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OXFORD TEXTBOOKS IN LINGUISTICS
Compositional Semantics
OXFORD TEXTBOOKS IN LINGUISTICS
PUBLISHED
IN PREPARATION
Pauline Jacobson
1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
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© Pauline Jacobson 2014
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First Edition published in 2014
Impression: 1
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contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
To the memory of my parents,
Florence and Nathan Jacobson (Florie and Jake)
Contents
Sections and exercises marked with * are more advanced and/or less central
(and on some occasions intended as open-ended speculation). These may be
skipped with little or no consequence for later sections.
Acknowledgments xv
Foreword: On Using this Book xvii
1. Introduction 3
1.1. Goals 3
1.1.1. Compositional semantics and (some of ) the
goals of semantic theory 4
1.1.2. Direct Compositionality—and its role in this text 8
1.2. A brief note on the history of semantics within
modern linguistic theory 10
1.3. The notion of a “fragment” and its use in this text 12
*1.4. An intriguing puzzle 13
1.5. Appendix: Sets and Functions 19
1.5.1. Sets, members, and subsets 19
1.5.2. Union, intersection, and complement 21
1.5.3. Ordered pairs, relations, equivalence relations,
and partitions 21
1.5.4. Functions 24
2. Semantic foundations 27
2.1. Model-theoretic semantics 27
2.2. Truth conditions 28
2.3. Possible worlds 31
2.3.1. Introducing the notion 31
2.3.2. Characteristic function of a set 35
viii CONTENTS
6. Categorial Grammar 88
6.1. Basics 89
6.2. Syntax/semantics correspondence 92
6.3. Refinements 94
*6.4. Some further observations about syntax: Case marking
and agreement 96
6.5. Further generalizing the rules 98
6.6. and, or, negation, and case-marking prepositions 100
6.7. Summary: The fragment so far 104
CONTENTS ix
References 407
Index 419
Acknowledgments
This book began life as a series of handouts for my Formal Semantics course
in 1998. The handouts grew and were revised over the years until I realized
they were trying to become a book. I owe my greatest debt to the students in
these classes. I never would have undertaken to write this book were it not
for the enthusiasm and insight of my students who have always made
teaching Formal Semantics just plain fun. I am also indebted to three
scholars whose work has influenced my thinking in ways sometimes obvious
and sometimes subtle. The influence of Barbara Partee will be obvious
throughout this book. To David Dowty, I owe an understanding of how
to think “semantically,” and my thinking about Categorial Grammar and
its elegance as a theory of the syntax/semantics interface owes much to the
work of Emmon Bach. The way of thinking that I learned directly or
indirectly from these three semanticists has shaped in various ways the
point of view taken in this book, and the way the material is put together.
Oxford University Press provided me with three detailed and extraordin-
arily helpful referee reports. Probably none of the referees will be satisfied
with all of my decisions, but hopefully each will find ways in which their
thoughtful comments have greatly improved the manuscript. I thank also
Chris Kennedy both for very helpful comments on the manuscript and for
“dry-running” parts of it in his courses.
I owe a huge debt to Peter Klecha, who did a heroic job of going through
the manuscript in detail—working through all of the exercises to make sure
they were doable (indeed sometimes they weren’t), to make sure they were
not presupposing material not yet introduced (indeed, sometimes they
were), and to make sure the formalism was consistent (indeed, sometimes
it wasn’t). I have been amazed at Peet’s ability to see just what a student new
to the material could or could not be expected to do, and at his astute
reading of the material which saved me from some embarrassing mistakes.
I am also extremely indebted to Jackson Golden, who has done a fantastic
xvi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Each instructor will no doubt find her or his own most useful path through
this book (or parts of it), but some suggestions might be helpful. The book
obviously contains more material than can realistically be covered in a
single semester’s introductory formal semantics course. In teaching this
material myself in introductory formal semantics courses (with a mix of
graduate students and advanced undergraduates) I have found that I can
teach most of the material through Part III plus Chapter 16 and a brief foray
into one other of additional topics in Part IV, although I do not go through
the material in the full detail given here. (One reason for writing such a book
is so that students can get more detail on their own.) Hence, an instructor
might choose to do (most of) Chapters 1–15, and one or two additional
chapters in Part IV. One plan for this is to spend about three to four weeks
on the material through Chapter 5, one week on Chapters 6 and 7 com-
bined, and then approximately one chapter a week for the rest (Chapter 12
could take less than a week and Chapter 15 probably more). Depending on
the students’ background, another reasonable semester’s goal might instead
be to work in detail through Part II and then approach some of the material
in Part III. The material would also probably work as the full text for a two-
quarter or one-year semantics course (perhaps supplemented at the end with
some readings from original sources), and the later material can be the basis
of a more advanced course, supplemented with readings from the literature.
I hope that the book might also be used by students already familiar with
basic formal semantics but not familiar with the viewpoint of Direct Com-
positionality (or not familiar with Categorial Grammar); such a student can
systematically work through the material from what would be for them a
new point of view. This could easily be part of a second-semester or second-
year semantics course.
There are some choice points in the order in which to read the material.
I myself always teach Chapter 16 (on Negative Polarity Items) right after
Chapter 10. This is because once students have learned about generalized
quantifiers, they have the tools to approach the domain of Negative Polarity
Items. I feel it is an especially satisfying reward—after working through
xviii FOREWORD: ON USING THIS BOOK
the issue of Direct Compositionality. For those who are not fans of the
variable-free approach, I don’t want to leave the impression that if variable-
free semantics is wrong, so is Direct Compositionality: there is a very good
Direct Compositional semantics of pronouns using variables. So in order
to allow access to a discussion of that intermediate position, I have made
it available on the textbook website, which is <http://sites.clps.brown.edu/
compositional.sem>.
One further decision that some have found unusual is to delay the formal
introduction of the lambda calculus until Chapter 9 which is the end of
Part I. There is a reason for this. I want to stress that this is just a convenient
notation for writing model-theoretic objects, and not some level of repre-
sentation that is a crucial part of the theory. (For example, lambda conver-
sion is not intended as a rule of grammar, but just as a way to convert one
way of writing a model-theoretic object into another way of writing it.) To
stress the difference between the notation and the actual meanings of
expressions, I have always found it helpful to try to use ordinary prose in
naming model-theoretic objects wherever possible, even when this prose
leads to cumbersome descriptions like “the set of all sets that contain the
dog-set as a subset.” Eventually, of course, English prose gets too cumber-
some (and is not sufficiently unambiguous) and we need a better notation
(hence the lambda calculus). But I find that insisting on prose whenever
possible alongside with a clearer notation is helpful—not only for under-
standing that notation is just that, but also to get a better intuition about
fancy objects like sets of sets or functions from sets of sets to truth values.
However, an instructor who prefers to make use of the lambda calculus
earlier can move Chapter 9; it could have been placed after Chapter 6.
For the student with no prior background in elementary set theory, I have
included an appendix to Chapter 1 that contains all of the basic notions of
set theory, ordered pairs, relations, and functions that are necessary for the
later material. There is quite a bit of material there, and so I would recom-
mend that a student with no relevant background just read the discussion of
sets first, and then come back to subsequent notions as they appear in the
text. It is often easiest to absorb this material when one has a reason to do
so, and when it is in the context of the fuller semantic theory for which it is
being pressed into service.
A word about the sections and exercises marked with an asterisk. These
are more advanced and any of them truly can be skipped (especially on a
first pass through the material). They are intended to provide greater
coverage and depth for the ambitious and curious student, and the starred
xx FOREWORD: ON USING THIS BOOK
1.1. Goals
This book stems from a belief that linguistic semantics is a beautiful field,
that the tools used to study formal semantics have yielded a rich body of
results about fascinating and subtle data, that the field continues to produce
exciting new insights at an impressive rate,1 and that there are simple and
1
Readers wishing a taste of many of the ongoing developments in formal
semantics and in the syntax/semantics interface might want to look at the journals
Linguistics and Philosophy (Springer), Natural Language Semantics (Springer),
Journal of Semantics (Oxford University Press), and Semantics and Pragmatics
(online journal, available at <http://semprag.org/>), among many other journals.
Regular conferences at which cutting-edge research is presented include the annual
Semantics and Linguistic Theory (SALT) conference, Sinn und Bedeutung (also
annual), the biannual Amsterdam Colloquium for Language, Logic, and Informa-
tion, and Semantics of Underrepresented Languages of the Americas, as well as
most of the more general regular linguistics conferences. Of course, most of the work
in these venues will not be accessible to a student just learning formal semantics, but
it is hoped that this book will give a large part of the necessary background for
following at least some of this research. In any case, a glance at the list of papers in
4 1. INTRODUCTION
elegant tools to model how the syntax and semantics of a natural language
work together. We begin with a very elementary “fragment” of English and
proceed to expand it further and further—adding tools as needed but aiming
to keep the basic machinery relatively simple. The goal of proceeding in this
way is to account for a domain of data which is sufficiently rich as to show
the excitement of studying formal semantics and its interaction with syntax.
We note one limitation from the outset: this book concentrates entirely on
the analysis of English. The project of modeling the semantics and the
syntax/semantics interaction of any single language already provides such
a rich set of results that one can hopefully find this limitation justified for an
introductory book like this. In fact, the results that have been gleaned from
a detailed modeling of one language have in recent years allowed the field to
expand so as to provide a wealth of analyses of other languages.2 This book
hopes to give the foundation to approach that literature.
any of these venues can give the reader a taste of the richness of the domain of
inquiry within linguistic semantics.
2
Much cross-linguistic semantic work can be found in the journals and confer-
ence proceedings cited in footnote 1. An early edited volume on this is Bach et al.’s
Quantification in Natural Languages. There is now also an annual conference
Semantics of Underrepresented Languages of the Americas with published confer-
ence proceedings. And many of the specialized conferences on individual languages
and language families regularly include work on semantics.
1.1. GOALS 5
One can keep forming longer and longer expressions like this by adding new
relative clauses (each of the phrases that begin with who here is what is
commonly known as a relative clause). But while this is often put in terms of
a speaker’s ability to recognize that these are well-formed, that is surely only
part of the story. Even more interesting (at least to a semanticist) is the fact
that speakers know how to interpret these expressions. The rule system that
speakers have unconsciously learned is hardly just a system to determine
whether a given string of words is an expression of the language in question
(here English); language would be quite useless if it were just a collection of
meaningless strings.
And so, in modeling what a speaker of English “knows” (in an uncon-
scious sense, of course) about her/his language we want to predict how it is
that s/he can understand expressions like those in (1) no matter how many
relative clauses they contain. Thus speakers obviously have as part of their
knowledge a finite set of basic items—call these the words and call the
collection of the basic items the lexicon. (Here and for most of this text we
ignore the distinction between words and morphemes.) Since the lexicon is
finite, the meanings of the basic items can be learned on a case-by-case basis.
But this obviously cannot be the case for the larger expressions: there has to
be some systematic set of principles that speakers have that allows them to
understand their meanings on the basis of the meanings of the smaller parts
(ultimately the words) that make them up. This is the system which is called
the compositional semantics—and one of the jobs of a theory of the seman-
tics (of any language) is to model the rules and/or principles which allow
speakers to understand an unlimited number of expressions. This book is
primarily about just this.
Let’s look a bit more at the expressions in (1). When a speaker utters any
of these expressions—perhaps as part of a fuller sentence like in (2)—the act
of uttering these expressions takes place in a fuller discourse context, and we
understand them relative to facts about that context:
(2) We need to make sure to order academic regalia which is long enough to fit the
tallest linguistics major (who is graduating in December (who . . . ))
6 1. INTRODUCTION
3
In reality there could conceivably be two individuals of exactly the same height.
But use of the expressions in (1) does seem to assume that there is a unique referent
for these. This is sometimes called a presupposition; these are rather odd expressions
if the speaker knows that there are two individuals with exactly the same height (in
that case the speaker might have said the two tallest linguistics majors).
1.1. GOALS 7
This book has a rather ambitious set of goals. On the one hand, I intend this
to be a stand-alone text for anyone wishing to have an introduction to
formal semantics, compositional semantics, or what is commonly known
as the syntax/semantics interface. In other words, we will be asking (as in the
above example) what a compositional semantics might look like: how can
we model the tools available (again, of course, unconsciously) to speakers
of a language that allow them to compute meanings of larger expressions
from the meanings of the smaller ones that make them up. What are the
formal ways in which meanings combine? And what are the types of objects
that we need in order to model that? (For example, the discussion above
shows that some simple tools of set theory can be useful.)
But while most semanticists agree that (in general) the meaning of a larger
expression is built in some systematic way from the meanings of the parts
that make it up, just exactly how the syntactic system of a language and
the compositional semantics work together is a matter of considerable
controversy, and is one of the central questions addressed in this book.
And so this book takes one particular point of view on this: the point of view
known as Direct Compositionality. This view was explored perhaps most
notably in Montague (1970) and was either generally accepted or at least
taken as a serious desideratum in much of the work in linguistic formal
semantics throughout the 1970s and 1980s (particularly work in what was
then known as the Montague Grammar program). It was also taken as
the foundation for semantics in syntactic theories such as Generalized Phrase
Structure Grammar (Gazdar, Klein, Pullum, and Sag 1985), and is assumed
in a large body within current grammatical theories that go under the rubric
of Categorial Grammar, Type-Logical Grammar, and other related theories.
1.1. GOALS 9
4
Of course one of the earliest arguments in Generative Grammar for divorcing
the syntax from the semantics (and thus a putative argument against Direct Com-
positionality) is based on the claim that there are well-formed expressions that don’t
have any meaning (Chomsky 1957). This is addressed in section 7.1.
10 1. INTRODUCTION
5
A much more extensive and authoritative history of the development of formal
semantics within modern linguistic theory can be found in Partee (forthcoming).
1.2. THE HISTORY OF SEMANTICS 11
broadening the domain of inquiry and results. From there was born the
enterprise known as Montague grammar6 which eventually gave rise to the
more general subfield of formal semantics. Montague himself died in 1971,7
and the field of formal semantics evolved in many ways quite different from
the original work in Montague grammar. Nonetheless, many of the basic
tools of linguistic formal semantics as it is developed to this day stem
from some of this early work cited above. Since the late 1970s the field has
blossomed, and is now within linguistics generally considered as one of the
core areas along with at least phonology and syntax.
6
An excellent introduction to the general program of Montague semantics and
an explication especially of Montague (1973) can be found in Dowty, Wall, and
Peters (1981).
7
Montague was murdered on March 7, 1971. No arrest was ever made in
conjunction with the murder.
*1.4. AN INTRIGUING PUZZLE 13
But now suppose that I can’t remember Betty’s name, although I do remem-
ber that her husband’s name is Bert. I can answer with either (4a) or (4b):
(4) a. Oh yes, I especially enjoyed talking to—oh, I can’t remember her name—
you know, the woman who is married to Bert.
b. Oh yes, I especially enjoyed talking to—oh, I can’t remember her name—
you know, the wife of Bert.
((4b) would sound more natural if we substituted Bert’s wife for the wife of
Bert; this will not impact on the ultimate point and the exposition is
simplified using (4b).)
Now, let us tweak the scenario slightly and assume that I am one of those
people who just doesn’t remember names very well. As a result, I remember
neither Betty’s name nor Bert’s name, although I do remember the interest-
ing fact that they are the only couple at the party who have been sweethearts
since childhood. As an answer to your question, (5) would be quite natural:
(5) Oh yes, I especially enjoyed talking to—oh, I can’t remember her name—you
know, the woman who is married to her childhood sweetheart.
(We are taking liberties with the * notation here. This is generally used in
works in syntax to indicate something that is ill-formed. (6) in fact is fine,
just not on the intended reading; and we will continue to notate a sentence
with an asterisk in front of it when we mean “bad on a particular reading”
provided that it is clear what the intended reading is.) It should be noted that
some speakers find the contrast rather subtle but there is general agreement
that (6) is stranger than (5).
All of these examples contain various extra material (the parentheticals,
etc.) which are there to make them sound natural and conversational. But as
we proceed it will be convenient to strip away the parts that are irrelevant to
figuring out the semantics, so we can recast (6) as (7)—also impossible as an
answer to the question and in this context:
(7) *I especially enjoyed talking to the wife of her childhood sweetheart.
*1.4. AN INTRIGUING PUZZLE 15
Of course, (7) is a perfectly good sentence, but it cannot be used in our party
scenario as a way to identify Betty.
Since some readers do find the contrast subtle, two points are worth
noting. First, one should resist the temptation to recast (7) in one’s mind
as I especially enjoyed talking to the one who’s the wife of her childhood
sweetheart or I especially enjoyed talking to the woman who’s the wife of her
childhood sweetheart. That would be cheating; the point is not to find a
closely related way to say the same thing but to notice that the actual way in
(7) contrasts with I especially enjoyed talking to the woman who is married to
her childhood sweetheart (and contrasts with the above variants too). As to
why these variants are good, we return to that shortly. Moreover, while the
contrasts above may be subtle for some speakers, there is a related mystery
where the facts dramatically pop out. Thus take (8) in the same scenario,
where the only people at issue are Alice, Betty, and Cathy:
(8) Betty is the only woman who is married to her childhood sweetheart.
This can be making two different claims. The obvious one in this scenario is
that Cathy is not married to Cathy’s childhood sweetheart, and Alice is not
married to Alice’s childhood sweetheart. The other is the “non-polygam-
ous” reading: it asserts that Bert (or whoever Betty’s husband might be)
has only one wife. Since we (generally) assume that people have just one
wife, this reading (given standard assumptions) is not the first one that
someone would think of since it is less likely to be conveying any interesting
information. But despite the fact that the non-polygamous reading is the
less obvious one for (8), it is the only reading (or at least the one that pops
out first) for (9):
(9) Betty is the only wife of her childhood sweetheart.
Why should that be? We’ll put (8) and (9) aside for the moment, and return
to the simpler case of (7).
So the mystery is why (7) is bad as a way to identify Betty. This is especially
puzzling in that both (4b) and (5) are perfectly good—or, to give their
stripped-down versions, (10) and (11) are both fine. Each one differs minim-
ally from our bad case, yet neither of these two has any problem.
(10) I especially enjoyed talking to the woman who is married to her childhood
sweetheart.
So surely there is nothing incoherent or wrong with the meaning that (7) is
trying convey, for (10) is just a slightly different form and conveys exactly
this meaning. Hence the puzzle has something to do with the mapping
between syntax and semantics: why one is a good way to package the
relevant information while the other is not.
We can informally recast the puzzle in the following way. Compare
the two expressions the woman who is married to Bert and the wife of Bert.
(Following a long tradition within linguistics, we will refer to these as NPs,
which comes from “noun phrases.” They are also in much modern literature
referred to as DPs, for “determiner phrases,” but we stick to the more
traditional terminology in this text.)8 Both of these can correspond to
meanings that we can (roughly and informally) represent as (12):
(12) the x: x is a woman and x is married to Bert
But while the object NP in (10) can be represented as in (11), the object NP
in (7) cannot:
(13) the x: x is a woman and x is married to x’s childhood sweetheart
The basic phenomenon here was discussed in, among others, Jacobson (1977)
(where it was called Langendoen’s constraint), Chomsky (1981 under the
rubric of i-within-i condition), and many since. As there seems to be nothing
wrong with the meaning, we can assume that the phenomenon in question has
something to do with the way the syntax and semantics interact.
Notice that we have given a kind of formula (and one that uses a
“variable” x) to represent the meanings in question, but for now we should
think of these simply as placeholders to bring out the intuition. After all,
recasting her in the above examples as x doesn’t really immediately give us
the tools for computing the meanings of the expression: we have traded a
8
In theories which use the term DP, the NP is used instead to refer to material
after the Determiner; e.g., mother of Romeo in an expression like the mother of
Romeo. Here we will be calling this simply N (i.e., a “noun”) and allowing terms like
N to refer both to simple material consisting of just one word and to complex
material. This is discussed further in Chapter 6. We are aware that this will initially
cause some confusion to a reader who is used to using “NP” to mean a noun and its
complement, but it is well worth becoming fluent in both sets of terminologies. The
terminology here is the traditional one found in large amounts of literature not only
in syntax and semantics but in neighboring fields like psycholinguistics, philosophy,
cognitive science, etc.
*1.4. AN INTRIGUING PUZZLE 17
pronoun her for a variable x. But this accomplishes little until we have a way
to think about what a variable like x means. (Indeed this is explored in detail
in Chapters 9 and 15, including developing an alternative view that does not
make use of variables in the semantics.) We thus caution that formulas like
(12) and (13) are best seen simply as informal and helpful ways to bring out
the intended meanings. Similarly, one often sees indices used in the literature
as a way to bring this out; one will find discussions using the notation in
(14) and (15) to make the point, where the indexation in (14) indicates
a good possible reading for the NP while (15) cannot be understood in the
intended way:
(14) the womani whoi is married to heri childhood sweetheart
Much work in grammatical theory actually assumes that NPs and pronouns
come with (obviously silent) indices in the syntax; here we will be using indices
from time to time simply as a way to notate intended readings without any
commitment to their being actual pieces of grammatical machinery.
Before leaving this (for now), there’s one other interesting point to
notice. However we ultimately state the principle, the claim is that an NP
like the wife of her childhood sweetheart cannot correspond to the meaning
shown earlier in (13):
(13) the x: x is a woman and x is married to x’s childhood sweetheart
But one might think that this is not really correct, since it is in fact just fine to
use (16) as a way to identify Betty:
(16) I especially enjoyed meeting the woman who is the wife of her childhood
sweetheart.
This point was made earlier; many speakers on reading (7) tend to recast
it in their minds as (16). Similarly, (17) is impeccable on the understanding
where her is Betty:
(17) Betty is the wife of her childhood sweetheart.
But a close reflection reveals that this does not threaten the generalization.
Again, using indices or variables simply as a convenient way to elucidate
the point, it is easy to see in (17) that her need not be “coindexed with” (or
“correspond to the same variable as”) wife but rather it just refers directly
to Betty. That is, we can represent it as in (18a) using indices, or as in (18b)
using the more spelled-out formula (though still quite informal).
18 1. INTRODUCTION
Since we are asserting identity between Betty and the person married to
Betty’s childhood sweetheart, it of course follows that Betty is married
to Betty’s childhood sweetheart and so the full sentence (16) will end up
with the relevant meaning.9 But the claim that the object NP itself (the wife
of her childhood sweetheart) does have the meaning represented in (12) is
not threatened. The same point holds for (17), whose meaning can be
represented as (19a) or (19b).
(19) a. the womanj whoj is the wifei of herj childhood sweetheart
b. the y: y is a woman and y = the x: x is a woman and x is married to y’s
childhood sweetheart
Is there a way to confirm that this is the right sort of explanation for
these apparent counterexamples? Indeed there is, and it centers on the
contrast between (8) and (9) which was discussed earlier. We leave it to
the interested reader in the exercise to play with this and get a sense of
why (8) is ambiguous and (9) is not. Having completed that, one should
be able to see how it is that this gives support for the explanation
offered above as to why (17) does not threaten the claim that the wife
of her childhood sweetheart cannot correspond to the meaning shown
informally in (12).
9
This general observation—although for a slightly different case—was made in
Postal (1970) who distinguished between “presuppposed” coreference and “asserted”
coreference. Here the fact that Betty and the wife of her childhood sweetheart end up
“referring” to the same individual is exactly what the sentence is asserting.
1.5. APPENDIX: SETS AND FUNCTIONS 19
As noted at the outset of this section, the goal here is just to provide a
mystery to whet the reader’s appetite; the tools needed to provide a hypoth-
esis as to the explanation of the mystery will be developed later.
Since the notions of sets and of functions are crucial throughout this
book, some formal definitions and discussion are provided here for readers
not entirely familiar with these notions. We begin with the notion of a set.
A set is simply any collection of objects (it can have a finite number of
objects, an infinite number, or none at all). For example, we can talk
about the set of positive integers less than 10; sets can be notated by listing
the members and enclosing the list in curly brackets: {1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9}. The
order in which they are listed makes no difference; a set is just a collection of
things without any order. So if we were to write {2,5,3,4,9,7,8,1,6}, this
names the same set. Each integer in this set is called a member or an element
of the set. If we were to name this set A, then the notation 4 ∈ A means
that 4 is a member (or element) of A. Something either is or is not in a set; it
makes no sense to say it occurs twice (or more) in the set. Note also that a
set can have a single member; this is called a singleton set. Thus {4} is the
set with only one member; this set is distinct from 4 itself. (4 is a member
of {4}.)
A set can have an infinite number of members; the set of positive integers
for example is infinite. Obviously this can’t be named by listing the mem-
bers. One can in this case specify the set by a recursive procedure. Call the set I,
then one can specify I by two statements: (a) (what is known as the base step):
1 ∈ I, and (b) (the recursion step) if n ∈ I then n+1 ∈ I. (It is understood
when one lists things this way that nothing else is in I.) One will also often
see a notation which describes rather than lists the members. For example,
we can write the following set, call it B: {x|x is a New England state}. This
names a finite set, and so we could also give B in list form as follows:
{Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con-
necticut}. These two are just different notations for naming the same set.
This can also be used, of course, for infinite sets. Take, for example, the set
20 1. INTRODUCTION
{x|x is an integer and x > 9}. This names the set of integers greater than 9.
And, a set can have no members. There is only one such set; its name is the
null set or the empty set, and is generally written as . Of course, there are
other ways one can describe the null set. For example, the set of integers each
of which is greater than 9 and less than 10 is the empty set. The cardinality of
some set refers to the number of elements in that set; the notation |B| means
the cardinality of B. Hence, given our set B above, |B| is six.
Take some set A. Then a subset of A is any set all of whose members are
also in A. Suppose, for example, we begin with a set C which is {1,2,3}. Then
{1,2} is a subset of C, as is {1,3} and so forth. The notation for the subset
relation is . The full definition of subset is as follows: B A if and only if
every member of B is a member of A. From this it follows that every set is
a subset of itself (so for the set C above, one of its subsets is the set {1,2,3}).
It is, however, sometimes convenient to refer to those subsets distinct
from the original set; in that case we can talk about a proper subset of
some set. The symbol for this is , so B ` if and only if B A and B 6¼
A. Since the definition of subset says that B is a subset of A if and only
if everything that is in B is also in A, it follows that if nothing is in
B then B is a subset of A. thus the null set is a subset of every other set.
Sets themselves can have sets as members, and so one can talk about
the set of all subsets of a set A. This is called the power set of A, written
as P (A). For example, given the set C above, P (A) = {, {1}, {2}, {3},
{1,2}, {1,3}, {2,3}, {1,2,3}}.
*1.3. If a set A has n members, then the number of subsets of A is 2n. Try
to see why this is true. Hint: for every member x of some set A, then for
each subset B of A, x is either in B or is not in B.
1.4. How many members does the following set have: {}?
*1.5. What is P ()?
We will also have occasion to talk about the reverse of the subset
relation—i.e., the superset relation. A is a superset of B if and only if B is
a subset of A. The notation for this is A B. Once again this is defined in
such a way that every set is a superset of itself; a superset of B which is not
identical to B is called a proper superset, and the notation for this is .
1.5. APPENDIX: SETS AND FUNCTIONS 21
Take any two sets A and B. Then there is a set C which consists of
everything that is in A and everything that is in B. This is called the union
of A and B, and is written A [ B. For example, if A is {1,2,3} and B is
{2,4,6} then A [ B is {1,2,3,4,6}. Moreover, for any two sets A and B the
intersection of A and B is the set of all things that are in both A and B. This is
written A \ B. So, for example, in the case directly above, the intersection of
A and B is {2}. Or, if we were to intersect the set of integers which can be
evenly divided by 2 (the set of even integers) with the set of integers which
can be evenly divided by 3, we end up with the set of integers that can be
evenly divided by 6.
1.6. a. For any two sets A and B such that A B, what set is A [ B?
b. For any two sets A and B such that A B, what set is A \ B?
One final useful notion here is the complement of a set. The complement
of some set A is the set of all things which are not in A (this is sometimes
notated as A0 ). Usually one talks about this notion with respect to some
larger domain. Strictly speaking, the complement of {1,2,3} would include
not only all integers greater than 3 but also all sorts of other numbers (like
1/3), the sun, my dog Kiana, and the kitchen sink. Rarely are we interested
in that sort of set; so in practice when one talks about “the complement of
some set A” this is generally with respect to some larger set B of which A is a
subset. Then the complement of A refers to all things in B that are not in
A (this is notated as B-A). For example, when restricting the discussion to
the set of positive integers, the complement of {1,2,3} is the set of all integers
greater than 3.
Sets are unordered collections of objects. But it is quite useful (as will
become very apparent as this book proceeds) to be able to talk about
pairs of objects that are ordered in some way. An ordered pair is just that:
22 1. INTRODUCTION
it is two objects with some ordering between them. If the two objects are a
and b, then (a,b) is an ordered pair; (b,a) is a different ordered pair. An
ordered pair need not contain distinct items: (a,a) is an ordered pair. In
applying this to actual natural relations that exist in the world we are
generally interested in sets of ordered pairs. (One can generalize this notion
to ordered triples and so forth; an ordered n-tuple means an ordered list of
n items.)
This notion is easiest to grasp with some concrete examples. Take again
the set {1,2,3}, and take the relation “is greater than.” Then this can be seen
as a set of ordered pairs; if we are restricting this to items from our little 1-2-3
set, this would be the set {(2,1), (3,1), (3,2)}. Now suppose we instead take the
following set of ordered pairs: {(2,1), (3,1), (3,2), (1,1), (2,2), (3,3)}. Then
(restricting this again to our 1-2-3 set) we have now actually listed the
relation “is greater than or equal to.” Or, take the set {(1,1), (2,2), (3,3)}.
That is the relation “is equal to” (defined for the set of integers {1,2,3}).
In other words, what we are calling a relation is just some set of ordered
pairs. In the example above, both the first and second member of each
ordered pair was drawn from the same set (the set {1,2,3}). But this is not
necessary; we can have a set of ordered pairs each of whose first member
is drawn from some set A and the second member from some set B where
A and B are different (they can, but need not, have some of the same
members). For example, the relation “is the capital of” is a relation between
cities and states; it can be expressed as a set of ordered pairs of the general
form {(Providence, Rhode Island), (Boston, Massachusetts), (Springfield,
Illinois), (Pierre, South Dakota), . . . } (the . . . here is a shorthand for the
remaining 46 pairs).
Take two sets A and B (they could be the same set or different). Then A x B
refers to the set of all ordered pairs whose first member is in A and whose
second member is in B. (This is also called the Cartesian product of A and B.)
As in the case above, it is helpful to give the intuition of this by coming up
with some concrete example. Suppose we take as our set A some group
of professors—say, Professor Magoo, Professor Carberry, and Professor
Glazie. Call that set P (for shorthand, let’s call its members m, c, and g, so
P is the set {m,c,g}). Now suppose we have a set S which consists of three
students who we will just indicate as x, y, and z (so S = {x,y,z}). Then P x S =
{(m,x}, (m,y), (m,z), (c,x), (c,y), (c,z), (g,x), (g,y), (g,z)}. Suppose that Magoo
wrote a letter of recommendation for all three students, Carberry wrote one
for only y, and Glazie wrote one for y and z. Then the relation “wrote a
1.5. APPENDIX: SETS AND FUNCTIONS 23
1.5.4. Functions
A function takes every member of some set A and assigns it a value from a
set B (B could be the same set as A, but need not be). This can also be
formalized using the notion of a set of ordered pairs. Thus, consider two sets
A and B (which again could be the same but need not be). Then, a (total)
function from A to B is any set of ordered pairs (i.e., any subset of A x B)
such that for each a in A, there is one and only one ordered pair with a as
first member. Thus if we think of the function f as assigning to each a in
A some values in B, note that the criterion above ensures that each member
of A is indeed assigned a value, and is assigned a unique value. A is referred
to as the domain of the function, and B is referred to as the co-domain. For
any function f and any a in the domain of f, we write f(a) to indicate the
value that f assigns to a. (To use other common terminology, f(a) means
1.5. APPENDIX: SETS AND FUNCTIONS 25
the result that one gets by applying the function f to a.) There is no
restriction that each member of B must appear as second member of some
ordered pair; the term range of the function f is the set of all b in B such that
there is some a such that f(a) = b. Note that these definitions are such that
the range of a function is a subset of the co-domain. In practice (at least in
works within linguistics) the terms “range” and “co-domain” are often not
distinguished.
As noted above, there is no restriction that each member of B appear as
second member of an ordered pair. Nor is there a restriction that it appear
only once. If each member of B is used as a value only once (that is, for each
b in B, there is a unique a such that f(a) = b) then B obviously can be no
smaller than a. It can have more members, or it can be the same size. If the
latter is the case, then it also follows that for every b in B, there is some a
such that f(a) = b. When both conditions above hold (i.e., for each b in B,
there is one and only one a such that f(a) = b, we say that there is a one-to-
one correspondence between A and B. Note that for any function f which is a
one-to-one correspondence, there is a corresponding function f-1 which is
just the reverse: it is a function mapping each member of B to a member of
A such that for all a in A and b in B, if f(a) = b then f-1(b) = a.10
We will have some occasion to talk about the notion of a partial function.
A partial function is one where not every member of A is actually assigned a
value by f; f is undefined for some subset of A. (Of course any partial
function f is also a total function with a smaller domain.) We can illustrate
this by returning to our earlier example of ordered pairs of US cities and
states, where the first member of each ordered pair is the capital of the
second. This is a partial function from the set of US cities to states (not every
US city is a capital). We can reverse it, and have each state as the first
member of the ordered pair and the second as its capital (this function could
be expressed in prose as has as its capital). This is now a total function from
10
Incidentally, the notion of the availability of a one-to-one correspondence can
be used to define what it means for two sets to have the same cardinality. Obviously
for two finite sets it is clear what it means to have the same cardinality, since we can
count the members. But consider the case of infinite sets. Take the following two
sets: A = the set of positive integers {1,2,3, . . . } and B = the set of positive even
integers {2,4,6, . . . }. Both are infinite. Surprisingly (when one first hears this) they
are also of the same cardinality, because one can establish a one-to-one correspond-
ence between them (each member of A is paired with a member of B by multiplying
by 2: we will never run out of members in B).
26 1. INTRODUCTION
the set of states (every state does have a capital) to the set of US cities. But it
is not a one-to-one correspondence for the same reason that our original
relation is not a total function; there are many cities without the honor of
being a capital.
Occasionally in this text it will be useful to list out some actual
functions—that is, to name every member in the domain and name what
the function at issue maps that member to. There are a variety of ways one
could do this. To illustrate, take a domain of four children {Zacky, Yonnie,
Shelley, and Baba} (call that set C) and four men {Abe, Bert, Carl, David}
(call that set M). Suppose there is a function f from C to M which maps each
child to their father. Assume that Abe is the father of Zacky and Yonnie,
Bert is the father of Shelley, and David is the father of Baba. Then one can
write this information out in various ways. One would be to simply give the
set of ordered pairs: {(Zacky, Abe), (Yonnie, Abe), (Shelley, Bert), (Baba,
David)}. Usually this notation, however, is not terribly easy to read. We
could also write this out in either of the ways shown in (20):
(20) a. f(Zacky) = Abe b. Zacky ! Abe
f(Yonnie) = Abe Yonnie ! Abe
f(Shelley) = Bert Shelley ! Bert
f(Baba) = David Baba ! David
Or, sometimes it is more convenient to list out the domain on the left and the
co-domain on the right and connect them with arrows as in (21):
(21) Zacky Abe
Yonnie Bert
Shelley Carl
Baba David
point is that the grammar maps each linguistic expression into something
beyond just a symbolic representation. Otherwise—as so aptly pointed out
by David Lewis (1970)—we are simply mapping one language (say, English)
into another (what Lewis termed “Markerese”). Yet language is used to
convey facts about the world; we draw inferences about the world from
what we hear and we gain information about what is true and what is not.
So semantics must be a system mapping a linguistic expression to something
in the world.
But what exactly is meant by model-theoretic objects? These can in fact be
quite abstract. Still, they are the “stuff” that is out there in the universe—
something constructed out of actual bits of the universe (or, at least, the
ontology of the universe as given by language). This would include things
like individuals, times, possibilities, and perhaps others; just what are the
basic objects that we need is an open question and is part of what semantic
theory addresses. The strategy here will be to use a fairly sparse set of
primitive objects, and construct more complex objects out of these. Let us,
then, begin by setting up two basic building blocks which are foundational
in much of the work in linguistic formal semantics.
1
Henceforth we use the term “sentence” to mean a declarative sentence. There is
actually no reason to consider questions to be of the same category as declarative
sentences even though they also are traditionally referred to as “sentences.” Ques-
tions have a different external distribution from declarative sentences (for example,
wonder can occur only with a question as its complement, not an ordinary sentence,
while the reverse is true for believe); they have a different kind of meaning, and they
have a different internal structure. Whether imperatives and declaratives should be
considered the same category is a bit less clear (they are more similar), but we will
not deal with those here either.
2.2. TRUTH CONDITIONS 29
is true, and uses that fact to enrich their knowledge of the world). Thus (1) is
true and (2) is false:
(1) Barack Obama moved into the White House on Jan. 20, 2009.
(2) John McCain moved into the White House on Jan. 20, 2009.
Hence, one basic notion used for the construction of meanings is a truth
value—for now assume that there are just two such values: true and false.
(More on this directly.) The claim that truth values are a fundamental part
of meaning is also motivated by noting that—as shown by the examples
above—speakers have intuitions about truth, given certain facts about the
world, just like they do about acceptability. And these judgments can be
used to test the adequacy of particular theories of meaning. Following
standard practice, we use 1 for true and 0 for false. Thus the set of truth
values {1,0} and we will also refer to this set as t. Let us use [[Æ]] to mean
the semantic value (i.e., the meaning) of a linguistic expression Æ. Then
(temporarily) we can say that [[Barack Obama moved into the White House
on Jan. 20, 2009]] = 1.
Some worries should immediately spring to mind. The most obvious is
that something seems amiss in calling the meaning of (1) “true” even if we
are willing to accept the fact that it is true. We will enrich the toolbox
directly to take care of that. But there are other objections: does it really
make sense to say that all declarative sentences are true or false? Clearly
not—for some sentences the truth value depends on who is speaking (and on
when the sentence is spoken). Take (3):
(3) I am President of the United States.
This is true if spoken by Barack Obama in 2011, but not if spoken by John
McCain and not true if spoken by Barack Obama in 2006. So this has no
truth value in and of itself. Nonetheless once certain parameters are fixed
(time of utterance and speaker) it is either true or false. So we might want to
think of the meaning of (3) as a function into {1,0}—it does yield a truth
value but only once we fix certain parameters. But it seems inescapable that
a declarative sentence is telling us something about the world, and so truth
values are certainly one fundamental piece.
In fact, there are many parameters that need to be set in order to
derive a truth value. Certain words like I, you, here, now, etc. quite obvi-
ously have the property that their value depends on when, where, and by
whom these are spoken (these are called indexicals). There are also more
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of such an animal shows an abundant vegetation, and a climate so
mild, that the rivers were not covered with heavy ice in winter; for the
supposition that this old hippopotamus was a migratory animal seems
very unlikely. Another animal of this time, was the magnificent deer,
known as the Irish elk; and which perhaps had its principal abode on
the great plain which is now the Irish Sea. The terrible machairodus, or
cymetar-toothed tiger, was continued from the Pliocene; and in
addition to species of bear still living, there was a species of gigantic
size, probably now extinct, the cave bear. Evidences are accumulating,
to show that all or nearly all these survived until the human period.
If we turn now to those animals which are only locally extinct, we
meet with some strange, and at first sight puzzling anomalies. Some of
these are creatures now limited to climates much colder than that of
Britain. Others now belong to warmer climates. Conspicuous among
the former are the musk-sheep, the elk, the reindeer, the glutton, and
the lemming. Among the latter, we see the panther, the lion, and the
Cape hyena. That animals now so widely separated as the musk-sheep
of Arctic America and the hyena of South Africa, could ever have
inhabited the same forests, seems a dream of the wildest fancy. Yet it
is not difficult to find a probable solution of the mystery. In North
America, at the present day, the puma, or American lion, comes up to
the same latitudes with the caribou, or reindeer, and moose; and in
Asia, the tiger extends its migrations into the abodes of boreal animals
in the plains of Siberia. Even in Europe, within the historic period, the
reindeer inhabited the forests of Germany; and the lion extended its
range nearly as far northward. The explanation lies in the co-existence
of a densely wooded country with a temperate climate; the forests
affording to southern animals shelter from the cold or winter; and
equally to the northern animals protection from the heat of summer.
Hence our wonder at this association of animals of diverse habitudes
as to climate, is merely a prejudice arising from the present
exceptional condition of Europe. Still it is possible that changes
unfavourable to some of these animals, were in progress before the
arrival of man, with his clearings and forest fires and other disturbing
agencies. Even in America, the megalonyx, or gigantic sloth, the
mammoth, the mastodon, the fossil horse, and many other creatures,
disappeared before the Modern period; and on both continents the
great Post-glacial subsidence or deluge may have swept away some of
the species. Such a supposition seems necessary to account for the
phenomena of the gravel and cave deposits of England, and Cope has
recently suggested it in explanation of similar storehouses of fossil
animals in America.[AS]
[AS] Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, April
1871.
Among the many pictures which this fertile subject calls up,
perhaps none is more curious than that presented by the Post-glacial
cavern deposits. We may close our survey of this period with the
exploration of one of these strange repositories; and may select Kent’s
Hole at Torquay, so carefully excavated and illumined with the
magnesium light of scientific inquiry by Mr. Pengelly and a committee
of the British Association.
The somewhat extensive and ramifying cavern of Kent’s Hole is an
irregular excavation, evidently due partly to fissures in limestone rock,
and partly to the erosive action of water enlarging such fissures into
chambers and galleries. At what time it was originally cut we do not
know, but it must have existed as a cavern at the close of the Pliocene
or beginning of the Post-pliocene period, since which time it has been
receiving a series of deposits which have quite filled up some of its
smaller branches.
First and lowest, according to Mr. Pengelly, is a “breccia” or mass of
broken and rounded stones, with hardened red clay filling the
interstices. Most of the stones are of the rock which forms the roof and
walls of the cave, but many, especially the rounded ones, are from
more distant parts of the surrounding country. In this mass, the depth
of which is unknown, are numerous bones, all of one kind of animal,
the cave bear, a creature which seems to have lived in Western Europe
from the close of the Pliocene down to the modern period. It must
have been one of the earliest and most permanent tenants of Kent’s
Hole at a time when its lower chambers were still filled with water.
Next above the breccia is a floor of “stalagmite” or stony carbonate of
lime, deposited from the drippings of the roof, and in some places
three feet thick. This also contains bones of the cave bear, deposited
when there was less access of water to the cavern. Mr. Pengelly infers
the existence of man at this time from a single flint flake and a single
flint chip found in these beds; but mere flakes and chips of flint are too
often natural to warrant such a conclusion. After the old stalagmite
floor above mentioned was formed, the cave again received deposits of
muddy water and stones; but now a change occurs in the remains
embedded. This stony clay, or “cave earth” has yielded an immense
quantity of teeth and bones, including those of the elephant,
rhinoceros, horse, hyena, cave bear, reindeer, and Irish elk. With these
were found weapons of chipped flint, and harpoons, needles, and
bodkins of bone, precisely similar to those of the North American
Indians and other rude races. The “cave earth” is four feet or more in
thickness, It is not stratified, and contains many fallen fragments of
rock, rounded stones, and broken pieces of stalagmite. It also has
patches of the excrement of hyenas, which the explorers suppose to
indicate the temporary residence of these animals; and in one spot,
near the top, is a limited layer of burnt wood, with remains which
indicate the cooking and eating of repasts of animal food by man. It is
clear that when this bed was formed the cavern was liable to be
inundated with muddy water, carrying stones and other heavy objects,
and breaking up in places the old stalagmite floor. One of the most
puzzling features, especially to those who take an exclusively
uniformitarian view, is, that the entrance of water-borne mud and
stones implies a level of the bottom of the water in the neighbouring
valleys of about 100 feet above its present height. The cave earth is
covered by a second crust of stalagmite, less dense and thick than that
below, and containing only a few bones, which are of the same general
character with those below, but include a fragment of a human jaw
with teeth. Evidently, when this stalagmite was formed, the influx of
water-borne materials had ceased, or nearly so; but whether the
animals previously occupying the country still continued in it, or only
accidental bones, etc., were introduced into the cave or lifted from the
bed below, does not appear.
The next bed marks a new change. It is a layer of black mould from
three to ten inches thick. Its microscopic structure does not seem to
have been examined; but it is probably a forest soil, introduced by
growth, by water, by wind, and by ingress of animals, at a time when
the cave was nearly in its present state, and the surrounding country
densely wooded. This bed contains bones of animals, all of them
modern, and works of art ranging from the old British times before the
Roman invasion up to the porter-bottles and dropped halfpence of
modern visitors. Lastly, in and upon the black mould are many fallen
blocks from the roof of the cave.
There can be no doubt that this cave and the neighbouring one of
Brixham have done very much to impress the minds of British
geologists with ideas of the great antiquity of man, and they have,
more than any other Post-glacial monuments, shown the persistence of
some animals now extinct up to the human age. Of precise data for
determining time, they have, however, given nothing. The only
measures which seed to have been applied, namely, the rate of growth
of stalagmite and the rate of erosion of the neighbouring valleys, are,
from the very sequence of the deposits, obviously worthless; and the
only apparently available constant measure, namely, the fall of blocks
from the roof, seems not yet to have been applied. We are therefore
quite uncertain as to the number of centuries involved in the filling of
this cave, and must remain so until a surer system of calculation is
adopted. We may, however, attempt to sketch the series of events
which it indicates.
The animals found in Kent’s Hole are all “Post-glacial.” They
therefore inhabited the country after it rose from the great Glacial
submergence. Perhaps the first colonists of the coasts of Devonshire in
this period were the cave bears, migrating on floating ice, and
subsisting, like the Arctic bear, and the black bears of Anticosti, on fish,
and on the garbage cast up by the sea. They found Kent’s Hole a sea-
side cavern, with perhaps some of its galleries still full of water, and
filling with, breccia, with which the bones of dead bears became
mixed. As the land rose, these creatures for the most part betook
themselves to lower levels, and in process of time the cavern stood
upon a hill-side, perhaps several hundreds of feet above the sea; and
the mountain torrents, their beds not yet emptied of glacial detritus,
washed into it stones and mud and carcases of animals of many
species which had now swarmed across the plains elevated out of the
sea, and multiplied in the land. This was the time of the cave earth;
and before its deposit was completed, though how long before, a
confused and often-disturbed bed of this kind cannot tell, man himself
seems to have been added to the inhabitants of the British land. In
pursuit of game he sometimes ascended the valleys beyond the
cavern, or even penetrated into its outer chambers; or perhaps there
were even in those days rude and savage hill-men, inhabiting the
forests and warring with the more cultivated denizens of plains below,
which are now deep under the waters. Their weapons, lost in hunting,
or buried in the flesh of wounded animals which crept to the streams
to assuage their thirst, are those found in the cave earth. The absence
of human bones may merely show that the mighty hunters of those
days were too hardy, athletic, and intelligent, often to perish from
accidental causes, and that they did not use this cavern for a place of
burial. But the land again subsided. The valley of that now nameless
river, of which the Rhine the Thames, and the Severn may have alike
been tributaries, disappeared under the sea; and some tribe, driven
from the lower lands, took refuge in this cave, now again near the
encroaching waves, and left there the remains of their last repasts ere
they were driven farther inland or engulfed in the waters. For a time
the cavern may have been wholly submerged, and the charcoal of the
extinguished fires became covered with its thin coating of clay. But ere
long it re-emerged to form part of an island, long barren and desolate;
and the valleys having been cut deeper by the receding waters, it no
longer received muddy deposits, and the crust formed by drippings
from its roof contained only bones and pebbles washed by rains or
occasional land floods from its own clay deposits. Finally, the modern
forests overspread the land, and were tenanted by the modern
animals. Man returned to use the cavern again as a place of refuge or
habitation, and to leave there the relics contained in the black earth.
This seems at present the only intelligible history of this curious cave
and others resembling it; though, when we consider the imperfection
of the results obtained even by a large amount of labour, and the
difficult and confused character of the deposits in this and similar
caves, too much value should not be attached to such histories, which
may at any time be contradicted or modified by new facts or different
explanations of those already known. The time involved depends very
much, as already stated, on the question whether we regard the Post-
glacial subsidence and re-elevation as somewhat sudden, or as
occupying long ages at the slow rate at which some parts of our
continents are now rising or sinking.[AT]
[AT] Another element in this is also the question raised by
Dawkins, Geikie, and others as to subdivisions of the Post-glacial
period and intermissions of the Glacial cold. After careful
consideration of these views, however, I cannot consider them as of
much importance.
CHAPTER XIV.
PRIMITIVE MAN. CONSIDERED
WITH REFERENCE TO MODERN
THEORIES AS TO HIS ORIGIN.
The geological record, as we have been reading it, introduces us to
primitive man, but gives us no distinct information as to his origin.
Tradition and revelation have, it is true, their solutions of the mystery,
but there are, and always have been, many who will not take these on
trust, but must grope for themselves with the taper of science or
philosophy into the dark caverns whence issue the springs of humanity.
In former times it was philosophic speculation alone which lent its dim
and uncertain light to these bold inquirers; but in our day the new and
startling discoveries in physics, chemistry, and biology have flashed up
with an unexpected brilliancy, and have at least served to dazzle the
eyes and encourage the hopes of the curious, and to lead to
explorations more bold and systematic than any previously undertaken.
Thus has been born amongst us, or rather renewed, for it is a very old
thing, that evolutionist philosophy, which has been well characterised
as the “baldest of all the philosophies which have sprung up in our
world,” and which solves the question of human origin by the
assumption that human nature exists potentially in mere inorganic
matter, and that a chain of spontaneous derivation connects
incandescent molecules or star-dust with the world, and with man
himself.
This evolutionist doctrine is itself one of the strangest phenomena
of humanity. It existed, and most naturally, in the oldest philosophy
and poetry, in connection with the crudest and most uncritical,
attempts of the human mind to grasp the system of nature; but that in
our day a system destitute of any shadow of proof, and supported
merely by vague analogies and figures of speech, and by the arbitrary
and artificial coherence of its own parts, should be accepted as a
philosophy, and should find able adherents to string upon its thread of
hypotheses our vast and weighty stores of knowledge, is surpassingly
strange. It seems to indicate that the accumulated facts of our age
have gone altogether beyond its capacity for generalisation; and but
for the vigour which one sees everywhere, it might be taken as an
indication that the human mind has fallen into a state of senility, and in
its dotage mistakes for science the imaginations which were the
dreams of its youth.
In many respects these speculations are important and worthy of
the attention of thinking men. They seek to revolutionise the religious
beliefs of the world, and if accepted would destroy most of the existing
theology and philosophy. They indicate tendencies among scientific
thinkers, which, though probably temporary, must, before they
disappear, descend to lower strata, and reproduce themselves in
grosser forms, and with most serious effects on the whole structure of
society. With one class of minds they constitute a sort of religion,
which so far satisfies the craving for truths higher than those which
relate to immediate wants and pleasures. With another and perhaps
larger class, they are accepted as affording a welcome deliverance
from all scruples of conscience and fears of a hereafter. In the domain
of science evolutionism has like tendencies. It reduces the position of
man, who becomes a descendant of inferior animals, and a mere term
in a series whose end is unknown. It removes from the study of nature
the ideas of final cause and purpose; and the evolutionist, instead of
regarding the world as a work of consummate plan, skill, and
adjustment, approaches nature as he would a chaos of fallen rocks,
which may present forms of castles and grotesque profiles of men and
animals, but they are all fortuitous and without significance. It
obliterates the fine perception of differences from the mind of the
naturalist, and resolves all the complicated relations of living things
into some simple idea of descent with modification. It thus destroys
the possibility of a philosophical classification, reducing all things to a
mere series, and leads to a rapid decay in systematic zoology and
botany, which is already very manifest among the disciples of Spencer
and Darwin in England. The effect of this will be, if it proceeds further,
in a great degree to destroy the educational value and popular interest
attaching to these sciences, and to throw them down at the feet of a
system of debased metaphysics. As redeeming features in all this, are
the careful study of varietal forms, and the inquiries as to the limits of
species, which have sprung from these discussions, and the harvest of
which will be reaped by the true naturalists of the future.
Thus these theories as to the origin of men and animals and plants
are full of present significance, and may be studied with profit by all;
and in no part of their applications more usefully than in that which
relates to man. Let us then inquire,—1. What is implied in the idea of
evolution as applied to man? 2. What is implied in the idea of creation?
3. How these several views accord with what we actually know as the
result of scientific investigation? The first and second of these
questions may well occupy the whole of this chapter, and we shall be
able merely to glance at their leading aspects. In doing so, it may be
well first to place before us in general terms the several alternatives
which evolutionists offer, as to the mode in which the honour of an
origin from apes or ape-like animals can be granted to us, along with
the opposite view as to the independent origin of man which have
been maintained either on scientific or scriptural grounds.
All the evolutionist theories of the origin of man depend primarily
on the possibility of his having been produced from some of the
animals more closely allied to him, by the causes now in operation
which lead to varietal forms, or by similar causes which have been in
operation; and some attach more and others less weight to certain of
these causes, or gratuitously suppose others not actually known. Of
such causes of change some are internal and others external to the
organism. With respect to the former, one school assumes an innate
tendency in every species to change in the course of time.[AV] Another
believes in exceptional births, either in the course of ordinary
generation or by the mode of parthenogenesis.[AW] Another refers to
the known facts of reproductive accelleration or retardation observed in
some humble creatures.[AX] New forms arising in any of these ways or
fortuitously, may, it is supposed, be perpetuated and increased and
further improved by favouring external circumstances and the effort of
the organism to avail itself of these,[AY] or by the struggle for existence
and the survival of the fittest.[AZ]
[AV] Parsons, Owen.
[AW] Mivart, Ferris.
[AX] Hyatt and Cope.
[AY] Lamarck, etc.
[AZ] Darwin, etc.
A third is that between any species of animal or plant and any other
species. It was this gap, and this only, which Darwin undertook to fill
up by his great work on the origin of species, but, notwithstanding the
immense amount of material thus expended, it yawns as wide as ever,
since it must be admitted that no case has been ascertained in which
an individual of one species has transgressed the limits between it and
other species. However extensive the varieties produced by artificial
breeding, the essential characters of the species remain, and even its
minor characters may be reproduced, while the barriers established in
nature between species by the laws of their reproduction, seem to be
absolute.
With regard to species, however, it must be observed that
naturalists are not agreed as to what constitutes a species. Many so-
called species are probably races, or varieties, and one benefit of these
inquiries has been to direct attention to the proper discrimination of
species from varieties among animals and plants. The loose
discrimination of species, and the tendency to multiply names, have
done much to promote evolutionist views; but the researches of the
evolutionists themselves have shown that we must abandon
transmutation of true species as a thing of the present; and if we
imagine it to have occurred, must refer it to the past.
Another gap is that between the nature of the animal and the self-
conscious, reasoning, moral nature of man. We not only have no proof
that any animal can, by any force in itself, or by any merely physical
influences from without, rise to such a condition; but the thing is in the
highest degree improbable. It is easy to affirm, with the grosser
materialists, that thought is a secretion of brain, as bile is of the liver;
but a moment’s thought shows that no real analogy obtains between
the cases. We may vaguely suppose, with Darwin, that the continual
exercise of such powers as animals possess, may have developed
those of man. But our experience of animals shows that their
intelligence differs essentially from that of man, being a closed circle
ever returning into itself, while that of man is progressive, inventive,
and accumulative, and can no more be correlated with that of the
animal than the vital phenomena of the animal with those of the plant.
Nor can the gap between the higher religious and moral sentiments of
man, and the instinctive affections of the brutes, be filled up with that
miserable ape imagined by Lubbock, which, crossed in love, or pining
with cold and hunger, conceived, for the first time in its poor addled
pate, “the dread of evil to come,” and so became the father of
theology. This conception, which Darwin gravely adopts, would be
most ludicrous, but for the frightful picture which it gives of the aspect
in which religion appears to the mind of the evolutionist.
The reader will now readily perceive that the simplicity and
completeness of the evolutionist theory entirely disappear when we
consider the unproved assumptions on which it is based, and its failure
to connect with each other some of the most important facts in nature:
that, in short, it is not in any true sense a philosophy, but merely an
arbitrary arrangement of facts in accordance with a number of
unproved hypotheses. Such philosophies, “falsely so called,” have
existed ever since man began to reason on nature, and this last of
them is one of the weakest and most pernicious of the whole. Let the
reader take up either of Darwin’s great books, or Spencer’s “Biology,”
and merely ask himself as he reads each paragraph, “What is assumed
here and what is proved?” and he will find the whole fabric melt away
like a vision. He will find, however, one difference between these
writers. Darwin always states facts carefully and accurately, and when
he comes to a difficulty tries to meet it fairly. Spencer often
exaggerates or extenuates with reference to his facts, and uses the
arts of the dialectician where argument fails.
Many naturalists who should know better are puzzled with the great
array of facts presented by evolutionists; and while their better
judgment causes them to doubt as to the possibility of the structures
which they study being produced by such blind and material processes,
are forced to admit that there must surely be something in a theory so
confidently asserted, supported by so great names, and by such an
imposing array of relations which it can explain. They would be
relieved from their weak concessions were they to study carefully a few
of the instances adduced, and to consider how easy it is by a little
ingenuity to group undoubted facts around a false theory. I could wish
to present here illustrations of this, which abound in every part of the
works I have referred to, but space will not permit. One or two must
suffice. The first may be taken from one of the strong points often
dwelt on by Spencer in his “Biology.”[BB]
[BB] “Principles of Biology,” § 118.
3. Since animals and plants have been introduced upon our earth in
long succession throughout geologic time, and this in a somewhat
regular manner, we have a right to assume that their introduction has
been in accordance with a law or plan of creation, and that this may
have included the co-operation of many efficient causes, and may have
differed in its application to different cases. This is a very old doctrine
of theology, for it appears in the early chapters of Genesis. There the
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