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1. Which of the following is NOT a reason why countries trade goods with one another?
A) differences in technology used in different countries
B) differences in countries' total amount of resources
C) the proximity of countries to one another
D) differences in countries' languages and cultures

2. David Ricardo's model explains trade based on:

A) labor supply.
B) technology.
C) population.
D) government control.

3. Which of the following is the MOST likely explanation for a Detroit construction
company's imports of concrete blocks made in Windsor, Ontario?
A) the Ricardian model
B) offshoring
C) technology
D) proximity

4. What is the MOST likely reason why neighboring nations engage in trade?
A) labor availability
B) similar tastes and preferences
C) proximity
D) shared membership in a free-trade area

5. A country's factors of production includes:

A) its labor, capital, natural resources, and markets.
B) only its labor and capital.
Page 1
C) only its capital and natural resources.

Page 2
 D) its labor, capital, and natural resources.

6. Which of the following is NOT considered to be a factor of production?

A) labor
B) capital
C) natural resources
D) government

Page 3
 7. When a firm in one nation purchases unfinished products internationally and adds
further processing to sell in the domestic market, this is known as:
A) barter.
B) offshoring.
C) factor movement.
D) marketing arrangements.

8. In some cases, a country can export a good without having any advantage in the natural
resources needed to produce it. Which of the following is an example of this type of
export?
A) Austrian exports of snowboards
B) U. S. exports of “icewine”
C) Japanese exports of Toyotas
D) Canadian exports of lumber

9. In some cases, a country can export a good without having any advantage in the natural
resources needed to produce it. Which of the following is an example of this type of
export?
A) United Arab Emirates's exports of high-quality snowboards
B) U. S. exports of Caterpillar bulldozers
C) French exports of wine
D) Canadian exports of lumber

10. In trade, if a nation has the technology to produce a good with fewest resources (such as
Germany's production of snowboards), it is known as a(n):
A) absolute advantage.
B) technology advantage.
C) comparative advantage.
D) resource advantage.

11. The Ricardian model focuses on how:

A) countries' resource bases explain international trade.
B) countries' different technologies explain international trade.
C) transportation costs explain international trade.
D) different languages and cultures explain international trade.

Page 4
12. When a country requires fewer resources to produce a product than other countries, it is
said to have a(n):
A) absolute advantage in the production of the product.
B) comparative advantage in the production of the product.
C) higher opportunity cost of producing the product.
D) lower opportunity cost of producing the product.

13. When a country requires more resources to produce a product than other countries, it is
said to have a(n):
A) absolute disadvantage in the production of the product.
B) comparative disadvantage in the production of the product.
C) lower opportunity cost of producing the product.
D) higher opportunity cost of producing the product.

14. The primary explanation of trade among nations is Ricardo's theory of:
A) offshoring.
B) resource abundance.
C) absolute advantage.
D) comparative advantage.

15. The Ricardian model focuses on how differences in influence international

trade patterns.
A) demand
B) comparative costs
C) absolute costs
D) transportation costs

16. Ricardo's theory of trade discredited the school of economic thought that believed
inflows of gold or silver as a result of exporting helped a nation, while outflows of gold
or silver as a result of importing hurt a nation. This school of economic thought was
known as:
A) export preference.
B) mercantilism.
C) monetary economics.
D) price-specie-flow mechanism.

Page 5
17. Ricardo's theory made a number of assumptions, including which of the following?
A) Nations had balanced trade with their partners.
B) There were barriers to trade.
C) There was no transfer of gold or silver.
D) Nations' factors of production consisted of labor and capital.

18. According to Ricardo:

A) all countries can gain from trade if they export goods for which they have an
absolute advantage.
B) one country can gain from trade only at the expense of another country.
C) all countries can gain from trade if they export goods for which they have a
comparative advantage.
D) all countries lose from international trade.

19. According to the Ricardian principle of comparative advantage, international trade

increases a nation's total output because:
A) the nation's resources are used where they are most productive.
B) the output of the nation's trading partner declines.
C) the nation can produce outside of its production possibilities frontier.
D) the nation is able to increase its consumption.

20. David Ricardo believed that:

A) trade is a zero-sum game; that is, a country benefits at the expense of other
countries.
B) trade will benefit countries when it generates gold and silver for the national
treasury.
C) all nations can gain from free international trade.
D) trade cannot increase the world's output of goods.

21. Mercantilists believed that:

A) exporting goods will leave fewer goods for the local economy.
B) importing goods is beneficial for the economy.
C) exports and imports are both bad for the economy.
D) exports are good and imports are bad for the economy.

Page 6
22. Ricardo's theory showed that if nations are allowed to trade freely, the result will be
that:
A) all trading nations benefit by trade.
B) the manufacturing sector benefits but the consumers lose out.
C) workers benefit but the government loses tax revenue.
D) the gains from trade offset the losses from trade exactly.

23. The Ricardian model can be simplified and made more explanatory by assumingthat
there is only one resource used in producing goods. What did Ricardo assume the
resource was?
A) capital
B) technology
C) labor
D) loanable funds

24. What is the marginal product of labor?

A) the average output of a unit of labor
B) the extra output obtained by using one more unit of labor
C) the average output obtained by using one more unit of labor
D) the total output obtained by using one more unit of labor

25. In the Ricardian model, the marginal product of labor:

A) first rises, then falls, as more labor is employed to produce a good.
B) first falls, then rises, as more labor is employed to produce a good.
C) continuously falls as more labor is employed to produce a good.
D) does not change as more labor is employed to produce a good.

26. The Ricardian model assumes that the marginal product of labor is:
A) increasing.
B) decreasing.
C) constant.
D) zero.

27. Production possibilities frontiers in the Ricardian model:

A) are linear (i.e., straight lines), with end points showing a country's production when
it produces only one or the other good.
B) are bowed out from the origin, with end points showing a country's production
when it produces only one or the other good.
C) are linear and begin from the origin.
D) are curvilinear and increase at a decreasing rate.

Page 7
28. When the production possibilities frontier is a straight line, then production occurs
under conditions of:
A) increasing costs.
B) decreasing costs.
C) constant costs.
D) increasing, then decreasing, then constant costs.

29. The Ricardian model employs the concept of alternate uses of economic resources in
production. We refer to this technique as:
A) the production possibilities frontier.
B) the labor theory of value technique.
C) the least-cost option.
D) the labor productivity model.

30. With the assumption that the marginal product of labor is constant and that labor is the
only variable resource, the slope of the PPF is:
A) positive and increasing.
B) negative and decreasing.
C) negative and constant.
D) unrelated to the issue at hand.

31. Assume the MPLt = 5 tennis rackets and MPLb = 4 baseball bats. If the economy has
100 workers, then the economy can produce:
A) a maximum of 500 tennis rackets.
B) a maximum of 350 baseball bats.
C) 500 tennis rackets and 400 baseball bats.
D) either 100 tennis rackets only or 100 baseball bats only.

32. Assume the MPLc = 2 cars and the MPLb = 5 boats. There are 150 workers in this
hypothetical economy. What is the maximum number of boats that can be produced?
A) 30
B) 300
C) 750
D) 150

Page 8
33. The slope of the PPF can be expressed as:
A) the ratio of abundance of capital to labor.
B) the preferences of consumers in terms of marginal utility.
C) the ratio of the quantities of good 1 and good 2.
D) the negative of the ratio of the marginal products of labor in producing each good.

34. If the maximum number of units of cloth produced is 300 and the maximum number of
units of corn produced is 600, then with an MPLcloth = 2, what is the number of workers
in the economy?
A) 100
B) 200
C) 150
D) 600

35. If the maximum number of units of cloth produced is 300 and the maximum number of
units of corn produced is 600, then with an MPLcloth = 2, what is the MPLcorn?
A) 4
B) 5
C) 6
D) 7

36. To complete the model of international trade using the PPF, we must also use the idea of
indifference curves. One of these curves represent:
A) a set of alternate quantities of both goods (sloped negatively), whereby consumers
are equally satisfied in their level of utility gained.
B) consumers who are indifferent to everything.
C) producers who do not care which production method is chosen.
D) a fixed quantity of one good (such as wheat) and a varying amount of the other
good.

37. As a consumer moves down one of her indifference curves, her satisfaction:
A) falls.
B) rises.
C) remains unchanged.
D) first falls, then levels out.

Page 9
38. If a consumer moves to a higher indifference curve, her satisfaction:
A) falls.
B) rises.
C) remains unchanged.
D) first falls, then levels out.

39. International trade allows countries to:

A) produce outside their PPF.
B) produce inside their PPF.
C) consume inside their PPF.
D) consume outside their PPF.

40. (Figure: Home Production and Consumption) The figure gives Home's international
trading pattern. Point P is production with trade, and point C is consumption with trade.
Which product does Home export?

A) clothing
B) chemicals
C) It exports neither chemicals nor clothing.
D) It exports both chemicals and clothing.

Page
10
41. (Figure: Home Production and Consumption) The figure gives Home's international
trading pattern. Point P is production with trade, and point C is consumption with trade.
Which product does Home import?

A) clothing
B) chemicals
C) It imports neither chemicals nor clothing.
D) It imports both chemicals and clothing.

42. (Figure: Home Production and Consumption) The figure gives Home's international
trading pattern. Point P is production with trade and point C is consumption with trade.
How many units of which product does Home export and how many units of which
product does it import?

A) Home exports 60 units of chemicals and imports 20 units of clothing.

B) Home exports 40 units of chemicals and imports 60 units of clothing.
C) Home exports 40 units of clothing and imports 20 units of chemicals.
D) Home exports 20 units of chemicals and imports 40 units of clothing.

Page
43. (Figure: Home Production and Consumption) The figure gives Home's international
trading pattern. Point P is production with trade, and point C is consumption with trade.
What is the international price of chemicals according to the figure?

A) 1/2 unit of clothing per unit of chemicals

B) one unit of clothing per unit of chemicals
C) two units of clothing per unit of chemicals
D) three units of clothing per unit of chemicals

44. Where will a nation that gains from trade find its consumption point located?
A) inside its production possibilities frontier
B) along its production possibilities frontier
C) outside its production possibilities frontier
D) at the center of its production possibilities frontier

45. When a nation is in autarky (a no-trade state) and maximizes its living standard, its
consumption and production points are:
A) along its production possibilities frontier.
B) above its production possibilities frontier.
C) beneath production possibilities frontier.
D) along, above, or beneath its production possibilities frontier.

46. Assume the MPLc = 2 cars and the MPLb = 5 boats. There are 150 workers in this
hypothetical economy. If cars are measured on the vertical axis and boats are measured
on the horizontal axis, the slope of the PPF for this economy is:
A) –5.
B) –5/2.
C) –2/5.
D) –1/5.

Page 10
47. The slope of the PPF can also be expressed as:
A) the ratio of abundance of labor to capital.
B) consumer utility.
C) the opportunity cost of the good measured on the vertical axis.
D) the ratio of the marginal products of labor to the marginal product of capital.

48. (Figure: Home Equilibrium with No Trade) Under the condition of no trade, which
attainable combination gives the nation the MOST utility?

A) A
B) B
C) C
D) D

Page 11
49. (Figure: Home Equilibrium with No Trade) Under the condition of no trade, which
combinations are NOT attainable?

A) A and D
B) A and B
C) B and D
D) B and C

50. (Figure: Home Equilibrium with No Trade) Suppose that trade occurs and Home finds
its comparative advantage in the production of wheat. How many bushels of wheat will
it produce?

A) 0 bushels
B) 50 bushels
C) 100 bushels
D) between 50 and 100 bushels

Page 12
51. Assume a hypothetical economy where cloth and wheat can be produced. What is the
opportunity cost of producing wheat in this economy?
A) the amount of cloth that must be given up to produce one more unit of wheat
B) the amount of money received by selling wheat
C) the number of workers it takes to produce all the wheat
D) More information is needed to answer the question.

52. Among the indifference curves for an economy, to achieve higher utility:
A) you must move to the indifference curve farthest away from the origin.
B) you must move to the indifference curve closest to the origin.
C) it is necessary to always close the borders.
D) it does not matter which indifference curve you select; your utility is the same
along every curve.

53. If the opportunity cost is constant (the PPF is a straight line), then a country will:
A) partially specialize in the production of its exported product.
B) completely specialize in the production of its exported product.
C) not benefit from importing goods from another country.
D) benefit by raising trade barriers.

54. Moving to a lower indifference curve means that a country is:

A) better off.
B) worse off.
C) indifferent.
D) lowering production.

55. In order for the production possibilities frontier to be a straight line, production must
exhibit:
A) increasing costs.
B) decreasing costs.
C) constant costs.
D) increasing, then decreasing, then constant costs.

56. In the absence of trade, a nation is in equilibrium where an indifference curve:

A) lies above its production possibilities frontier.
B) is tangent to its production possibilities frontier.
C) intersects its production possibilities frontier.
D) lies below its production possibilities frontier.

Page 13
57. A country's indifference curve describes combinations of goods that:
A) a country can purchase.
B) yield equal satisfaction to a country.
C) yield satisfaction to a country.
D) a country can produce.

58. (Figure: Indifference Curves) If this economy produces no cloth, how many units of
wheat are possible?

A) 50
B) 200
C) 300
D) 400

Page 14
59. (Figure: Indifference Curves) What is the opportunity cost of cloth in terms of wheat in
this example?

A) A unit of cloth may be obtained by foregoing a unit of wheat.

B) A unit of cloth “costs” 2 units of wheat.
C) A unit of cloth “costs” 1/2 unit of wheat.
D) Not enough information is given to answer.

Page 15
60. (Figure: Indifference Curves) Of the following points of consumption, which is MOST
desirable for consumers?

A) A
B) B
C) C
D) D

Page 16
61. (Figure: Indifference Curves) Of the following points of consumption, which is LEAST
desirable for consumers?

A) A
B) B
C) C
D) D

Page 17
62. (Figure: Indifference Curves) Which point on the diagram represents Home's
equilibrium in the absence of international trade?

A) A
B) B
C) C
D) D

Page 18
63. (Figure: Indifference Curves) Which combination of wheat and cloth is represented by
point A in the diagram?

A) 200 units of cloth and 400 units of wheat

B) 100 units of cloth and 200 units of wheat
C) 200 units of cloth and 100 units of wheat
D) 300 units of cloth and 150 units of wheat

64. A nation will gain from trade if it:

A) produces and consumes along its PPF.
B) produces outside its PPF and consumes along its PPF.
C) consumes outside its PPF and produces along its PPF.
D) produces and consumes outside its PPF.

65. The pre-trade Home equilibrium will provide the highest level of consumer satisfaction
from domestic resources whenever:
A) the marginal products of labor are equal.
B) capital and technology are not factors in the decision of what to produce.
C) perfect competition exists in product and labor markets.
D) Adam Smith's “invisible hand” is not an interfering factor.

Page 19
66. In competitive labor markets, the wage equals:
A) the marginal product of labor times the price of output.
B) the marginal product of labor plus the price of output.
C) the marginal product of labor.
D) the price of output.

67. Which of the following statements describes the way the pre-trade home equilibrium
reflects the concepts of competitive markets?
A) The opportunity cost of good 1 is the ratio of labor productivity of good 1 to good
2
B) Prices of each good reflect their opportunity cost.
C) Wages are not equal for each good
D) The value of the marginal product of labor (MPL × P) differs for each good.

68. In the home equilibrium situation, the relative price of wheat (when wheat is on the
horizontal axis) is the same as:
A) the relative price of cloth.
B) the slope of the PPF.
C) the marginal product of wheat.
D) the cost of labor to produce wheat.

69. The United States requires 20 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of steel and 30 hours of
labor to produce 1,000 board feet of lumber. In Canada, 20 hours of labor are required
to produce 1 ton of steel and 25 hours of labor to produce 1,000 board feet of lumber.
Which country has an absolute advantage in the production of steel?
A) the United States
B) Canada
C) Neither the United States nor Canada has an absolute advantage.
D) Both the United States and Canada have an absolute advantage.

70. The United States requires 20 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of steel and 30 hours of
labor to produce 1,000 board feet of lumber. In Canada, 20 hours of labor are required
to produce 1 ton of steel and 25 hours of labor to produce 1,000 board feet of lumber.
Which country has an absolute advantage in the production of lumber?
A) the United States
B) Canada
C) Neither the United States nor Canada has an absolute advantage.
D) Both the United States and Canada have an absolute advantage.

Page 20
71. The United States requires 20 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of steel and 30 hours of
labor to produce 1,000 board feet of lumber. In Canada, 20 hours of labor are required
to produce 1 ton of steel and 25 hours of labor to produce 1,000 board feet of lumber.
Which country has a comparative advantage in the production of steel?
A) the United States
B) Canada
C) Neither the United States nor Canada has a comparative advantage.
D) Both the United States and Canada have a comparative advantage.

72. The United States requires 20 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of steel and 30 hours of
labor to produce 1,000 board feet of lumber. In Canada, 20 hours of labor are required
to produce 1 ton of steel and 25 hours of labor to produce 1,000 board feet of lumber.
Which country has a comparative advantage in the production of lumber?
A) the United States
B) Canada
C) Neither the United States nor Canada has a comparative advantage.
D) Both the United States and Canada have a comparative advantage.

73. Poland requires 4 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of coal and 1 hour of labor to produce
a bushel of wheat. The Czech Republic requires 6 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of
coal and 1 hour of labor to produce a bushel of wheat. Which country has an absolute
advantage in the production of wheat?
A) Poland
B) the Czech Republic
C) Neither country has an absolute advantage.
D) Both countries have an absolute advantage.

74. Poland requires 4 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of coal and 1 hour of labor to produce
a bushel of wheat. The Czech Republic requires 6 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of
coal and 1 hour of labor to produce a bushel of wheat. Which country has an absolute
advantage in the production of coal?
A) Poland
B) the Czech Republic
C) Neither country has an absolute advantage.
D) Both countries have an absolute advantage.

Page 21
75. Poland requires 4 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of coal and 1 hour of labor to produce
a bushel of wheat. The Czech Republic requires 6 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of
coal and 1 hour of labor to produce a bushel of wheat. Which country has a comparative
advantage in the production of coal?
A) Poland
B) the Czech Republic
C) Neither country has a comparative advantage.
D) Both countries have a comparative advantage.

76. Poland requires 4 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of coal and 1 hour of labor to produce
a bushel of wheat. The Czech Republic requires 6 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of
coal and 1 hour of labor to produce a bushel of wheat. Which country has a comparative
advantage in the production of wheat?
A) Poland
B) the Czech Republic
C) Neither country has a comparative advantage.
D) Both countries have a comparative advantage.

77. Poland requires 4 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of coal and 1 hour of labor to produce
a bushel of wheat. The Czech Republic requires 6 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of
coal and 1 hour of labor to produce a bushel of wheat. What is the opportunity cost of
coal in Poland?
A) 0.25 hours of labor per ton of coal
B) 0.25 bushels of wheat per ton of coal
C) 4 hours of labor per ton of coal
D) 4 bushels of wheat per ton of coal

78. Poland requires 4 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of coal and 1 hour of labor to produce
a bushel of wheat. The Czech Republic requires 6 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of
coal and 1 hour of labor to produce a bushel of wheat. The international price of wheat
must fall between which of the following two prices?
A) between 1/6 ton and 1/4 ton of coal per bushel of wheat
B) between 1/4 ton and 1/3 ton of coal per bushel of wheat
C) between 1/3 ton and 1.5 tons of coal per bushel of wheat
D) between 4 tons and 6 tons of coal per bushel of wheat

Page 22
79. Poland requires 4 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of coal and 1 hour of labor to produce
a bushel of wheat. The Czech Republic requires 6 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of
coal and 1 hour of labor to produce a bushel of wheat. Suppose that the international
price of coal is 4 1/4 bushels of wheat per ton of coal. Which country is likely to have
the larger gain from trade?
A) Poland
B) the Czech Republic
C) Neither country has the larger gain.
D) Both countries have the larger gain.

80. Poland requires 4 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of coal and 1 hour of labor to produce
a bushel of wheat. The Czech Republic requires 6 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of
coal and 1 hour of labor to produce a bushel of wheat. Suppose that Poland has 1,000
hours of labor and that it completely specializes according to its comparative advantage.
How many units of which product will it produce?
A) 250 tons of coal
B) 1,000 bushels of wheat
C) 100 bushels of wheat
D) 4,000 tons of coal

81. Poland requires 4 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of coal and 1 hour of labor to produce
a bushel of wheat. The Czech Republic requires 6 hours of labor to produce 1 ton of
coal and 1 hour of labor to produce a bushel of wheat. In Poland, what is the marginal
product of labor in coal production?
A) 0.25 tons per hour
B) 0.4 tons per hour
C) 2.5 tons per hour
D) 4 tons per hour

82. To explain why some nations purchase products from abroad, even when they have an
absolute advantage in production, we have to use the theory of:
A) absolute advantage.
B) relative pricing.
C) comparative advantage.
D) industrial advantage.

Page 23
83. Whenever a nation has a lower opportunity cost of producing any good or service in
relative terms, that nation is said to have:
A) an absolute advantage.
B) a comparative advantage.
C) low labor costs.
D) better technology to produce that good or service.

84. Comparative advantage in production of a product is reflected in:

A) a lower relative price.
B) a lower opportunity cost.
C) higher labor productivity.
D) a lower relative price and a lower opportunity cost.

85. (Table: Output in the United States and China) Which of the following statements is
correct?

A) The United States has an absolute advantage in both apparel and wheat and a
comparative disadvantage in wheat.
B) China has an absolute advantage in both apparel and wheat and a comparative
advantage in apparel.
C) The United States has an absolute disadvantage in both apparel and wheat and a
comparative advantage in wheat.
D) China has an absolute disadvantage in both apparel and wheat and a comparative
advantage in apparel.

86. (Table: Output in the United States and China) Which of the following products will the
United States export to China?

A) wheat
B) apparel
C) The United States will export neither wheat nor apparel.
D) The United States will export both wheat and apparel.

Page 24
87. (Table: United States and China Production per Worker in Apparel, Textiles, and Wheat
in 2014) In the upper part of the table, the productivity of workers in the textile and
apparel sectors is given for the United States and China. The average worker in the
United States produces _ times more apparel sales than the average worker in
China.

A) 0.39
B) 2.55
C) 70
D) 27.5

88. (Table: United States and China Production per Worker in Apparel, Textiles, and Wheat
in 2014) In the upper part of the table, the productivity of workers in the textile and
apparel sectors is given for the United States and China. The table shows that the United
States has an absolute advantage in:

A) textile manufacturing.
B) apparel manufacturing.
C) neither textile nor apparel manufacturing.
D) both textile and apparel manufacturing.

89. (Table: United States and China Production per Worker in Apparel, Textiles, and Wheat
in 2014) In the upper part of the table, the productivity of workers in the textile and
apparel sectors is given for the United States and China. The table shows that China has
a comparative advantage in:

A) textile manufacturing.
B) apparel manufacturing.
C) neither textile nor apparel manufacturing.
D) both textile and apparel manufacturing.

Page 25
90. (Table: United States and China Production per Worker in Apparel, Textiles, and Wheat
in 2014) Consider the productivity of workers in all three sectors of the table. In the
United States, what is the dollar value of apparel foregone in order to produce an
additional bushel of wheat?

A) $0.04
B) $0.14
C) $7.00
D) $23.20

91. (Table: United States and China Production per Worker in Apparel, Textiles, and Wheat
in 2014) Consider the productivity of workers in all three sectors of the table. In China,
how many dollars of textile production must be given up in order to produce additional
bushel of wheat?

A) $66.67
B) $0.015
C) $300
D) $91.67

92. It can be shown that differences in before-trade relative prices will determine:
A) which nation has the absolute advantage.
B) which good each nation will export or import.
C) the quantity traded by each nation.
D) the equilibrium trade price.

93. A nation will export the product in which it has a comparative advantage, which results
from the good being relatively than in the importing nation.
A) less expensive
B) more expensive
C) lower in quality
D) less available

Page 26
94. At some point, as the price of the exported product is bid up and the price of the
imported product falls, the price of the product in both nations:
A) becomes more unequal.
B) approaches zero.
C) approaches infinity.
D) equalizes.

95. When two nations have achieved identical relative prices of the two traded products, we
have:
A) a standoff.
B) a stalemate.
C) international trade equilibrium.
D) absolute advantage once again.

96. Compared with constant cost production, if production occurs under increasing cost
conditions, it is MORE likely that countries will:
A) completely specialize.
B) incompletely specialize.
C) not engage in international trade.
D) trade with one another.

97. Suppose a nation increases the quantity of a product it exports. To attract the labor
resources needed to support the increased production, it must:
A) pay higher wages.
B) lay off workers.
C) borrow capital abroad.
D) find new sites for production near population centers.

98. The Ricardian model (with constant opportunity costs) predicts that a nation will
in the production of the good it exports.
A) have a comparative disadvantage
B) develop shortages
C) lower the cost of production
D) specialize completely

Page 27
 99. (Table: Output in the United States and China) Using the data in the table, what will
happen to the U.S. labor force after trade occurs with China?

A) U.S. labor will move from apparel to agriculture, where its marginal productivity is
higher.
B) U.S. jobs in apparel will be exported to China, wheat exports will create additional
jobs in agriculture, and the value of output produced by U.S. labor will increase.
C) The value of output produced by U.S. labor will increase.
D) U.S. labor will move from apparel to agriculture, where its marginal productivity is
higher. U.S. jobs in apparel will be exported to China, wheat exports will create
additional jobs in agriculture, and the value of output produced by U.S. labor will
increase.

100. (Figure: Upperia's Production and Consumption) The graph shows Upperia's
international trading pattern. Point P is production with trade, and point C is
consumption with trade. Which product does Home export?

A) shoes
B) shirts
C) Home exports neither shirts nor shoes.
D) Home exports both shirts and shoes.

Page 28
101. (Figure: Upperia's Production and Consumption) The graph shows Upperia's
international trading pattern. Point P is production with trade, and point C is
consumption with trade. Which product does Home import?

A) shoes
B) shirts
C) Home imports neither shirts nor shoes.
D) Home imports both shirts and shoes.

Page 29
102. (Figure: Upperia's Production and Consumption) The graph shows Upperia's
international trading pattern. Point P is production with trade, and point C is
consumption with trade. What is the international price of shoes (shirts/pair of shoes)?

A) 125/80 shirts per unit of pair of shoes

B) 4/3 shirts per unit of pair of shoes
C) 5/4 shirts per unit of pair of shoes
D) 3/4 shirt per unit of pair of shoes

Page 30
103. (Figure: Upperia's Production and Consumption) The graph shows Upperia's
international trading pattern. Point P is production with trade, and point C is
consumption with trade. Assume that the marginal product of labor in producing shoes
is one pair per hour. How many hours of labor occur in Upperia?

A) 125
B) 100
C) 80
D) 65

Page 31
104. (Figure: Upperia's Production and Consumption) The graph shows Upperia's
international trading pattern. What is the autarkic relative price of shirts in Upperia?

A) 4/3 pairs of shoes per shirt

B) 3/4 pair of shoes per shirt
C) 5/4 pairs of shoes per shirt
D) 4/5 pair of shoes per shirt

105. With trade, a country will maximize its economic well-being when it:
A) moves to the highest possible indifference curve.
B) forces the marginal rate of substitution to its lowest possible value.
C) consumes more of both goods than it does in autarky.
D) finds its marginal rate of substitution exceeding its marginal rate of transformation.

106. If the international terms of trade settle at a level that is between each country's
opportunity cost:
A) there is no basis for gainful trade for either country.
B) both countries gain from trade.
C) only one country gains from trade.
D) one country gains and the other country loses from trade.

107. Trade between two nations is NOT possible if they have:

A) identical indifference curves but different production possibilities frontiers.
B) identical production possibilities frontiers but different indifference curves.
C) different production possibilities frontiers and different indifference curves.
D) identical production possibilities frontiers and identical indifference curves.

Page 32
108. As nations trade, their total level of utility (satisfaction from consuming goods):
A) equalizes.
B) levels out.
C) decreases.
D) increases.

109. The increase in total utility derived from trading products is called:
A) trade patterns.
B) gains from trade.
C) comparative advantage.
D) labor productivity.

110. Chile and Argentina each produce jellybeans and peanut butter, using labor as their only
resource. Each country has 1,000 hours of labor. In Chile, an hour produces a pound of
jellybeans and 2 hours produce a pound of peanut butter. In Argentina, an hour produces
a pound of jellybeans and 3 hours produces a pound of peanut butter. When they do not
trade with each other, Chile consumes 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter, and Argentina consumes 400 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter. Which country has an absolute advantage in jellybean production?
A) Chile
B) Argentina
C) Neither Argentina nor Chile has an absolute advantage.
D) Both Argentina and Chile have an absolute advantage.

111. Chile and Argentina each produce jellybeans and peanut butter, using labor as their only
resource. Each country has 1,000 hours of labor. In Chile, an hour produces a pound of
jellybeans and 2 hours produce a pound of peanut butter. In Argentina, an hour produces
a pound of jellybeans and 3 hours produces a pound of peanut butter. When they do not
trade with each other, Chile consumes 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter, and Argentina consumes 400 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter. Which country has a comparative advantage in jellybean production?
A) Chile
B) Argentina
C) Neither Argentina nor Chile has a comparative advantage.
D) Both Argentina and Chile have a comparative advantage.

Page 33
112. Chile and Argentina each produce jellybeans and peanut butter, using labor as their only
resource. Each country has 1,000 hours of labor. In Chile, an hour produces a pound of
jellybeans and 2 hours produce a pound of peanut butter. In Argentina, an hour produces
a pound of jellybeans and 3 hours produces a pound of peanut butter. When they do not
trade with each other, Chile consumes 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter, and Argentina consumes 400 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter. What are the endpoints of Chile's production possibilities frontier?
A) 1,000 pounds of jellybeans and 500 pounds of peanut butter
B) 1,000 pounds of jellybeans and 2,000 pounds of peanut butter
C) 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of peanut butter
D) 1,000 pounds of jellybeans and 333 pounds of peanut butter

113. Chile and Argentina each produce jellybeans and peanut butter, using labor as their only
resource. Each country has 1,000 hours of labor. In Chile, an hour produces a pound of
jellybeans and 2 hours produce a pound of peanut butter. In Argentina, an hour produces
a pound of jellybeans and 3 hours produces a pound of peanut butter. When they do not
trade with each other, Chile consumes 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter, and Argentina consumes 400 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter. What is the price of peanut butter in Argentina before the two countries
begin to trade with each other?
A) 1/3 pound of jellybeans per pound of peanut butter
B) 1/2 pound of jellybeans per pound of peanut butter
C) 2 pounds of jellybeans per pound of peanut butter
D) 3 pounds of jellybeans per pound of peanut butter

114. Chile and Argentina each produce jellybeans and peanut butter, using labor as their only
resource. Each country has 1,000 hours of labor. In Chile, an hour produces a pound of
jellybeans and 2 hours produce a pound of peanut butter. In Argentina, an hour produces
a pound of jellybeans and 3 hours produces a pound of peanut butter. When they do not
trade with each other, Chile consumes 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter, and Argentina consumes 400 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter. In order for Chile to gain from trade, the price of jellybeans must be less
than:
A) 2 pounds of peanut butter per pound of jellybeans.
B) 3 pounds of peanut butter per pound of jellybeans.
C) 1/3 pound of peanut butter per pound of jellybeans.
D) 1/2 pound of peanut butter per pound of jellybeans.

Page 34
115. Chile and Argentina each produce jellybeans and peanut butter, using labor as their only
resource. Each country has 1,000 hours of labor. In Chile, an hour produces a pound of
jellybeans and 2 hours produce a pound of peanut butter. In Argentina, an hour produces
a pound of jellybeans and 3 hours produces a pound of peanut butter. When they do not
trade with each other, Chile consumes 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter, and Argentina consumes 400 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter. Argentina's gains from trade will be largest (and still feasible) when the
price of jellybeans is:
A) 2 pounds of peanut butter per pound of jellybeans.
B) 3 pounds of peanut butter per pound of jellybeans.
C) 1/3 pound of peanut butter per pound of jellybeans.
D) 1/2 pound of peanut butter per pound of jellybeans.

116. Chile and Argentina each produce jellybeans and peanut butter, using labor as their only
resource. Each country has 1,000 hours of labor. In Chile, an hour produces a pound of
jellybeans and 2 hours produce a pound of peanut butter. In Argentina, an hour produces
a pound of jellybeans and 3 hours produces a pound of peanut butter. When they do not
trade with each other, Chile consumes 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter, and Argentina consumes 400 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter. What is the opportunity cost of a pound of peanut butter in Chile?
A) 2 pounds of jellybeans
B) 3 pounds of jellybeans
C) 1/3 pound of jellybeans
D) 1/2 pound of jellybeans

117. Chile and Argentina each produce jellybeans and peanut butter, using labor as their only
resource. Each country has 1,000 hours of labor. In Chile, an hour produces a pound of
jellybeans and 2 hours produce a pound of peanut butter. In Argentina, an hour produces
a pound of jellybeans and 3 hours produces a pound of peanut butter. When they do not
trade with each other, Chile consumes 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter, and Argentina consumes 400 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter. Suppose that Chile and Argentina begin to trade with each other. Each
completely specializes in the product in which it finds its comparative advantage. How
many pounds of peanut butter and jellybeans do the two countries jointly produce?
A) 1,000 pounds of jellybeans and 400 pounds of peanut butter
B) 1,000 pounds of jellybeans and 500 pounds of peanut butter
C) 500 pounds of jellybeans and 1,000 pounds of peanut butter
D) 333.33 pounds of jellybeans and 500 pounds of peanut butter

Page 35
118. Chile and Argentina each produce jellybeans and peanut butter, using labor as their only
resource. Each country has 1,000 hours of labor. In Chile, an hour produces a pound of
jellybeans and 2 hours produce a pound of peanut butter. In Argentina, an hour produces
a pound of jellybeans and 3 hours produces a pound of peanut butter. When they do not
trade with each other, Chile consumes 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter, and Argentina consumes 400 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter. Suppose that Chile and Argentina begin to trade with each other. Each
completely specializes in the product in which it finds its comparative advantage. How
many more pounds of peanut butter and jellybeans do the two countries jointly produce
compared with production before they began to trade?
A) 1,000 pounds of jellybeans and 500 pounds of peanut butter
B) 0 pounds of jellybeans and 500 pounds of peanut butter
C) 1,000 pounds of jellybeans and 0 pounds of peanut butter
D) 0 pounds of jellybeans and 100 pounds of peanut butter

119. Chile and Argentina each produce jellybeans and peanut butter, using labor as their only
resource. Each country has 1,000 hours of labor. In Chile, an hour produces a pound of
jellybeans and 2 hours produce a pound of peanut butter. In Argentina, an hour produces
a pound of jellybeans and 3 hours produces a pound of peanut butter. When they do not
trade with each other, Chile consumes 600 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter, and Argentina consumes 400 pounds of jellybeans and 200 pounds of
peanut butter. Which of the following groups will benefit from trade between Chile and
Argentina?
A) Chilean consumers only
B) Argentinean consumers only
C) Both Argentinean consumers and Chilean consumers
D) Neither Chilean consumers nor Argentinean consumers

120. Suppose there are two countries (Home and Foreign) that produce two goods. Home's
wages are 100% greater than Foreign's wages. Will trade be possible between Home and
Foreign?
A) No, because Foreign's wages are lower than Home's wages.
B) Yes, Foreign will be able to export both products to Home.
C) Yes, as long as Home's marginal productivity of labor in one product is at least
100% higher than Foreign's marginal productivity of labor in the same product.
D) No, because prices will be the same in each country.

Page 36
121. According to the principle of comparative advantage, specialization and trade increase a
nation's total output because:
A) resources are directed to their highest productivity.
B) the output of the nation's trading partner declines.
C) the nation can produce outside its production possibilities frontier.
D) the problem of unemployment is eliminated.

122. Assume that two countries (Home and Foreign) each produce two goods (corn and
wheat) under constant cost production. Home produces 0.5 ton of corn or 1 ton of wheat
with a day of labor. Without trade (in autarky), Home's daily production is 20 tons of
wheat and 10 tons of corn. What is Home's price of corn in autarky?
A) 0.5 ton of wheat
B) 20 tons of wheat
C) 10 tons of wheat
D) 2 tons of wheat

123. Assume that two countries (Home and Foreign) each produce two goods (corn and
wheat) under constant cost production. Home produces 0.5 ton of corn or 1 ton of wheat
with a day of labor. Without trade (in autarky), Home's daily production is 20 tons of
wheat and 10 tons of corn. How large is Home's labor force?
A) 50 workers
B) 40 workers
C) 30 workers
D) 20 workers

124. Assume that two countries (Home and Foreign) each produce two goods (corn and
wheat) under constant cost production. Home produces 0.5 ton of corn or 1 ton of wheat
with a day of labor. Without trade (in autarky), Home's daily production is 20 tons of
wheat and 10 tons of corn. Now suppose that Home has the opportunity to trade with
Foreign at an international price of 1 ton of wheat per ton of corn. In which product will
Home find its comparative advantage?
A) wheat
B) corn
C) Home will find its competitive advantage in neither corn nor wheat.
D) Home will find its competitive advantage in both corn and wheat.

Page 37
125. Assume that two countries (Home and Foreign) each produce two goods (corn and
wheat) under constant cost production. Home produces 0.5 ton of corn or 1 ton of wheat
with a day of labor. Without trade (in autarky), Home's daily production is 20 tons of
wheat and 10 tons of corn. Suppose that Home completely specializes, and it consumes
20 tons of wheat after it begins trading with Foreign. Home trades with Foreign at a
1-to-1 ratio of corn for wheat. How many tons of corn does Home consume when it
trades with Foreign?
A) 10 tons of corn
B) 20 tons of corn
C) 30 tons of corn
D) 40 tons of corn

126. Assume that two countries (Home and Foreign) each produce two goods (corn and
wheat) under constant cost production. Home produces 0.5 ton of corn or 1 ton of wheat
with a day of labor. Foreign produces 1 ton of corn and 0.5 ton of wheat. Without trade
(in autarky), Home's daily production is 20 tons of wheat and 10 tons of corn. At which
international price will Home's gains from trade be largest?
A) 1/2 ton of wheat per ton of corn
B) 1 ton of wheat per ton of corn
C) 1.5 tons of wheat per ton of corn
D) 2 tons of wheat per ton of corn

127. Assume that two countries (Home and Foreign) each produce two goods (corn and
wheat) under constant cost production. Home produces 1/2 ton of corn or 1 ton of wheat
with a day of labor. Foreign produces 1 ton of corn and 1/2 ton of wheat. Suppose that,
after trade occurs, the international price actually becomes 1.5 tons of wheat per ton of
corn. Which of the following statements is true?
A) Home will gain from trade but Foreign will not.
B) Foreign will gain from trade but Home will not.
C) Neither home nor Foreign will gain from trade.
D) Both Home and Foreign will gain from trade.

128. Assume that Germany and China can produce beer and cloth. If the MPLc/MPLb for
Germany is 2/5 and MPLc/MPLb for China is 1, then Germany and China have a
comparative advantage in:
A) cloth and beer, respectively.
B) beer and cloth, respectively.
C) beer.
D) cloth.

Page 38
129. Assume that Germany and China can produce beer and cloth. If the MPLc/MPLb for
Germany is 2/5 and MPLc/MPLb for China is 1, then Chinashould:
A) specialize in producing beer and export beer.
B) specialize in producing cloth and export cloth.
C) not specialize, because China will not benefit from it.
D) specialize in producing cloth and import cloth.

130. Assume that Germany and China can produce beer and cloth. If the MPLc/MPLb for
Germany is 2/5 and MPLc/MPLb for China is 1, then Germanyshould:
A) specialize in producing beer and export beer.
B) specialize in producing cloth and export cloth.
C) not specialize, because Germany will not benefit from it.
D) specialize in producing cloth and import cloth.

131. Using the marginal product theory of wages, a worker's “real” wage is:
A) twice the amount of the “money” wage.
B) what the “money” wage will purchase in terms of products.
C) what she earns after taxes.
D) what she would earn if her employer paid her fairly.

132. A worker's “real” wage is related to:

A) her productivity in the workplace.
B) the value of her production to her employer.
C) the nation's absolute advantage in production of that product.
D) her productivity in the workplace, the value of her production to her employer, and
the nation's absolute advantage in production of that product.

133. Which of the following statements describes what the Ricardian model predicts as a
nation improves its technology and productivity?
A) Its standard of living will rise.
B) Wages of its workers will fall.
C) It will lose its absolute advantage.
D) It will lose its comparative advantage.

134. For China, the result of opening its economy was:

A) a decline in its wages.
B) an increase in wages.
C) a reduction in the amount exported.
D) a reduction in the amount imported.

Page 39
135. The case study of wages and productivity in the textbook demonstrates that:
A) workers lose out when international trade occurs.
B) internationally, worker productivity varies directly with real wages.
C) workers who get educated get higher wages.
D) workers become more productive, but most of the value-added goes to the owners
of capital.

136. For China and India, the result of opening their economies was:
A) very large decreases in per capita real incomes.
B) very large increases in per capita real incomes.
C) no change in per capita real incomes.
D) small increases in per capita real incomes.

137. A comparison of wages and value-added in manufacturing across countries suggests that
there:
A) is no relationship between value-added and wages.
B) is a negative relationship between value-added and wages.
C) wages tend to rise as productivity increases.
D) wages tend to rise as productivity falls.

138. In the United States, one worker can produce 10 tons of steel per day or 20 tons of
chemicals per day. In the United Kingdom, one worker can produce 5 tons of steel per
day or 15 tons of chemicals per day. The United States has the absolute advantage in the
production of:
A) steel.
B) chemicals.
C) neither steel nor chemicals.
D) both steel and chemicals.

139. In the United States, one worker can produce 10 tons of steel per day or 20 tons of
chemicals per day. In the United Kingdom, one worker can produce 5 tons of steel per
day or 15 tons of chemicals per day. The United Kingdom has the absolute advantage in
the production of:
A) steel.
B) chemicals.
C) neither steel nor chemicals.
D) both steel and chemicals.

Page 40
140. In the United States, one worker can produce 10 tons of steel per day or 20 tons of
chemicals per day. In the United Kingdom, one worker can produce 5 tons of steel per
day or 15 tons of chemicals per day. The United Kingdom has a comparative advantage
in the production of:
A) steel.
B) chemicals.
C) neither steel nor chemicals.
D) both steel and chemicals.

141. In the United States, one worker can produce 10 tons of steel per day or 20 tons of
chemicals per day. In the United Kingdom, one worker can produce 5 tons of steel per
day or 15 tons of chemicals per day. If trade occurs between the United States and the
United Kingdom, American firms should specialize in producing:
A) steel.
B) chemicals.
C) neither steel nor chemicals.
D) both steel and chemicals.

142. In the United States, one worker can produce 10 tons of steel per day or 20 tons of
chemicals per day. In the United Kingdom, one worker can produce 5 tons of steel per
day or 15 tons of chemicals per day. International trade will occur between the United
States and the United Kingdom so long as 1 ton of steel trades for:
A) at least 1 ton of chemicals, but no more than 2 tons of chemicals.
B) at least 2 tons of chemicals, but no more than 3 tons of chemicals.
C) at least 0.33 ton of chemicals, but no more than 0.5 ton of chemicals.
D) at least 0.55 ton of chemicals but no more than 0.75 ton of chemicals.

143. In the United States, one worker can produce 10 tons of steel per day or 20 tons of
chemicals per day. In the United Kingdom, one worker can produce 5 tons of steel per
day or 15 tons of chemicals per day. The United Kingdom will gain the most from trade
(and trade will be feasible) if 1 ton of steel trades for:
A) 2 tons of chemicals.
B) 3 tons of chemicals.
C) 1.5 tons of chemicals.
D) 0.5 ton of chemicals.

Page 41
144. In the United States, one worker can produce 10 tons of steel per day or 20 tons of
chemicals per day. In the United Kingdom, one worker can produce 5 tons of steel per
day or 15 tons of chemicals per day. Which of the following statements is correct?
A) U.S. wages will be higher than U.K. wages.
B) U.K. wages will be higher than U.S. wages.
C) Wages in the United States and the United Kingdom will be equal.
D) There will be no relationship between U.S. and U.K. wages.

145. If export prices increase, what can we expect the wages in the export sector to do?
A) increase
B) decrease
C) stay the same
D) The answer cannot be determined from the information provided.

146. What does the term value-added per hour help us measure?
A) terms of trade
B) labor productivity
C) volume of exports
D) volume of imports

147. In the Ricardian model, wages are equal across industries because:
A) employers care for their workers.
B) workers prefer to work in exporting industries.
C) workers are freely mobile between industries.
D) workers are freely mobile between countries.

148. Suppose that the introduction of computers increases the productivity of workers in the
developed world. What you would expect wages to do?
A) Rise mainly in the developed countries.
B) Rise mainly in the developing countries.
C) Fall mainly in the developed countries.
D) Fall mainly in the developing countries.

149. If a home country is exporting corn and importing bikes and if the relative price Pc/Pb is
increasing, then:
A) the home country will export less corn.
B) the home country will export more corn.
C) the home country will import the same number of bikes.
D) there is no change in the trade pattern for the home country.

Page 42
150. It is possible to determine how much a nation will export over and above its domestic
consumption at various international prices, other things being equal, by finding a set of
equilibria. This schedule is:
A) the import demand curve for a nation.
B) the export supply curve for a nation.
C) the production possibilities frontier for a nation.
D) the “no-trade” equilibrium.

151. The flat part of Home's export supply curve in the Ricardian model is due to the
assumption that:
A) Home has a comparative advantage in its export.
B) Home has an absolute advantage in its export.
C) the marginal product of labor is constant in the export good.
D) Home has more labor than Foreign.

152. It is possible to determine how much a nation will import at various international prices,
other things being equal, by finding a set of equilibria. This schedule is the:
A) import demand curve for a nation.
B) export supply curve for a nation.
C) production possibilities frontier for a nation.
D) “no-trade” equilibrium.

153. Because the PPF is a straight line in the Ricardian model, Foreign's import demand
curve is:
A) upward sloping in parts.
B) flat in parts.
C) downward sloping in parts.
D) flat everywhere.

154. International trade equilibrium occurs where:

A) there is no further way to increase production of any commodity.
B) the home excess supply curve intersects with the home excess demand curve.
C) the total world import demand curve intersects with the total world export supply
curve.
D) the amount produced in each nation is just equal to the amounts produced in every
other nation.

Page 43
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conducting midnight mass. Or perchance he thought of the high rock
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them years before in their village near the portage of the Fox River.
Strange and exciting was the news which they brought him this
night. Alarm deepened on the priest’s face as he gathered his few
belongings and made his way across the snow and through the
woods to the village of the Miamis and Mascoutins.
The village of the Kaskaskias, on the north shore of the Illinois,
now lay silent and deserted. The lonely lodges and the well-filled
caches alone gave evidence that the Indians would return. Many
leagues down the river was the village of the Peorias. Here, too, the
young men were off on the winter hunt; but the older men and the
women and children were still at the village. With them was
Nicanopé, brother of Chassagoac, and many others of the Kaskaskia
tribe.
Not a hint of the message that brought such alarm to Allouez at
the upper village had come to the Peorias. Aside from the ever-
present dread of the Iroquois, that lurked in each Indian’s mind,
they lived as peacefully as the hardships of winter would permit.
Smoke from their lodges rose up into the wintry sky, or veered off to
the south and east when the blasts of wind swept across the plains.
The river was open, and by the bank on either side lay pirogues—
heavy canoes fifty feet long and big enough to hold more than a
score of men.
Less than two weeks had passed since Allouez had fled from the
upper village. The sun had been up an hour or more, and the Peoria
village was bustling with life. Warriors and old men stalked here and
there in their winter garments of buffalo hide, or sat smoking and
gazing placidly upon river and sky. The ever busy women sat
weaving rush mats or bestirred themselves in gathering wood.
Children played about in the open, and on the sunny side of the
lodges zealous mothers had already set up on end the brown
papooses bound like little mummies in the cradles.
Then, stirring the village as an arrow startles a covey of birds,
came the wild cry, “The Iroquois.” From behind a jutting point up the
river swept a long line of canoes. Indescribable confusion followed.
On both sides of the river men sprang for their bows and arrows;
while women, hardly pausing to seize their babes, scuttled away
between the lodges and on to the friendly woods back on the hill.
With them went the young girls and children, fleeing like scared
rabbits.
Meantime the current of the river bore the canoes down to the
village. They turned to the left, and a tall figure leaped from the
nearest canoe to the bank and then stood quietly watching the
confusion of the villagers. Some of the warriors fled to the woods
with the women. Others with eager weapons were about to attack
the newcomers, when a cry from one of their chiefs on the other
shore made them pause. He had seen that, although the men from
the canoes, armed with guns and ready for war, could have shot
down a dozen Illinois in their first confused scramble for weapons,
they had not fired a single shot. These men were evidently not
Iroquois, but Frenchmen who seemed bent on peace rather than
battle.
Quickly the calumet was raised by the reassured Peorias, and
another was offered by the French. The canoes were drawn up to
the bank, and together the white men and the villagers went to the
lodges. Old men reappeared from the woods and women came out
of their hiding-places. Children with wary eyes looked up into the
faces of three friars, Fathers of the Recollet Order with gray robes
and pointed cowls, who took them by the hand and poured out
friendly but unintelligible words.
 In the lodges the warriors and chiefs—now that the fear of an
Iroquois attack had subsided—welcomed the visitors with every sign
of good will. They rubbed their feet with bear’s oil and the fat of
buffalo and fed them with the best the village had to offer. Then
they sat down for a council of peace, ready to hear the message of
the white men. Chassagoac was away on the hunt, and so his
brother Nicanopé was the highest in rank of the Indian chiefs who
were present.
There were bold men among the French in this council; and the
Indians gazed with kindling eyes upon the tall figure of the white
chief who had first leaped from his canoe, and upon the dark face of
another man who seemed to be next in command. This second man
had sat in the canoe at the farther end of the line that had swept
down to the village. He was among the last to come ashore; but
something unusual and strangely awkward about his movements
caught the quick attention of the Indians. In the council, however,
their eyes turned from the swarthy, black-haired lieutenant to the tall
white leader as he rose to speak.
Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, was a man still under middle
age, but an indomitable will and a restless and unceasing activity
had already crowded his years with the experiences of an ordinary
lifetime. No Indian could look upon his cold, finely chiseled features
and unflinching eyes without feeling the relentless force of the man.
They listened with quiet attention to his words.
He offered them a present of Martinique tobacco and some
hatchets, saying that first of all he wished to tell them of a thing he
had done and explain it to them. A few days before he and his men
had come to the village of their brother tribe, the Kaskaskias, many
leagues up the river. The village was empty where they had hoped
to find friendly Indians with food. Unable to kill game, they were in
danger of starvation. They well knew how precious was the corn
hidden in the caches of the deserted town, but in their extremity
they had borrowed some; and now they wished to pay for it in
presents or to return it to the Peorias if the Indians could not spare
it. At the same time he added that if they could not let him have
food for his men, he would go down the river to their neighbors, the
Osages, and there set up the forge which he had brought to mend
their knives and hatchets and make them new tools for the warpath
and the chase.
Behind the impassive faces of Nicanopé, Omawha, and other
chiefs were minds alive to a new situation. This man was not a mere
black robe, come among them to preach and to baptize their dying;
nor was he a lone trader, a coureur de bois passing by in his bold
profession of trapping, hunting, and trading furs. Here was a great
chief with men at his back, a warrior with fire-spitting guns, a trader
with canoes full of hatchets and knives and tobacco and a forge to
keep their weapons in order and to make them new ones. Surely he
was a great and powerful man who had come into their country this
cold winter day, and well would it be for the tribes of the Illinois if he
stayed among them.
But what is this he is saying? He speaks of the Iroquois. They, too,
are subjects of the King of the French. Yet if the bold Iroquois
should fall upon them, La Salle and his followers would be with the
Illinois, would give them guns, and would help them protect their
villages from the onslaughts of the Five Nations. Only they must let
him build a fort near their village for the protection of his men. He
wished, also, to build a great canoe, big enough to hold all his men
and goods, and by means of it to travel down the Illinois to the
Mississippi and thence on its broad current to where it emptied into
the Gulf of Mexico—so that he might bring back more hatchets and
presents.
The Indians were overjoyed. Many of the Kaskaskias were
present, and among them was Nicanopé, one of their chiefs. They
told La Salle to keep the corn he had taken at the upper village, and
begged him to stay among them and set up his forge and build his
fort. If he wished to descend the river that flowed through the
length of the Great Valley, he would find it an easy waterway and
the country through which it flowed a land of beauty and plenty.
Finally the conference broke up and the Indians retired to their
own lodges in great happiness of mind. Among them none was
happier than Chief Omawha, for La Salle had shown him special
favor and had given him two hatchets and a number of knives.
 CHAPTER VII

THE SECRET COUNCIL

Night came on cold and still. In the river the floating particles of
ice grew into a solid sheet until the stream was covered from shore
to shore. La Salle, having retired with his men to the quarters
assigned, set guards about the lodges and dropped off to sleep. In
their own long lodges the Indians rolled up in blankets and dreamed
perchance of the warpath and the triumphant return of warriors
bearing the scalps of the Iroquois.
In the darkness off to the northeast half a dozen Indians quietly
filed along the trail toward the village. They were loaded down with
burdens. Into the village they slipped stealthily and came to the
lodge of the chief. Soon furtive figures of Indian men were creeping
from this lodge and that until the chiefs and warriors had gathered
in a secret night council with the strangers from the northeast.
La Salle and his men slept on in peace, while Nicanopé and
Omawha and their friends sat in a circle and listened to the words of
the nocturnal visitors. Monso, a Mascoutin chief, was the spokesman,
and with him were five or six Miamis. The burdens they bore were
kettles and hatchets and knives, as presents to accompany the story
they had come so secretly to tell to the Illinois. And this was their
message. La Salle was a friend of the Iroquois. Even now he was on
his way to the enemies of the Illinois on the Great River beyond. He
would give these foes arms and ammunition and come back with
them from the west while the Iroquois closed in from the east. Thus,
surrounded and trapped, the Illinois would meet their ruin. Their
only hope was to prevent La Salle from going farther and from
joining their enemies on the Mississippi.
Monso told his message with effect; and fear fell upon the men of
the Peoria village as they pondered over the warning which had
come to them in this weird night council. Beneath the dirt floor of
the lodge they buried the presents which Monso had brought. The
strangers, having given their disquieting news, slipped out into the
dark and disappeared as quietly as they had come; while the Peoria
men crept back to their lodges and tried to forget the alarm which
Monso had brought into the village.
At the secret council in which Monso and the Miamis told their
story there was one who did not share the fear of his fellows; but he
said nothing. The chief Omawha sat quietly throughout the council
and passed out with his brother chiefs without a word. But in the
early morning he came in secret to La Salle and unfolded to him the
story of the night.
As on the face of the river that had frozen over since the arrival of
the French, there had come by morning a change in the mood of the
Illinois Indians. Yesterday they were happy and friendly, full of
smiles and good words for La Salle and his dark-skinned companion
and the score and more of their men. To-day they were cold and
suspicious. They believed Monso and feared—feared for their homes
and for the lives of every man, woman, and child of the tribes. The
dread of the Iroquois rose fresh in their minds as they saw in the
powerful Frenchmen the allies of their enemies. The cold sun of
winter rose to its highest in the sky and started on its journey down
to the west. Something must be done and at once or they were lost.
Nicanopé sent word to the lodge of La Salle that he was preparing
a feast for him and his men. Presently through the streets of the
Indian town stalked the strange procession of white men on their
way to the feast. From the entrance of every lodge curious Indians
watched the visitors pass. Most of them, perhaps, followed the
movements of La Salle—long of limb and steadfast of face, with
keen eyes, and hair that flowed down over his collar. But many eyes
strayed from him to his dark-faced, black-haired companion, who
appeared to be second in command and whose right arm as he
walked hung by his side with a peculiar heaviness. This man was
Henry de Tonty; and in all the Western world there beat no braver
heart than his. Nor did the gallant La Salle have truer friend and
follower in the troublous days that were at hand.
Besides these two men there were perhaps thirty Frenchmen—
some of them weatherbeaten with many years’ experience in the
wilds, and some of them young and not long arrived from distant
France. Here also were three long-robed and sandaled friars, not
gowned in black like Marquette and the lately departed Allouez, but
in gray gowns and hoods. One was young and short and vigorous;
one was old, yet full of spirit. The third walked with a pompous
tread, and a complacent pride sat upon his round face.
Into the lodge where the feast was to be given the white men
filed and seated themselves with the chiefs and men of the Illinois
tribes. Less than twenty-four hours had passed since the midnight
visitors from the Miami village had told their tale in low voices in the
same lodge. It was not alone a feast that was to be celebrated; for
in the minds of the Illinois was the determination that these bold
men should be stopped by some means from going on to incite their
Western enemies. As they looked upon the two leaders and their
company, hostile were their thoughts, though their eyes did not
show it. Yes, La Salle and his men must be stopped. And so as they
squatted on mats on the earthen floor of the lodge and waited for
the feast, the chief Nicanopé rose and began to speak.
He had not brought the white men there, he said, so much to
feast their bodies as to cure them of the strange madness which
possessed them of going on down the Mississippi. No one went
there except to his death. Terrible tribes who by force of numbers
could overwhelm the French dwelt along the shores. The waters of
the river were full of huge serpents and deadly monsters. Even if
their great canoe saved them from these perils, the channel of the
river ran over rapids and fell in torrents over steep precipices, and
finally shot down into a great abyss where it was lost under the
earth, and no living man knew where it went. Such would be the
awful fate of the French if they pursued their journey farther.
The Peorias squatted in silence as they listened to the chief’s
warning. Surely the white men would not venture into such dangers.
They watched the faces of La Salle and his followers for some flicker
of fear. Upon the countenances of La Salle and Tonty no shadow
moved. Here and there among their men were coureurs de bois—
men who had lived in the Western country and who understood the
words of Nicanopé. They translated them in whispers to their
comrades. Uneasy looks crossed the faces of these less experienced
adventurers, and the keen eyes of the Peorias caught flashes of fear
and dismay on the face of many a French voyager. Their own hearts
rejoiced at these signs of alarm, but their faces showed nothing save
calm unconcern.
But in the words of La Salle they found little comfort when in turn
he rose to reply. For the kindness of Nicanopé in warning them, he
thanked him most cordially. But he was not daunted. If the dangers
were great so much greater would be their glory. Frenchmen were
happy, he said, to perish in carrying the name of their great chief to
the ends of the earth. He believed that the story of deadly perils
related by Nicanopé was prompted either by the friendly desire of
the Illinois to have the white men remain in their village or else by
some evil spirit who had whispered words of distrust. If the Illinois
were in truth friendly to him, let them tell him frankly of the things
which disturbed them. Otherwise he must believe that the friendship
they had first shown came only from their lips.
Nicanopé, discouraged at the failure of his ruse, made no reply,
but presented his guests with food. When they had eaten sagamite
and venison and buffalo meat in silence, La Salle once more rose
and continued his speech. He was not surprised to find the other
tribes jealous of the advantages about to be enjoyed by the Illinois
from their relations with the French, nor was he surprised that the
other tribes should start false rumors; but he was astonished that
the Illinois should believe those tales and hide them from him who
had been so frank. Then he turned and directed his words to the
astounded Nicanopé:—
“I was not asleep, my brother, when Monso last night in secret
told his tales against the French and said that I was a spy of the
Iroquois. Under this very lodge the presents with which he tried to
persuade you of the truth of his story are still buried. Why did he
take his flight so quickly? Why did he not speak to you by daylight if
he spoke the truth?”
The Illinois sat silent, but with agitated minds. Amazement and
awe filled their wary eyes. What manner of man was this who,
though asleep in his lodge, divined the hidden secrets of their
midnight council? What great medicine gave him power over the
things of the night as well as the day? Could he read their thoughts?
The ringing voice of the white man continued:—
“Do you not know that, had I wished, in your confusion at my
arrival, I could have killed you all? What need had I of Iroquois
allies? Could I not this very hour with my soldiers slaughter all your
chiefs and old men while your young men are off on the hunt? Look
at our burdens. Are they not tools and merchandise for your benefit
rather than weapons with which to attack you? Run after this liar
Monso. Bring him back and let him face me whom he has never
seen, yet whose plans he pretends to know.”
There was a short pause. Nicanopé had no word to say. Monso
was gone and a snow had fallen upon his tracks. They could not
trace him and bring him back. Their plans had failed. The leader of
the French was to them now a man of wonder as well as fear. Only
Omawha of all the Illinois understood, but he said not a word. Red
men and white passed out from the feast and returned to their
lodges. The wooded hills across the frozen river swallowed the
winter sun and early twilight closed down upon the white landscape.
By the lodges given up to the Frenchmen, La Salle set a guard,
and then lay down to sleep. Tonty, after a last look at the village,
turned in among the robes. In the other lodges, stretched upon
mats and wrapped in buffalo skins, Indian men lay sleeping or
thinking of the strange happenings of the night and day that were
gone. If any had watched, as mayhap they did, they would have
seen a second nightly gathering—this time in the shadows of the
Frenchmen’s lodges. Six figures stealthily exchanged words and
signs; and then without noise crept past the farthest lodge and out
across the snow toward the village of the Miamis whence Monso had
come. They were some of those Frenchmen upon whose faces the
observant Indians had seen signs of fear at the words of Nicanopé.
An hour went by, when a new light began to touch the sky and
the woods. Out from the lodge of La Salle the tall figure of the
leader stepped into the cold morning air. He looked about in
surprise. Not one of his men was to be seen on guard. With quick,
fierce stride he visited one after another of the lodges. In one of
them he found only a single Frenchman, whose companions had not
taken him into their plot.
Tonty, awaking, found his leader beside him with serious news
upon his lips. Six of their men—cowards and knaves—had preferred
the dangers of exposure and starvation to the dangers which
Nicanopé had described. They had taken advantage of their position
as guards to desert their leader in the hope of reaching the village
from which Monso had come.
 CHAPTER VIII

THE FORT CALLED CRÈVECŒUR

For ten days the air was snapping with cold, and the river beside
the Peoria village remained frozen. In the hearts of the Peorias
lingered the chill of fear, for in spite of his denunciation of Monso
they could not banish their doubts of the French chief; and the
dreaded Iroquois invasion, which had haunted them for years, was
very present in their thoughts as the Frenchmen passed among
them.
When Indians once see fear betrayed in public, they never forget;
and now for some of La Salle’s men the Peorias had only contempt,
for not all of those who had shown fear at the words of Nicanopé
had fled to the woods. Others of the French, such as Ako, the
coureur de bois, were of a different breed. Bold, strong, experienced
in woodcraft by many years in the wilds, they commanded at least
consideration from the Indian warriors.
As for the three gray-robed friars, they did no harm and there was
a curious mystery about their ceremonies that pleased the Indians’
childlike hearts. One of these friars—Father Hennepin—looked far
more like a man who loved the world and the joys of life. He strutted
about the village with all priestly meekness smothered by his interest
in his surroundings. Very conscious was he of his own greatness,
and well satisfied that without him the little band of French would be
in sore straits.
It was with different feelings that the Peorias looked upon La Salle
and Tonty. They feared them greatly and still retained their
suspicions, but with their fear and suspicion there was also respect
and awe. They recognized in them the qualities an Indian loves—
strength, utter fearlessness, and a determination that breaks down
all obstacles. About each of these men there was mystery which
baffled the wits of the Indians and excited their interest even more
than did the medicine men of their own tribes.
Of the past of these two remarkable men the Indians knew
nothing; they could not read the tale of danger and hardship that
had marked the years of La Salle, or the story of the pitfalls and
snares laid by his enemies for his destruction. They could not know
that at Fort Frontenac, when La Salle was on his way to their
country, one of his men had put poison in his food. Nor did they
know of the incident at the Miami portage, where one of his
followers, walking behind, had raised his gun to shoot his leader in
the back and was prevented only by the quick arm of a comrade.
They knew that six of the men had deserted and gone off into the
woods, but they did not know that on that same day in their own
village another of his treacherous knaves had again tried to poison
him.
They knew nothing of the early experiences of Henry de Tonty, of
the seas he had sailed and the fights he had fought by land and
water in the service of the King of France. Nor did they yet know the
faith with which he served his leader and friend La Salle. But a sure
instinct told the red men that here were two men whom they would
love as friends or fear as enemies.
One chill day followed another. Most of the young men were still
off on the hunt and warpath. Those who remained at home mended
their weapons, smoked, and idly watched the women at work on
mats and robes—but never for a moment let go the thought or sight
of the white strangers in their midst.
In the middle of January the ice melted, the air dropped its sting,
and the friendly earth appeared from beneath the snow. La Salle and
the friar Hennepin stepped into a canoe and paddled down the river
to a point half a league below the village. Soon Tonty and the rest of
the band joined them. On the left-hand side of the river, two
hundred paces from the edge of the water, rose a small hill. In front
of it there was a stretch of low swampy ground, and on either side
were deep ravines.
The inquisitive Indians who slipped along the shore to watch the
movements of the white men saw them at work digging a ditch
behind the hill to connect the two ravines. Around the edge of the
hill a line of earth was thrown up, making a wall which sloped down
into ditch and ravine and marsh. Then a palisade of logs was erected
twenty feet high. Inside this stockade in two corners the busy
Frenchmen built lodgings for themselves, a cabin for the three friars
in the third corner, and a storehouse in the fourth. Along the rear
wall the forge was set up, and in the very midst of the inclosure
were the quarters of La Salle and Tonty. To this stronghold beside
the Illinois River, La Salle gave the name of Fort Crèvecœur.
Another work that astonished the Indians still more went on at the
bank of the river. Here the men felled great trees, hewed them into
timbers, sawed planks, and began to build a mighty canoe such as
the men of the tribe had never seen. With a forty-foot keel and a
twelve-foot beam, no Peoria could doubt that it would make its way
safely down the Great River that ran through the land of their
enemies.
Many times did the Indians wonder in their hearts whether or not
the French chief believed in the tales of terror that Nicanopé had
spoken. They saw him little at the village now, for he and his men
had moved down to the new Fort Crèvecœur; but there was never a
time when Indian figures, none too busy at home, did not peer
through the bushes or sit boldly by, fascinated by the busy doings at
the fort and primitive shipyard.
Far to the south, meanwhile, a band of the young men were on
their way home from the warpath. Many leagues ahead of them
hurried one of the band, a young warrior sent on to tell the village of
their approach. Over the plains and through tangled woods he
plodded on weary feet. He was less than three leagues from the
village now, but he was tired and very hungry. As he trudged along,
he came upon a figure somewhat strange to his eyes. But he had
seen the traders who came now and then down the rivers from
Canada and he knew this man for a Frenchman. He saw, what was
more pleasing to his needs, that the stranger carried four wild
turkeys. Far spent with hunger, he called to him and asked for food.
The white man handed him one of the wild turkeys. With eager
hands the Indian lighted a fire, swung over it a kettle which he
carried with him and proceeded to cook the fowl. While the fire
licked the sides of the kettle the strange white man asked him of his
journey and inquired about the Great River that ran through the
countries of the South. The young warrior picked up from the fire a
charred bit of wood and with it drew, on a piece of bark, a careful
diagram which showed the course of the river and the streams that
fell into it. Then he gave the names of these streams and told of the
tribes that dwelt along them, and the white man wrote them down
in his own language on the bark.
Everywhere along the Mississippi the young Indian had traveled in
a pirogue, and never was there a fall or rapids to obstruct his way.
Not even were there sandbars, save near the mouth in the heat of
summer-time. The two men talked of these things for some time,
while the Indian rested and appeased his hunger. Finally the
Frenchman gave to the red man a hatchet and asked him to say to
no one that he had met him. With his lips thus sealed by the white
man’s gift and his stomach made glad by the white man’s game, the
young Indian turned aside and accompanied his new friend with
some awe to the newly built fort, instead of passing on to the
village.
Early on the morning of the next day, in the village of the Peorias,
a group of Indians were gathered in the lodge of one of the chiefs.
They were feasting in great joy upon the meat of a bear—a delicacy
much prized among them. Suddenly a form darkened the entrance
to the lodge and La Salle strode in among the squatted Indians. He
paused in their midst and looked about before he spoke. A smile of
triumph was on his lips.
“Perhaps you do not know,” he said, “that the Maker of all things
takes especial care of the French. In answer to my prayers he has
revealed to me the truth concerning the Great River, which your
frightful tales prevented me from learning.”
Then he went on to tell the astounded Indians of all the windings
of the Mississippi, of the smooth current upon which a canoe might
ride to its mouth. He described each river that entered it from the
east and from the west, and named each tribe that dwelt on its
borders. Nowhere was there fall or rapids to obstruct one’s way, and
only where the river broadened out at the mouth were there
shallows and sand and mud-bars. Each twist and turn, each rocky
cliff and entering stream he seemed to know as if he had spent
months in paddling up and down the river in an Indian pirogue.
The bear meat was forgotten. The Indians sat silent, their hands
clapped to their mouths in amazement. What great power or
“medicine” did this man possess that enabled him to watch what
occurred in secret nightly councils, and to see and describe hundreds
of leagues of the course and valley of the Great River he had never
visited? Like children caught in mischief, they confessed that all he
said was true and that they had deceived him only to keep him in
their midst.
La Salle departed from the lodge, leaving them with troubled
minds. How strange and wonderful were these men of fair faces and
flowing hair. And what did their presence bode for the Indian? Were
they their friends, or were they at heart friends of the Iroquois? Who
knew how near to their villages were bands of painted warriors of
the Five Nations? Yet, though suspicion lay heavy upon their hearts,
they looked with covetous eyes upon the hatchets and knives, the
kettles and weapons that the white men brought.
 CHAPTER IX

THE WHITE INVASION

Not a day passed but the Illinois followed with inquisitive eyes the
movements of the men at the fort. They watched the great white
beams by the river bank as the Frenchmen laid them out and
fastened them together till the growing ship began to look like the
white skeleton of an immense buffalo lying bleached and bare to the
four winds of heaven.
Omawha, the friendly chief, adopted as a son the short young friar
of La Salle’s party; and so the gray robe of Father Membré passed
freely in and out of the lodges of the village. Like one of the chief’s
family, he ate of the Indian fare and slept on buffalo robes beside
smouldering lodge-fires. His fellow-whites were at the new fort; and
he alone watched the coming of spring in the Indian town.
As winter began to break up, the hunting parties came home. The
war party from the South brought captives with them, and the
village became more populous. But Chassagoac, the indefatigable
hunter, was still off in the woods.
Even in the long stretches of the Indian country, winterlocked and
drear, news traveled fast; and the Illinois well knew that runners
were carrying all up and down the Great Valley tales of the white
men among the Peorias, of the fort on the hill, and of the ship that
was to sail down the long river. It was, therefore, with concern that
the Peorias saw one day a gathering of Indians encamped about the
fort. They were Osages and Chickasaws and Arkansas—tribes that
lived along the Mississippi far to the south. And the villagers knew
that they—jealous of the advantages of the Illinois—would tell the
white chief of the easy navigation of the river and urge him to come
down and live in their country.
Not many days passed before another group of Indians arrived,
this time from the Far West—so far beyond the Mississippi River that
they told of long-haired Spaniards who rode to war on horses and
fought with lances. One of the Indians proudly wore at his belt a
tobacco pouch made from the hoof of a horse with some of the skin
of the leg attached. A week later came still another delegation to see
the far-famed whites. They were Sioux from the distant Northwest,
in the land where the Mississippi took its rise; and they were long-
time foes of the tribes of the Illinois.
In the councils of the Illinois Indians there was much debate. Each
chief had his own opinion. It was a time of new and strange
happenings. Long had the Illinois tribe lived proud and comfortable
in the valley. They had hunted and fished up and down the rivers at
their will. In the open spaces before their arbor-like lodges they
gambled and smoked and basked in the summer days, the bright
sun warming their naked bodies. And when they were tired of
basking, they put on their garments of red and black paint, gathered
howling in the war dance, and set out on a raid against the Sacs and
Foxes west of the Lake of the Illinois, or the Sioux by the
headwaters of the Mississippi, or the Osages and Arkansas and other
tribes on its southern banks. Often, too, war came to them, and
sometimes so desperate that even the Indian women fought hand to
hand with the enemy in the spaces between the lodges of the
village.
But of late years had come new dangers. Faint whisperings
reached them of white-faced men who brought from across the sea
weapons that roared like the thunder and smote their victims like
bolts of lightning. Their ancient enemies, the Iroquois, bought these
weapons with furs and carried their ravages upon the Western tribes
with increased deadliness. Then they learned that the white men
themselves were beginning to appear on the Great Lakes—first at
the eastern end, but finally on the shores of Lake Superior and the
Lake of the Illinois.
By and by there pushed out from the Lakes into the valleys of the
Wisconsin and the Illinois, and even as far as the Upper Mississippi,
the black-robed priest and the lone fur trader. Restless coureurs de
bois floated down the rivers in greater numbers. They set up cabins
and wintered in the lands which once the Indians alone knew.
Priests, having come to visit, came again to stay. Soldiers and
explorers pierced the far wilderness. Strange canoes shot up and
down the waters. The ringing of axes sounded in the woods, and
forts sprang up. These new bold habitants brought hatchets that put
the old stone clubs to shame, kettles such as the Indians had never
dreamed of, knives with a deadly edge, blankets of bright color and
fine texture—and the childlike heart of the Indian was made glad.
A new force had come upon the land and the end of the old days
was at hand. No Indian fully realized it. The novelty of the white
man’s ways and the charm of his gifts shortened their vision, and so
they lived each in the eventful present. But as surely as the river
flowed down to the sea, the Great Valley was passing out of their
grasp. The wide reaches of meadow, the leagues of hill and plain,
the waters that ran past a thousand hills, virgin forest for their
game, live soil for their corn, all the freedom and bounty of the
greatest valley in the world had been theirs—a valley to roam over
at will, to hunt in with the changing seasons, to fight for in the glory
of battle among themselves.
The red men did not know that things were really going to be
different, for they were not wise in prophecy. But they were restless
in mind and they felt some of the dangers of the present; for like
children they feared a power they could not understand.
Among the Illinois tribes this vague fear rose and then died out in
the more placid courses of their lives. Then lurking suspicion seized
upon some event and all was alarm again. So it was with other
tribes, for fierce courage and abject terror alternated in the Indian
mind.
 Over on the shores of the Fox River and about the foot of the Lake
of the Illinois lived the nation of Miamis. They were relatives of the
Illinois tribes as well as neighbors, and their language was much the
same. The fear of the Iroquois, armed with white men’s weapons,
had seized such firm hold upon them that once they migrated to the
Mississippi. But in a time of peace they had wandered back to their
former homes. Now and then trouble arose between Miami and
Illinois, and for years they waged war upon each other.
The secret embassy of Monso with his Miami followers left the
Illinois uneasy. How did the Miamis know so much about the
Iroquois? If the Iroquois came, would the Miamis join them against
the people of the Illinois? And what would La Salle and Tonty and
the men at the fort do? Round and round went question and answer
as the spring came on. Soon would Chassagoac, their greatest chief,
be back with his hunters. Perhaps his wisdom might help them.
In the meantime they went about their duties and pleasures in the
village. The end of February, 1680, came, and on the last day of the
month they saw a great stirring—an unusual bustling about and
strutting up and down on the part of the gray-robed Hennepin.
Finally he planted his figure solidly in a canoe laden with skins and
weapons and knives and kettles. The veteran woodsman, Michael
Ako, was with him and Antoine Auguel—called the Picard by his
comrades because he came from Picardy in France. Bidding good-
bye to those on the bank, the three men slipped swiftly down the
current and out of sight. What new move was this?
The Indians wondered until the next day when the village
welcomed the return of one of its hunting parties, just arrived from
down the river. They had passed Ako and his fellows about sundown
the night before and tried to persuade them to return. But no, they
were bound for the land of the Sioux, where Ako meant to trade in
furs and learn of the country; and the affable friar pronounced
himself bound to undertake the great perils of an unknown land to
preach to the Indians of the Upper Mississippi. So the red hunters let
them pass—the boastful friar and his two companions. Little did the
three know what experiences were to befall them before they saw
again the lights of white men’s cabins.
On the day that the hunters returned, those who watched the fort
saw two other canoes set out, this time going up the river. Here was
a still more important event, for in one of the boats was the figure of
La Salle himself. Six Frenchmen were with him, and also a Mohegan
warrior whom they called the Wolf, from the name of his people. The
Indians waited in wonderment. Was the fort being deserted? Not
yet, for the mysterious Tonty, his arm swinging heavily at his side,
passed about among the men at the fort giving orders in the
absence of his chief.
 CHAPTER X

THE MYSTERIOUS HAND

The Indians of the Peoria village were interested spectators of the

events which were being acted out by the band of Frenchmen.
Father Membré lived in their town and they gave him respectful
attention. Among themselves they talked much of his white friends
within the stockaded walls of the fort. There were scarcely a dozen
men with Tonty now, and upon them the Indians looked with a
mixture of curiosity, contempt, and awe. Among them there were
ship carpenters and soldiers, on some of whose faces rascality and
cowardice were written. Had the Peorias not seen them nervous with
fear while Nicanopé told them of the imaginary terrors of the river,
and at a public council, too,—what could more clearly stamp the
coward?
The old friar Ribourde shuffled about in his gray gown and bare
sandaled feet, saying mass among the Frenchmen as Membré did
among the Peorias. The strong-armed man, Le Meilleur, whom his
comrade called La Forge, swung the hammer on the red-hot iron
and mended the tools of the French at the precious forge. Down by
the river, Moyse Hillaret and La Roze and the other shipbuilders and
carpenters laid out and joined together the ribs of the huge wooden
skeleton. Among these brawny men was a muscular young lad from
Paris named Renault, L’Espérance, a brave-hearted young servant of
La Salle, and Boisrondet, a man of higher birth than the rest and a
special friend of Tonty. But it was not of these men that the Peorias
talked most to the bands of hunters and warriors returning now to
the village—it was of La Salle, the white chief, who had left the fort,
and of Tonty, the man of mystery, who remained in charge of the
garrison.
The Indians could not understand the curious commander of the
fort. Why was his skin darker than that of his comrades and his hair
so black—like the hair of their own Indian women, though not so
straight? But most of all they wondered at the queer way in which
he used his right hand. They told the newly arrived Indians of the
day the white men came to the village. At the feast of welcome
Tonty had used his left hand always as he ate of their sagamite and
meat, and now they watched him as he passed here and there
among his men. If he pulled a canoe up on shore or grasped a piece
of timber down at the shipyard it was never with his right hand. Yet
they had seen him deal blows with that mysterious right hand which
had the effect of an Indian war club. With what strange “medicine”
his powerful arm was gifted they could not tell; and it was partly for
that reason that they feared him. Often, in the adventurous years
that followed, red-skinned warriors in many parts of the Great Valley
were startled and awed by the ease with which this man could by
one heavy swing of his right hand break the teeth or crack the skull
of an unruly Indian.
If the Peorias could have looked off into lands they had never
seen and read the events of other times and places, as it now
seemed to them that La Salle could do, they might have found the
explanation of the mystery. Not many years before the white men
came to the Peoria village, the little island of Sicily, in the far-away
Mediterranean Sea, was in the throes of a bitter war. Along its coast
grim-mouthed ships of war and galleys, propelled by the oars of
convicts and captives, bore the flags of three nations—France,
Holland, and Spain.
In one of the battles the figure of Henry de Tonty might have been
seen fighting under the flag of France. For many years he had so
fought—four campaigns on ships of war and three on galleys—and
had gained high rank in the service. But he was not of French birth.
His father had come to Paris as an exile from Naples in the sunny
land of Italy after taking a prominent part in the Neapolitan Revolt of
1647. Sicily like Naples had long been under the hated rule of Spain,
and now the Sicilians rising in revolt had called upon the French for
help. The Spaniards, hard pressed, called a Dutch fleet in to aid
them. So the war was waged, now on sea, now on land; and Tonty,
in the thick of the battle, rejoiced in a struggle to free men of his
father’s country from the Spanish yoke.
The cannon flashed and roared. Men fell all about him. A hand
grenade, thrown by the enemy, burst near by into a thousand pieces
and tore away the right hand of Henry de Tonty. He was captured by
the enemy and held prisoner for six months. Then he was released
in exchange for the governor’s son. In place of his lost member he
substituted a hand of metal which he wore encased in a glove. But
now peace had settled upon the Mediterranean, and the restless
Tonty joined La Salle and came across the sea to where the land was
young and adventure lay in every river valley.
In time the Indians learned the story of his “medicine” arm; and
throughout the Great Valley, from the Lakes to the mouth of the
Mississippi, Tonty came to be known to the tribes as the “Man with
the Iron Hand.”
 CHAPTER XI

“WE ARE ALL SAVAGES”

The winter was a long one in the valley of the Illinois. Food was
scarce and the little band at Fort Crèvecœur had many hungry days.
Once there passed the Peoria village a canoe headed downstream,
and in it the Indians recognized two of the men who had set out
with La Salle. The canoe was loaded to the gunwale with provisions.
Where could the white chief have found such a store? The answer
came later from the lips of Chassagoac himself when he returned
from his winter hunt.
Trailing through the woods one day Chassagoac had seen the
smoke of a camp-fire. Drawing near with two of his men he met a
strange white man who presented him with a red blanket, a kettle,
and some hatchets and knives. Chassagoac soon learned that the
stranger was La Salle, the chief of the company of white men who
had settled near the Peoria village. The white man knew the fame of
Chassagoac, and the two chiefs sat down for a long conference,
during which La Salle told of all the things that had happened at the
village and explained to the red chief that his men at the fort were in
sad need of food. If the red brother would furnish them with
provisions he would repay him on his return from the East.
Then, as the kindly Chassagoac promised his help, the white chief
went on to tell of his plans. He told of the fort and the great ship
that was being built on the riverside. Even now he was on his way to
the East to make peace with the Iroquois for the Illinois, and he
would come back with arms for their defense and with merchandise
to distribute among them; and many more Frenchmen would return
with him to establish themselves at the Illinois villages. He told of his
plans for a great expedition down the river to its mouth, whence he
could set up more easy trade and bring from across the sea goods of
all kinds for the tribes of the Illinois.
Chassagoac was deeply interested, and with generous hand he
filled a canoe with stores from the caches of the deserted Kaskaskia
village near at hand. He urged the white man to return soon, and
assured him that what had been said about the beauty and the easy
passage of the Mississippi was all true. Then after courteous leave-
taking the two chiefs separated. La Salle continued his way up the
river, while two of his men paddled the canoe full of supplies down
the stream to Fort Crèvecœur. After parting from La Salle,
Chassagoac went on with his hunting until the day when he came
once more to the village of his people. Here his arrival was
welcomed by the Indians, whose fears were perhaps somewhat
quieted by his stanch belief in the white men. He spent much time
with the gray-robed friars and talked with them of how he had met
the black-gowned Marquette on the distant shores of the Lake of the
Illinois and had given him part of the deer he had killed. Indeed,
Chassagoac thought so well of the teachings of the friars that he
agreed to follow their strange manitou, and so was baptized after
the manner of the Frenchmen.
Meanwhile two more Frenchmen slipped down the river past the
village to the fort, which they reached about the middle of April. At
once there was much stirring among the whites, and soon Tonty
with a few of his men passed up the river toward the village of the
Kaskaskias. The Indians were curious at this new move. Some time
before the veteran Ako, together with the Picard and the friar
Hennepin, had set off down the stream, and La Salle with more men
had gone up the river the day after. Now even Tonty was departing.
The Indians watched closely the handful of men who remained in
the stockaded walls. Nöel Le Blanc and Nicolas Laurent, the two men
who had lately arrived at the fort, had come with orders from La
Salle to Tonty to build another fort at the upper village. In Tonty’s
absence, Le Blanc seemed to be moving about like a restless spirit,
talking earnestly among the men. With the blacksmith and the ship
carpenters in particular he appeared to be plotting some deep-laid
scheme.
Into the village of the Peorias, likewise, crept strange whisperings
and rumors. Men from other villages came to tell them that their
distrusted neighbors, the Miamis, had been seeking an alliance with
the hated Iroquois. Was the fort to be abandoned, and were the
Frenchmen to creep off by twos and threes leaving the Peorias to be
eaten by the Iroquois?
Presently those who watched the fort saw another party start out.
This time there were five men in the canoe—Father Ribourde,
Boisrondet, L’Espérance, and two others, Petit-Bled and
Boisdardenne. After their departure a strange commotion arose
within the walls of the fort. Ship carpenters ran here and there
plundering the cabins: they tore down the doors, and pillaged and
robbed on every hand. They even overturned the effects in the
lodgings of the priests. Hillaret and the brawny blacksmith forced
open the storehouse and brought out powder and balls and arms,
and furs and merchandise. From every corner of the fortress La Roze
and Le Blanc and their fellow-conspirators gathered things of value.
Then, loaded down with guns and beaver skins and fine linen and
moccasins, they made for the riverside. One man with a sharp
instrument scratched on the gleaming white timbers of the half-built
ship the words, “Nous sommes tous Sauvages”—“We are all
savages”—and the date: “Ce 15 A—1680.” Then off into the woods
they vanished, leaving the fort wrecked and plundered.
Meantime night had come upon the aged friar and his four
companions on their way to Tonty at the upper village. Petit-Bled
and Boisdardenne, in league with the conspirators at the fort, rose
up and spiked the guns of L’Espérance and Boisrondet, and made off
with the canoe after their fellows, leaving the Recollet and the two
young men to find their way on foot and without means of defense
to the village of the Kaskaskias.
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