happened if the
actors had been virtuous.
 But to appease such scrupulous readers—here are no assassins,
no poisoners, no Neros, Borgias, Catilines, Richards of York! Here
are the foibles of an age, no very bad one; treacherous Ministers,
mock Patriots, complaisant Parliaments, fallible Princes. So far from
being desirous of writing up to the severe dignity of Roman
historians, I am glad I have an opportunity of saying no worse—yet
if I had, I should have used it.
Another objection which I foresee will be made to me, is, that I
may have prejudices on my father’s account. I can answer this
honestly in a word: all who know me, know, that I had no such
prejudice to him himself, as blinded me to his failings, which I have
faithfully mentioned in my character of him. If more is necessary, let
me add, his friends are spared no more than his enemies; and all
the good I know of the latter I have faithfully told. Still more; have I
concealed my father’s own failings? I can extend this defence still
farther. Some of my nearest friends are often mentioned in these
Memoirs, and their failings I think as little concealed as those of any
other persons. Some whom I have little reason to love, are the
fairest characters in the book. Indeed, if I can call myself to any
account for heightening characters, it is on the favourable side; I
was so apprehensive of being thought partial, that I was almost
willing to invent a Lord Falkland.
With more reason I can avow myself guilty of the last objection, I
apprehend, and that is, having inserted too many trifling
circumstances. Yet, as this is but the annal of a single year, events
which would die away to nothing in a large body of history, are here
material; and what was a stronger reason with me, the least
important tend to illustrate either the character of the persons or the
times. The objection will particularly have weight against the notes;
I do not doubt but some anecdotes in them will be thought very
trifling; it is plain, I thought them so myself, by not inserting them in
the body of the work. I have nothing to say for them, but that they
are trifles relating to considerable people; and such all curious
persons have ever loved to read. Are not such trifles valued, if
relating to any reign of 150 years ago? If this book should live so
long, these too may become acceptable; if it does not, they will want
no excuse. If I might, without being thought to censure so inimitable
an author, I would remark that Voltaire, who in his Siècle de Louis
XIV. prescribes the drawing only the great outlines of history, is as
circumstantial as any chronicler, when he feels himself among facts
and seasons that passed under his own knowledge.
If it is any satisfaction to my readers to assist them in censuring
the Author, I may say that I have spared the most inconsiderable
person in the book as little as the demigods: obliquely it is true, for
my own character could have very little to do directly in this Work:
but I have censured very freely some measures, for which I voted,
particularly the transactions about Mr. Murray, which I must confess
were carried on with an intemperate rashness very ill-becoming
Parliament or justice. Among these measures I must not have
involved the rigorous clauses in the Mutiny Bill, or the præmunire
clause in the Regency Bill, for none of which, I thank God, I ever
voted!
When I said I foresaw no other objections, let me be understood
to mean objections to faults that I might have avoided, such as want
of sincerity, partiality, &c.: I hope I have cleared myself from them.
As to the composition, I fear faults enough will appear in it: I would
excuse them too if I could: but if imputations must lie upon my
memory, let my character as a writer be the scape-goat to bear my
offences!
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