oxford world’s classics

ROME’S MEDITERRANEAN EMPIRE

BOOKS FORTY - ONE TO FORTY - FIVE
AND THE PERIOCHAE

Titus Livius (Livy), the historian, was born in Patavium (modern

Padua) in 64 or 59 bce and died in 12 or 17 ce in Patavium, surviv-
ing therefore into his late seventies or early eighties. He came to
Rome in the 30s bce and began writing his history of Rome not long
after. There is no evidence that he was a senator or held other gov-
ernmental posts, although he was acquainted with the emperor
Augustus and his family, at least by his later years. He appears to
have had the means to spend his life largely in writing his huge his-
tory of Rome, Ab Urbe Condita or ‘From the Foundation of the
City’, which filled 142 books and covered the period from Rome’s
founding to the death of the elder Drus us (753–9 bce). Thirty-five
books survive: 1–10 (753–293 bce) and 21–45 (218–167 bce).
Jane D. Chaplin is Professor of Classics at Middlebury College,
Vermont, and author of Livy’s Exemplary History (2000).
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 OXFORD WORLD’S CLASSICS

LIVY

Rome’s Mediterranean
Empire
Books Forty-One to Forty-Five
and the Periochae

Translated with an Introduction and Notes by

JANE D. CHAPLIN

1
 3
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Livy.
[Ab urbe condita. Liber 41–45. English]
Rome’s Mediterranean empire: books forty-one to forty-five, and the Periochae / Livy; translated
with an introduction and notes by Jane D. Chaplin.
(Oxford world’s classics)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Rome—History. 2. Livy.—Translations into English. I. Chaplin, Jane D.,
1964– II. Titi Livi periochae. English III. Title.
PA6452. A9C48 2007 937´.02—dc22 200701507
ISBN-13. 978–0–19–283340–2 (alk. paper)
Typeset by Cepha Imaging Private Ltd., Bangalore, India
Printed in Great Britain
on acid-free paper by
Clays Ltd, St Ives plc.

ISBN 978–0–19–283340–2

1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2
in memoriam
Eve Adler
This page intentionally left blank
 CONTENTS

Introduction ix
Note on the Text and Translation xxv
Select Bibliography xxvii
A Chronology of Events xxxi
Maps xxxiv

ROME’S MEDITERRANEAN EMPIRE 1

book forty-one 3
book forty-two 33
book forty-three 95
book forty-four 118
book forty-five 167

THE PERIOCHAE 219

Appendix: List of Variations from the Teubner Text 309

Explanatory Notes 319
Glossary 360
Index 365
This page intentionally left blank
 INTRODUCTION

Livy’s Life and Work

As is the case with many ancient authors, no one bothered to write a
biography of Livy (59 bce –17 ce).1 Fortunately, his intellectual pro-
ductivity made him well known during his lifetime, and from snippets
in his contemporaries and subsequent writers it is possible to con-
struct a general picture of his life. For example, the later historian
Cremutius Cordus is reported to have said that the emperor Augustus
(63 bce –14 ce) referred to Livy as a ‘Pompeian’ because of Livy’s
praise for Pompey; Pompey was the great rival of Augustus’ adoptive
father Julius Caesar, but according to Cremutius Cordus the partiality
was not a bar to friendship between Livy and Augustus.2 Familiarity
with the emperor can be inferred also from the fact that Livy encour-
aged Claudius, a great-nephew of Augustus and a future emperor
himself, to write history.3 There is also information about Livy’s
personal life. He came from Patavium (modern Padua), and the
Patavinitas of his style was criticized by another Roman historian
(though the exact purport of the remark is unclear).4 A gravestone has
survived at Padua, listing a Titus Livius, two sons, and a wife.5 He
had a daughter as well, who married a minor rhetorician.6 These bits
and pieces of information have led to the general view that Livy
moved to Rome at some point, became known to the imperial family
through his writing, and returned to Padua before his death.
Livy is unusual among Roman historians for having played no role
in public life, either the army or politics. Instead, he seems to have
dedicated himself to writing. His philosophical works and an essay
on style addressed to one of his sons are now lost,7 but his reputation
has always rested on his monumental history of Rome. The elder
1 These dates are based on Jerome, Chronicles, p. 164 H; the alternative dates of

64 bce–12 ce were proposed by R. Syme, ‘Livy and Augustus’, Harvard Studies in

Classical Philology, 64 (1959), 40–2.
2
Tacitus, Annals 4.34.3.
3
Suetonius, Claudius 41.1.
4
Asinius Pollio, quoted in Quintilian 1.5.56.
5
The text of the epitaph can be found in Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. 5,
no. 2975.
6 For Livy’s son-in-law, see Seneca the Elder, Controversiae X, proem 2.
x Introduction
Pliny, a voluminous writer himself, admired Livy’s observation that,
even when he had already achieved enough fame, he continued to
write because the restlessness of his intellect drove him on.8 Livy’s
renown was evidently widespread. There is a charming story about a
man from Cadiz who travelled to Rome just to see Livy and, having
done so, turned around and went home.9
Livy’s history of Rome is known in Latin as Ab Urbe Condita
(‘From the Foundation of the City’) and originally consisted of 142
‘books’ (the longest is about sixty-five pages in English). He begins
with Aeneas’ flight to Italy after the Trojan War. Book 120 ends in
43 bce with the death of Cicero, which may originally have been
intended as the conclusion. Livy eventually went at least as far as
9 bce; the death of Augustus’ stepson Drusus in that year was included
in Book 142. Of the original work, Books 1–10 and 21–45 survive.
The rest were lost before the manuscripts of late antiquity and
the Middle Ages were published in modern book form during the
Renaissance. Almost the entirety of Ab Urbe Condita, however, is
preserved in summaries. Within a century of Livy’s death, there was
at least one abbreviated version in circulation.10 Currently, two sets
of summaries are known: one, referred to as the Periochae and vary-
ing in length from a few pages to a few sentences per book, covers all
but Books 136 and 137; the second, the ‘Oxyrhynchus’ epitomes, is
incomplete and fragmentary. The present translation contains what
remains of Books 41–5 and the Periochae.

Ancient Historical Writing

To appreciate Livy’s work, it helps if we understand the differences
between ancient and modern historical writing. As a genre of literature,
ancient historiography had distinct conventions. For example, it was
acceptable and even expected that the historian would craft speeches
for his historical actors, despite neither having heard them nor
having any transcript of their words. Further, there are no footnotes
or bibliographies; in fact, ancient historians tend to note their sources

7
Seneca the Younger, Epistles 100.9, is the source for the philosophical dialogues;
Quintilian 10.1.39 for Livy’s letter on style to his son.
8
Pliny the Elder, Natural History preface 16.
9
Pliny the Younger, Epistles 2.3.8.
10 Martial 14.190–1.
 Introduction xi
(if at all) only when they disagree with them or when the sources
themselves are in conflict. The kind of archival work done by profes-
sional historians now did not play a prominent part in ancient histor-
ical research; classical historians relied on written accounts, testimony
of eyewitnesses, their own experiences, monuments, tradition, and
the occasional document, in varying degrees. Furthermore, for the
Romans, the very nature of historical writing was different: history
was moralistic and didactic; it was supposed to teach, and its readers
were supposed to learn, not just what happened, but how to behave
in similar situations.
Within ancient historiography, Livy’s chosen genre was what is
called ‘annalistic history’, that is, a narrative of the past organized
chronologically, year by year, rather than focused on a particular event
or a theme. Annalistic history has certain formal elements unfamiliar
to twenty-first-century readers, and these are worth noting since they
recur throughout Books 41–5. The annalistic year contained all the
events of Roman public life. Every year the citizenry elected officials
to one-year terms, most of which began on 15 March (the Ides). The
two most important magistrates were the consuls, and each year they
and the Senate, an advisory body comprising roughly 300 men who had
already held at least one magistracy, determined what areas required
direct administration. These areas of responsibility, or provinces, were
normally assigned randomly by lot to the consuls and the six praetors
(the next most senior magistrates). Troops were allocated as needed
to the various magistrates, and any conscription necessary took place.
Other political and military material included the sending and receiv-
ing of embassies as well as the creation of senatorial commissions for
special tasks such as allocating conquered territory to settlers.
Religion was a large part of public life. Before the consuls departed
for their provinces, at least one of them had to preside over another
annual event, the Latin Festival. This ceremony had its origins in
Rome’s relations with the neighbouring communities of Latium and
was sacred to the god Jupiter. Major public rituals of this kind
feature regularly in annalistic historiography, as does other religious
material. One of the elements most foreign to a modern readership is
the recording of what are known as ‘prodigies’. Unusual episodes,
generally involving the natural world, were reported to the Senate,
which determined whether or not they should be officially recog-
nized as prodigies and what kind of remedy should be sought. The
xii Introduction
remedies were prescribed by various groups of priests. In many cases,
priests were actually members of the Senate, since at Rome people
with religious authority were from families of secular importance. The
first prodigy list in this volume appears early in Book 41 (chap. 9).
Livy reports that a rock fell from the sky, that a boy was born with-
out all four limbs, that a snake with four legs was seen, that buildings
at Capua and ships at Puteoli had been struck by lightning, and,
finally, that a wolf ran through Rome the day the prodigies were
announced. All these unusual events required expiation as they indi-
cated divine displeasure. The death of a priest and the appointment
of his successor were also matters for public record.
Every five years the Romans elected two censors. Over the course
of eighteen months these officials revised the membership of the Senate
and the equestrian ‘order’ (the second wealthiest property class),
conducted an investigation of public morals, gave out contracts for
public works, counted the number of Roman citizens, and performed
a ritual purification of the city (lustrum).
In writing annalistic history, then, Livy took these yearly
events —elections, assignment of duties, recruiting, embassies,
religious developments—and the periodic activities of the censors
and used them as the foundation of his narrative. They serve as a
basso continuo, an underlying rhythm that orients the reader to the
passage of time. But all these various elements of annalistic histori-
ography make Livy’s narrative very different from what twenty-
first-century readers might expect from an account of the Romans’
history.
Furthermore, for modern students of ancient history who want
to know what really happened, there is the additional difficulty that
Livy was writing for the benefit of his contemporaries, not to inform
people in an unimaginably different future. Although he occasionally
pauses to explain a foreign place or practice to his Roman audience,
Livy does not aim to lay out the political structures, inter-state
relations, and warfare of the past in a way that would make them
readily intelligible to readers as unfamiliar as we are with the basic
geopolitical terrain of the Roman Republic. Consequently, rulers
and events, both past and present, routinely appear in the narrative
without explanation, and the modern reader must assemble the
pieces. It is thus worth sketching a backdrop for the period covered
in Books 41–5.
 Introduction xiii
The Historical Background and Livy’s Sources
Books 41–5 centre around what is known as the Third Macedonian
War (171–168), in which the Romans defeated Perseus, the last king
of Macedonia. Ancient Macedonia was the territory to the north and
east of Greece on the northern Aegean. (The coastal area of the ancient
kingdom is part of modern Greece.) The royal family was Greek in
origin; the ethnicity of the general population, the Macedones, is dis-
puted, but they were probably Greek as well. Several strong kings
(most notably Philip II and his son Alexander the Great in the fourth
century) transformed Macedonia into a world power. Alexander’s suc-
cessors divided up his conquests, from Greece and Macedonia, south
and east to Egypt and India, into separate kingdoms. Over the course
of the third century, the Ptolemaic dynasty in Egypt, the Seleucid
dynasty in Asia Minor, the Middle East, and Mesopotamia, and the
Lagid dynasty in Macedonia (and sometimes Greece) dominated the
eastern Mediterranean. In addition to these powers, there were smaller,
independent communities: for example, the kingdom of Pergamum
in western Asia Minor, the island city-state of Rhodes, the Balkan
kingdoms of Epirus and Illyricum, Greek federations such as the
Achaean and Aetolian Leagues, and some historically significant
though militarily weak places such as Athens and Delphi. In the cen-
tury after Alexander’s death this complex patchwork of powers large
and small achieved an effective balance of power. Whenever any
single political entity became disproportionately dominant, other
states formed alliances and contained it.
In this same period, Rome was growing from a major city-state
on the Italian peninsula to the military powerhouse of the western
Mediterranean. Initially, the Hellenistic kingdoms attempted to incor-
porate Rome into their network of alliances. The Romans, however,
took a different view of inter-state relations and rather than partici-
pating in maintaining stability, gradually defeated one Hellenistic
state after another until they controlled the Mediterranean. Why this
happened is a vigorously debated question that goes back to Polybius
(c.200–118 bce). A Greek statesman and historian from Achaea in
the northern Peloponnese, Polybius lived through and witnessed
Rome’s great period of expansion; and he made it the theme of his
forty-book history, stating in the preface that ‘There can surely be
nobody so petty or so apathetic in his outlook that he has no desire to
discover by what means and under what system of government the
xiv Introduction
Romans succeeded in less than fifty-three years in bringing under
their rule almost the whole of the inhabited world, an achievement
which is without parallel in human history’.11 The fifty-three years
run from 220, just before the Romans’ biggest war with Carthage, to
167, just after the defeat of Perseus and Macedonia at Pydna in 168.
After Pydna, Polybius himself was taken to Rome as a hostage (since
the Achaeans had not supported the Romans in the war). Polybius
was thus superbly placed to gather information and to write a largely
firsthand account of Rome’s expansion.
Much of that account of this period is now lost, but Polybius was
Livy’s chief source for the Third Macedonian War. By contemporary
standards, Polybius is the superior historian. His approach appears
modern because he lays out his methodology and offers overt analysis
of historical causality. Further, he had direct knowledge of the sub-
ject and thus is a primary source. Despite these advantages, Polybius
cannot be treated as a neutral authority. He had his own aims and
interests, and where excerpts of Polybius have survived, it is gener-
ally valuable to compare the two historians for the light they shed on
one another. Some of the explanatory notes to this translation point
out how Livy adapts Polybius to his own purposes. For example, in
pursuing his vision of the past the Roman historian often sets aside
the explicitly theoretical approach that makes Polybius attractive to
modern readers.
Livy’s other main set of sources is earlier Roman annalists, of whom
he mentions Claudius Quadrigarius and Valerius Antias by name in
this pentad. Unfortunately, apart from the fact that they lived in the
first century, very little is known about either of them, and their
narratives are lost. Thus it is not possible to compare their approach
to Livy’s in the way that one can with Polybius. Other Roman
sources Livy used include the speeches of Cato the Elder (234–149
bce and thus also contemporaneous with the Third Macedonian
War) and monuments in the city of Rome. Drawing on this array of
sources presented Livy with compositional challenges. To note one
problem, Polybius organized material by Olympiads, the four-year
periods from one celebration of the Olympic Games to the next,
and his chronology does not map well onto the Roman political year
which, as discussed above, was the temporal underpinning of
11 Polybius 1.1.5, trans. Ian Scott-Kilvert as The Rise of the Roman Empire, Penguin

Books (London, 1979).

 Introduction xv
annalistic historiography. Livy occasionally reports information
twice, once from Polybius and once from his annalistic sources.
Overall, however, his narrative of the Romans’ war with Perseus is a
skilfully constructed narrative.

The Structure of Books 41–5

Ancient or modern, all writers of history share at least one hurdle:
how to demarcate beginnings and ends. Livy carefully distributes his
material within and across books. Unfortunately, Books 41–5 do not
offer good material for analysing the structure of individual books.
They were preserved in just one manuscript, and only Book 42 is
complete. Book 41 is missing the first sixth and another quarter or so
in the middle. Over half of Book 43 is lost. Book 44 is missing eleven
pages, and Book 45 three.
We can, however, see that together the books form a coherent whole
and, as such, are consistent with Livy’s practice in the preceding
books. He organized his narrative into groups of five and ten books,
referred to nowadays as ‘pentads’ and ‘decades’. Some people think
that the groups of five were further combined into units of fifteen,
or ‘pentakaidecades’. So, for example, the first pentad (Books 1–5)
covers the years from the Trojans’ arrival in Italy to the sack of Rome
by the Gauls, traditionally dated to 390 bce and recognized by the
Romans as a major event in their past. Books 21–30, the third decade,
are devoted to the war with Hannibal (218–202). In other words,
Livy used book divisions to indicate what he saw as distinct periods in
Roman history. These divisions are not hard and fast: even as he
relates one historical segment, Livy is laying the groundwork for the
next. For instance, although the Hannibalic war is the main storyline
of Books 21–30, during the war the Romans formed a retaliatory
alliance against Hannibal’s ally, Philip V of Macedonia. Livy uses this
historical ‘subplot’ as a quiet prelude to the Second Macedonian War
(200–196) in Books 31–5, which in turn sets the stage for the Third
Macedonian War, treated in 41–5.
The ninth pentad (Books 41–5) has been seen both as potentially
attached to the lost tenth pentad, and as a pendant to Books 31–40,
forming with them a pentakaidecade. There are certainly good argu-
ments for the latter view, since Livy emphasizes the connections
between the Second and Third Macedonian Wars. The relationship
xvi Introduction
between the ninth and tenth pentads is harder to assess since the
tenth pentad no longer exists. The Periochae for Books 46–50, how-
ever, reveal that they covered the years 167–148 and that Book 50
included the defeat of Andriscus, a pretender to the Macedonian
throne. His revolt is known as the Fourth Macedonian War, and so
it is possible to view the fifth decade as dedicated as a whole to
Rome’s gradual absorption of Macedonia.
Regardless of these potential connections to the preceding and
succeeding books, Books 41–5 stand on their own as an unusually
well-designed and coherent section, even by Livy’s high standards of
composition. He singled out the Third Macedonian War as a crucial
period in Rome’s moral development. First, working within an annal-
istic framework, Livy manipulates Perseus’ reign so that it can occupy
a full pentad and underscore the significance of the fall of Macedonia.
Perseus inherited the Macedonian throne in 179 when his father,
Philip, died. The war, however, did not break out until 171. Livy
accordingly compresses events before the hostilities. The main pur-
pose of the now fragmentary Book 41 was to move the reader briskly to
the eve of war. Book 41 originally covered five years; this total contrasts
sharply with the rest of the pentad: there are two and a half years
in 42, two years in 43, and Books 44 and 45 each have parts of 169–167.
In fact, Book 41, in stretching from 178 to 174, contains more com-
plete annalistic years than any other book between 21 and 45.
The actual warfare takes place in the three central books, and Livy
appears to have structured them to coincide with alternations in the
fortunes of the Romans and the Macedonians. In Book 42, for example,
Perseus has his only notable victory while the Romans achieve just
minor success in skirmishes. Book 43 contains several Roman rever-
sals and disgraces. As Book 44 begins, the Romans manage, through
what is represented as Perseus’ incompetence, to regain the upper
hand, and the book ends with their decisive victory at Pydna. Book 45
provides a meditation on the immediate fallout from the campaign:
reactions at Rome, shifts in inter-state relations in the eastern
Mediterranean, and the juxtaposed fates of Perseus and the Roman
general Lucius Aemilius Paullus. In sum, Livy went to considerable
effort to find, organize, and distribute material to fill the five books.12

12
On the preceding interpretation of the structure of Books 41–5, see T. J. Luce,
Livy: The Composition of his History (Princeton, 1977), 115–22.
 Introduction xvii
Leadership and Lessons
The pentad thus achieves one historiographical purpose in marking
off a self-standing and consequential war in Roman history. But, as
noted previously, Roman historians and their audiences valued moral
didacticism. In the Preface to Ab Urbe Condita, Livy states morality’s
centrality to his perception of his undertaking:
The following matters are the ones that I think each person should sharply
scrutinize: what the way of life and traditions were, through which men
and by what abilities both civic and military the empire was created and
expanded; next, as discipline gradually gave way, he should mentally trace
those morals, first as they were undermined, then how they subsided
further and further, and then began to tumble headlong, until we have
come to our current straits, where we can endure neither our disorders
nor their remedies. For in the study of history it is especially healthful and
fruitful to contemplate examples of every kind of behaviour, set up on a
clear monument. From it you can extract for yourself and your common-
wealth both what is worthy of imitation and what you should avoid
because it is rotten from start to finish. (Preface 9–10)
What makes the Third Macedonian War truly important is not its his-
torical consequences, but its moral richness. Livy shapes his account in
a way that illustrates how attention to traditional Roman ways promotes
not just military and political supremacy, but moral betterment. A brief
survey of five magistrates from these books shows that Roman success
depends on old-fashioned conduct and piety.
In the 170s the Romans were campaigning mainly in Spain,
Sardinia, and Gaul (northern Italy). One of the consuls for 178, Aulus
Manlius, was assigned to this last area but moved into the northern
Adriatic. The extant text opens with a surprise attack by the Istrians
against Manlius and his troops in their camp. Though Manlius even-
tually regains control of the situation, the conflict is perpetuated into
the following year and one of the incoming consuls, Gaius Claudius
Pulcher, is allotted it as his province. His predecessors, however,
have remained in Istria and appear so close to victory that Claudius
hurriedly departs from Rome to ensure his participation in the conflict.
Livy describes Claudius’ attempt to take command of the army as a
shamefully impious and shambolic power-play. Neglecting all the
usual ceremonies, including the official assumption of martial attire
and, most important, the pronouncing of vows to the gods, Claudius
xviii Introduction
rushes to Istria. He antagonizes his predecessor and the troops, and
they refuse to acknowledge his authority until he has returned to
Rome and performed the appropriate ceremonial departure (41.10).
Livy emphasizes two points: Claudius’ speed (a hasty nocturnal
departure for the province, the equally hasty exodus from the camp,
the near-instantaneous return to Rome, and the rapid trip back to the
province); and, even more marked because the exact words are used
four times, Claudius’ neglect of the traditional rituals (the pronoun-
cing of vows on the Capitoline and the formal assumption of military
garb by the consul and his official attendants, known as lictors). The
repeated emphasis on Claudius’ bypassing of procedure indicates
Livy’s disapproval. Morally, then, the pentad begins at a low point:
in his eagerness to assume command and receive credit for a victory,
presumably so that he can hold a triumph, Claudius disregards
tradition and the respect due to the gods.
The censorship of Quintus Fulvius Flaccus in 174 provides a
further example of magisterial weakness in this period. As a general
in Spain in 180, Flaccus was caught in a fierce battle and vowed a
temple to Fortuna Equestris, the patron goddess of the cavalry, if she
should help him to victory (40.40); a cavalry manoeuvre then carried
the day. As censor, Fulvius fulfilled his promise and, wanting his
building to outshine existing ones, he appropriated roof-tiles from a
temple of Juno in southern Italy, with disastrous consequences.
Although he tried to keep secret the source of the tiles (and his theft
of them), word leaked out. The Senate took him to task for abusing
his power; in representing the vituperation to which Fulvius was
subjected, Livy dwells especially on the irony of a magistrate who,
elected to oversee morals, acts with outrageous immorality himself.
Fulvius was forced to return the tiles, but Livy concludes the episode
with the even grimmer irony that no one could devise a way to
restore the tiles to their original position and so they were simply left
next to the temple (42.3). Flaccus, like Claudius before him, violates
traditional practice and insults the gods.
Little of what remains of Book 43 reflects well on the Romans.
One nexus of disgrace centres on the praetor in charge of the fleet in
170: Lucius Hortensius. After capturing and looting the Greek city
of Abdera in Thrace, he demands cash and food from the locals. They
appeal for time to send envoys both to the consul and to the Senate
in Rome. Shortly after reaching the former, the envoys learn that
 Introduction xix
Hortensius has already beheaded the leading citizens and sold the
rest of the population into slavery. The envoys continue on to Rome
to lay their complaints before the senators, who are appalled by
Hortensius’ conduct. While this episode lacks the religious element
and the violation of tradition found in the previous two cases, it shows
how Hortensius’ attack on Abdera belongs to a pattern of abuse by
Roman magistrates. Livy begins by noting the transfer of negative
publicity from the praetor of the previous year to Hortensius; the
Senate’s response to Hortensius’ misconduct is to follow the pro-
cedure established when the consul of the previous year, Publius
Licinius, assaulted another ally, Coronea. That episode thus belongs
to a series in Book 43, which has justifiably been characterized as a
low point in Roman morality.13
Livy’s treatment of Quintus Marcius Philippus evidences a prefer-
ence for consistency of theme over consistency of character. In Book 42,
when the Romans are preparing for war with Perseus, the Senate buys
time by sending an embassy to negotiate with him. Philippus is one of
the two leaders who proudly announce that they have tricked Perseus,
making him think that war could be avoided. According to Livy, the
reaction in the Senate is mixed: a majority of the senators approves of
the deceitful stratagem while the older men deplore the use of cunning,
which Livy has them characterize as ‘new and excessively clever
wisdom’, in contrast to ‘traditional ways’ (42.47). Here Philippus is
manifestly aligned with the disgraceful, modern approach to warfare.
Just two years later, however, at the beginning of his campaign against
Perseus, Philippus’ age and dedication to military service receive the
emphasis. Contrasting the Macedonian king and the Roman consul,
Livy describes Philippus as assiduous and committed, engaged in every
aspect of his military duties (44.4). So in this episode it is clear that Livy
wants his audience to focus on Philippus’ virtues, not the cunning he
displayed in the earlier negotiations.
Livy’s purpose is to demonstrate, via the admirable characteristics
of their commander, that the Romans’ character in general is on the
mend. In the first third of Book 44, Livy stresses Philippus’ attentive-
ness to the gods: he invokes them in his address to the troops (44.1);
and when the Roman army seizes the Macedonian city of Dium,
Philippus takes care that the temple is not violated (44.7). In other

13
D. S. Levene, Religion in Livy (Leiden, 1993), 115.
xx Introduction
words, Philippus’ behaviour during his consulship in 169 is not con-
sistent with his conduct as an envoy in 171; but the shift in the way
he is depicted signals the Romans’ return to righteousness.
Lucius Aemilius Paullus is in many ways the hero of the ninth
pentad, which, as readers have noticed, contrasts Paullus’ virtues with
the failings of his predecessors14 and treats Perseus as a foil for Paullus.15
Stretching over nearly two books, Livy’s handling of Paullus is intricate
and well developed. Two of his most prominent attributes are impor-
tant for the leaders already considered: piety and respect for tradition.
Livy depicts Paullus as belonging firmly to the old school. Before
departing for Macedonia, he addresses the citizenry in Rome and
inveighs against civilian gossip and criticism of generals. Invoking the
strength of mind of Quintus Fabius Cunctator, an early hero of the war
against Hannibal, Paullus says that not everyone has Fabius’ ability to
put the best conduct of public affairs above reputation and to ignore the
malicious talk of the people. Paullus urges anyone who thinks he knows
anything about the proper conduct of the campaign to join it and not to
engage in idle talk in the city (44.22). When Paullus takes charge of the
army, he reiterates this position and explains to the troops his approach
to generalship; he so impresses even the veterans that they say that for
the first time they understand military matters (44.34).
The reference to Fabius Cunctator and the emphasis on Paullus’
military expertise resurface in a speech delivered once Paullus has
won the war. When his right to a triumph is challenged, his defence
is taken up by Marcus Servilius. Servilius attributes the soldiers’
complaints about Paullus’ stinginess to the strictness he imposed on
them. Servilius argues that the imposition of traditional military dis-
cipline prevented mutiny and saved the Romans in battle: Paullus’
old-fashioned discipline prevented harmful words and actions.
Servilius too invokes Fabius and his ability to ignore the talk of the
crowd (45.37). So these two particular traits serve to align Paullus
with the past and tradition. Towards the end of what remains of his
speech Servilius stresses the gods’ role in triumphs (45.39); this part
of the argument highlights true Roman religiosity, another attribute
conscientiously displayed by Paullus throughout the campaign.

14 W. Reiter, Aemilius Paullus, Conqueror of Greece (New York, 1988), 71–80.

15
Luce, Livy, 115 n. 3.
 Introduction xxi
Servilius prevails, and Paullus celebrates a triumph. Servilius’ speech,
written by Livy of course, illustrates how an annalistic historian can
interweave themes from year to year. The speech incorporates the
moral concerns raised in the pentad. One particularly nice touch is
that, by having Servilius dwell on the proper way for a consul to set
out on campaign, Livy implicitly contrasts Paullus with Claudius,
the self-promoting consul of 178. The ninth pentad thus comes full
circle with Paullus’ propriety. These five books have many more
themes and topics than can be mentioned here. Nonetheless, consid-
eration of these five magistrates reveals how Livy emplots history
within an annalistic framework: Rome’s leaders in this pentad descend
from bad to worse before being redeemed by Paullus’ traditionalism,
in warfare, politics, and the observance of sacred custom, which are
all mandatory subjects of annalistic historiography.

Past and Present: Livy’s Contemporary Context

In the middle of what remains of Book 43, Livy famously articulates
part of his attitude towards Rome’s past:
I am not unaware that the heedlessness underlying the widespread modern
refusal to believe that gods issue portents also causes prodigies no longer
to be announced in public or included in the historical record. Nevertheless,
as I write about bygone affairs, my mind in some way takes on an antique
cast, and a certain spirit of religious respect prevents me from regarding as
unworthy of recording in my history matters that the deeply sagacious
men of old deemed meritorious of public attention. (43.13)
The phrase ‘as I write about bygone affairs, my mind in some way
takes on an antique cast’ has been cited as general evidence for Livy’s
idealization of the past.16 The most important study of religion in
Livy, however, argues that the passage must be taken in context,
which is the nadir of the Romans’ moral fortunes, and that this
emphatic introduction to the unusually long prodigy list that follows
is, if anything, embarrassingly present-minded: Livy laments the
signs of the loss of the gods’ favour in the past even as he detects its
absence in the Rome of his own day.17
16 e.g. P. G. Walsh, Livy: His Historical Aims and Methods (Cambridge, 1961), 62.
17 Levene, Religion in Livy, 113–16.
xxii Introduction
As the passage previously quoted from the Preface shows, Livy
undertook to write the Romans’ history at what he considered their
lowest point. While the exact date of the Preface’s composition is
disputed, the very broadest parameters put it some time between
35 and 25 bce, well before anyone could have anticipated the
eventual fruits of Augustus’ reign. In fact, the first third of Livy’s
lifetime was a tremendously unsettled period. The Senate had lost
the control it was exercising during the Mediterranean phase of
Roman imperialism, and a series of powerful individuals competed
to fill the vacuum. In the years immediately before Livy began
writing, Augustus (at that time still Octavian), Mark Antony, and
Aemilius Lepidus banded together against Julius Caesar’s assassins
in the name of restoring public order. Their alliance degenerated
into a civil war between Octavian and Antony. This background
explains Livy’s dispirited view of Rome’s position when he wrote
the Preface.
But given the moral programme he lays out there, the extra-
ordinary appeal of the Third Macedonian War period also becomes
manifest. The ninth pentad models how the Romans can reset their
moral compasses and chart a better course. Greedy, corrupt, abusive,
cruel, and stupid as Claudius, Flaccus, Hortensius, and to some extent
Philippus appear to be, ultimately they are offset by the unflinchingly
upright Paullus. Taken together, these leaders demonstrate how
Romans who have succumbed to corruption can turn themselves
around. What the Third Macedonian War lacks in actual warfare
Livy compensates for by having Rome’s leaders enact moral decline
and redemption, and the ninth pentad offers his readers not so much
a war narrative as illustrations of the bad and good behaviour that
ensures failure or success.
The timing of the composition of Books 41–5 is also impossible
to pin down, with the years 20–10 bce as the likely limits. By that
stage, Augustus’ efforts and some of his success at halting the chaos
of the civil war years must have been apparent. Intriguingly, Augustus
advertised his policies and actions as a return to the past. His overt
traditionalism and piety resonate harmoniously with the ideals Livy
enacts in the ninth pentad. The emperor and the historian, survivors
of years of political turmoil and desirous of civil order, sought moral
reform each in his own way.
 Introduction xxiii
The Periochae
The history of the various summaries and epitomes of Livy is obscure.
As noted above, there was an abbreviated version of Livy’s massive
narrative within a century of his death, and more than one summary
was made. The Periochae (a noun derived from a Greek verb mean-
ing to travel all over) may be as early as the second century ce, but
are usually dated to the fourth. They have generally been read for
two purposes. On the one hand, they are a storehouse of information
such as census figures, which the epitomator(s) regularly culled
from Livy’s original. Those data are invaluable since no other source
contains them. On the other hand, scholars have scrutinized the
Periochae to determine how Livy shaped and interpreted Roman
history from 167 on. This enterprise is trickier, and no consensus has
been achieved.18
Reading through the Periochae and considering Livy’s distribution
of textual space to historical material, however, allows one to appre-
ciate at least partially his vision of Roman history. Roughly speaking,
it forms a pyramid, from the condensed treatment of the early years
at the peak to the expansive treatment of the first century at the
bottom. For example, the entire monarchy, from 753 to 510, is in
Book 1 while, as we have seen, the Third Macedonian War receives
an entire pentad, and individual years (e.g. 82, 42), where civil war
was raging, consume multiple books. Two conclusions suggest them-
selves. First, throughout Ab Urbe Condita, Livy made careful deci-
sions about the amount of coverage he devoted to events and
episodes; and secondly, the preservation of the early books creates a
distorted impression of the relative weight Livy gave to the distant
and recent past.
However one uses the Periochae to interpret Livy’s historical pro-
ject, it is important to keep in mind that they reflect the interests and
emphases of their author(s) at least as much as those of Livy. For the
books we have, the Periochae do not follow the sequence of events as
Livy narrates them, and they highlight some episodes and skip over
others. Sometimes they do not correspond to Livy’s narrative: for
example Per. 44 reports that, before Lucius Aemilius Paullus left
18
See ‘Works on the Periochae’ in the Select Bibliography; esp. Syme, ‘Livy and
Augustus’, and Luce, Livy.
xxiv Introduction
Rome for his campaign against Perseus, he prayed that any imminent
disaster might befall his own household rather than the Roman
people; in Livy, Paullus reveals this wish in Book 45, after he has
returned from Macedonia.
Because of the ways that the Periochae diverge from what we know
about the surviving books, it is often as rewarding to read them for
their own sake as for what they may or may not reveal about Livy.
Their author(s) had independent ideas about what was valuable in
Livy’s text. For instance, Cato seems to have exerted a certain fascin-
ation; attention is drawn to his speeches and views throughout. The
varying length of the Periochae is also intriguing. While there is a
tendency towards increasing brevity, the progression is uneven. And
leaving aside the pedestrian possibility that the author(s) ran out of
steam—since it seems unlikely that having condensed volume after
volume someone would give up at the very end—how do we explain
the telegraphic nature of the final summaries? Did Livy write less
about years he lived through? Is deliberate or unconscious censorship
at work? Did the epitomator(s) find these years less interesting or less
important?
Ultimately, then, the Periochae may raise more questions than they
can answer, at least about Livy, but since he assumed that the rewards
of history lay in considering its meaning, their fragmentary state
may unintentionally contribute to his moral programme, if not to the
complete satisfaction of our own curiosity about the Romans’ past.
 NOTE ON THE TEXT AND TRANSLATION

The translation of Books 41–5 is based on John Briscoe’s 1986

Teubner edition. There is only one manuscript for these books. It was
written in the fifth century, but there were already mistakes in the text.
Furthermore, the manuscript suffered further, physical damage before
the first printed edition appeared in 1531. The first editor, Simon
Grynaeus, and many others have done their best to make sense of the
text where there is a gap (known as a lacuna), where it is clearly spuri-
ous, or where the script is hard to read. Briscoe elected to produce
a conservative text, reproducing readings of the manuscript (known
as V) even where he believed them corrupt, rather than emending it
speculatively. For the purpose of preparing a coherent translation,
I tried to use the simplest conjecture possible and to give some context
in the explanatory notes when difficulties in the text are consequential
for our understanding of what Livy wrote. For the longer gaps in the
manuscript I have supplied some content from other sources to main-
tain the flow of the narrative. I occasionally consulted the facsimile
edition of V, but the reader should be aware that I was working as a
translator, not an editor, and that simplicity, rather than editorial
expertise, dictated my choices. In some cases, I have followed Briscoe
in simply marking a lacuna with the conventional punctuation <. . .>.
In a very few places, where Briscoe has marked the text as spurious
with an obelus (†), I have also followed him and not attempted a trans-
lation. The Appendix is based on the apparatus in Briscoe’s edition,
and readers interested in greater detail should consult it.
The translation of the Periochae is based on Paul Jal’s 1984 Budé
and follows it almost without exception, including the occasional
conjecture he supplies for his translation.
Every translation exists on a continuum between the literal and the
free; this one errs in both directions at different points. My highest
priority was to reproduce in English Livy’s gift for narrative because
I regard his ability to captivate his reader as the most distinctive
attribute of his style. Livy’s writing is characterized above all by var-
iety; pace, diction, tone are all attuned to the shifts in subject matter.
The far more plodding quality of the Periochae, which were compiled
by an unknown epitomator (who gives no sign of being a master of
xxvi Note on the Text and Translation
Latin prose!), may be the easiest way to gain some sense of the con-
trasting vibrancy of Livy’s Latin in Books 41–5.
These five books have not received the scholarly attention they
deserve. In particular, they lack a modern commentary. I consulted
the Weissenborn–Müller long-authoritative but now outdated edi-
tion, but often found that other translations were more helpful inter-
pretations of Livy’s meaning. In many ways the present translation is
in a conversation with the corresponding volumes of the Loeb, trans-
lated by Evan Sage and A. C. Schlesinger, and the Revd Canon
Roberts’ Everyman edition. The Loeb has the advantage of showing
which text is being translated; the Everyman is a model of lucid, ele-
gant English. As a translator I miss the scholar’s luxury of the foot-
note; it is impossible to document my debt to these works.
The translation of the Periochae is primarily intended to allow
more access to the full scope of Livy’s conception of the Romans’
history. The explanatory notes are minimal; truly appropriate anno-
tation would require a full scholarly commentary. (And with the
exception of these notes, the ancillary material is intended primarily
for use with the translation of Books 41–5.)

It is a pleasure to acknowledge all the people who have helped me. This
translation would neither have been undertaken nor completed without
the efforts and support of Eve Adler, David Levene, Bill Nelson, Peggy
Nelson, and Tony Woodman. I owe special thanks to David and Tony
for their constant willingness to respond to the multifarious queries
of a novice translator. Michael Crawford, Noel Lenski, Stephen Oakley,
and Robert Parker read portions at various stages. The translation is
the better for their input, though doubtless still not free from error.
Josh Drake did the initial work on the maps, Elizabeth Stratford put
exceptional care into the preparation of the manuscript for publication.
The generosity of Judy DeLottie of the University of Connecticut
Library was above and beyond the call of duty. Institutional support
came from the Faculty Professional Development Fund of
Middlebury College and from Fondation Hardt. There is no way to
thank sufficiently the three dedicated readers who pored over every
word, often more than once: Justin Bennett, John Briscoe, and
Christopher Pelling. Last and most, I thank Judith Luna for providing
everything one could want or need from an editor.
 SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Texts
Livius: Ab Vrbe Condita, Libri XLI –XLV, ed. J. Briscoe (Stuttgart:
Teubner, 1986).
Abrégés des livres de l’histoire romaine de Tite-Live, ed. P. Jal, Collection
Budé (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1984), 2 volumes.
Other Editions
Liuius: Codex Vindobensis Lat. 15, phototypice editus, ed. C. Wessely (Leiden,
1907).
Titi Livi ab urbe condita libri, ed. W. Weissenborn and H. J. Müller
(1880–1924) (Berlin, repr. 1967).
Translations
Rome and the Mediterranean, trans. H. Bettenson, ed. A. H. McDonald,
Penguin Classics (London, 1976).
Livy: Books XL–XLII, trans. E. Sage and A. C. Schlesinger, Loeb Classical
Library (Cambridge, Mass., 1938).
Livy: Books XLIII–XLV, trans. A. C. Schlesinger, Loeb Classical
Library (Cambridge, Mass., 1951).
Livy: Summaries, Fragments, and Obsequens, trans. A. C. Schlesinger, Loeb
Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass., 1959, rev. repr. 1967).
The History of Rome by Livy, vol. 6, trans W. M. Roberts, Everyman
Library (New York and London, 1924).
Works on Livy
Chaplin, J. D., Livy’s Exemplary History (Oxford, 2000).
—— and Kraus, C. S., Oxford Readings in Classical Studies: Livy (Oxford,
forthcoming).
Dorey, T. A. (ed.), Livy (London and Toronto, 1971).
Feldherr, A., Spectacle and Society in Livy’s History (Berkeley, 1998).
Jaeger, M., Livy’s Written Rome (Ann Arbor, 1997).
Kraus, C. S., and Woodman, A. J., Latin Historians, Greece and Rome,
New Surveys in the Classics, 27 (Oxford, 1997).
Levene, D. S., Religion in Livy (Leiden, 1993).
—— ‘History, Metahistory, and Audience Response in Livy 45’, Classical
Antiquity, 25 (2006), 73–108.
Luce, T. J., Livy: The Composition of his History (Princeton, 1977).
xxviii Select Bibliography
Miles, G. B., Livy: Reconstructing Early Rome (Ithaca, NY, and London,
1995).
Syme, R., ‘Livy and Augustus’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 64
(1959), 27–87; repr. in Roman Papers, vol. 1, ed. E. Badian (Oxford,
1979), 400–454.
Walsh, P. G., Livy: His Historical Aims and Methods (Cambridge, 1961).
Works on the Periochae
Begbie, C. M., ‘The Epitome of Livy’, Classical Quarterly, 17 (1967), 332–8.
Brunt, P. A., ‘On Historical Fragments and Epitomes’, Classical Quarterly,
30 (1980), 477–94.
Stadter, P. A., ‘The Structure of Livy’s History’, Historia, 21 (1972),
287–307.
Works on Polybius
Eckstein, A. M., Moral Vision in the Histories of Polybius (Berkeley, 1995).
Sacks, K. S., Polybius on the Writing of History (Berkeley, 1981).
Walbank, F. W., A Historical Commentary on Polybius, 3 vols. (Oxford,
1957–79).
—— Polybius (Berkeley, 1972).
—— Polybius, Rome and the Hellenistic World: Essays and Reflections
(Cambridge, 2002).
Works on Roman Culture and History
Astin, A. E., Cato the Censor (Oxford, 1978).
—— ‘Regimen Morum’, Journal of Roman Studies, 78 (1988), 14–34.
Badian, E., Foreign Clientelae, (264–70 B.C.) (Oxford, 1958).
Beard, M., North, J., and Price, S., Religions of Rome, 2 vols. (Cambridge,
1998).
Bickerman, E. J., Chronology of the Ancient World, rev. edn. (London, 1980).
Broughton, T. R. S., The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, 3 vols.
(New York and Athens, Ga., 1951–86).
Brunt, P. A., Italian Manpower 225 B.C.–A.D. 14 (Oxford, 1971, repr. 1987).
Eckstein, A. M., Senate and General: Individual Decision Making and
Roman Foreign Relations, 264–194 B.C. (Berkeley, 1987).
Errington, R. M., The Dawn of Empire. Rome’s Rise to World Power (Ithaca,
NY, 1972).
Harris, W. V., War and Imperialism in Republican Rome 327–70 B.C., rev.
edn. (Oxford, 1985).
Keppie, L., The Making of the Roman Army: From Republic to Empire, rev.
edn. (London, 1998).
Lintott, A., The Constitution of the Roman Republic (Oxford, 1999).
 Select Bibliography xxix
Platner, S. B., and Ashby, T., A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome
(Oxford, 1926).
Reiter, W., Aemilius Paullus, Conqueror of Greece (New York, 1988).
Richardson, J. S., The Romans in Spain (Oxford, 1996).
Rosenstein, N., Imperatores Victi: Military Defeat and Aristocratic
Competition in the Middle and Late Republic (Berkeley, 1990).
Scullard, H. H., Roman Politics, 220–150 B.C. (Oxford, 1951).
—— The Elephant in the Greek and Roman World (Ithaca, NY, 1974).
—— Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic (Ithaca, NY, 1981).
Sherk, R. K., Roman Documents from the Greek East: Senatus Consulta and
Epistulae to the Age of Augustus (Baltimore, 1969).
Sherwin-White, A. N., The Roman Citizenship, rev. edn. (Oxford, 1973).
Taylor, L. R., Roman Voting Assemblies from the Hannibalic War to the
Dictatorship of Caesar (Ann Arbor, 1966).
Versnel, H. S., Triumphus: An Inquiry into the Origin, Development and
Meaning of the Roman Triumph (Leiden, 1970).
Works on Macedonia and the Hellenistic World
Allen, R. E., The Attalid Kingdom: A Constitutional History (Oxford, 1983).
Berthold, R. M., Rhodes in the Hellenistic Age (Ithaca, NY, 1984).
Errington, R. M., A History of Macedonia (Berkeley, 1990).
Green, P., Alexander to Actium: The Historical Evolution of the Hellenistic
Age (Berkeley, 1990).
Gruen, E. S., The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome (Berkeley, 1984).
Hammond, N. G. L., Epirus (Oxford, 1967; repr. New York, 1981).
—— A History of Macedonia, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1972, repr. New York, 1981).
—— The Macedonian State: Origins, Institutions, and History (Oxford, 1989).
—— and Griffith, G. T., A History of Macedonia, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1979).
—— and Walbank, F. W., A History of Macedonia, vol. 3 (Oxford, 1988;
repr. 2001).
Larsen, J. A. O., Greek Federal States (Oxford, 1968).
Mørkholm, O., Antiochus IV of Syria (Copenhagen, 1966).
Hölbl, G., A History of the Ptolemaic Empire (London and New York, 2001).
Walbank, F. W., The Hellenistic World, rev. edn. (Cambridge, Mass., 1981).
—— Philip V of Macedon (Cambridge, 1940).
Wilkes, J., The Illyrians (Oxford, 1992).
Further Reading in Oxford World’s Classics
Caesar, Julius, The Civil War, trans. John Carter.
—— The Gallic War, trans. Carolyn Hammond.
Livy, The Rise of Rome, Books 1–5, trans. T. J. Luce.
—— Hannibal’s War, Books 21–30, trans. J. C. Yardley, ed. Dexter Hoyos.
xxx Select Bibliography
Livy, The Dawn of the Roman Empire, Books 31–40, trans. J. C. Yardley, ed.
Waldemar Heckel.
Plutarch, Roman Lives: A Selection of Eight Lives, trans. R. Waterfield, ed.
P. A. Stadter.
Tacitus, The Histories, trans. W. H. Fyfe, rev. and ed. D. S. Levene.
 A CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS

All dates are BCE.

Background
264‒241 First Punic War.
229‒228 First Illyrian War.
219 Second Illyrian War.
218‒201 Second Punic War.
214‒205 First Macedonian War.
200‒196 Second Macedonian War.
192‒189 War with Antiochus.

Book 41
178 Consuls: Marcus Junius Brutus (Liguria), Aulus Manlius Vulso (Gaul).
Manlius campaigns against the Istrians and is joined by Junius after
an initial defeat. The Senate receives a Lycian embassy complaining
about Rhodes. Triumphs for Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and
Lucius Postumius Albinus for campaigns in Spain.
177 Consuls: Gaius Claudius Pulcher (Istria; Liguria), Tiberius Sempronius
Gracchus (Sardinia). Embassy from the Latins about migration to
Rome and recruitment. Claudius initially fails to take command, then
subdues the Istrians and is reassigned to Liguria. Campaigning in
Sardinia. Claudius’ two triumphs.
176 Consuls: Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Hispallus (Pisa; died and replaced),
Quintus Petillius Spurinus (Liguria; killed in battle); suffect consul:
Gaius Valerius Laevinus (Liguria). The year begins with various bad
omens. Scipio Hispallus dies, and Valerius Laevinus is elected in his
place. The Ligures revolt again. Tiberius Sempronius is victorious in
Sardinia. Petillius dies in a Roman defeat of the Ligures.
175 Consuls: Publius Mucius Scaevola (Liguria), Marcus Aemilius Lepidus
(Liguria). Campaigning in northern Italy. First complaints are brought
against Perseus, for fomenting conflict between the Bastarnae and the
Dardani. Account of their fighting. Description of Antiochus.
174 Consuls: Quintus Mucius Scaevola and Spurius Postumius Albinus
(provinces not in text). Plague at Rome. The envoys return from Africa.
Perseus campaigns against the Dolopes and returns to Macedonia via
xxxii A Chronology of Events
Delphi and Thessaly; he attempts to win over the Greeks. The
Achaeans debate repealing their embargo of Macedonia and decide to
continue it. Catalogue of troubles among foreigners. Roman cam-
paign against the Celtiberi. Activities of the censors.

Book 42
173 Consuls: Lucius Postumius Albinus (Liguria), Marcus Popillius Laenas
(Statellates in Liguria). The Senate’s envoys return from failed
embassy to Perseus. Fulvius and the temple of Fortuna Equestris.
Diplomatic activity at Rome and in Greece. The Senate dispatches
another embassy to Perseus. Popillius’ controversial treatment of the
Statellates. Activities of the censors.
172 Consuls: Gaius Popillius Laenas (brother of consul of 173; Liguria), Publius
Aelius Ligus (Liguria). The consuls and Senate debate the Ligurian
situation. Eumenes visits Rome to urge war against Perseus. The Senate
receives an embassy from Perseus. Attempted assassination of Eumenes
at Delphi. The embassy returns from Macedonia and reports to the
Senate. The Senate decides on war. Senatorial reaction to treatment
of the Statellates. Embassies from the Carthaginians and Masinissa.
The envoys report Perseus’ hostile behaviour. Accusations against
Gentius. Mobilization begins.
171 Consuls: Publius Licinius Crassus (Macedonia), Gaius Cassius Longinus
(Italy; attempted invasion of Macedonia). Attitudes around the
Mediterranean towards the war. The Romans declare war on Perseus.
Conscription (speech of Spurius Ligustinus). The Senate dismisses
Perseus’ envoys. Roman diplomacy in Greece. Conference of
Quintus Marcius Philippus and Perseus at the Peneus. Dissolution of
Boeotian League. Roman and Macedonian diplomacy in the eastern
Mediterranean. Marcius’ report in the Senate. Licinius’ departure for
Macedonia. Perseus musters his forces and starts the campaign. First
campaign season. Perseus’ victory over the Romans at Callinicus. The
Romans reject Perseus’ peace overtures. Minor Roman successes.
Book 43
Cassius’ unauthorized march into Illyricum. Embassies from Spain.
170 Consuls: Aulus Hostilius Mancinus (Macedonia), Aulus Atilius Serranus
(Liguria and Gaul). Complaints against Roman magistrates. Return
of representatives from Masinissa and the Carthaginians. Appius
Claudius campaigns in Illyricum.
169 Consuls: Quintus Marcius Philippus (Macedonia), Gnaeus Servilius Caepio
(Italy). Activities of the censors. Perseus’ campaign in Illyricum; his
 A Chronology of Events xxxiii
failed negotiations with Gentius. Appius Claudius’ campaign in
Illyricum.
Book 44
169 Consuls: Quintus Marcius Philippus (Macedonia), Gnaeus Servilius Caepio
(Italy). Quintus Marcius Philippus invades Macedonia over the shoul-
der of Mount Olympus, unnerves Perseus, but returns to Thessaly
because of inadequate supply-lines. Activities of the Roman fleet. The
Rhodians tell the Romans to come to terms; the Senate’s response.
Activities of the censors.
168 Consuls: Lucius Aemilius Paullus (Macedonia), Gaius Licinius Crassus
(Italy). An Alexandrian embassy seeks Roman help. Paullus receives
a report from Macedonia and addresses the Romans. Perseus and
Gentius form an alliance. Failed negotiations between Perseus and
Eumenes. Failed alliance between Perseus and the Gauls. Macedonian
naval activities. Anicius’ campaign in Illyricum results in the defeat of
Gentius. Lucius Aemilius Paullus establishes his command and reor-
ganizes the army. He defeats the Macedonians at Pydna. Perseus
flees, eventually to Samothrace.
Book 45
News of victory reaches Rome. Perseus surrenders. Gaius Popillius’
embassy to Antiochus and the ‘Day of Eleusis’. The Senate receives
the embassies. Activities of the censors.
167 Consuls: Quintus Aelius Paetus (Liguria), Marcus Junius Pennus (Liguria).
The Senate decides on general terms for Macedonia. Attalus in Rome.
The Rhodians attempt to defend their actions. Anicius’ operations in
Illyricum. Paullus tours Greece. The partitioning of Macedonia. The
sack of Epirus. Gentius, Perseus, and leading Greeks sent to Rome.
The Senate votes triumphs for Anicius (Illyricum), Octavius (fleet),
and Paullus (Macedonia). Resistance to Paullus’ triumph stirred up
by Galba. Servilius’ speech supporting the triumph. Paullus’ triumph
and speech. Triumphs of Octavius and Anicius. Prusias of Bithynia
visits Rome.
M ap 1. Rome
M ap 2. The Italian peninsula
M ap 3. Macedonia and Greece
M ap 4. The Mediterranean
This page intentionally left blank
ROME’S MEDITERRANEAN
EMPIRE
This page intentionally left blank
 BOOK FORTY-ONE

[The first sixth of Book 41 was lost well before the first printed edition
appeared in 1531, and so the beginning of the narrative here is
misleadingly abrupt. The contents of the lost portion, however, can
be reconstructed from the Periocha for Book 41. In addition to the
prelude to the war against Perseus, it notes, among other topics, the
Roman campaigns in Spain, the succession of Antiochus Epiphanes
to the kingdom of Syria, the census of 179, and the passing of the lex
Voconia (a law preventing women in the top property class from being
instituted as heirs). Some of the material pertaining to Antiochus
Epiphanes appears in the extant text (chap. 20 below). The narrative
here begins with the Roman campaign against the Istrians, who inhab-
ited a peninsula in what is now Croatia. They had previously clashed
with the Romans just before the outbreak of the Second Punic War
(Per. 20). The source of the trouble here is Istrian opposition to the
Romans’ new colony at Aquileia (40.26 and 40.34). The text begins
in the middle of a sentence, and the name of the Istrians’ chief, Aepulo,
has to be supplied from further on in the text (chap. 11).]
1. The story goes that the Istrians had been a peaceful people under
Aepulo’s father, and that it was Aepulo who had given them weapons.
In this way, supposedly, he ingratiated himself with the younger men,
who were eager for plunder.
The consul* held a conference of war about the Istrians. Some of
his advisers thought it should be fought immediately, before the
enemy could assemble its forces, others that the Senate should be
consulted first. Those who opposed delay prevailed.
The consul left Aquileia and made camp at Lake Timavus, which is
not far from the sea. He was joined there by ten ships under the com-
mand of Gaius Furius, one of the duumviri who had been appointed to
deal with the Illyrian fleet. Using Ancona as their focal point, they were
supposed to divide up the coast of the Adriatic and protect it with
twenty ships. Lucius Cornelius was responsible for the right-hand
side of the coast, down to Tarentum, and Gaius Furius for the left-
hand side, up to Aquileia. His ships were sent to the closest harbour
in Istrian territory; they had cargo-vessels and a large store of supplies
with them. The consul followed with the legions and made camp about
five miles from the sea.
4 book forty-one 178 bce
In no time at all there was a busy trading post at the harbour.
Everything was transported from there to the camp. To make the
transportation of goods more secure, detachments were posted all
around the camp. The main stronghold faced Istria, and an emer-
gency cohort from Placentia was stationed there. Marcus Aebutius,
a military tribune from the second legion, was ordered to take two
maniples of soldiers to the area between the camp and the sea and
also to protect the water-carriers around the stream. The third legion
was supposed to protect the men who were foraging for food and
wood, so the military tribunes, Titus and Gaius Aelius, had led the
soldiers along the road to Aquileia. Roughly a mile from this area was
a camp of Gauls where a minor king named Catmelus had under his
command at most 3,000 armed men.
2. As soon as the Romans established their camp at Lake Timavus,
the Istrians themselves occupied a place hidden behind a hill. From
then on they shadowed the Roman troops by zigzagging paths, alert
for any opportunity. None of the activity in the camp or on the water
escaped their notice. When they observed that the detachments in
front of the camp were weak and that the crowds of unarmed traders
in the busy commercial area between the camp and the shore had no
protection from the land or the sea, the Istrians attacked two outposts
simultaneously. Their targets were the cohort from Placentia and the
maniples of the second legion.
An early morning mist had concealed the beginning of the
Istrians’ enterprise. This lifted with the first warmth of the sun, but
even as the light grew somewhat brighter, it was still murky (as is
often the case) and magnified the size of everything. The Romans
were deceived into thinking that the enemy force was much larger
than it actually was. The soldiers of both detachments were terrified.
They fled to the camp in a great panic and compounded the fear their
initial stampede had provoked when they were unable to explain
their flight or indeed to answer any questions at all.
Then an outcry was heard from the camp’s entrances since there was
no detachment to fend off an attack. Rushing about in the darkness had
caused the Romans to bump into one another so much that it was
unclear whether or not the enemy was within the rampart. Amidst
the shouting, a single voice was heard: ‘To the sea!’ This chance, ill-
considered outburst from one man reached every corner of the camp.
And so men began to run down to the shore just as if they had been
178 bce chapters 1‒ 3 5
ordered to do so. At first it was only a few, and although some were
armed, most had no weapons. Then more men joined them. Finally,
practically everyone did, including the consul himself. His efforts to
recall the fleeing men had proved useless: they ignored his orders and
his authority and even his begging.
One man alone held his ground; this was Marcus Licinius Strabo,
a military tribune from the third legion, who had been left behind
with three maniples from his legion. The Istrians made an assault
into the empty camp and, encountering no other opposition, over-
whelmed him in front of the general’s headquarters even as he was
marshalling his men and shouting out encouragement to them. The
fight was disproportionately fierce considering the small number of
defenders involved, and it lasted until the tribune and all of those
who had stood by him were slaughtered.
The Istrians tore down and ransacked the general’s headquarters.
Then they made their way to the quaestor’s quarters, the meeting area,
and the trading district. There they came across all the supplies neatly
arranged and exposed to view, and in the quaestor’s quarters they
discovered couches set up for a meal. Their king immediately lay down
and began to eat. It did not take all the others long to forget about the
fighting and the enemy and to do the same. Unaccustomed to the
rather luxurious fare, they greedily loaded down their bodies with
food and drink.
3. Far different was the scene among the Romans at that particular
moment: panic reigned on land and sea. The sailors were taking down
their tents, gathering up the supplies that lay exposed on the shore,
and carrying them to the ships. Terrified soldiers were rushing into
rowing boats and the sea. Alarmed that the boats might fill up, some
of the sailors obstructed the soldiers while others pushed the boats
away from the shore and into deeper water. The ensuing brawl soon
turned into a full-scale battle between navy and infantry, including an
exchange of wounds and casualties. It ended only when the consul
ordered the fleet out to sea.
The consul then began to separate out the armed men from those
without weapons. Out of the entire group, scarcely 1,200 had weapons;
and very few of the cavalry turned out to have brought their horses
with them. The rest resembled a shapeless mass of camp followers
and servants; no doubt they would have been captured as spoils of
war, if the enemy had remembered there was a war going on.
6 book forty-one 178 bce
Finally, a messenger was sent to recall the third legion and the gar-
rison of the Gauls. At the same time a move began on all sides to regain
the camp and erase the disgrace of having lost it. The military tribunes
of the third legion told the foragers to abandon the food and wood they
had collected; and they directed the centurions, once the pack animals
had been unloaded, to mount two of the older soldiers on each animal,
and each of the cavalry to take up one of the younger infantrymen on
his horse. The tribunes went on to say how glorious the reputation of
the third legion would be if the soldiers proved brave enough to regain
the camp that had been lost by the cowardice of the second—and the
camp could easily be recovered if they surprised the barbarians in the
act of plundering and overwhelmed them quickly. In short, they could
take the camp in the same way it had been taken from them. The sol-
diers heard these heartening words with great eagerness. The standard-
bearers started off at once, and the troops did not delay them. Even so,
the consul and the troops he had re-marshalled from the shore reached
the rampart first.
The speech of Lucius Atius, first tribune of the second legion, went
beyond mere encouragement. He pointed out to his troops that if the
Istrians intended to defend the camp with the same forces with which
they had just successfully seized it, first they would have pursued
their ousted enemies down to the sea and then they would at least have
posted detachments before the rampart. He concluded that it was very
likely they were lying around overcome by wine and sleepiness.
4. No sooner had he finished than he ordered his standard-bearer,
Aulus Baeculonius (a man known for his bravery), to lead the charge.
Baeculonius said that if the rest would follow him alone, his pace
would be all the faster, and with a mighty effort he hurled his standard
over the rampart and was the first to enter the gate. Titus and Gaius
Aelius, military tribunes of the third legion, approached from the other
direction with the cavalry. Right behind them were the soldiers whom
they had doubled up on the pack animals, and the consul with the full
battle-column.
Nevertheless, the few Istrians who had drunk only moderately had
the presence of mind to flee. As for the rest, somnolence merged
imperceptibly into death. The Romans recovered all their belongings
except for the food and drink that had been consumed. Once they realized
their comrades were within the rampart, even the wounded soldiers,
who had been left behind in the camp, seized their weapons and
178 bce chapters 3‒ 5 7
contributed a large share to the slaughter. Everyone else was outdone
by the performance of a cavalryman, Gaius Popillius, with the cognomen
of Sabellus. Although he had been left behind because of a wound in
his foot, he accounted for the largest number of casualties by far. About
8,000 Istrians were killed. There were no prisoners: a combination of
anger and outrage made the Romans overlook potential profit. The
king of the Istrians, however, escaped; drunk from the banquet as he had
been, his men had hastily loaded him on a horse. On the winning side
237 men were lost, of whom more died in the early morning scramble
than in the recovery of the camp.
5. Gnaeus and Lucius Gavillius Novellus of Aquileia happened to
be on their way to deliver supplies to the camp and, unaware of the
situation, nearly entered it when it was in Istrian hands. They dropped
their loads and fled back to Aquileia where they filled everyone with
fear and consternation. They caused the same reaction at Rome too
a few days later. There the story spread that the camp had been taken
by the enemy and that the Romans had run away; this part was true
enough, but it was also said that all was lost and that the entire army
had been wiped out.
And so the standard emergency measures were taken. Special levies
were announced at Rome as well as throughout Italy. Two legions of
Roman citizens were enlisted, and 10,000 infantry and 500 cavalry
were called up from the Latin and Italian allies. The consul Marcus
Junius was directed to cross into Gaul and to drum up from the towns
there as many troops as each could muster. At the same time it was
decreed that the praetor Tiberius Claudius should order the soldiers of
the fourth legion, along with 5,000 infantry and 250 cavalry from the
Latin and Italian allies, to assemble at Pisa and that he should look
after the province in the consul’s absence. The praetor Marcus Titinius
was to tell the first legion to gather at Ariminum with the same number
of allied infantry and cavalry.
Nero* donned his military cloak and set out for his command
at Pisa. Titinius remained at Rome to conduct the draft and sent a
military tribune named Gaius Cassius to Ariminum to take charge of
his legion. Marcus Junius, the consul, crossed from Liguria to the
province in Gaul. As soon as he had ordered auxiliary forces from the
local communities and additional manpower from the colonies, he
went on to Aquileia. Since he was informed there that the army was
in no danger, he sent a letter to Rome to end the state of emergency,
8 book forty-one 178 bce
dismissed the Gallic auxiliaries he had requisitioned, and set out to
join his colleague.
At Rome there was tremendous rejoicing over the unexpected
outcome. The levy was abandoned, those who had taken the oath were
released from it, and the troops at Ariminum (where they had been
stricken with the plague) were sent home. When the Istrians, who were
encamped in large numbers near the consul’s camp, heard about the
arrival of the other consul with fresh forces, they slipped away by vari-
ous routes to their towns. The consuls led the legions back into winter
quarters at Aquileia.
6. When the emergency caused by the Istrians finally ended, the
Senate decreed that the consuls should decide between themselves
which of them should return to Rome to hold the elections. In his
absence, Manlius was the object of a savage attack launched by two trib-
unes of the plebs at public meetings. Licinius Nerva and Gaius Papirius
Turdus promulgated a motion that Manlius not keep his imperium past
the fifteenth of March, despite the fact that the consuls’ commands
had already been extended for a year. That way, once he was out of
office, he could be put on trial immediately.* The tribunes’ colleague,
Quintus Aelius, vetoed the motion. After extended arguments, he
managed to prevent its passage.
In this same period Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Lucius
Postumius Albinus returned to Rome from Spain. Marcus Titinius,
the praetor, held a meeting of the Senate in the temple of Bellona so
that they could render an account of their actions and lay claim to the
rewards owed to them.*
Also at this time there was news of a serious emergency on Sardinia.*
A report from the praetor there, Titus Aebutius, had been delivered to
the Senate by his son. The Ilienses, reinforced by their allies the Balari,
had attacked his peaceful province. The army had been weakened and
in large part wiped out by a plague and could put up no resistance.
Emissaries from the Sardinians told the same tale and beseeched the
Senate at least to provide aid to the towns; they had already despaired
of their farms. Their embassy and everything pertaining to Sardinia
were referred to the incoming magistrates.
There was an equally piteous delegation from the Lycians, protesting
against the cruelty of the Rhodians, in whose control they had been
placed by Lucius Cornelius Scipio.* They said that they had been under
Antiochus’ dominion, but that their former servitude to a king seemed
like glorious freedom compared to their current state. For not only
178 bce chapters 5‒ 7 9
were they oppressed by Rhodian rule in their civic life, but as indi-
viduals they endured virtual slavery: their wives and children were
abused; their own backs and bodies were treated with violent sav-
agery; and—a shameful business—their reputation was stained and
dishonoured. The Rhodians committed patent atrocities merely for
the sake of exercising their rights: they intended to make it clear that
there was no difference between the Lycians and slaves that had been
bought and paid for.
The Senate felt the force of this appeal and entrusted the Lycians
with a letter* for the Rhodians stating that the enslavement of the
Lycians to the Rhodians, or indeed of any freeborn men to anyone, did
not meet with the Senate’s approval; and further, the Lycians had the
same standing under the Rhodians’ control and protection as allied
cities under Roman dominion did.
7. Then there were two triumphs, one after the other, both for
campaigns in Spain. That of Sempronius Gracchus took place first;
he triumphed over the Celtiberi and their allies. On the following
day Lucius Postumius held his triumph over the Lusitani and other
Spanish peoples in the same area. In Gracchus’ procession, 40,000
pounds of silver were conveyed; in Albinus’ 20,000. Both distributed
twenty-five denarii to each soldier, twice as much to the centurions,
and three times as much to the cavalry; the allies received the same as
the Romans.*
In this same period Marcus Junius the consul returned to Rome
from Istria to hold the elections. The tribunes, Papirius and Licinius,
pestered him endlessly in the Senate about what had happened in
Istria and then brought him before a public meeting. By way of
defence, the consul said that he had spent not more than eleven days
in that province and that he too, just as they did, had to rely on hearsay
for what had happened in his absence. Then the tribunes continued by
asking why Aulus Manlius had not himself come to Rome to explain in
full to the Roman people why he had left Gaul, the province he had
received by lot, and crossed over into Istria. When had the Senate
decreed a war with the Istrians? When had the Roman people author-
ized it? Well then, by Hercules, suppose he were to claim that even if
he started the war on his own initiative, he fought it with intelligence
and courage! Quite the opposite. It was impossible to say which was
worse: the impropriety of starting the war or the totally injudicious
way he waged it. Two detachments had been unexpectedly overwhelmed
by the Istrians; the Romans’ camp taken; the cavalry and infantry in
10 book forty-one 178 bce
the camp had been killed; the rest, unarmed and routed, had fled; the
consul himself had led the way in the mad dash to the sea and the
ships. Since Manlius had refused to give a full explanation while he
was still consul, he would have to do so when he became a private
citizen again.
8. Then the elections were held. Gaius Claudius Pulcher and Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus were elected consuls; and on the following day
the praetors were chosen: Publius Aelius Tubero (for the second time),
Gaius Quinctius Flamininus, Gaius Numisius, Lucius Mummius,
Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, and Gaius Valerius Laevinus. Tubero received
urban jurisdiction as his lot; Quinctius received peregrine jurisdiction.
Sicily fell to Numisius and Sardinia to Mummius. But the latter was
designated a consular province because of the extent of the hostilities
there. Gracchus received it by lot while Claudius received Istria. Scipio
and Laevinus both received Gaul, which was divided into two separate
spheres of command.
On the fifteenth of March, when Sempronius and Claudius took up
their consular duties, the subject of the provinces of Sardinia and Istria
and the enemies who had disrupted the peace in them was merely
broached. The following day the Sardinian emissaries, who had had
to wait for the new magistrates, and Lucius Minucius Thermus, who
had been a junior officer of the consul Manlius in Istria, were admitted
to the Senate and reported on the gravity of the conflicts in their respec-
tive provinces.
The envoys from the Latin allies made a significant impression on
the Senate. They were admitted to the Senate only after their tireless
appeals had worn down the censors and the previous consuls. The
essence of their complaint was that a great number of their fellow citi-
zens were registered at Rome* and had moved there. If this practice
were allowed to continue, it would not be many census periods before
their towns and farms would be deserted and incapable of providing
troops. The Samnites and the Paeligni also complained that 4,000 families
had left them and moved to Fregellae, and yet that change had not
resulted in the Samnites and the Paeligni supplying fewer men or the
Fregellani more for the conscription of troops.
Individuals had engaged in two kinds of fraud to change citizenship.
The law entitled the Latin allies to become Roman citizens as long
as they left a son of their own at home. In abusing this law some
men committed an injustice against the allies and some against the
178‒177 bce chapters 7‒ 9 11
Roman people. To avoid the necessity of leaving a son at home, men
would hand their sons over as slaves to anyone with Roman citizenship,
on the condition that the sons would be manumitted; as freedmen they
would become citizens. Men with no offspring to leave behind adopted
sons in order to become Roman citizens.* After a while people dispensed
with even these legal charades, and ignoring the law and their offspring
alike, they made a general practice of changing citizenship by moving
to Rome and being counted in the census.
The ambassadors sought to put an end to all this. They asked the
Senate to direct the allies to go back to their cities; they asked also that
legal provision be made against the acquisition or renunciation of
offspring for the sake of changing citizenship; and that if anyone
should become a Roman citizen by these means, he should not be one.
The Senate granted these requests.
9. Then Sardinia and Istria, the provinces with ongoing hostilities,
were assigned to the consuls. For Sardinia, orders were given that
two legions be enrolled. Each legion was to have 5,200 infantry and
300 cavalry; 12,000 infantry and 600 cavalry were to be enrolled from
the Latin and Italian allies; ten quinqueremes were also to be made
ready for removal from the dockyards, in case this became desirable.
Exactly the same numbers of infantry and cavalry were ordered for
Istria. The consuls were also directed to send one Roman legion, with
300 cavalry, and 5,000 allied infantry and 250 allied cavalry to Marcus
Titinius in Spain.
Before the consuls drew lots for their provinces, prodigies were
announced:* in the territory of Crustumine a rock had fallen from
the sky and landed in the grove of Mars; in Roman territory a male
child was born without all his limbs, and a four-legged snake was seen;
and at Capua several buildings in the forum had been struck by light-
ning; at Puteoli two ships were struck by lightning and incinerated.
Even while these events were being announced, a wolf was chased
through Rome itself in broad daylight; it came in by the Colline Gate
and escaped by the Esquiline, with great uproar from the pursuers.
To expiate these prodigies, the consuls sacrificed full-grown animals,
and there was a one-day supplication* at all the sacred couches. Once
the sacrifices had been properly performed, the provinces were assigned
by lot: Istria fell to Claudius and Sardinia to Sempronius.
Then, with the authorization of the Senate, Gaius Claudius carried
a law about the allies. He issued an edict that those of the Latin allies
12 book forty-one 177 bce
who had been registered as such or whose ancestors had been regis-
tered as such during the censorship of Marcus Claudius and Titus
Quinctius* or at any point from then on should return to their own
cities before the first of November. The praetor Lucius Mummius*
was assigned to look into the cases of those who did not comply. The
Senate added its own decree to the consular law and edict: if anyone
should ask a senior magistrate, present or future, to perform a manu-
mission or a vindication of free status, the dictator, consul, interrex,
censor, or praetor now or in the future should require the petitioner to
take an oath that the purpose of the manumission was not to alter civic
status; in any case where there was no such oath, the Senate forbade
the manumission.* These precautions were taken for the future; and
by the edict of the consul Gaius Claudius <. . .> it was decreed by
Claudius.
10. These were the events in Rome. Meanwhile, Marcus Junius and
Aulus Manlius, the consuls of the previous year, had spent the winter
at Aquileia, but at the beginning of spring they led their forces into
Istrian territory and raided far and wide. The Istrians watched the
destruction of their land, and though they had no great expectation
that their manpower would suffice against two armies, grief and out-
rage drove them to action. From every community the younger men
came together. In the initial assault their rough and ready army fought
with more vigour than staying power. Approximately 4,000 of them
were killed in battle; the rest gave up the fight and dispersed in disorder
to their towns. From there, they first dispatched ambassadors to the
Roman camp to seek peace and then sent hostages when these were
demanded.
When a dispatch from the proconsuls made these events known at
Rome, the consul, Gaius Claudius, was terrified that these developments
might perhaps deprive him of his province and his army. Without
pausing to pronounce vows, or to have his lictors put on their military
cloaks, or even to tell anyone other than his immediate colleague, he
left under cover of night and rushed precipitately to his province.*
His conduct there showed even less good sense than his journey had.
He called a general meeting and proceeded to castigate Aulus Manlius
for fleeing the camp. The soldiers listened belligerently, for of course
they had been the first to run. Then Claudius heaped reproaches on
Marcus Junius for making himself a partner to his colleague’s shame-
ful behaviour. He ended by ordering both men to leave the province.
177 bce chapters 9‒11 13
They retorted that they would heed the consul’s order only when he
had taken his leave from Rome in the proper ancestral fashion, includ-
ing pronouncing vows on the Capitol and properly cloaked lictors.
Claudius, enraged, summoned the man serving as Manlius’ quaestor
and demanded that he bring chains; he threatened to send Junius and
Manlius to Rome shackled. The man in question also spurned the
consul’s order, and he drew the confidence to disobey from the sur-
rounding soldiers, who took the part of the generals and showed hos-
tility to the consul.
In the end, the butt of constant mockery and exhausted by the taunts
and insults of one and all, Claudius returned to Aquileia in the same
ship that had brought him. From there he sent word to his colleague
to announce that the new recruits destined for Istria should assemble
at Aquileia. In this way nothing at Rome would keep him from leaving
the city as soon as he had pronounced the vows and adopted military
attire. This task his colleague duly undertook, and a day in the near
future was announced for the troops to assemble.
Claudius followed on the heels of his own letter, and as soon as he
arrived, held a public meeting about Manlius and Junius. He spent no
more than three days in Rome; then, lictors cloaked and vows pro-
nounced on the Capitol, he went back to his province as fast as he had
raced there the first time.
11. A few days earlier, Junius and Manlius had mounted an all-out
attack on the town of Nesactium, where the Istrian leaders and their
king, Aepulo himself, had withdrawn. Claudius brought his two new
legions there and sent the old army and its leaders home. He invested
the town and prepared to launch an attack with siege-equipment.
The river flowing past the town was simultaneously a barrier to the
besiegers and a source of water for the Istrians. After many days’ work,
Claudius managed to have the river diverted and drawn off into a new
channel.
The diversion of the water-flow terrified the barbarians as if it were
some wondrous thing. Not even then, however, did they think of
peace, but instead turned to slaughtering their wives and children.
Further, to make a display of their foul deed for their enemies, they
committed the massacre in full view on the walls and then threw the
bodies over. Amidst the shrieking of the women and children and the
unspeakable slaughter, the Roman soldiers scaled the wall and entered
the town. The king took the terrified cries of the fugitives as a signal
14 book forty-one 177 bce
that the town had been captured, and he drove a sword through his
heart to avoid being taken alive. Everyone else was captured or killed.
Two more towns, Mutila and Faveria, were then seized and destroyed.
The booty, which was greater than the poverty of the people would have
led anyone to expect, was all shared out to the soldiers; 5,632 captives
were sold as slaves. The men responsible for the war were flogged and
beheaded. The destruction of the three towns and the death of their
king led to the pacification of the Istrians; the rest of the population
handed over hostages and put themselves under Roman jurisdiction.
Towards the end of the war in Istria, the Ligures began to hold coun-
cils of war.* 12. Tiberius Claudius, who had been a praetor the year
before and was now proconsul, was in charge of the garrison at
Pisa with a single legion. His dispatches informed the Senate of the
situation. The Senate decided to refer them to Gaius Claudius, who
had already crossed over to Sardinia. Appended to the dispatches
was senatorial authorization for Claudius, if he saw fit, to lead his
troops against the Ligures since the province of Istria had been
pacified. At the same time, a two-day supplication was decreed in
response to the dispatches that Claudius had written about his activ-
ities in Istria.
The other consul, Tiberius Sempronius, in Sardinia, also met with
success. He advanced his army into the territory of the Sardinian
Ilienses. Large numbers of the Balari had come to the aid of the
Ilienses, and so the consul fought a pitched battle against both peoples.
The enemy were routed, put to flight, and deprived of their camp;
12,000 armed men were killed. The following day the consul ordered
the weaponry to be gathered and stacked in a pile, which he then burned
as an offering to Vulcan. Then he led his victorious army back into
winter quarters in allied towns.
Gaius Claudius, having received the dispatches from Tiberius
Claudius and the Senate’s decree, transferred his troops from Istria
to Liguria. The enemy had marched as far as the Scultenna river and
established a camp in the fields. The battle against them took place
there. There were 15,000 casualties, more than 700 men were captured
either in the battle or in the camp (for this was taken too), and also
fifty-one of the enemy’s military standards were captured. The Ligures
who survived the massacre took refuge in the hills, and there was no
further sign of hostilities as the consul raided farms across the plains.
And so, victorious over two peoples in a single year and, what others
177 bce chapters 11‒14 15
had rarely done, having pacified two provinces in a single consulship,
Claudius returned to Rome.
13. Prodigies were reported that year: in Crustumine a ‘sanqualis’
bird (the local term for a kind of vulture) had made a crack in a sacred
stone with its beak; a cow in Campania had spoken; in Syracuse a wild
bull had wandered away from its herd, mounted a bronze statue of a
cow, and spattered semen on it. In Crustumine there was a one-day
supplication on the spot; in Campania the cow was handed over to be
maintained at public expense; and the Syracusan prodigy was expiated
by supplication to gods named by the haruspices.
A priest died that year, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who had been
a consul and a censor; his son Marcus Marcellus took his place in the
priesthood. Also in that year a colony of 2,000 Roman citizens was
established at Luna. A three-man commission consisting of Publius
Aelius, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, and Gnaeus Sicinius oversaw the
establishment of the colony. Each colonist got fifty-one and a half
iugera of land.* The land had been seized from the Ligures; before the
Ligures it had belonged to the Etruscans.
The consul Gaius Claudius returned to the city. After he described
his successful activities in Istria and Liguria to the Senate, he was
granted the triumph he requested. Still in his magistracy, he celebrated
a double triumph over the two peoples. He had 307,000 denarii and
85,702 victoriati conveyed in the procession. The soldiers each received
fifteen denarii; the centurions twice that; and the cavalry three times.
The allies got only half as much as those with Roman citizenship, and so
they followed Claudius’ chariot in such silence that you could feel their
resentment.*
14. As this triumph was being celebrated over them, the Ligures shed
their fear when they realized that not only had the consul’s army been
marched back to Rome, but that Tiberius Claudius had dismissed his
legion from Pisa. Secretly they recruited an army and made their way
over the mountains along side trails down to the plains. After raiding
the territory around Mutina, they seized the colony itself in a surprise
attack.
When this news was brought to Rome, the Senate directed the consul
Gaius Claudius to hold the elections at the very first opportunity and,
once the magistrates were chosen for the year, to return to the province
and wrest the colony back from the enemy. The elections were held in
accordance with the Senate’s decree. Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Hispallus
16 book forty-one 176 bce
and Quintus Petillius Spurinus were elected consuls; then Marcus
Popillius Laenas, Publius Licinius Crassus, Marcus Cornelius Scipio,
Lucius Papirius Maso, Marcus Aburius, and Lucius Aquillius Gallus
were chosen as the praetors. The consul Gaius Claudius’ command
was extended for a year, with Gaul as his province. And to prevent the
Istrians from doing precisely what the Ligures had done, he was to
dispatch to Istria the Latin and Italian allies whom he had brought
back from the province for his triumph.
On the day when the consuls Gnaeus Cornelius and Quintus
Petillius took up their duties, they each sacrificed a cow to Jupiter,
according to custom. The liver of the victim that Quintus Petillius
killed was found not to have a head.* When he reported this to the
Senate, he was ordered to repeat the ritual until he received a
favourable omen. Then, when the Senate was consulted about the
provinces, Pisa and Liguria were chosen for the consuls; whichever of
the two received Pisa as his lot was directed to return for the elections
when the time came for choosing magistrates. It was also decided that
each of the consuls should enrol two new legions and 300 cavalry; and
that each should enlist 10,000 infantry and 600 cavalry from the Latin
and Italian allies. Tiberius Claudius’ command was extended until
whenever the consul should reach his province.
15. While the Senate was engaged in these matters, Gnaeus
Cornelius was called away by a public messenger. He left the temple
and returned a little later with a troubled expression. He explained
to the conscript fathers* that the liver of the sescenaris* cow he had
sacrificed had dissolved; he himself could so little believe the attend-
ant who informed him that he had ordered the water to be poured
out of the pot in which the entrails were being cooked; then he had
seen that every other part was intact, but that an indescribable wast-
ing process had consumed the liver.
The senators were alarmed by this prodigy, and the other consul
added to their anxiety when he reported that he had failed to receive a
favourable omen from three sacrificial animals, in each of which the
liver had no head. The Senate ordered him to go on sacrificing full-
grown victims until he obtained a positive outcome. It is said that
Petillius eventually achieved a successful result in sacrificing to the rest
of gods, but not with the goddess of Safety.
Then the consuls and praetors drew lots for their provinces. Gnaeus
Cornelius received Pisa, and Petillius the Ligures. Of the praetors,
Lucius Papirius Maso received urban jurisdiction and Marcus Aburius
176 bce chapters 14‒16 17
jurisdiction involving foreigners. Farther Spain fell to Marcus Cornelius
Scipio Maluginensis, and Sicily to Lucius Aquillius Gallus. Two of the
praetors requested not to go to their provinces. In the case of Marcus
Popillius, it was Sardinia: his argument was that Gracchus was estab-
lishing order there, and the Senate had sent the praetor Titus
Aebutius to him as an assistant; it was extremely inefficient to disrupt
the way he was handling matters, in the prosecution of which con-
tinuity was the most vital factor; opportunities for successful opera-
tions were often lost in the transition of power and in a successor’s
lack of familiarity with the situation, which inevitably required a
training period before necessary measures could be taken. Popillius’
request for a dispensation was upheld. Publius Licinius Crassus
(to whose lot Nearer Spain had fallen) asserted that the performance
of customary rituals* prevented him from going to his province.
He was ordered either to go or to swear in a public meeting that such
a ritual prohibited his departure. When this was approved in Publius
Licinius’ case, Marcus Cornelius asked that they accept the same
oath from him so that he could avoid going to Farther Spain. Both
praetors swore an oath by the very same formula. Marcus Titinius
and Titus Fonteius, the proconsuls, were directed to stay in Spain
with the same authority as before; and reinforcements consisting of
3,000 Roman citizens with 200 cavalry and 5,000 Latin and Italian
allies with 300 cavalry were to be sent to them.
16. The Latin Festival took place on the fifth of March. There were
religious misgivings because a magistrate of Lanuvium had not offered
a prayer on behalf of the Roman people, the Quirites, when sacrificing
one of the victims. When this was reported to the Senate, and the Senate
had referred it to the college of priests, the latter decided that the Latin
Festival should be repeated since it had not been celebrated properly
and that the people of Lanuvium should supply the victims since it
was because of them that the ceremony had to be repeated.
The sense of disquiet intensified after the consul Gnaeus
Cornelius collapsed as he was returning from the Alban Mount and
suffered a partial seizure. He went to Aquae Cumanae, but his condi-
tion grew worse, and he died at Cumae.* His body was taken back to
Rome where, after the cortège, it was interred in a magnificent funeral.
He had been a priest also.
The other consul, Quintus Petillius, was directed to hold elections
as soon as the auspices permitted so that a new colleague could be
chosen for him; he was also supposed to announce the new date for
18 book forty-one 176 bce
the Latin Festival. He set the elections for the third of August and the
Latin Festival for the thirteenth of August. While everyone’s mind
was full of superstition, further prodigies were reported: a comet had
been seen in the sky at Tusculum; lightning had struck the temple of
Apollo and several private homes at Gabii, as well as the walls and gate
of Graviscae. The senators directed that these prodigies be handled
however the priests should see fit.
So it was that at first the consuls were busy with religious affairs, and
then the death of one of them, as well as the election and the repetition
of the Latin Festival, kept his colleague occupied. In the meantime,
Gaius Claudius transferred his army to Mutina, which the Ligures had
seized the previous year. Within three days of beginning the siege he
took the town from the enemy and restored it to the colonists. Eight
thousand Ligures were cut down within the walls, and the consul
immediately wrote a letter to Rome in which he not only described the
operation, but also boasted that because of his personal valour and good
fortune not a single enemy of the Roman people remained this side of
the Alps, and a considerable amount of land had been taken that could
be subdivided into plots for many thousands of men.
17. Also at this time Tiberius Sempronius subjugated the Sardinians
with a series of victories on the island. There were 15,000 casualties; all
the Sardinian peoples who had defected were brought back under
control. Previous tributaries were compelled to pay twice as much in
taxes as before; the rest contributed grain. Once the province had been
pacified and 230 hostages assembled from all over the island, envoys
were sent to Rome to announce the news and to seek from the Senate
that the gods be officially thanked for the successes achieved under the
leadership and auspices of Tiberius Sempronius and that he be allowed
to leave his area of command and to bring his army back with him.
When the envoys delivered their report in the temple of Apollo, the
senators decreed that there should be a two-day thanksgiving and that
the consuls should sacrifice forty full-size animals, but that the procon-
sul Tiberius Sempronius and his army should remain in the province
for the year.
Then the election for a single consul that had been announced for
the third of August was completed on that very day. Quintus Petillius
presided over the appointment of Gaius Valerius Laevinus as his
colleague; the latter was to enter office immediately. Fortunately for
Laevinus, who had long been yearning for a provincial command,
bulletins comporting to his desire arrived: the Ligures had revolted.
176 bce chapters 16‒18 19
On the fifth of August, he assumed full military attire and departed
for his province. After hearing his reports, the Senate ordered the third
legion to set out to join the proconsul Gaius Claudius in Gaul in
response to this uprising; further, naval duumviri were to go with the
fleet to Pisa to patrol the coast of Liguria and present a threat by sea.
The consul, Quintus Petillius, had set a day for the army to assemble,
also at Pisa, and the proconsul Gaius Claudius, as soon as he heard
about the rebellion of the Ligures, held an emergency draft for soldiers
to supplement those he had with him at Parma and led his army to the
borders of the Ligures’ territory.
18. At the approach of Gaius Claudius the Ligures remembered
how at the Scultenna river he had recently defeated them and caused
them to flee. And so, determined to use geography rather than arms
to defend themselves against his painfully familiar strength, they
took over two mountains, Letum and Ballista, and encircled them
with a wall in addition. About 1,500 Ligures left the plains too late
and were trapped and killed; but the rest kept to the mountains. Even
in this state of fear, their innate barbarity asserted itself, and they
vented their savage anger on what they had seized from Mutina: the
prisoners were unspeakably mutilated and killed, and the animals
were butchered all around the shrines rather than properly sacrificed.
Once the Ligures had had their fill of killing the live booty, they
smashed the inanimate plunder against a wall, though these were not
decorative vessels, but useful containers of all kinds.
Quintus Petillius, the consul, unwilling to have the war concluded in
his absence, sent a dispatch to Gaius Claudius directing the latter and
his army to join him in Gaul where he would await Claudius at Campi
Macri. Upon receipt of this message Claudius broke camp in Liguria
and turned his army over to the consul at Campi Macri. The other
consul, Gaius Valerius, arrived there a few days later. They divided up
the forces on the spot and performed a joint lustrum of both armies
before departing. Having agreed to attack the enemy from different
directions, they determined by lot where they would each go. There
was general agreement that Valerius had cast his lot in the correct
religious fashion because he had been within a sacred area. In Petillius’
case, however, the augurs subsequently pronounced that the procedure
had been carried out in a flawed manner: namely that after the lot had
been placed in the sortition urn, within the sacred precinct, Petillius
himself had remained outside it although he too should have entered
the sacred precinct.
20 book forty-one 176 bce
The consuls then set off for their respective territories. Petillius
encamped opposite the ridge between Mount Ballista and Mount
Letum, which linked them with a continuous spine. The story goes
that while he was giving a speech to his soldiers in a public meeting,
he had no thought for the possible ambiguity of his words when he
predicted that ‘Letum’ would be his that day.* He began the assault up
the mountains with two divisions simultaneously. The first, of which
he himself was a member, advanced briskly. When the other division
was repulsed by the enemy, the consul rode over to restore the deteri-
orating situation. Although he rallied his men, he himself, carelessly
riding out in front of the standards, was struck by a javelin and killed.
The enemy did not notice the general’s death, and the few of his
own men who had seen it carefully concealed the corpse since they
knew that victory turned on doing so. The remaining forces of infantry
and cavalry overwhelmed the enemy and took the mountains without
their leader. About 5,000 Ligures were killed; the Roman army lost
fifty-two men. In addition to such an obvious fulfilment of the evil
omen, the pullarius* also reported that there had been a problem with
the auspices of which the consul had been fully aware. Gaius Valerius,
what had been heard <. . .>
[The text breaks off with this incomplete sentence. More or less the
middle third of Book 41 is missing and with it Livy’s handling of the
outcome of Petillius’ generalship. Other sources record that the troops
were blamed and fined for not preventing Petillius’ death (see Valerius
Maximus 2.7.15d and Frontinus, Strategemata 4.1.46). Other material
almost certainly in the lost pages includes the election of the magistrates
for 175. (The consuls were Publius Mucius Scaevola and Marcus
Aemilius Lepidus; the praetors were probably Publius Aelius Ligus,
Quintus Baebius Sulca, Appius Claudius Centho, Servius Cornelius
Sulla, Gnaeus Lutatius Cerco, and Gaius Popillius Laenas.) Further,
Livy probably mentioned the dispatch of an embassy to Perseus, the
Macedonian king, and an investigation into the complaints of the
Dardani about the incursions of the Bastarnae. (See Polybius 25.6 on
this episode; the Dardani were an Illyrian tribe living to the north-west
of Macedonia; the Bastarnae were nomadic and of obscure origin.)
Surviving from this section are two manuscript pages, labelled
as chaps. 19 and 20 below, and a single sentence, preserved in the
sixteenth-century grammarian Priscian. The latter can be securely
assigned to this part of Livy because of the unique circumstances under
176‒175 bce chapters 18‒19 21
which the consuls died. The translation resumes with this isolated
sentence and then picks up the thread of the narrative with the cam-
paigns of the consuls Marcus Aemilius and Publius Mucius in Gaul
and Liguria.]
Experts in religious and public law said that in a year where the
two regular consuls died (one from disease and the other from death
in battle), a suffect consul could not legitimately hold the elections.*
19. <. . . Marcus Aemilius . . .> led away. The Garuli, Lapicini, and
Hergates used to live on the near side of the Apennines, and the
Briniates on the far side, within the Audena river. Publius Mucius
campaigned against those who had sacked Luna and Pisa; once they
were completely subjugated, he stripped them of their weapons. For
these victories in Gaul and Liguria, achieved under the leadership and
auspices of the two consuls, the Senate decreed a three-day thanksgiv-
ing and a sacrifice of forty animals.
And in fact the Gallic and Ligurian revolt, which had arisen early in
the year, was suppressed quickly and easily. But there was already an
undercurrent of anxiety about war with Macedonia. Perseus was stir-
ring up trouble between the Dardani and the Bastarnae, and the envoys
who had been sent to investigate the situation in Macedonia now
returned to Rome and announced that war had broken out in Dardania.
At the same time spokesmen came from King Perseus to disclaim any
responsibility on his part for provoking the Bastarnae or instigating
their behaviour in any way. The Senate neither exonerated nor con-
victed him of any fault in the matter; it simply directed that a warning
should be given to Perseus: it should be his constant concern that he
could be seen to be honouring his treaty with the Romans.
With the recognition that the Bastarnae were not just failing to leave
their territory, as the Dardani hoped, but were becoming more oppres-
sive all the time, and were aided and abetted by their neighbours the
Thracians and Scordisci, the Dardani thought bold action was called
for, even if it were foolhardy. And so, resorting to arms, they assem-
bled from all sides at their settlement closest to the camp of the
Bastarnae. It was winter, and they had chosen that time of year with
the hope that the Thracians and the Scordisci might go back home.
When they heard that this had happened and that the Bastarnae were
now on their own, the Dardani divided their forces in two: one group
was to take the direct route and make an open assault; the other was
to circle around via a remote pass and attack from the rear. Before the
22 book forty-one 175 bce
latter group managed to encircle the enemy camp, however, the battle
was over. The Dardani were defeated and driven back into their town,
which was about twelve miles from the camp of the Bastarnae. The vic-
tors followed directly and surrounded the town, confident that they
would take it the following day by force or that the enemy would be
intimidated into surrendering. Meanwhile, the other band of Dardani,
the group that had circled around, unaware of the disaster to their side,
<. . .> the abandoned and undefended camp of the Bastarnae <. . .>
[Here is the second part of the large gap. It must have included the
eventual undoing of the Bastarnae who, according to the fifth-century
writer Orosius, were almost entirely wiped out when they subsequently
tried to cross the Danube and the ice proved insufficiently thick to bear
their weight (Seven Books against the Pagans 4.20). Livy almost certainly
discussed in addition the dispatch of an embassy to North Africa; the
return of the ambassadors is treated in chap. 22. Also in the missing
text must have been the introduction of Antiochus Epiphanes, the
Seleucid king who is best known for his assault on Jerusalem; see the
hostile portrait in 1 Maccabees (chaps. 1–6). The text of Book 41
resumes with a sketch of his eccentricities.]
20. <. . .> King Antiochus dispensed justice in the Roman fashion,
sitting in an ivory chair, where he arbitrated disputes of the least
consequence. His mind did not adhere to any particular worldly status,
flitting amongst all stations in life so much that neither he nor others
could be entirely certain what sort of man he was.* He did not talk to
his friends, he gave ready smiles to those he barely knew, he made fools
of himself and others with his inconsistent generosity: to some men,
those of noble birth who held themselves in great esteem, he gave
childish gifts such as food and toys; others, who expected nothing, he
made into wealthy men. And so he seemed to some men not to know
what he wanted; some said that he was playing about in a simple-minded
way; others were convinced of his insanity.
But in two great and worthy areas his mind was truly royal: bene-
factions to cities and worship of the gods. He promised the people of
Megalopolis in Arcadia that he would encircle their city with a wall,
and he donated the larger part of the money; at Tegea he began to have
a magnificent theatre built out of marble; at Cyzicus, he contributed to
the prytaneum (that is, one of the inner buildings of the city, the dining
place of those who have the right to eat at public expense) a golden
dinner service for one table. To the Rhodians he presented not
any single gift that was particularly remarkable, but rather all sorts,
175‒174 bce chapters 19‒ 21 23
whatever their way of life called for. His generosity to the gods is
manifest in the temple of Olympian Jupiter at Athens which, though
unfinished, is the only one in the world commensurate with the
greatness of the god. In addition, the king adorned Delos with
remarkable altars and an abundance of statuary, and at Antioch he
promised a magnificent temple to Capitoline Jupiter, with a panelled
ceiling of gold and walls entirely gilded as well. And, though in the
very brief period of his reign he did not complete them, yet he
pledged many other things in many other places.
He also surpassed earlier kings in the magnificence of his spectacles of
every kind, mostly traditional entertainments with a generous supply of
Greek performers, with one exception: gladiatorial games in the Roman
fashion (at first more to the horror than the delight of his people, who
were unfamiliar with this kind of show*). By then sponsoring
performances with increasing frequency, at times limited to flesh
wounds and at others with no quarter allowed, he accustomed their
eyes to this spectacle and made it a pleasurable one. In this way he
roused in many young men a passion for fighting. And so he, who
had initially been accustomed to import trained gladiators from
Rome at great cost, soon from his own <. . .>
[Another gap in the text follows. It probably contained an account
of the passing of the lex Voconia, the law preventing men in the top
property class from instituting women as heirs.]
21. <. . .> Lucius Cornelius Scipio had received as his lot jurisdic-
tion involving foreigners. Although Marcus Atilius had received
Sardinia as his province, he was ordered to cross over to Corsica with
the new legion (consisting of 5,000 infantry and 300 cavalry) that the
consuls had conscripted. So while Atilius was fighting there, Cornelius’
term of command was extended so that he could take charge of
Sardinia. Gnaeus Servilius Caepio in Farther Spain and Publius Furius
Philo in Nearer Spain were voted 3,000 Roman infantry, 150 Roman
cavalry, and 5,000 infantry and 300 cavalry from the Latin and Italian
allies. Lucius Claudius was given Sicily without reinforcements.
In addition, the consuls were directed to enrol two legions, with the
regular numbers of infantry and cavalry, and to levy 10,000 infantry
and 600 cavalry from the allies.
Conducting the draft was very difficult for the consuls because the
plague that had attacked cattle the previous year took the form of human
diseases that year. Those who succumbed were hard-pressed to survive
past the seventh day; those who survived became ill subsequently with
24 book forty-one 174 bce
a long-lasting disease, usually quartan fever.* Slaves died in the great-
est numbers, and their unburied bodies lay piled up on every road.
There were insufficient means to bury even the freeborn. Putrefaction
consumed the corpses, left untouched by the dogs and vultures, and in
fact people agreed that for those two years there was not a vulture to be
seen anywhere, despite such heaps of beasts and men.
The public priests * who died of the plague were the pontifex Gnaeus
Servilius Caepio, father of the praetor, and Tiberius Sempronius
Longus, son of Tiberius, a decemvir for sacred rites, and the augur
Publius Aelius Paetus, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, and
Gaius Mamilius Atellus, the curio maximus, and the pontifex Marcus
Sempronius Tuditanus. The substitute pontifices were Gaius
Sulpicius Galba in the place of Caepio and <. . .> in the place of
Tuditanus. Titus Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus filled Gracchus’
place as augur, and Quintus Aelius Paetus filled Publius Aelius’.
Gaius Sempronius Longus became the decemvir for sacred rites, and
Gaius Scribonius Curio replaced the curio maximus.
With no end to the plague to be found, the Senate decreed that the
decemvirs should consult the Sibylline oracles. These men in turn
decreed a one-day supplication, and with Quintus Marcius Philippus
leading the responsive prayers, the people undertook a vow in the
Forum, that if sickness and plague should leave Roman territory,
they would hold two days of festival and supplication.
A two-headed boy was born in the district of Veii, and one with only
one hand in Sinuessa, and a baby girl with teeth at Auximum. On a
clear day and in broad daylight, a rainbow appeared over the temple of
Saturn in the Roman Forum, and three suns shone simultaneously;
that very night there were multiple shooting stars. Further, the people
of Lanuvium and the Caerites claimed that a crested serpent, dotted
with golden spots, had appeared in their towns, and it was generally
agreed that in Campanian territory an ox talked.
22.* On the seventh of June the envoys returned from Africa *
where they had met with Masinissa before going on to Carthage;
their understanding of what had happened there came more from the
king than the Carthaginians themselves. Nevertheless they confirmed
as fact that ambassadors had come from King Perseus and that they
had been granted a meeting with the senate* at night in the temple
of Aesculapius. Masinissa had also asserted that ambassadors had
been sent from Carthage to Macedonia, a fact that the Carthaginians
denied, though not terribly firmly. The Senate decided to send envoys
174 bce chapters 21‒ 23 25
to Macedonia too: there were three of them, Gaius Laelius, Marcus
Valerius Messalla, and Sextus Digitius.
Around this time Perseus set out with an army and compelled the
entire race of the Dolopes to submit to his authority and jurisdiction,
for some of them were defying him and referring their legal disputes
to the Romans instead. He then crossed the Oetaei Mountains
and made his way up to Delphi in order to consult the oracle about
certain religious matters that were weighing on him. His unexpected
appearance in the centre of Greece provoked great terror not only
in the neighbouring towns, but also emergency messengers were sent
to Asia to King Eumenes. Perseus spent no more than three days
in Delphi and then returned to his own kingdom without harming
or disrupting the communities through whose territory he travelled,
Phthiotic Achaea and Thessaly. Not satisfied with ingratiating himself
only with those cities he was going to pass through, he also sent around
ambassadors and letters asking that memories of the quarrels with his
father be forgotten (for these had not been so heated that they could
not and should not come to an end with him); indeed they could start
with an entirely clean slate and pursue friendly relations with every
confidence.
Above all, he was looking for a way to win back the favour of the
Achaeans. 23. Only this people, out of all the Greeks, and the
Athenians,* had reached such a point of animosity that they had
sealed their borders to Macedonians. As a result, Macedonia was a
refuge for any slaves fleeing from Achaea: as long as their borders
were closed to Macedonians, the Achaeans did not themselves dare
to cross the frontiers of the Macedonians’ kingdom. Once Perseus
had noticed this, he apprehended the slaves and <. . .> a letter * with
a warning that it was the Achaeans’ responsibility to devise a way to
prevent a similar exodus of slaves in the future.
When this letter was read out by the praetor Xenarchus (who was
looking for an opportunity to gain the king’s personal gratitude), it
was generally considered to have been written in a restrained and
well-intentioned way, especially by those who were, against all hope,
about to regain their renegade slaves. But Callicrates, who belonged
to the group that thought their well-being as a people depended on
respecting their treaty with the Romans, spoke as follows:
‘To some, Achaeans, the matter at issue seems trifling or not terribly
significant; for my part, I think that not only are we dealing with a most
serious and weighty matter, but in some sense we have already dealt
26 book forty-one 174 bce
with it. For we, who had closed our borders to the kings of Macedonia
and even the Macedonian people, and we, who know that this decree
remains in order not to admit envoys and messengers of the king, who
might change some minds among us, we are listening to the king, who
is thus practically pleading his case in our midst, even though he isn’t
even here, and—heaven help us—we are responding with approval!
‘Further, while wild animals generally shun food set out to entrap
them and run away, we, on the contrary, blinded at the sight of a
minuscule advantage, are enticed to eat, and for the hope of retrieving
some pathetic slaves of minimal value, we allow our freedom to be
sapped and undermined. For who does not see that the king seeks a
road to alliance with us and that it will be the ruination of our treaty
with the Romans, the very treaty on which our entire existence depends?
Or is there anyone who cannot tell that war between the Romans and
Perseus is inevitable? Expected in Philip’s lifetime and postponed by
his death, it will come to pass now that he is dead.
‘Philip, as you know, had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus.
Demetrius was far the superior because of his maternal ancestry, his
virtue, his character, and his popularity among the Macedonians. But
Philip, having decided to dispose of his kingdom as if it were a prize
for hating the Romans, killed Demetrius simply for being on friendly
terms with them. Knowing that Perseus would embark on war with
the Romans practically before taking up his inheritance, Philip made
Perseus his successor.
‘And so what has Perseus done since his father’s death other than
prepare for war? First, to the consternation of all, he sent the Bastarnae
against the Dardani: for if they had taken over that territory, they
would have proved more dangerous neighbours for Greece than the
Gauls* were for Asia. Deprived of this hope, he still did not abandon
his warmongering plans but, if we are to tell the truth, he has already
begun the war. He forcibly subdued the Dolopes, ignoring their pleas
to submit their disagreements to the Roman people for arbitration.
Then he crossed Oeta so that he could suddenly materialize in the very
heart of Greece, and he made his way up to Delphi. How do you inter-
pret this assertion of the right to take a little-used route? Next he swept
through Thessaly: since he did this without harming any of those he
hated, I fear it all the more as an attempt to win people over. Then he
sent a letter to us under the semblance of a favour, and directs us to
contrive a way to avoid the need for this favour in the future—that is
174 bce chapters 23‒ 24 27
to say that we should repeal the decree that excludes Macedonians
from the Peloponnese. Let us once again see royal ambassadors and
hospitality shared between our leaders, and soon the Macedonian
army, and Perseus crossing from Delphi to the Peloponnese—for
how wide is the strait between? Let us intermingle ourselves with the
Macedonians as they arm themselves against the Romans.
‘My opinion is that we should make no new decision; everything
should stay as it is until it is definitely established whether this concern
of mine is justified or empty. If the peace between the Macedonians
and the Romans persists, we too may enter into diplomatic and commer-
cial relations; but for the time being, to come to a decision in this matter
seems risky and premature.’
24. After Callicrates, Archo, the brother of Xenarchus the praetor,
spoke as follows:
‘Callicrates has made speaking difficult for me and everyone who
disagrees with him: for by arguing the case of the Roman alliance
himself, by saying it is being assailed and attacked—though no one is
assailing or attacking it—he causes anyone who disagrees with him to
seem to be speaking against the Romans. First of all, just as if he had
not been here with us, but was coming from the Curia of the Roman
people or was present at the innermost councils of the king, he knows
everything and reports what took place in secret. He even divines
what would have happened had Philip lived, why Perseus inherited
the kingdom as he did, what the Macedonians have in hand, and what
the Romans are thinking. But we, who have no idea why or how
Demetrius died, nor what Philip would have done had he lived, we
must base our plans on what is happening openly.
‘And we know that Perseus was recognized as king by the Roman
people when he inherited the kingdom; we hear that Roman envoys
went to King Perseus, and that he welcomed them warmly. I consider
all these things indeed to be indicators of peace, not war; nor do I think
the Romans can be offended if we imitate them as purveyors of peace
just as we followed them into war. For I do not see why we alone of all
people should wage war relentlessly against the kingdom of Macedonia.
Are we vulnerable because of our very proximity to Macedonia? Or are
we so terribly feeble, like those Dolopes whom he recently subdued?
On the contrary, thanks to the gods, we are protected in these matters
by our own strength and our distant location. But suppose that we are
as exposed to danger as the Thessalians and the Aetolians; have we no
28 book forty-one 174 bce
more credit and weight with the Romans, we who were always their
allies and friends, than the Aetolians, who were their enemies only a
little while ago? Whatever the legal bond between the Macedonians
and the Aetolians, the Thracians, the Epirotes—in short, all the rest of
Greece—let us enjoy the same. Why should this execrable collapse, as
it were, of human ties be unique to us? Suppose Philip’s behaviour did
prompt us to outlaw him when he was armed and engaged in war: why
does Perseus, a new king, innocent of any wrongdoing, reversing his
father’s enmities with his own generosity, deserve that we alone of all
peoples should be his enemies?
‘And I could have said this too, that previous Macedonian kings
performed so many good services for us that they eclipse the wrongful
conduct of Philip, if by chance there was any—especially after his
death. You remember that when the Roman fleet was at Cenchreae and
the consul at Elatia with his army, we spent three days in a meeting,
discussing whether we would side with the Romans or Philip.* Even if
the imminent danger from the Romans did not sway our judgement,
there was certainly something that made our deliberations so lengthy,
and this was our long-standing association with the Macedonians as
well as the considerable favours of their kings of old. Let these same
factors prevail even now, not so that we become their allies especially,
but so that we are not especially their enemies either.
‘And let us not pretend, Callicrates, that something is under discus-
sion when it isn’t. No one advocates drawing up a new alliance or treaty
that might rashly place us under an obligation, but only that we show
reciprocity in legal matters, and not bar our people and ourselves from
their kingdom by refusing them access to our territory; in that way our
slaves would have no place of refuge. How is this in contravention of
the treaty with the Romans? Why do we make a small and open matter
of public business into something huge and suspicious? Why do we
provoke needless hysteria? Why must we render others suspect and
odious in order to have our own opportunity to humour the Romans?
If there is a war, Perseus can have no doubt that we will follow the
Romans; as long as there is peace, let our animosities be put aside, even
if they are not resolved.’
Although this speech pleased the same men who had been favourably
inclined to the king’s letter, the decision was postponed because the
leaders were insulted that Perseus should achieve with a brief letter
something that he had not considered worthy of an official embassy.
174 bce chapters 24‒ 26 29
Subsequently the king did send ambassadors, when the Achaeans were
meeting at Megalopolis, but those who feared offending the Romans
were careful not to allow the ambassadors into the meeting.
25. In this same period the senselessly destructive passion of the
Aetolians turned against itself, and it seemed that mutual slaughter
had brought them to the brink of genocide. But then exhaustion set
in; and the two parties sent envoys to Rome and began negotiations
between themselves to restore harmony. Then a new outrage inter-
vened and stirred up the old hatred again. Eupolemus, a leading citi-
zen, had given his word of honour in guaranteeing a safe return home
to eighty distinguished men of Proxenus’ faction, who were in exile
from Hypata. When they returned, Eupolemus came out with a crowd
to greet them, and there was a warm reception and handshakes all
around; once within the gates, however, the men were cut down,
calling to no avail on Eupolemus’ word of honour and the gods who
witnessed it. Then the war burst into violent flames all over again.
The Senate dispatched Gaius Valerius Laevinus, Appius Claudius
Pulcher, Gaius Memmius, Marcus Popillius, and Lucius Canuleius.
They went to Delphi where delegates from both sides presented their
positions in a heated debate. Proxenus appeared to prevail, both for his
case and for his eloquence. A few days later he was poisoned by his
wife Orthobula, who was convicted and exiled.
The Cretans were in the grips of the same kind of insane rage when,
with the arrival of Quintus Minucius, the envoy from Rome who had
been sent with ten ships to settle their conflicts, they achieved some
hope of peace. But the truce was for a mere six months, at which point
the war flared up all the more violently. Also at this time the Lycians
were being harassed by the Rhodians. But there is no point in tracing
in detail the internal fighting of foreigners, exactly what happened and
how, when there is more than enough labour involved in setting down
the history of the Roman people.*
26. In Spain, the Celtiberi, who had surrendered to Tiberius
Gracchus after he defeated them in battle, had remained peaceful
while the province was under the governance of the praetor Marcus
Titinius; but they rebelled when Appius Claudius arrived. They started
the conflict with a surprise attack on the Roman camp. It was just dawn,
and the guards were at their posts along the wall and at the watchtowers
of the gates. The moment they spotted the enemy approaching in the
distance, they gave the call to arms. Appius Claudius had the signal for
30 book forty-one 174 bce
battle raised, encouraged the soldiers with a brief speech, and launched
the attack from all three gates simultaneously. The Celtiberi blocked
their exit, and at first the battle was even on both sides since not all the
Romans could fight in the narrow spaces of the passageways. But then,
despite jostling one another, as they crossed beyond the wall, they
were able to spread out their line of battle and draw up level with the
wings of the enemy line that was encircling them. They charged for-
ward so suddenly that the Celtiberi could not sustain the onslaught.
They were driven back before the second hour;* about 15,000 men
were killed or captured, and thirty-two standards seized. Their camp
was taken, and the war was over that day, for the survivors slipped away
to their own towns. Then they submitted quietly to Roman control.
27. The censors elected that year, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and
Aulus Postumius Albinus, conducted a review of the Senate. Marcus
Aemilius Lepidus, the pontifex maximus, was chosen as the leader of the
Senate; and nine men were expelled. Of these the most noteworthy were
Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis, who had been a praetor in Spain two
years earlier, Lucius Cornelius Scipio, who was the peregrine praetor at
the time, and Lucius Fulvius, the censor’s full brother and, according to
Valerius Antias,* his partner in the management of their patrimony.
The consuls made their vows on the Capitol and set out for their
provinces. To one of them, Marcus Aemilius,* the Senate gave the task
of suppressing an uprising among the people of Patavium* in Venetia;
envoys of these people had reported that factional strife had flared up
into civil war. The envoys who had gone to Aetolia to suppress similar
disturbances announced that there was no way to contain the people’s
insanity. The consul’s arrival was the salvation of the people of
Patavium, and since he had nothing else to do in his province, he
returned to Rome.
The censors were the very first to give contracts for paving the
streets of Rome with flint and for spreading roads outside the city with
gravel and edging them, as well as for building bridges in many places.
The censors gave a contract also for providing the aediles and praetors
with a stage for theatrical performances. And they gave out contracts
for starting gates in the Circus, egg-shaped markers* for enumerating
the laps, posts for the turning point, and iron cages through which the
wild beasts could be released. <. . .>* for the consuls for festivals on
the Alban Mount. Further, they oversaw the paving with flint of the
174 bce chapters 26‒ 28 31
ascent from the Forum to the Capitoline, as well as the construction
of a colonnade from the temple of Saturn to the Capitoline as far as
the senaculum * and then right on up to the Curia;* and they paved the
marketplace outside the Trigemina Gate with paving-stones and
enclosed it with fencing. They also undertook repairs to the Aemilia
colonnade, and they made a set of steps up from the Tiber to the
market. Inside the Trigemina Gate they paved the road to the Aventine
with flint, and they built a colonnade on Publicius street to the temple
of Venus. They also gave out contracts for walls to be built around
Calatia and Auximum; and they spent the income from the sale of
public places on surrounding both forums with shops.
Of the two censors, Postumius announced that he would not give
out contracts for anything other than what the Senate or Roman
people ordered, but Fulvius Flaccus* used their money to have a
temple of Jupiter built at Pisaurum and Fundi as well as an aqueduct
at Potentia, and he paved with flint a road at Pisaurum. At Sinuessa he
gave contracts for the installation of drains, the construction of a wall
to encircle the town, and the enclosing of the forum with colonnades
and shops; and he had three statues of Janus made. The colonists were
extremely grateful to the one censor for these public works. It was also
a rigorous and severe censorship as far as the regulation of morals was
concerned: many men lost their equestrian status.
28. When the year was almost at an end, there was a one-day sup-
plication for the successful conduct of affairs in Spain, under the lead-
ership and auspices of the proconsul Appius Claudius; and twenty
full-grown victims were sacrificed. Also, on another day, there was a
supplication at the temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera because word
had come from Sabine territory that a powerful earthquake had
destroyed many buildings.
When Appius Claudius returned to Rome from Spain, the Senate
decreed that he should have an ovation upon his entry to the city. The
consular elections were already drawing near, and the competition was
fierce because many men pursued the office, but Lucius Postumius
Albinus and Marcus Popillius Laenas were elected. Next the prae-
tors were chosen: Numerius Fabius Buteo, Gaius Matienus, Gaius
Cicereius, and, for the second time, Marcus Furius Crassipes, Aulus
Atilius Serranus, and Gaius Cluvius Saxula. Once the elections were
over, Appius Claudius Centho celebrated his ovation over the Celtiberi
32 book forty-one 174 bce
upon his entry into the city. He had 10,000 pounds of silver and
5,000 pounds of gold carried to the public treasury. Gnaeus Cornelius
was installed as flamen Dialis.
That same year a tablet was set up in the temple of Mater Matuta
with the following inscription: ‘Under the command and auspices of
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus a legion and an army of the Roman
people subjugated Sardinia. More than 80,000 of the enemy were
captured or killed in that province. Once his public charge had been
successfully carried out, the allies liberated, and taxes reinstituted,
he brought home his army, safe, sound, and liberally supplied with
booty. He entered the city of Rome in a triumph for a second time.
For this reason he has dedicated this stone tablet as an offering to
Jupiter.’ On the tablet were a map of the island of Sardinia and pictures
of the battles.
There were several other small gladiatorial shows that year, but
Titus Flamininus’ stood out from the rest; because of his father’s
death he gave one lasting four days and including a banquet with a
sacrificial feast and theatrical shows. The height of the entertainment,
which was lavish for its time, was that seventy-four gladiators fought
over the course of three days.
 BOOK FORTY-TWO

1. When the consuls Lucius Postumius Albinus and Marcus Popillius

Laenas brought the disposition of provinces and armies before the
Senate, both men were assigned to Liguria. They were also directed
to conscript troops: two new legions of Roman citizens apiece and
10,000 infantry and 600 cavalry from the Latin and Italian allies to
use in governing their province, as well as reinforcements for Spain
consisting of 3,000 Roman infantry and 200 cavalry. In addition, they
were instructed to draft 1,500 Roman infantry and 100 cavalry for
the praetor assigned to Sardinia; he was to take these and cross over
to Corsica and conduct the military operations there. In the interim
the former praetor, Marcus Atilius, would continue to govern Sardinia.
Then the praetors drew lots for their areas of responsibility: Aulus
Atilius Serranus drew urban jurisdiction, and Gaius Cluvius Saxula
jurisdiction involving Romans and foreigners; Numerius Fabius Buteo
drew Nearer Spain, and Gaius Matienus Farther Spain; Marcus Furius
Crassipes drew Sicily, and Gaius Cicereius Sardinia.
Before the magistrates set out for their provinces, the Senate agreed
that the consul Lucius Postumius should go to Campania to establish
boundaries between public and private land. It was well known that
some individuals had gradually encroached on the former and were
now treating it as their own.*
Postumius had a grudge against the citizens of Praeneste* for not
having honoured him publicly or privately when he had gone as a
private citizen to sacrifice at their temple of Fortuna. So before he set
out from Rome, he sent a dispatch to Praeneste: the chief magistrate
was to meet him along the way, to provide, at public expense, a place
for him to stay, and to supply pack animals upon his departure.
Before this consul, no one was ever an expense or a burden to the
allies in any way.* Magistrates were supplied with pack animals and
tents and all other military equipment expressly so that they would
not make such demands on the allies. They did partake of private
hospitality, which they cultivated readily and graciously; and they
hosted at Rome the people who customarily lodged them when they
were on the road.* Envoys on emergency business might require a
single mule from the towns through which they had to travel, but the
34 book forty-two 173 bce
allies incurred no other cost because of Roman magistrates. Even if the
consul’s wrath was justified, he should not have vented it during his
magistracy. At the same time, the passivity of the Praenestini, whether
born of too much restraint or too much fear, in effect gave Roman
magistrates the right to make increasingly burdensome demands, as if
this precedent conferred legitimacy on them.
2. At the beginning of this year, the ambassadors who had been
sent to Aetolia and Macedonia* reported that they had not been able
to meet with Perseus: they had been told by some people that he was
away while others claimed with equal falsity that he was ill. Just the
same, it had been readily apparent that preparations for war were
under way and that the king would no longer postpone recourse to
arms. Also, factional strife among the Aetolians was intensifying by
the day, and the ambassadors had not been able to use their authority
to bring to heel the instigators of the dissension.
With war against Macedonia on the horizon, it was decided to
expiate all prodigies and to use the prayers prescribed in the oracu-
lar books to seek reconciliation with the gods before hostilities could
begin. It was reported that at Lanuvium a vision of an enormous fleet
had been seen in the heavens, and at Privernum dark-coloured wool
had sprouted from the ground; at Remens in the Veientine district
there had been a shower of stones; the whole of the Pomptine area
had been enveloped in clouds—so to speak—of locusts; and plough-
ing anywhere in the Gallic territory had turned up fish in the freshly
dug soil. These were the prodigies for which the oracular books were
consulted. The decemvirs decreed which victims should be offered
to which gods. Their decree further called for a supplication to expiate
the prodigies, and another prayer (following the one of the previous
year) for the health of the people, and a festival. These ceremonies
took place in accordance with the decemvirs’ written instructions.
3. It was this year also that the temple of Juno Lacinia was stripped
of its roof. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the censor, was building a temple
for Fortuna Equestris that he had vowed* when fighting against the
Celtiberi during his praetorship in Spain. Driven by competitive zeal,
he wanted his temple to be larger and more magnificent than any
other in Rome. Thinking that marble roof-tiles would be a great
adornment to the temple, he went to Bruttium and stripped the
temple of Juno Lacinia of half its roof—calculating that this would
suffice to cover the one he was constructing. The ships for loading
173 bce chapters 1‒ 4 35
and transporting the tiles were standing by, and his authority as censor
deterred the terrified allies from preventing the sacrilege.
When Fulvius returned to Rome, the tiles were unloaded from
the ships and carried to the temple. Despite the silence surrounding
their origin, it could not be kept secret. There was an uproar in the
Curia, and on all sides the cry went out that the consuls should bring
the matter before the Senate for a formal discussion. When the
censor responded to the summons to the Curia, one and all attacked
him to his face with greater venom for thinking that the only proper
way to desecrate the most sacred temple in the area—one which neither
Pyrrhus nor Hannibal* had desecrated—was to strip the roof and
leave the temple practically ruined. Fulvius had removed the tiles
and left the untiled sub-roof open to the eroding force of the rain.
And this was a man who had been appointed censor to regulate
others’ conduct? He had been charged to enforce the maintenance of
public shrines and to <. . .> places that were supposed to be protected
in accordance with ancestral custom? Fulvius, the one who wandered
about the towns of the allies, ruining their temples and exposing the
sub-roofs of sacred buildings? Treating the allies’ homes in this fashion
would be outrage enough, but he was wrecking temples of the immor-
tal gods! Building temples from the ruins of temples, he brought
sacrilege on the Roman people—as if the immortal gods were not the
same everywhere, as if it were right for some to be worshipped and
honoured with the spoils of others!
Although the sentiments of the senators were apparent before the
matter was put to a vote, when it was they voted unanimously that
the roof-tiles should be taken back and reinstalled and that sacrifices
should be offered to appease Juno. The religious ceremony was carried
out carefully; but the contractors who returned the tiles reported that
they had been left in the temple precinct since no artisan could devise
a way to reattach them.
4. Among the praetors who had departed for provinces abroad
Numerius Fabius died at Massilia, while travelling to Nearer Spain.
When messengers from Massilia brought the news, the Senate decided
that his predecessors, Publius Furius and Gnaeus Servilius, should
determine by lot which of them would stay on in Spain with an
extended command. The fortunate outcome of the lot was that Publius
Furius, who had been in charge of the province previously, remained
there.
36 book forty-two 173 bce
That same year the Senate decreed that the land captured in
Ligurian and Gallic territory should be divided up into individual
plots since much of it was unoccupied. In accordance with the Senate’s
decree, the urban praetor, Aulus Atilius, appointed a commission of
ten men: Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Gaius Cassius, Titus Aebutius
Parrus, Gaius Tremellius, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Quintus
and Lucius Appuleius, Marcus Caecilius, Gaius Salonius, and Gaius
Munatius. They distributed ten iugera to each citizen and three
iugera to the Latin allies.
At the same time these matters were going on, there arrived at
Rome ambassadors from Aetolia with news of internal quarrels and
upheaval, and ambassadors from Thessaly bringing word about events
in Macedonia.
5. Perseus was turning over in his mind the war that Philip had
planned before his death. By sending embassies and making prom-
ises (without actually acting on them), Perseus was ingratiating
himself with all the Greek peoples and cities. Moreover, a large seg-
ment of the population was sympathetic to him. In fact, they tended
to prefer him to Eumenes, although all the cities of Greece and most
of the leading men were bound to Eumenes by his gifts and benefac-
tions, and he ruled in such a way that the cities under his control did
not wish to exchange their position for that of any free state.
Perseus, by contrast, was rumoured to have killed his wife with his
own hand after the death of his father; further, as for Apelles,* once
he had been Perseus’ confederate in the assassination of his brother,
and for that reason Philip sought to bring him to justice. Apelles
went into exile, but was summoned back after Philip’s death and
promised great rewards for having done such a deed; then Perseus
secretly had him killed. Besides, although Perseus was notorious for
many assassinations, of both Macedonians and foreigners, and lacked
any commendable quality, the cities generally favoured him over
King Eumenes, who was pious to his relatives, just to his subjects,
and generous to all. They may have been swayed by the reputation
and grandeur of the Macedonian kings and scorned the newly created
kingdom,* or perhaps they desired a change of circumstances, or
perhaps they did not wish to become subject to the Romans.
The Aetolians, moreover, were not the only ones in internal conflict
because of a crushing weight of debt; the case was the same with the
Thessalians.* And this evil, like a contagious disease, had also spread
173 bce chapters 4‒ 6 37
to Perrhaebia. When it was reported that the Thessalians were in
arms, the Senate sent Appius Claudius as an envoy to assess the
situation and resolve it. First he rebuked the leaders of both sides.
Then, with the acquiescence of the creditors, who had encumbered
their loans with unfair interest rates, he reduced the debt load and
made the legally owed amount payable in instalments over ten years.
Appius also resolved the problems in Perrhaebia in the same way.
Meanwhile, at Delphi, Marcus Marcellus listened to the arguments
of the Aetolians, who argued as fiercely as they had engaged in civil
war. Perceiving that the two parties were well matched in reckless-
ness and effrontery, he was not inclined to issue a decree to lessen or
increase the burden for either side; rather, he sought from both that
they stop fighting, resolve their quarrels, and then put the whole
matter behind them. Confidence in the reconciliation was strength-
ened on both sides by an exchange of hostages; by mutual agreement
these were to be kept at Corinth.
6. After the conference with the Aetolians at Delphi, Marcellus
crossed to Aegium in the Peloponnese where he had convened a meet-
ing with the Achaeans. After commending them for holding fast to their
old decree banning the Macedonian kings from crossing their borders,
he emphasized the Romans’ hatred of Perseus. Wishing to fan the flames
of this, Eumenes came to Rome, bringing with him a report he had com-
piled from an investigation into Perseus’ military preparations. At the
same time five ambassadors were sent to the king to assess the state
of affairs in Macedonia. The same men were directed to go on to see
Ptolemy in Alexandria and renew the alliance with him. These ambas-
sadors were Gaius Valerius, Gnaeus Lutatius Cerco, Quintus Baebius
Sulca, Marcus Cornelius Mammula, and Marcus Caecilius Denter.
Around the same time ambassadors came from King Antiochus.
Their leader, one Apollonius, was granted an audience with the Senate.
He gave many valid reasons for the king’s tardy payment of tribute,*
and he explained that he had brought all of it with him so that the
king need be granted no special treatment other than the grace-
period. Moreover, he had also brought a gift of gold vases weighing
500 pounds; the king sought, he said, to renew for himself the alliance
and treaty that had existed with his father and to request the Roman
people to ask of him whatever should be required of a king who was
a good and loyal ally; he would stop at nothing in the execution of
his duty. During Antiochus’ stay in Rome,* Apollonius added, the
38 book forty-two 173 bce
Senate had treated him so honourably and the young men with such
kindness that in all levels of society he had been regarded as a king
and not a hostage.
The embassy was favourably received, and the urban praetor Aulus
Atilius was directed to renew with Antiochus the alliance that had
been in effect with his father. The urban quaestors accepted the tribute,
and the censors took the gold vases, which they were charged with
placing in whichever temples they thought appropriate. The ambas-
sador was sent a gift of 100,000 asses,* and he was granted a house
without rent where he could be a guest, with his expenses taken care
of while he remained in Italy. (The envoys who had been in Syria
had announced that he was highly esteemed by the king and most
favourably disposed to the Roman people.)
7. The provincial activities of the year were as follows. Gaius
Cicereius, the praetor in Corsica,* fought a pitched battle in which
7,000 Corsicans were killed and more than 1,700 captured. During
the battle the praetor vowed a temple to Juno Moneta. The Corsicans
subsequently sued for peace and were assessed 200,000 pounds of
wax. Having subjugated Corsica, Cicereius crossed over to Sardinia.
Fighting also took place in Liguria outside Carystus, a town in the
territory of the Statellates where a large army of Ligures had gath-
ered. When the consul Marcus Popillius first approached, they
stayed within the walls, but once they perceived that the Roman was
about to attack the town, they marched out and drew up their battle
line before the gates. This had been the consul’s aim in threatening
the assault, and he began it immediately. The battle went on for more
than three hours with no prospect of victory on either side. When the
consul realized that the Ligurian standards were holding on every
front, he ordered the cavalry to mount and make a simultaneous
three-pronged push to create maximum chaos. A sizeable group of
horsemen forced back the middle of the line and drove behind the
ranks. Then, thrown into panic, the Ligures turned and fled in every
direction. The Roman cavalry had concentrated on blocking the route
into the town, and only a very few Ligures slipped through. Many of
them had been killed in the lengthy battle, and others were cut down
in the random retreat. The reported totals are 10,000 killed, more
than 700 captured, and eighty-two battle standards seized. Nor was it
a bloodless victory: the Romans lost over 3,000 soldiers since those in
the front lines had fallen when both sides were refusing to yield.
173 bce chapters 6‒ 9 39
8. After the battle the Ligures who had scattered in flight regrouped
and surrendered. They recognized that their casualties outnumbered
the survivors: no more than 10,000 men remained. In fact they did
not negotiate at all, hoping rather that the consul would not treat
them any more savagely than previous commanders had. But he
stripped them all of their weapons, destroyed their town, and sold
them and their belongings. Then he sent a letter to the Senate
reporting on his accomplishments.
The other consul, Postumius, had become utterly immersed in the
investigation of landownership in Campania, and so the praetor
Aulus Atilius read Popillius’ letter out in the Curia. The Senate was
appalled: the Statellates, the only Ligurian tribe that had not taken
up arms against the Romans, had been attacked when they were not
themselves starting a war; afterwards, when they entrusted them-
selves to the good faith of the Roman people, they had been tortured
and killed with the most extreme cruelty; thousands upon thousands
of innocent people had been sold into slavery even as they invoked
the good faith of the Romans. The worst possible precedent had been
set, a warning against anyone ever again daring to surrender. These
peaceable people had been dispersed here and there as slaves to men
who had recently been Rome’s real enemies.
For all these reasons the Senate agreed that the consul Marcus
Popillius should give back the money he had received for the Ligures
and liberate them, and that he should undertake to restore their
property, to the extent that he was able to retrieve it. Their weapons
were to be returned, and these steps were to be taken at the very first
opportunity. Further, the consul was not to leave his province until
he had re-established in their own homes the Ligures who had
voluntarily surrendered. The consul was additionally reminded that
a victory acquired glory from the defeat of aggressors, not from abuse
of the crushed.*
9. The consul exhibited the same intemperate rage in defying the
Senate as he had in his savagery towards the Ligures. He immediately
sent his legions into winter quarters at Pisa and returned to Rome,
angry at the senators and furious with the praetor. He summoned the
Senate at once to a meeting in the temple of Bellona, where he
attacked the praetor at length: Atilius ought to have brought a motion
before the Senate to honour the immortal gods officially for a great
military accomplishment; instead, he had initiated a senatorial decree
40 book forty-two 173 bce
against the consul and in favour of the enemy; thus had Popillius’ vic-
tory been handed to the Ligures, to whom Atilius, a praetor, had
practically ordered the consul to surrender himself. So Popillius was
fining the praetor and demanding that the senators revoke the decree
passed against him and order a thanksgiving. This they ought to have
voted upon in his absence when he had sent the letter about what he
had done for the commonwealth. They ought to do it now, primarily
to honour the gods but also to indicate at least a modicum of respect
for him.
Several senators rebuked him as harshly as they had in his absence,
and he returned to his province having achieved neither aim.
The other consul, Postumius, spent the summer investigating
landownership and returned to Rome for the elections without even
having seen his province. He presided over the selection of Gaius
Popillius Laenas and Publius Aelius Ligus as consuls. The praetors
then chosen were Gaius Licinius Crassus, Marcus Junius Pennus,
Spurius Lucretius, Spurius Cluvius, Gnaeus Sicinius (for the second
time), and Gaius Memmius.
10. A lustrum was conducted that year. The censors were Quintus
Fulvius Flaccus and Aulus Postumius Albinus; the latter conducted
it. The number of Roman citizens was 269,015. The reduced total
reflected the consul Lucius Postumius’ public declaration that the
Latin allies who had been obliged, in accordance with Gaius
Claudius’ decree,* to return to their own cities be counted there and
not in Rome. The census was conducted harmoniously and to the
benefit of the common good.* The censors ranked as aerarii and
removed from their voting tribe all those whom they demoted from
the Senate or stripped of equestrian status; and neither censor vetoed
a decision of the other to demote someone. Fulvius dedicated the
temple of Fortuna Equestris seven years after he had vowed it while
fighting the Celtiberi in Spain as a proconsul, and he put on theatri-
cal shows for four days, with another day in the Circus.
That year Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, the decemvir for sacred
rites, died, and Aulus Postumius Albinus was appointed in his place.
An unexpected infestation of locusts came in such numbers from the
sea that their swarms smothered the fields of Apulia. The incoming
praetor, Gnaeus Sicinius, was specially empowered to go there to
free the crops of this plague; even after a large group of men was
mustered, it took him rather a long time to remove the insects.
173‒172 bce chapters 9‒11 41
The beginning of the following year, in which Gaius Popillius and
Publius Aelius were consuls, was taken up with residual conflicts
from the previous year. The senators wished to discuss the Ligurian
situation again and to renew the resolution they had passed in
response to it; accordingly, the consul Aelius brought the matter
before them. Popillius pleaded with both his colleague and the
Senate on behalf of his brother, stating openly that he would veto any
decree against the latter. His colleague was deterred, but the senators
stood their course all the more, now equally opposed to both consuls.
And so when the subject of the provinces arose and Macedonia
seemed desirable because of the impending war with Perseus, both
consuls were instead appointed to Liguria: the senators refused to
assign Macedonia unless the matter of Marcus Popillius was put
before them. Furthermore, the consuls’ requests for permission to
recruit new armies or to reinforce the old were both rejected.
Reinforcements were also denied to the praetors who were seeking
them for Spain (Marcus Junius for Nearer Spain and Spurius
Lucretius for Farther Spain). Gaius Licinius Crassus had drawn
urban jurisdiction and Gnaeus Sicinius jurisdiction involving for-
eigners. Gaius Memmius drew Sicily, and Spurius Cluvius Sardinia.
The consuls, enraged at the Senate’s decisions, set the Latin Festival
for the first possible day and announced that they were on the verge
of departing for their province and would conduct no public business
other than what pertained to the administration of the provinces.
11. According to Valerius Antias, during this consulship King
Eumenes’ brother Attalus came to Rome as an ambassador to lay
charges against Perseus and to disclose his preparations for war. The
annals of most historians* and especially those whom you would
prefer to believe report that Eumenes himself came. So, when
Eumenes arrived in Rome, he was received with great honour,
because people considered this treatment consistent with his own
merits as well as with the innumerable favours that had been heaped
upon him. The praetor brought him before the Senate where he
explained that his reason for coming to Rome—beyond a desire to see
the gods and men whose generosity had placed him in circumstances
beyond his most impossible dreams—had been to forewarn the
Senate lest Perseus’ enterprises proceed unimpeded.
Consequently, Eumenes related first Philip’s schemes: Perseus’
brother Demetrius, who had opposed attacking Rome, had been
42 book forty-two 172 bce
murdered; the Bastarnae, who could assist in the crossing to Italy,
had been roused from their homes. Death had caught up with Philip
while he was contemplating this project, and he had left his kingdom
to the person whom he had perceived to be the most hostile to the
Romans. Thus it was that Perseus inherited not just the monarchy
but also the war his father had left behind, and for a long time now his
every thought had been revolving around nurturing and fostering it.
Macedonia, Eumenes went on to say, was full of young men, the
fruit of the long peace, and Perseus’ resources were at their peak.
He too was in the prime of life: his body was strong and vigorous,
and his mind deeply familiar with age-old theoretical and practical
aspects of warfare. Already as a boy he had shared his father’s tent,
and the latter had sent him on many different missions, not just in
border conflicts, but even in the war against Rome. So, from the time
when he had inherited the kingdom he had achieved with remarkable
success many objectives that had eluded Philip, though the latter had
tried every form of force and cunning alike. Perseus’ power had
accrued the kind of authority that results from numerous important
benefactions over a long period of time.
12. Indeed, Eumenes said, all the Greek and Asian cities held
Perseus’ majesty in awe. Eumenes himself could not see which
favours or what generosity had achieved such regard for Perseus, nor
say for certain whether he obtained it through good fortune or, reluc-
tant as Eumenes was to suggest it, whether resentment of the
Romans enhanced Perseus’ popularity. Even among kings Perseus’
standing was remarkable. Not as the wooer but as the wooed had he
married the daughter of Seleucus; and he had given his sister in mar-
riage to Prusias in response to earnest appeals from the latter. Both
weddings were celebrated with felicitations and gifts from countless
delegations, and the most prominent peoples joined the processions
to lend their blessing.
Philip, Eumenes said, had sought to win over the Boeotians, but
they could never be induced to sign a treaty of alliance with him; now
their treaty with Perseus was inscribed on stone in three places, one
at Thebes, the second at Dium in its extremely holy and renowned
temple, and the third at Delphi. Indeed, unless a few men at the
council of the Achaeans had held out the threat of Roman force, the
matter of Perseus’ entrée to Achaea would have been nearly assured.
But by Hercules, as for the honours these people had conferred on
172 bce chapters 11‒13 43
Eumenes—and it was difficult to say whether his public or personal
services to them were the greater—some of these had lapsed through
disregard and neglect, while others had been eliminated out of hos-
tility. Was there anyone now, Eumenes asked, who did not know that
during their internal conflict the Aetolians had turned to Perseus
instead of the Romans? And though he could rely on these friend-
ships and alliances, Perseus had made such preparations for war at
home that he did not need outsiders. He would not need provisions
from his own or enemy territory because he had amassed enough
food to support 30,000 infantry and 5,000 cavalry for ten years. His
finances were such that in addition to the Macedonian forces he had
pay ready for 10,000 mercenaries also for ten years, and this did not
include the annual revenue from the royal mines. In his armouries
he had accumulated weaponry for three such armies. And should
Macedonia prove lacking, he had at his disposal the youth of Thrace,
which he could draw upon as if from a spring that never runs dry.
13. The rest of Eumenes’ address was an exhortation:
‘I am not tossing around rumours of doubtful veracity in present-
ing this information to you, conscript fathers; nor do I believe it more
readily because I would prefer accusations made against a personal
enemy of mine to be true. On the contrary, they have been investi-
gated and thoroughly looked into, just as if you had dispatched me as
a spy and I were reporting on matters I had seen with my own eyes.
Nor would I have abandoned my kingdom, which owes its greatness
and distinction to you, to cross a vast expanse of water in order to
discredit myself by reporting groundless stories. Rather, I have
observed the most brilliant cities of Asia and Greece revealing their
intentions more and more as each day passes; should this be allowed
to continue, they will reach the point of no return and no repentance.
I have also observed that Perseus is not restricting himself to
Macedonia: some places he has taken by force and others, which
could resist his physical might, he has enfolded in embraces of partiality
and benevolence.
‘I saw too the disparity of circumstance: as he pursued war with
you, you held out the security of peace to him (though it certainly
seemed to me that he was not just preparing for war but virtually
waging it). Abrupolis,* your friend and ally, he expelled from
his kingdom; Arthetaurus* the Illyrian, another friend and ally of
yours, Perseus had killed because he learned of messages Arthetaurus
44 book forty-two 172 bce
sent you; the Thebans Eversa and Callicritus* also, leaders of their
city, he had eliminated for having denounced him rather freely in the
Boeotians’ council, saying that they would report to you what was
transpiring. He aided the Byzantines in violation of your treaty; he
attacked the Dolopes; intending to use the lower orders to destroy
their betters in a civil war, he brought his army into Thessaly and
Doris. In Thessaly and Perrhaebia, he disrupted everything and cre-
ated universal confusion by feeding the expectation that debts would
be cancelled; his purpose was to crush the aristocrats with men who
would then be personally indebted to him. Since he did these things
while you stood by and did not interfere, and since he perceives that
you have conceded Greece to him, he takes for granted that he will
encounter no armed opposition before he crosses into Italy. You will
judge just how safe and honourable this is for you; for my part I
thought it positively shameful that Perseus should reach Italy in
arms before I, your ally, could do so to warn you. Now that I have
fulfilled my duty and in some sense have released myself from my
obligation, what more can I do than beseech the gods and goddesses
that you take thought for yourselves and your state and us, your allies
and friends, who depend on you?’
14. This speech disturbed the conscript fathers. At the time, how-
ever, the Curia had been veiled in such silence that no one knew any-
thing except that the king had been there. Only when the war was
finally over did the king’s words and the reply leak out.
A few days later Perseus’ ambassadors were granted a meeting
with the Senate, but the ears and thoughts of the latter had already
been pre-empted by Eumenes’ words. The ambassadors’ excuses and
entreaties were totally rejected. Especially grating was the arrogance
of Harpalus, the leader of the embassy. He said that the king yearned
and strove to be believed when he pleaded that he had never said or
done anything with hostile intent; at the same time, if he should
detect a relentless hunt for a motive for war, he would defend him-
self with a bold spirit. War was an impartial business, Harpalus
ended, and its outcome never certain.
Every city in Greece and Asia was deeply concerned about what
Perseus’ envoys and Eumenes had said in the Senate. Eumenes’
arrival prompted the majority of them to send their own envoys,
ostensibly for other reasons, but with the thought that his presence
would precipitate a change of one kind or another. The leader of the
172 bce chapters 13‒15 45
Rhodians’ embassy was hot-tempered and not about to promote fal-
sities as true. He was convinced that Eumenes had implicated their
city in his accusations against Perseus, and so, relying on his host and
patrons, he tried every possible means to get a chance to debate the
king in the Senate. Having failed to gain his object, he inveighed
against the king in an uncontrolled and reckless speech: Eumenes
had stirred up the Lycians against the Rhodians and been more
burdensome than Antiochus to Asia. Although popular in appeal and
not displeasing to the common people of Asia (where Perseus’ popu-
larity had also spread), the speech was anathema to the Senate and
disadvantageous to the Rhodian and his city. In fact, the general
hostility towards Eumenes enhanced the Romans’ partiality for him;
they decorated him with every honour and showered him with
magnificent gifts, including a curule chair and an ivory staff.*
15. The moment the embassies were dismissed Harpalus rushed
hastily back to Macedonia to inform the king that he had left the
Romans not yet actually marshalling for war but so antagonistic that
obviously there would be no further delay. Perseus himself, aside
from the fact that he was expecting this to happen, now actively
desired it since he believed he was at the height of his power.
He detested Eumenes above all others. Choosing him as the first
casualty of the war, Perseus arranged his assassination at the hands
of one of the allied commanders, a Cretan named Evander, and three
Macedonians who were used to this kind of dirty work. Perseus gave
them a letter of introduction to his guest-friend Praxo, an important
and wealthy woman at Delphi. It was generally known that Eumenes
was on his way up there to sacrifice to Apollo. Having arrived ahead
of him, Evander and the conspirators scouted the area thoroughly in
search of a suitable location for the execution of their task. Along the
ascent to the temple from Cirrha, before one reaches the part that is
more crowded with buildings, on the left there was a stone wall along
the path, which was almost flush with the base of the wall, and
passers-by had to go in single file; on the right-hand side an earthslide
had created a steep slope of some height. The assassins concealed
themselves behind the wall, where they had built up steps so that they
could attack Eumenes as if from a rampart when he approached.
A crowd of friends and attendants surrounded Eumenes as he
began the climb from the sea, but the narrow passageway eventually
thinned them into a column. When they reached the point where
46 book forty-two 172 bce
it was necessary to go in single file, a prominent Aetolian named
Pantaleon, with whom the king had started a conversation, led the way
along the path. At that moment the assassins jumped up and sent two
huge boulders rolling down. One struck the king in the head and the
other in the shoulder; knocked unconscious, Eumenes slipped off
the path and down the slope and lay collapsed under a heap of rocks.
The rest of the friends and attendants, seeing him fall, took flight,
but Pantaleon courageously stayed behind to protect him.
16. The brigands could have easily slipped around the wall and
rushed down to finish off the wounded king, but instead they fled to
the top of Mount Parnassus as if they had completed their task.
Their pace was such that when one of them had difficulty following
the steep, pathless flight and slowed down the escape, his comrades
killed him to prevent his being captured and exposing the plot.*
As for the king, his friends, followed by his attendants and slaves,
came running back to his body. When they lifted him, they realized
from the warmth of his body and his breathing that he was alive,
though still senseless and stunned from the blow. Hope of survival
was minimal, practically non-existent. Some of the attendants pur-
sued the tracks of the assassins, but after an exhausting climb to the
top of Parnassus they returned empty-handed. The Macedonians
had undertaken the enterprise with as much careful thought as
audacity, but they abandoned it in a careless and craven manner.
The king had already recovered his senses the very next day, and
his friends transferred him to a ship. They sailed to Corinth, where
the ship was dragged across the neck of the Isthmus,* and continued
over to Aegina.* There he was nursed in such secrecy and seclusion
that a rumour that he had died made its way to Asia. His brother
Attalus accepted the report with more haste than was compatible with
true brotherly feeling and addressed Eumenes’ wife and the head of
the palace guard as if he had indisputably inherited the kingdom. This
came to Eumenes’ attention later on, and although he had initially
decided to dissemble and keep it quiet, at their first meeting he did not
refrain from accusing his brother of courting his wife with unseemly
speed.* The rumour about Eumenes’ death reached Rome as well.
17. About the same time Gaius Valerius came back from Greece.
He was the envoy who had gone to investigate the conditions in that
region and to look into King Perseus’ plans. Everything he reported
concurred with the charges levelled by Eumenes. He had also
172 bce chapters 15‒18 47
brought back with him Praxo from Delphi, whose house had sheltered
the assassins, and Lucius Rammius of Brundisium, who disclosed the
following information. Rammius was a leading citizen of Brundisium
who was accustomed to hosting all the Roman generals and their
envoys, as well as important foreigners, especially those associated
with kings. That had been the origin of his acquaintance with
Perseus, whom he had not then met directly. Lured by a letter that
promised closer ties and consequently enormous wealth, he went to
visit the king. Rammius rapidly began to be considered an intimate
and to be drawn deeper than he wished into secret conversations. For
the king promised great rewards and then started asking him—since
all those Roman generals and envoys routinely availed themselves of
Rammius’ hospitality—to undertake to poison any of them Perseus
instructed him to. Perseus knew that the preparation of poison
involved much trouble and risk, that many people would necessarily
be involved, and that the results were unpredictable: the poison
might or might not be powerful enough to do its job; it might or
might not safely escape detection. But he said he would supply some
that would not leave a trace during or after its administration.
Rammius was terrified that if he refused, he might be the first to have
the poison tested on him, so he promised to do it and left for
Brundisium. He did not wish to return there before making contact
with Gaius Valerius, who was reported to be near Chalcis. Having
first disclosed the plot to Valerius, Rammius then accompanied him
to Rome at his behest. Rammius was admitted to the Senate and
revealed what had happened.
18. This information, on top of what Eumenes had said, hastened
the decision to declare Perseus a public enemy: they could see that he
was not just preparing war with the mind of a king, but that he was
proceeding with all the underhanded and criminal activities of assassins
and poisoners.
The conduct of the war was referred to the new consuls; for the
time being, however, the decision was made that the praetor Gnaeus
Sicinius, who had jurisdiction involving Romans and foreigners,
should recruit soldiers to be marched to Brundisium at the very first
opportunity so that they could be taken across to Apollonia in Epirus
to occupy the coastal cities. There, whichever consul was allotted
Macedonia would be able to put in safely with the fleet and con-
veniently disembark his troops.
48 book forty-two 172 bce
Eumenes was detained for a considerable time at Aegina by his recu-
peration, which was fraught with difficulty. He set out for Pergamum
as soon as it was safe and prepared for war with the utmost energy,
for the recent attack had reinvigorated his old hatred of Perseus.
Ambassadors from Rome went to him there to offer congratulations on
his escape from such grave danger.
As the Macedonian war had been postponed for a year, when the
rest of the praetors had already set out for their provinces, Marcus
Junius and Spurius Lucretius, who had been assigned to Spain, went
on importuning the Senate with the same petition. Finally they suc-
ceeded in obtaining reinforcements for their armies: they were
directed to conscript 3,000 infantry and 150 cavalry for the Roman
legions, and the allies were to supply 5,000 infantry and 300 cavalry
for their troops. This force was transported to Spain along with the
new praetors.
19. That same year, after the consul Postumius’ investigation had
recovered for the state a considerable amount of Campanian territory
which private individuals had appropriated as their own, Marcus
Lucretius, a tribune of the plebs, proposed a law that the censors
should rent out this land for cultivation. Because this had not been
done in all the many years since the fall of Capua, the greed of private
citizens had been let loose on the unregistered territory.
Though there had not yet been a formal declaration of war, never-
theless the decision had been made, and the Senate was waiting to see
which of the kings would side with them and which with Perseus.
At this juncture ambassadors from King Ariarathes* came to Rome
bringing with them the king’s young son. They said that the king had
sent his son to Rome to be educated so that from boyhood on he would
be familiar with the Romans and their customs; the king sought their
willingness not just to put him in the care of personal friends but also
to treat him as a public charge, as if he were a ward of the state.* The
embassy pleased the Senate, and it was decided that the praetor
Gnaeus Sicinius should give a contract for the furnishing of a house
where the king’s son and his companions could live.
Ambassadors from some of the Thracian tribes were granted the
official alliance and friendship that they had come for, as well as a gift
of 2,000 asses each. The formation of an alliance with these people in
particular caused general rejoicing since Thrace lay to the rear of
Macedonia. At the same time, however, in order to explore the state
172 bce chapters 18‒ 21 49
of affairs in Asia and the islands, Tiberius Claudius Nero and Marcus
Decimius were dispatched as envoys with orders to go to Crete and
Rhodes, where they could simultaneously renew alliances and observe
whether Perseus had been meddling with the allies’ state of mind.
20. On a stormy night, while the city was taut with suspense
because of the impending war, a bolt of lightning struck and destroyed
the columna rostrata;* it had been set up on the Capitoline during the
First Punic War to commemorate the victory of the consul Marcus
Aemilius (the one whose colleague was Servius Fulvius). This event
was regarded as a portent and reported to the Senate. The senators
ordered the matter to be referred to the haruspices and also directed
the decemvirs to consult the sacred books. The decemvirs pro-
claimed that the city had to undergo a ceremonial cleansing, that a
supplication and public appeal to the gods were necessary, and that
there should be a sacrifice with full-grown victims both at Rome on
the Capitoline and in Campania on the promontory of Minerva; in
addition, there should be a ten-day festival for Jupiter Optimus
Maximus as soon as possible. All these procedures were carefully
carried out. The haruspices answered that the divine sign would turn
out to be for the good and that it portended territorial expansion and
the death of enemies since the ships’ prows knocked over by the
storm had been enemy spoils. Other events combined to heighten the
atmosphere of superstition: it had been announced that at Saturnia it
had rained blood in the town centre for three days in a row; at Calatia
a donkey was born with three legs, and a bull and five cows had been
killed by a single stroke of lightning; at Auximum it had rained earth.
In response to these prodigies too, divine rites were performed, there
was a one-day supplication, and a holiday was observed.
21. The consuls still had not departed for their province, because
they would not comply with the Senate’s desire to discuss Marcus
Popillius and the senators in turn had resolved not to make decisions
about anything else first. Resentment towards Popillius was further
increased by his dispatches reporting that in his capacity as procon-
sul he had fought the Ligurian Statellates again and had killed 6,000
of them. This unjustified act of war drove the rest of the Ligures to
arms. So then a protest was launched in the Senate, not just against
the absent Marcus Popillius who, in contravention of human and
divine law, had made war on people who had surrendered and had
driven peaceful people to rebellion, but also against the consuls, who
50 book forty-two 172 bce
had not gone to their province. Prompted by the unanimous reaction
of the senators, two tribunes of the plebs, Marcus Marcius Sermo
and Quintus Marcius Scylla, warned that they would fine the consuls
unless they went to their province. They also read out in the Senate
the motion they intended to promulgate with respect to the defeated
Ligures. It prescribed that if any one of the defeated Statellates
had not been restored to freedom by the first of August next, the
Senate was on oath to appoint someone to investigate the matter and
punish whoever had been responsible for this malicious enslavement.
Once they had the backing of the Senate, the tribunes promulgated
their motion.
Before the consuls left, Gaius Cicereius, who had been a praetor
the year before, was granted an audience with the Senate in the temple
of Bellona. He recounted what he had accomplished in Corsica. When
his request for a triumph was denied, he held one on the Alban Mount,
which had become the customary ceremony in the absence of public
authorization. The plebs approved and voted almost unanimously for
the Marcian motion about the Ligures. In accordance with the
plebiscite the praetor Gaius Licinius asked the Senate who it wished
to conduct the investigation specified by the resolution; the senators
directed him to undertake it himself.
22. Then at last the consuls set out for their province and took
over the army from Marcus Popillius. He, however, dared not to
return to Rome because he might have to stand trial, in the face of
the Senate’s hostility and the even greater animosity of the general
population, before the praetor who had referred to the Senate the
investigation now threatened against him. The tribunes of the plebs
countered Popillius’ recalcitrance with the announcement of a
second motion to the effect that if he did not come back to the city
before the thirteenth of November, Gaius Licinius would judge and
sentence him in his absence. Thus ensnared, Popillius returned to
Rome and entered the Senate amidst a sea of resentment. There,
many people lambasted him viciously, and the Senate passed a
decree that the praetors Gaius Licinius and Gnaeus Sicinius should
have responsibility for liberating those Ligures who had not been in
arms after the consulship of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius,*
and that the consul Gaius Popillius should give them land on the
other side of the Po. In accordance with this decree many thousands
of men were freed, taken across the Po, and given land. In accordance
172 bce chapters 21‒ 23 51
with the Marcian resolution, Marcus Popillius stood trial before Gaius
Licinius for two days. On the third day, the praetor, succumbing to
the influence of the absent consul and the entreaties of Popillius’
family, ordered the defendant to return on the fifteenth of March. On
that day new magistrates would take up their duties, and Licinius
would return to private life and not have to pass judgement. With this
deceitful manoeuvre he evaded the resolution about the Ligures.
23. Ambassadors from Carthage and Masinissa’s son Gulussa were
in Rome at this time, and they had a heated argument at a meeting
of the Senate. The Carthaginians’ complaint was that Masinissa, in
addition to the land investigated on the spot by the envoys earlier sent
from Rome, had forcibly taken possession of more than seventy towns
and strongholds in Carthaginian territory in the past two years.
He had done this lightly, free from scruples. The Carthaginians said
too that they were bound by their treaty and did not retaliate; they
were forbidden to bear arms outside their territory; although they
knew that fending off Numidian incursions would not take them out-
side their own territory, they were deterred by a clause of the treaty
that was crystal clear: they were expressly forbidden to wage war
with the allies of the Roman people. But now the Carthaginians
could no longer endure Masinissa’s arrogance, cruelty, and greed.
The ambassadors said that they had been sent to beseech the Senate
to grant them one of three things: either that the Senate establish, on
equal terms between the allied king and their people, what belonged
to each; or that the Carthaginians might be allowed to engage in lim-
ited, defensive warfare against unfair attacks; or finally, if political
favouritism mattered more than the truth to the Senate, that they
might establish once and for all what they wished to give Masinissa
from other people’s territory. While Masinissa would make no
boundary except at the caprice of his own pleasure, no doubt the sen-
ators would be less open-handed, and the Carthaginians themselves
would know exactly what had been given away. If the Carthaginians
could obtain none of these objects, if they had committed some
injury since the treaty established by Publius Scipio,* then let the
Romans themselves exact the punishment. They preferred the
security of Roman domination to a freedom vulnerable to Masinissa’s
assaults: ultimately, they said, they preferred to die rather than to
draw breath only at the whim of a viciously savage butcher. With
tears forming as they spoke, the ambassadors prostrated themselves
52 book forty-two 172 bce
and, thus crouched on the ground, they roused pity for themselves
and antagonism towards the king in equal measure.
24. The Senate decided to ask Gulussa for his response to the
Carthaginians, unless he preferred to explain first what business had
brought him to Rome. Gulussa replied that it was difficult for him to
discuss matters on which he had no instructions from his father; nor
would it have been easy for his father to issue such instructions since
the Carthaginians had not announced what they intended to do or
even that they were going to Rome at all. Their leaders had held clan-
destine meetings for several nights in the temple of Aesculapius, and
no information had leaked out except that ambassadors were being
sent to Rome with secret instructions. This was the reason his father
had sent him to Rome—to entreat the Senate not to accept accusations
made against Masinissa by their mutual enemies, who hated Masinissa
solely for his unwavering fidelity to the Roman people.
When both sides had been heard out and the Senate was asked for a
judgement on the Carthaginian demands, the following response was
resolved upon: it was agreed that Gulussa should set out for Numidia
immediately and tell his father both to send envoys as quickly as pos-
sible to the Senate to reply to the Carthaginians’ complaints and to alert
the Carthaginians to come to Rome to dispute the issue. The senators
said that they had acted and would act out of respect for Masinissa in
whatever other matters they could; but that partiality would not sub-
stitute for justice. They wished everyone to keep possession of what
was rightfully his and intended not to create new boundaries but
rather to respect the old ones: they had granted to the defeated
Carthaginians both their city and their lands, but not permission to
seize unlawfully in peacetime what they had not taken by right of war.
The prince and the Carthaginians were then sent away. According to
custom, gifts were conferred on both parties, and they were also cour-
teously treated to other traditional forms of hospitality.
25. This same period saw the return of Gnaeus Servilius Caepio,
Appius Claudius Centho, and Titus Annius Luscus, the envoys who
had been sent to Macedonia to demand reparations and renounce the
alliance with the king. Their systematic report of what they had
heard and observed further enflamed the Senate, which was already
fuming against Perseus of its own accord. The envoys had seen for
themselves that mobilization was proceeding at full strength in every
Macedonian town. When they had reached the king, they had been
172 bce chapters 23‒ 25 53
denied access to him day after day; in the end, they gave up hope of
talking with him and left. Then at last, while already en route, they
were recalled and brought to see him. The essence of their remarks
to him had been that a treaty had been struck with Philip and
renewed with Perseus after his father’s death; according to it he was
expressly forbidden to bear arms beyond the borders of his kingdom
and to attack allies of the Roman people. The envoys next laid out
what they had recently heard when Eumenes presented all his well-
corroborated findings in the Senate. To these they added the secret
meetings at Samothrace that the king had held for many days with
delegations from the cities of Asia. In conclusion, the envoys gave the
Senate’s opinion that by all rights satisfaction should be given for
these violations and that anything Perseus held in contravention of
the treaty should be returned to the Romans and their allies.
The king’s immediate reaction was rage, and he spoke with intem-
perate fury, accusing the Romans of greed and arrogance and ranting
that embassy after embassy came to spy on his words and deeds
because, in the Romans’ view of what was right, he was supposed to
talk and act completely in accordance with their imperial whims;
finally, after a long, shrill tirade, he had told the envoys to come back
the next day as he wished to give them his response in writing. The
document they subsequently received went as follows: the treaty
made with his father had nothing to do with him; he had suffered its
renewal not because it had met with his official approval but because
upon first inheriting the kingdom he had been in no position to reject
anything. If they wished to make a fresh treaty with him, they ought
first to agree on its terms. If they could accept that the treaty must be
based on equality, he would see what it entailed for him, and he
imagined that the Romans would consult their public interest.
At this point Perseus had started to sweep out, and there had been a
move to clear everyone from the palace. So then the envoys had
renounced the friendship and the alliance. Perseus, infuriated by this
announcement, had stopped short and declared to them in ringing
tones that they had three days to get themselves out of his kingdom.
And so they left him, having met with no civility or hospitality
during their stay or upon their departure.*
After the subsequent audience with the Thessalian and Aetolian
envoys, the Senate sent a message to the consuls: the Senate wished
whichever of the consuls was available to come to Rome and hold the
54 book forty-two 172 bce
elections so that the senators could know as soon as possible which
leaders would next be at the disposal of the state.
26. The consuls of that year engaged in no public activities worthy
of record;* it had seemed more beneficial to the general welfare that
the Ligures, now thoroughly outraged, should be brought under
control and appeased.
While the Macedonian war was still pending, envoys from Issa*
brought under suspicion the Illyrian king Gentius also, simultan-
eously complaining that he had ravaged their borders and reporting
that the Macedonian and Illyrian kings were of one mind: by
common consent they were mustering for war against Rome, and the
Illyrians in Rome under the guise of an embassy were actually spies
sent by Perseus to discover what was going on. The Illyrians were
summoned before the Senate. When they said that they had been
sent by their king to defend any charges that the Issaei might bring
against him, they were asked why they had not then presented them-
selves to a magistrate; in this way they might receive lodging and
entertainment, as was customary, and their presence and the purpose
of their visit might be known. When they fumbled for an answer,
they were directed to leave the Curia, and it was agreed not to grant
them an official reply, such as genuine envoys received, since they
had not sought an audience with the Senate. The senators decided to
send envoys to the king to report the allies’ complaints to him and
the fact that the Senate did not think it right for him to inflict harm
on Roman allies. Aulus Terentius Varro, Gaius Plaetorius, and
Gaius Cicereius were dispatched on this mission.
The envoys who had been sent to make the circuit of allied kings
returned from Asia and reported that they had met with Eumenes in
Aegina, Antiochus in Syria, and Ptolemy in Alexandria. All three had
been solicited by delegations from Perseus, but remained steadfast in
their loyalty, and promised to deliver everything the Roman people
asked of them. The envoys had also visited the allied cities and found
them generally loyal, except for the Rhodians, who were wavering,
infected with Perseus’ scheming. Rhodian ambassadors had come to
defend their city against the rumours they knew were being bandied
about. The Senate, however, refused to grant them a hearing until
the new consuls had entered their magistracies.
27. The senators resolved not to postpone mobilization. The prae-
tor Gaius Licinius was assigned the task of refitting and equipping
172 bce chapters 25‒ 28 55
for use fifty ships from the old quinqueremes in the dockyards at
Rome. If it was not possible to reach this total, he should write to his
colleague Gaius Memmius in Sicily to refit and prepare for action the
ships there in order to send them to Brundisium at the very first
opportunity. For twenty-five of the ships the praetor Gaius Licinius
was ordered to recruit crews of Roman citizens of freedmen status;
Gnaeus Sicinius was to muster from among the Latin and Italian
allies the same size crews for the other twenty-five. The latter prae-
tor was also to requisition 8,000 infantry and 400 cavalry from the
Latin and Italian allies. Aulus Atilius Serranus, who had been a prae-
tor the year before, was selected to take charge of this force at
Brundisium and conduct it to Macedonia. In order for the praetor
Gaius Sicinius to have the army ready for the crossing, the praetor
Gaius Licinius wrote, by order of the Senate, to the consul Gaius
Popillius that he should order both the second legion, which was the
most experienced in Liguria, and 4,000 infantry and 200 cavalry
from the Latin and Italian allies to be at Brundisium by the thir-
teenth of February. Gnaeus Sicinius was ordered to contain the
situation in Macedonia with this fleet and army until his successor
should arrive, and his authority was extended for the year.
Everything the Senate voted on was carried out vigorously.
Thirty-eight quinqueremes were brought out of the dockyards;
Lucius Porcius Licinius was put in charge of conducting them to
Brundisium. Twelve were sent from Sicily. Three envoys—Sextus
Digitius, Titus Juventius, and Marcus Caecilius—were sent to Apulia
and Calabria to buy grain for the fleet and the army. Gnaeus Sicinius
assumed military attire and left Rome for Brundisium where every-
thing was in readiness.
28. Towards the end of the year the consul Gaius Popillius
returned to Rome. He was rather later than the Senate had recom-
mended; the idea had been that with such a serious war pending, it
would be in the public interest if the magistrates were elected at the
very first opportunity. And so the Senate was by no means a sympa-
thetic audience when the consul described in the temple of Bellona
his actions in Liguria. There were frequent shouts of disapproval as
well as questions as to why he had not freed the Ligures who had
been victimized by his brother’s wickedness.
The consular elections were held on the eighteenth of February,
as had been announced. Publius Licinius Crassus and Gaius Cassius
56 book forty-two 172‒171 bce
Longinus were elected as consuls. The next day the praetors were
chosen: Gaius Sulpicius Galba, Lucius Furius Philus, Lucius Canuleius
Dives, Gaius Lucretius Gallus, Gaius Caninius Rebilus, and Lucius
Villius Annalis. They were given for their areas of responsibility the two
juristic positions in Rome, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia; one man’s duties
thus remained unspecified and left to the Senate’s discretion.
The Senate directed the incoming consuls, on the day they
entered office, to make appropriate sacrifices with full-grown victims
and to pray for a successful conclusion to the war that the Roman
people intended to wage. The Senate decreed on the same day that
the consul, Gaius Popillius, should vow ten days of games to Jupiter
Optimus Maximus as well as gifts at all the sacred couches, if the
Republic should remain in the same condition for ten years. Thus, in
accordance with this decree, the consul gave his oath on the Capitol
for the holding of games and the distribution of gifts, at whatever
cost the Senate chose, provided that at least 150 senators were in
attendance at the time.* This vow was made with Lepidus, the pon-
tifex maximus, pronouncing the formulaic prayer.
Two public priests died that year: Lucius Aemilius Papus, a
decemvir for sacrifices, and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the pontifex who
had been censor the year before. This man came to a shameful end.*
Of his two sons, who were fighting in Illyricum at the time, it was
reported that one had died, and the other was dangerously ill with a
serious disease. Grief and fear combined to overwhelm Fulvius’ mind;
the next morning, upon entering the bedroom, the household slaves
found him dangling from a noose. It was the received opinion that he
was less than sane after his censorship; the general belief was that an
enraged Juno Lacinia had driven him mad for violating her temple.
The decemvir appointed in Aemilius’ place was Marcus Valerius
Messalla; and Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, an exceptionally
young man for a priesthood, was appointed to replace Fulvius.
29. During the consulship of Publius Licinius and Gaius Cassius
not just the city of Rome, nor the Italian peninsula, but every king
and city in Europe and Asia had become preoccupied with the war
between the Macedonians and the Romans. Eumenes was motivated
not just by his long-standing hatred, but also by the fresh cause for
anger: Perseus’ villainy at Delphi had nearly caused him to be
slaughtered like a sacrificial animal. Prusias, king of Bithynia, had
decided to stay neutral and await the outcome, for he concluded that
172‒171 bce chapters 28‒ 30 57
the Romans could not think it right for him to take up arms against his
brother-in-law, and if Perseus should win, his sister could arrange for
him to be pardoned. Ariarathes, the Cappadocian king, aside from the
fact that he had pledged auxiliary troops to the Romans in his own
name, had shared strategy with Eumenes in all matters concerning war
and peace ever since they had become related by marriage.
Antiochus, it is true, had designs on Egypt, having a low opinion
of the king’s youth and his guardians’ lack of initiative; he thought
that by provoking a quarrel over Coele Syria,* he could furnish him-
self with grounds for war, and that he could wage it without interfer-
ence since the Romans would be busy with their own war against the
Macedonians. Even so, both through a delegation of his own men to the
Senate and in person to the Senate’s envoys, he had gone to great
lengths in pledging everything for that war. Ptolemy still had guardians
at the time because of his youth, and they prepared for the war against
Antiochus to maintain the claim to Coele Syria while simultaneously
promising the Romans everything regarding the Macedonian war.
Masinissa assisted the Romans with grain and undertook to send
his son Misacenes and auxiliaries with elephants to join the fight.
At the same time, he arranged his plans to suit every possible outcome:
if the Romans should win, his standing with them would remain the
same and he would not attempt further incursions since the Romans
would not permit any aggression against the Carthaginians; if the
might of Rome—which was shielding the Carthaginians—should be
crushed, then all Africa would be his. The Illyrian king Gentius had
certainly managed to make the Romans mistrust him, but he had not
determined which side he would support, and it seemed likely that
some impulse, rather than careful thought, would attach him to one
side or the other. Cotys the Thracian, king of the Odrysae, was on
the side of Macedonia.
30. Such were the sentiments of the various kings towards the war.
Of the autonomous communities and peoples, almost everywhere the
masses favoured the less desirable elements—as is generally the case—
and tended to side with Macedonia and its king. Among the more
important citizens you might observe a range of positions. Some
people had been so effusive towards the Romans that their boundless
partisanship undermined their credibility; a few of these were
attracted by the justice of Roman rule, but most calculated that a dis-
play of dedication would promote their position in their own cities.
58 book forty-two 171 bce
Other people fawned on the king: dire financial straits and the hope-
lessness of their own affairs should there be no change drove some
men headlong into any new enterprise; and some capricious spirits
turned to Perseus because the wind of popularity was blowing his
way. A third group, the best and most thoughtful, preferred to be
under Roman rule rather than that of the king, if it were simply a case
of picking the more powerful master; given a choice of destinies,
however, they wished that neither side would topple the other and
emerge on top, but rather that each might maintain its strength and
thus yield a lasting peace through a balance of power. For the cities,
poised between Rome and Macedonia, this arrangement would be
the best set of circumstances since one power would constantly pro-
tect the weak from the aggression of the other. Those who felt this
way observed silently and safely from afar the rivalries among the
supporters of the two sides.
In accordance with the Senate’s decree, on the day they entered
office the consuls made offerings of full-size victims around all the
shrines where there was customarily a lectisternium for the better part
of the year.* Having concluded from the omens that the gods were
pleased with the offerings, they reported to the Senate that the
sacrifices and prayers pertaining to the war had been properly per-
formed. The haruspices responded that any new undertaking
embarked on should be hastened: victory, a triumph, the expansion
of the empire lay in the portents. The senators, offering a prayer for
the prosperity and good fortune of the Roman people, directed the
consuls to assemble the Roman people in the comitia centuriata* on
the first possible day and to put to them the following: whereas
Perseus, the son of Philip and the king of Macedonia, had attacked
allies of the Roman people, in contravention of the treaty made with
Philip and renewed with Perseus after Philip’s death, whereas he had
devastated lands and occupied cities, and whereas he had entered
into plans to prepare war against the Roman people, readying
weapons, an army, and a fleet to this end, unless he should give sat-
isfaction for these actions, they would go to war with him. This
motion was brought to the people.
31. Then the Senate decreed that the consuls should either settle
between themselves or determine by lot which of them was to have
Italy as his province and which Macedonia. The one responsible for
Macedonia was to prosecute the war against Perseus and his followers
171 bce chapters 30‒ 32 59
if they refused to give satisfaction to the Roman people. It was agreed
that four new legions should be enrolled, two for each of the consuls.
Special arrangements were made for Macedonia. While in keeping
with established practice, the other consul would have 5,200 infantry
assigned to each legion, for Macedonia 6,000 infantry and 300 cav-
alry were ordered to be enlisted for each legion. The second consul
was also to have additional forces from the allies: he was to take
to Macedonia 16,000 infantry and 800 cavalry in addition to the
600 cavalry Gnaeus Sicinius had taken there. For Italy, 12,000 allied
infantry and 600 cavalry seemed sufficient. Another special arrange-
ment made for Macedonia involved the draft: the consul could enlist
as he pleased veteran centurions and soldiers up to the age of fifty.
The Macedonian war led that year to an innovation regarding the
military tribunes: by senatorial decree the consuls proposed to the
people that the military tribunes for the year not be chosen by popular
vote, but that the selection be left to the discretion and judgement of
the consuls and praetors.
Among the praetors, areas of command were divided in the fol-
lowing manner: the one whose lot it was to go wherever the Senate
decided was sent to the fleet at Brundisium to inspect the crews.
He was to dismiss men who appeared to be unfit, select freedmen as
substitutes, and see to it that there was a balance of two Roman citi-
zens for every ally. It was further decided that the two praetors who
drew Sicily and Sardinia should be charged with extracting a second
tithe from the islands so that the supplies for the fleet and the army
might come from them. This food was to be transported to the
troops in Macedonia. Gaius Caninius Rebilus drew Sicily, and
Lucius Furius Philus Sardinia. Lucius Canuleius Dives drew Spain.
Gaius Sulpicius Galba drew urban jurisdiction, and Lucius Villius
Annalis jurisdiction involving foreigners. Gaius Lucretius Gallus
drew the lot to remain at the Senate’s disposal.
32. Between the consuls there was not so much a fully fledged
argument as some quibbling about the provinces. Cassius said that he
was prepared to claim Macedonia without any drawing of lots and
that his colleague could not draw lots without violating his oath. For
when Licinius had been a praetor, in order to avoid going to his
province he had sworn publicly that there were sacrifices for him to
perform in a particular place on particular days and that these could
not be done properly in his absence.* In Cassius’ view, these rites
60 book forty-two 171 bce
could no more be done properly in Licinius’ absence if he were a
consul than if he were a praetor—unless of course the Senate decided
to have a higher regard for Licinius’ wishes as a consul than for his
oath as a praetor; Cassius, however, would leave his fate in the hands
of the Senate. After deliberating, the senators deemed it arrogant to
deny a province to a man whom the Roman people had chosen to
entrust with the consulship, and so they directed the consuls to draw
lots. Macedonia fell to Publius Licinius and Italy to Gaius Cassius.
Then the legions were assigned by lot: the first and third were to
cross to Macedonia, the second and fourth to remain in Italy.
The consuls conducted the draft much more scrupulously than at
other times. Licinius mustered veteran centurions and soldiers as well,
and large numbers volunteered since they saw that those who had
served in the earlier Macedonian war and against Antiochus in Asia
had become wealthy men. Since the military tribunes were enrolling
centurions in order of arrival rather than by experience,* twenty-three
men who had held the position of chief centurion appealed to the trib-
unes of the plebs. Two from their college, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior
and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, referred the matter to the consuls on
the grounds that it should be investigated by the men who had been
given responsibility for the levy and the war. The other tribunes said
they themselves would look into the case of anyone who appealed and
come to the aid of their fellow citizens if there were any injustice.
33. The inquiry took place in front of the official seats of the trib-
unes;* it was attended by Marcus Popillius as a consular representa-
tive for the centurions, the centurions, and the consul. The consul
insisted on a public debate, and so a meeting of the people was con-
vened. Marcus Popillius, who had been consul two years previously,
spoke on behalf of the centurions in the following fashion. He said
that these military men had honourably completed full terms of service
and worn out their bodies with age and constant work; nevertheless,
they were not at all unwilling to make their contribution for the state;
their only request was not to be assigned to a rank lower than what
they had held while on active service.
The consul Publius Licinius called for a public reading of the
Senate’s decrees: first, its vote for war against Perseus; second, the
decision that as many veteran centurions as possible should be enlisted
for this war and that there should be no exemption from military
service for anyone under fifty. He then pleaded that in a new war, so
171 bce chapters 32‒ 34 61
close to Italy, against an unusually powerful king, the tribunes of the
plebs should not hinder the military tribunes as they conducted the
draft, nor prevent the consul from assigning each man to the position
where he would be most useful to the state. If any of this was unclear,
they should refer it to the Senate.
34. After the consul said what he had wanted to, Spurius Ligustinus,
one of those who had appealed to the tribunes, asked the consuls and
the tribunes for permission to say a few words to the crowd. When
this was granted he spoke as follows:
‘Citizens of Rome, I am Spurius Ligustinus, a Sabine by birth, of
the Crustuminian tribe.* My father left me a iugerum of land and the
small cottage in which I was born and brought up, and I live there to
this day. As soon as I came of age, my father married me to the
daughter of his brother. She brought nothing with her but her free-
born status and her chastity, together with a fecundity sufficient for
even a wealthy home. We have six sons, and two daughters, both of
whom are already married. Four of my sons have assumed the toga
virilis, and two wear the toga praetexta.*
‘I became a soldier in the consulship of Publius Sulpicius and
Gaius Aurelius.* As an ordinary infantryman in the army that was
taken to Macedonia I served for two years against King Philip; in the
third year, because of my bravery, Titus Quinctius Flamininus
raised me to the rank of centurion of the tenth company of hastati.*
When Philip and the Macedonians were defeated and we were
brought back to Italy and discharged, I immediately set out for Spain
as a volunteer with the consul Marcus Porcius.* Of all generals alive,
he was a harsher critic and judge of personal courage, as men who
have known him and other leaders, who have their own extensive
military experience, acknowledge. This general considered me
worthy of promotion to first centurion of the first company of the
hastati. The third time when, again as a volunteer, I enlisted in the
army sent against the Aetolians and King Antiochus, I was made first
centurion of the principes by Manius Acilius. After King Antiochus
had been driven out and the Aetolians subdued, we were brought
back to Italy; and then I served twice when legions were called up for
a year’s campaigning. Then I fought twice in Spain, once with the
praetor Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, and then again under the praetor
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus.* I was chosen by Flaccus to be
among those who, because of their bravery, accompanied him from
62 book forty-two 171 bce
the province to participate in his triumph; I returned to the province
at Tiberius Gracchus’ request.
‘Four times within a few years I was chief centurion; thirty-four
times I was recognized by my generals for bravery; I have been
awarded six civic crowns.* I have served twenty-two years in the
army, and I am over fifty years old. But even if I had not served all
these years and even if my age did not exempt me, it would still be
fair to excuse me, Publius Licinius, since I can give you four soldiers
to take my place.* But I prefer that you take these words as spoken
for my case: I myself, as long as a recruiter judges me fit to fight, will
never seek to exempt myself. The military tribunes have the power
to place me at whatever rank they think fit; it is up to me to see that
no one in the army outstrips me in courage: both my generals and my
comrades stand as witnesses that I have always served in this fashion.
You too, my fellow soldiers, though you act lawfully in exercising
your right to appeal, still it is fitting that just as when you were young
men you never challenged the authority of the magistrates and the
Senate, now also you should submit to the power of the consuls and
the Senate, and you should regard as an honour any way you can
defend your country.’
35. After this speech the consul, Publius Licinius, showered
Spurius with praise and brought him from the public meeting to the
Senate. There the Senate also officially conferred its gratitude on
him, and in recognition of his bravery, the military tribunes made
him chief centurion of the first legion. The rest of the centurions
withdrew their appeal and complied obediently with the draft.
The Latin Festival took place on the first of June so that the con-
suls could leave earlier for their provinces.* Once the ceremony was
over, the praetor Gaius Lucretius left for Brundisium where every-
thing necessary for the fleet had been sent in advance. In addition
to the forces that the consuls were mustering, the praetor Gaius
Sulpicius Galba had been entrusted with enlisting four city legions,*
with the usual number of infantry and cavalry, and he was also
supposed to select from the Senate four military tribunes to be the
commanders. He was to order up 15,000 infantry and 1,200 cavalry
from the Latin and Italian allies; this army was to be ready for
deployment wherever the Senate should decide.
In response to a request from the consul Publius Licinius, his Roman
and allied forces were augmented with auxiliaries: 2,000 Ligures,
171 bce chapters 34‒ 36 63
Cretan archers—the exact number the Cretans supplied when asked
for auxiliaries is uncertain—and also Numidian cavalry and elephants.
Lucius Postumius Albinus, Quintus Terentius Culleo, and Gaius
Aburius were sent to Masinissa and the Carthaginians to obtain these.
It was agreed also that three envoys should go to Crete; these were
Aulus Postumius Albinus, Gaius Decimius, and Aulus Licinius Nerva.
36. Also at this time envoys from King Perseus arrived.* The deci-
sion was made not to receive them within the city since the Senate
had decided on war against the Macedonians and their king and the
Roman people had ratified the decision. The envoys, brought before
the Senate in the temple of Bellona, spoke as follows. King Perseus
was wondering why forces had been sent to Macedonia; if he could
convince the Senate to recall them, the king would, at the Senate’s
discretion, make amends for the commission of any injuries the allies
complained about.
Spurius Carvilius had been sent back from Greece by Gnaeus
Sicinius for this very purpose and was at the meeting of the Senate.
He brought forward as accusations the hostile invasion of Perrhaebia,
the conquest of several cities in Thessaly, and the other activities that
the king was engaged in or was setting into motion.* The ambassa-
dors were ordered to reply to these points. When they hesitated,
claiming that they had not been empowered to handle anything else,
they were told to report back to their king that the consul Publius
Licinius would shortly be in Macedonia with his army; if the king
intended to make reparations, he could send his envoys to Licinius.
It was, moreover, pointless to send them to Rome, for none of them
would be permitted to travel through Italy. With this the ambassa-
dors were dismissed. The consul Publius Licinius was instructed to
tell them to leave Italy within fifteen days and to send Spurius
Carvilius to keep them under observation until they boarded ship.
These were the events at Rome before the consuls left for their
provinces. Gaius Sicinius had been sent ahead to the fleet and troops
at Brundisium before the expiration of his magistracy. Having con-
veyed 5,000 infantry and 300 cavalry to Epirus, he set up camp at
Nymphaeum in the territory of Apollonia. From there he dispatched
military tribunes with 2,000 soldiers to occupy the fortresses of the
Dassaretii and the Illyrians since these people were seeking help in
guarding themselves against an attack from their neighbours the
Macedonians.
64 book forty-two 171 bce
37. A few days later, Quintus Marcius, Aulus Atilius, Publius and
Servius Cornelius Lentulus, and Lucius Decimius, the envoys sent
to Greece, sailed to Corcyra with 1,000 soldiers. There they appor-
tioned amongst themselves both the regions that each would visit
and the troops. Decimius was sent to Gentius, the Illyrian king; if he
discovered that Gentius had any regard for his friendship with the
Roman people, his mission was to try in addition to coax him into a
military alliance. The Lentuli were sent to Cephallania so that they
could cross to the Peloponnese and make the rounds of the western
coast before winter. Marcius and Atilius were assigned to travel
around Epirus, Aetolia, and Thessaly; from there, they were to look
into the situation in Boeotia and Euboea and then to cross to the
Peloponnese. They agreed to rejoin the Lentuli there.
Before the envoys left Corcyra, a letter arrived from Perseus
asking what could be the Romans’ reason in coming to Greece or for
occupying its cities. A formal written response seemed undesirable;
instead, the messenger who had brought the letter was given a verbal
reply to the effect that the Romans were acting to protect these cities.
The Lentuli made the circuit of the towns in the Peloponnese,
encouraging all the communities, without distinction, to assist the
Romans against Perseus with the same spirit and loyalty with which they
had helped in the wars against first Philip and then Antiochus. The
result was muttering amongst the crowds. The Achaeans were upset
that although they had stood by the Romans in every way from the
beginnings of the war with Macedonia and had fought against Philip and
the Macedonians, their status was no higher than that of the Messenians
and the Eleans, who had fought for Antiochus against the Roman
people; and the Messenians and the Eleans, who had recently been
incorporated into the Achaean League, were complaining that they were
actually being handed over to the victorious Achaeans as spoils of war.*
38. Marcius and Atilius made their way up to Gitana, an Epirote
city ten miles from the sea. At the meeting with the Epirotae, they
were heard with great approval on all sides, and these people sent
400 of their young men to serve as a garrison for the Orestae,* who
had been liberated from the Macedonians. The envoys continued on
into Aetolia and waited there a few days until a successor was
installed to replace the chief magistrate, who had recently died. Once
Lyciscus, a man well known to favour the Roman side, took up his
duties, the Romans moved on to Thessaly.
171 bce chapters 37‒ 39 65
Representatives from the Acarnanians* and Boeotian exiles* came
to them there. The Acarnanians were given a message to take home:
this was their opportunity to atone for what they had done to the
Roman people in the wars against Philip and Antiochus when they
had been duped by the kings’ promises; where they had once met
with Roman forbearance when they little deserved it, they would
now find generosity if they truly deserved it. The Boeotians were
reproved for having made an alliance with Perseus. They cast the
blame on Ismenias, the leader of the other faction, and said that some
cities had been drawn into the matter against their will. Marcius
replied that these circumstances would come out into the open
because the Romans were about to grant each city autonomy.*
A council of the Thessalians took place at Larisa. On both sides
there were abundant grounds for gratitude: the Thessalians were
grateful for the gift of their freedom;* and the Roman envoys because
the Thessalian people had assiduously rendered aid first in the war
against Philip and then again in the war against Antiochus. After a
reminder of shared service, the general population was eager to decide
in favour of everything the Romans wanted.
After this meeting envoys from King Perseus came, private indi-
viduals relying particularly on the guest-friendship between Perseus’
father and Marcius. The envoys started with a reminder of this rela-
tionship and requested that the king be given an opportunity to come
and confer with Marcius. Marcius replied that he too had heard
from his father of the bond of amity and of the guest-friendship with
Philip,* indeed that he had undertaken this embassy with that
relationship in mind. As for a conference, were his health sufficiently
good, he would not have postponed it; so now, as soon as he could,
the Romans would go to the Peneus river, at the crossing from
Homolium to Dium, and messengers would be sent in advance to
alert the king.
39. And so for the time being, because Marcius, in saying that he
had undertaken the embassy on Perseus’ behalf, had cast a faint
whisper of hope in his direction, Perseus withdrew from Dium to the
inner recesses of his kingdom. A few days later they met at the
appointed place. A great retinue of his companions and attendants
accompanied the king, crowding around him. The Roman ambassa-
dors arrived with an equally large throng, composed of many escorts
from Larisa as well as delegations from the cities; these people had
66 book forty-two 171 bce
converged on Larisa and wished to report at home whatever trust-
worthy information they could glean. There was an innate element of
curiosity for ordinary mortals in witnessing a meeting between the
famous king and the representatives of the greatest people on earth.
When they stood within eyesight, separated by the river, there was a
brief delay for an exchange about which party should make the cross-
ing. The royal party thought this was owed to the majesty of the
king; the Romans considered that it was, on the contrary, owed to the
name of the Roman people, especially since Perseus had requested
the conference. At last Marcius ended the delay with a joke, saying,
‘Let the younger come to the elder,’ and, because his cognomen was
Philip, ‘Let the son come to the father.’ The king was easily won over
by this. Then there was a second dispute as to the number of men
that should accompany him. The king thought that crossing with his
entire retinue was fair; the Roman ambassadors told him to come with
three men, or if he wished to bring such a throng, to give hostages to
prevent any trickery during the conference. So he handed over as
hostages Hippias and Pantauchus, his chief companions and the same
men whom he had sent as his ambassadors. The hostages had been
required less as a pledge of good faith than to show the allies that
the king was not meeting with the Roman ambassadors on an equal
footing. Nevertheless, the greeting was not antagonistic, but rather
cordial and welcoming; then they took the seats arranged for them.
40. After a brief silence Marcius said: ‘I imagine that you expect
us to reply to the letter that you sent to Corcyra, in which you ques-
tioned why we came as we did, ambassadors accompanied by soldiers,
and why we are spreading garrisons among individual cities. I am
apprehensive both about not responding to your query, lest you
think this arrogance, and about telling the truth, lest when you hear
it, you think it excessively harsh. But since a reprimand, whether
physical or verbal, is justified when a person violates a treaty, just as
I would prefer war against you to be entrusted to someone other than
myself, so I will submit to the painful experience of saying unpalat-
able things to a guest-friend, no matter what; in the same way do
doctors apply bitter-tasting remedies to effect physical well-being.
‘The Senate believes that ever since you inherited the throne, you
have only once acted as you ought to have done: you sent ambassa-
dors to Rome to renew the treaty. And yet the Senate thinks that you
would have done better not to renew it at all rather than to do so only
171 bce chapters 39‒ 41 67
to violate it. You expelled Abrupolis, a friend and ally of the Roman
people, from his kingdom; by granting refuge to Arthetaurus’ mur-
derers after they had killed the king who was, of all the Illyrians, the
Romans’ most faithful adherent, you gave the impression—I won’t
put it more strongly than that—that you were pleased by his assas-
sination; in contravention of the treaty, you went to Delphi with an
army by way of Thessaly and Malian territory; also in contravention
of the treaty you sent auxiliary forces to Byzantium; with the
Boeotians, our allies, you struck a secret treaty under oath, which was
not permitted; and I prefer to ask rather than to make an accusation
about who killed the Theban envoys Eversa and Callicritus when
they were on their way to us. Does it seem possible that the civil war
and assassination of leading men in Aetolia could have arisen through
agents other than yours? The Dolopes were wiped out by you per-
sonally. King Eumenes, when he was returning from Rome to his
kingdom, was nearly slaughtered at Delphi, just like a sacrificial
victim, in a holy area before the altar; I shrink from stating whom he
blames; as for the secret crimes which your host at Brundisium has
revealed—no doubt all has been described to you in letters from
Rome and reported by your envoys as well. In one way only could
you have prevented me from saying these things, and that is by not
asking why our troops are being transported to Macedonia or why we
are sending garrisons to the cities of our allies. Since you ask, I should
have been more arrogant in keeping quiet than in telling you the
truth. Indeed, because of the hospitality between our fathers, I am
receptive to what you have to say, and I hope that you will supply me
with some means of putting your case before the Senate.’
41. The king replied: ‘I could make a good case if I were arguing
it before impartial arbitrators, not men who are the accusers as well
as the arbitrators. As for the charges made against me, however,
some of them I think perhaps I should glory in, not blush to confess,
and some, consisting of words, can be refuted by words. For what,
if I were a defendant under your laws today, could either your
Brundisian informant or King Eumenes charge me with such that
they could represent themselves as accusers rather than muckrakers?
No doubt Eumenes is on bad terms with no one other than me—even
though he has made a burden of himself to so many men, whether in
affairs of state or personal matters; and no doubt I could not find
anyone more suited to be my accomplice in criminal activities than
68 book forty-two 171 bce
Rammius, a man whom I had never seen before and was not to see
afterwards. I am also supposed to account for the deaths of the
Thebans who, all agree, were lost at sea, and of Arthetaurus for
whom there is, however, no charge other than that his murderers
went into exile in my kingdom. I will not mount a defence against
this unfair argument as long as you also agree to accept responsibil-
ity for any crimes committed by men who have gone into exile in
Italy or Rome. If you and everyone else in the world refuse to adopt
this view, then I will count myself among the rest of you. And by
Hercules, what good does it do to offer a man exile if there is no place
for him to go into exile?* Nevertheless, as soon as I learned from
your warning that those men were in Macedonia, I had them hunted
down and ordered them to leave, forever banned from my kingdom.
‘Those are the points on which I have actually been charged, as if
I were defending myself in a criminal prosecution; but the following
matters are brought against me as a king, and involve a difference of
opinion over my treaty with you. For if the treaty was drawn up in
such a way that I am not allowed to protect myself and my kingdom
even if someone attacks me, I must confess that I violated the treaty
in using force to defend myself against Abrupolis, an ally of the
Roman people. But if, on the contrary, both the treaty and the prin-
ciples of international law permit answering force with force, what
then was it right for me to do, when Abrupolis laid waste to areas of
my kingdom as far as Amphipolis, and carried off many free citizens,
a large number of slaves, and many thousand cattle? Should I have
kept quiet and been passive until, armed to the hilt, he made his way
to Pella and right into my palace? Grant that I was justified in
fighting,* was it somehow unacceptable that he was defeated and
suffered everything else that befalls the defeated? When I, the person
who was attacked, had to endure the consequences, how can he, the
person who started the war, complain of what happened to him?
‘I am not about to defend myself in the same way, Romans, for
coercing the Dolopes into submission: even if they did not deserve it,
I acted within my rights, since they were within my kingdom and my
jurisdiction, assigned to my father by your decree. Moreover, if it were
necessary to justify my situation not to you, and not to your allies, but
to people who condemn the harsh and unjust exercise of power even
over slaves, I would still not be considered to have vented my rage
against them beyond what is reasonable and fair: given the way they
171 bce chapters 41‒ 42 69
killed Euphranor, the governor I appointed for them, death was the
lightest of punishments for them.
42. ‘But then when I had gone to visit Larisa and Antronae and
Pteleon, by a route near Delphi, I continued on up to Delphi to offer
sacrifices and release myself from vows made long ago. For the sake of
exaggerating my guilt, these circumstances have been linked with the
fact that I travelled with my army—as if I went to occupy cities and
install garrisons in their citadels, exactly the actions I now object to
your taking. Summon a meeting of the Greek cities through which
I passed; should anyone at all complain of an injury from one of my
soldiers, then shall I accept that I gave the impression of pretending to
offer sacrifice while pursuing another goal. I sent garrisons to the
Aetolians and the Byzantines, and I made a treaty of friendship with
the Boeotians. These activities, whatever their nature, my representa-
tives not only announced, but repeatedly justified to your Senate,
where, Quintus Marcius, I have critics who are not so well inclined
towards me as you, my supporter and guest-friend by birth. But
Eumenes had not yet come to Rome to make his accusations; it was he
who made everything suspicious and odious by misrepresenting and
twisting it around; and it was he who attempted to persuade you that
Greece could not be free and enjoy your favour as long as the kingdom
of Macedonia remained secure in its position. But the wheel will come
full circle: soon someone will assert that the removal of Antiochus
beyond the Taurus Mountains was to no avail; that Eumenes is a much
greater threat to Asia than Antiochus was; that your allies will not be
able to sleep at night as long as the royal house of Pergamum stands;
its citadel sits in surveillance over the heads of the neighbouring states.
‘Quintus Marcius and Aulus Atilius, I know that the things of which
you have accused me or against which I have defended myself will be
defined by the ears and thoughts of those listening, and that what mat-
ters is not what I did or to what end, but whatever view you take of it.
I know full well that I have not intentionally done anything wrong and
if, through a lapse of judgement, I have, I know that I can be set straight
and put on the right course by your reproaches. Certainly I have done
nothing irreparable, nor anything you could think necessitates the
forceful reprisals of war; or your reputation for clemency and upright-
ness has spread through the world to no purpose, if for reasons that
scarcely constitute grounds for grievance or complaint, you take up
arms and make war on kings who are your allies.’
70 book forty-two 171 bce
43. Marcius listened to the king’s speech with approval and pro-
posed sending envoys to Rome. Since the king’s friends also thought
that every possibility should be tested to the fullest and that nothing
that gave grounds for hope should be passed over, the rest of the con-
ference concerned which route would be safe for the messengers. For
this purpose, although the request for a truce seemed unavoidable
under the circumstances and although Marcius had wanted and
sought nothing else from the conference, he granted it in a grudging
way, as if it were a great favour to the petitioner. For at the time the
Romans had nothing—no army, no general—sufficiently prepared
for the war while Perseus had everything completely ready and in
order: had not the fruitless hope of peace blinded him, he could have
commenced hostilities at a time entirely advantageous to him and
inopportune for his enemies.
Pledges to honour the truce were exchanged, and the Roman embassy
immediately left the conference and went to Boeotia. An uprising had
recently begun there. Certain groups were seceding from the feder-
ation of the united league of Boeotians because the Roman ambassa-
dors’ response—that it would be clear exactly which peoples found
the formation of an alliance with the king unacceptable—had been
made public.* First envoys from Chaeronea and then some from
Thebes met the Romans along the way, claiming that they had not
been at the meeting when this alliance was voted on. Giving these
envoys no immediate reply, the Romans directed them to follow
along to Chalcis.
At Thebes, an enormous fracas had arisen from a different fac-
tional quarrel.* At the elections of the praetor and the boeotarchs,
the defeated party, as revenge for the humiliation, got together a herd
of voters and issued an order at Thebes barring the boeotarchs from
the cities. These men all retreated into exile at Thespiae; they were
readily taken in there, only to be recalled to Thebes once popular
opinion changed. Back at Thebes, they decreed that a punishment of
exile should be imposed on the twelve men who had convened the
assembly and the council on their personal authority alone. Then the
new praetor, Ismenias, an influential man from a noble family, con-
demned them to death after they had left. They had fled to Chalcis, and
from there they had set out to meet the Romans at Larisa where they
had accused Ismenias of being behind the alliance with Perseus. These
party politics were the source of the fracas. Representatives from each
171 bce chapters 43‒ 45 71
party approached the Romans, the exiles and Ismenias’ accusers on
the one side and Ismenias himself on the other.
44. After their arrival in Chalcis, in a move that was extremely
gratifying to the Romans, one by one leaders from the other cities
issued proclamations rejecting the alliance with the king and attached
themselves to the Romans; and Ismenias reached the decision that
committing the Boeotian people as a whole to the Romans was the
right course of action. This provoked a fight, and had he not escaped
to the Roman ambassadors’ headquarters, he would have been killed
by the exiles and their supporters. Thebes itself, too, the principal
city in Boeotia, was in a state of tremendous upheaval, with some
tugging the city towards the king and others towards the Romans.
Further, a crowd of Coronaei and Haliarti* had gathered there to
defend the resolution to ally with the king. The steadfastness of their
leaders, however, who kept pointing to the calamitous fates of Philip
and Antiochus to illustrate the extent of the Romans’ power and
good fortune, finally overcame the common people, and they decreed
that the alliance with the king should be abolished. They sent to
Chalcis those who had supported making the alliance so that they
could effect a reconciliation with the Roman embassy, and they
directed that the city be entrusted to the good faith of the ambassa-
dors. Marcius and Atilius listened to the Thebans with pleasure and
advised both them and each of the other cities to send ambassadors
to Rome to renew friendly relations. Above all, they ordered the
exiles reinstated and issued their own decree condemning those who
supported the alliance with the king. And so, having achieved their
greatest desire, namely the dissolution of the Boeotian League, they set
out for the Peloponnese after they had summoned Servius Cornelius
to Chalcis.
An assembly was arranged for them at Argos, where they asked the
Achaeans for nothing except a contribution of 1,000 soldiers. This
garrison was sent to protect Chalcis while the Roman army was on its
way to Greece. As winter set in, Marcius and Atilius returned to
Rome with their mission accomplished.
45. Around the same time a delegation was dispatched from Rome
to travel throughout Asia and the islands; the three ambassadors
were Tiberius Claudius, Spurius Postumius, and Marcus Junius.
They went around encouraging the allies to join the Romans in
undertaking the war against Perseus. The wealthier the city, the more
72 book forty-two 171 bce
carefully the ambassadors proceeded, for the smaller ones tended to
be influenced by the authority of the greater ones. The Rhodians
were considered to be of the greatest importance in every way, since
they could not simply support the war, but also promote it actively
with their own resources. On the proposal of Agesilochus, they had
forty ships prepared. When he was their chief magistrate—what they
call the prytanis—he had persuaded the Rhodians with speech after
speech to abandon the hope of supporting kings, which they knew
from experience to be useless, and to keep the Roman alliance, the
only one in the world at that time to be counted on for strength
or reliability; war with Perseus was imminent; the Romans would
require the same naval equipment that they had seen in the previous
war against Philip and more recently Antiochus; unless the Rhodians
themselves had already started to repair the ships and to fit them out
with crews, they would have to rush about madly if the fleet suddenly
had to be made ready and dispatched all at the same time; it was all
the more important to act vigorously so that the irrefutable testi-
mony of their actions could disprove the accusations brought by
Eumenes. Roused by these speeches, the Rhodians displayed their
fleet of forty ships, equipped and furnished, to the Romans when
they arrived so that it was obvious that no exhortations were needed.
This delegation did much to tip the balance when it came to winning
over minds among the cities of Asia. Only Decimius, tainted with the
suspicion of having taken bribes from the Illyrian kings,* went back
to Rome without having achieved anything.
46. When Perseus returned to Macedonia after his conference
with the Romans, he sent ambassadors to Rome to pursue the peace
negotiations he had embarked on with Marcius. Also, he wrote let-
ters to Byzantium, Rhodes, and other cities and gave them to envoys
to deliver. The substance of the letters was the same for everybody:
that he had spoken with the Romans’ delegation; what had been said
on both sides was presented in such a way as to make it seem that he
had got the better in the debate. To the Rhodians, Perseus’ envoys
added their complete confidence that there would be peace, on the
grounds that Marcius and Atilius had authorized the sending of
ambassadors to Rome; if the Romans continued to stir up war in con-
travention of the treaty, then the Rhodians should strive, with all
their influence and with every resource, to re-establish the peace; if
they accomplished nothing by entreaty, they would have to act to
171 bce chapters 45‒ 47 73
prevent the regulation and domination of the whole world from pass-
ing into the hands of a single people. This was advantageous for
everyone else, but especially for the Rhodians inasmuch as they
surpassed other cities in standing and resources; if everybody looked
to the Romans alone, the Rhodians’ assets would become subject to
Roman control.
The warmth of the reception for the ambassadors’ letter and
speeches exceeded their weight in changing people’s minds: the
influence of the nobles’ party had begun to prevail. The official
response was that the Rhodians favoured peace: if there were a war,
that the king should seek and expect nothing from the Rhodians that
would sever the long-standing friendship between them and the
Romans, forged by many great services in peace and war.
On the way back from Rhodes the envoys also went to the cities of
Boeotia—Thebes,* Coronea, and Haliartus—thinking that these had
been forced against their will to renounce the alliance with the king
and attach themselves to the Romans. The Thebans did not yield an
inch, although they were furious with the Romans for having con-
demned their leaders and having had the exiles recalled. The
Coronaei and Haliarti, because of a certain inherent fondness for
kings, sent envoys to Macedonia to request a garrison with which
they could defend themselves against the Thebans’ wanton arro-
gance. This delegation was told by the king that he could not send a
garrison because of the truce he had made with the Romans; but he
urged them to avenge the Thebans’ transgressions in any way they
could, provided that the Romans were not given reason to retaliate.
47. Upon their return to Rome, Marcius and Atilius made a formal
report on their embassy on the Capitoline; they boasted above all that
they had tricked the king with a truce and the hope of peace. For
while they were completely unprepared for war, he had been so thor-
oughly ready that he could have seized all the key locations well
before a Roman army reached Greece. But now, after the interval of
a truce, they would meet on equal terms: the king would be no more
prepared, and the Romans could start the war better equipped in
every respect. They also boasted that they had skilfully fragmented
the Boeotians’ league so that they could never again be linked to the
king by mutual consent.
Most of the Senate approved of these actions as products of the
highest strategic thinking; the older men and those who remembered
74 book forty-two 171 bce
traditional ways said that they could not recognize Roman practices
in this embassy.* Their ancestors had not conducted war with trick-
ery and nocturnal battles, nor by false retreats and the sudden
resumption of fighting when the enemy had relaxed his guard, nor in
order to glory in guile more than genuine courage; they were accus-
tomed to declare war before waging it, even to announce and sometimes
specify the place where they intended to fight.* In the same spirit of
good faith Pyrrhus’ doctor was denounced to the king when he was
plotting against his life; in the same spirit of good faith the betrayer of
their children was bound and turned over to the Falisci.* These were
the ways of the Roman, not the cunning of the Carthaginians nor the
craftiness of the Greeks, for whom it was more glorious to fool an
enemy than to overcome him by force. Occasionally, deceit can be
momentarily more profitable than courage; but a man’s spirit is fully
conquered only when he has been made to acknowledge that he has
been defeated not by artifice* or misfortune, but in a just and right-
eous war where one force is pitted directly against the other. This
was the opinion of the older men, who found the new and excessively
clever wisdom less pleasing; but that part of the Senate for whom
expediency mattered more than honour prevailed. Consequently,
Marcius’ earlier embassy was approved, and he was also sent back to
Greece with <. . .> quinqueremes and directed to do whatever else
seemed to him to be in the best interests of the state. The senators
also dispatched Aulus Atilius to occupy Larisa in Thessaly, fearing
that if the time limit on the truce should expire, Perseus could send
a garrison there and have the capital of Thessaly under his control.
Atilius was directed to requisition 2,000 infantry from Gnaeus
Sicinius to handle this assignment. Publius Lentulus, who had come
back from Achaea, was given 300 Italian soldiers to try to keep
Boeotia under control from Thebes.
48. Once these arrangements were made, the Senate agreed to give
an audience to Perseus’ envoys,* despite the fact that plans for the war
had been fixed. The envoys said almost exactly what the king had in
the conference. They answered the charge of the conspiracy against
Eumenes’ life with the greatest thoroughness but the least plausibility,
for the case was clear. Everything else was an earnest entreaty. Their
auditors’ minds, however, were incapable of being persuaded or
swayed, and the Senate warned the delegation to remove itself beyond
the city walls immediately and depart from Italy within thirty days.
171 bce chapters 47‒ 49 75
Next, Publius Licinius, the consul who had been put in charge of
Macedonia, was instructed to name the earliest possible day for the
army to assemble. Gaius Lucretius, the praetor responsible for the
fleet, set out from Rome with forty quinqueremes, as it had been
agreed that some of the refurbished ships should be left near the city
for other purposes. The praetor sent his brother, Marcus Lucretius,
with a single quinquereme and instructions to join the fleet at
Cephallania with ships collected from the allies, in accordance with
the treaty. Gathering one trireme from Rhegium, two from Locri,
and four from the territory of Uria, Marcus sailed along the shore of
Italy, past the farthest promontory of Calabria and crossed the Ionian
Sea to Dyrrachium. There he collected ten small craft from the
Dyrrachini themselves, twelve from the Issaei, and fifty-four from
King Gentius (accepting the pretence that they had been made ready
for Roman use), and took all these to Corcyra two days later; from there
he crossed directly to Cephallania. The praetor, Gaius Lucretius, set
out from Naples, crossed the straits of Sicily, and arrived at Cephallania
four days later. The fleet stood at anchor there, waiting until the land
forces made the crossing and the supply ships that had fallen out of
line while at sea should catch up.
49. In that same period, as it happened, the consul Publius Licinius
pronounced vows on the Capitol, adopted military attire, and set out
from the city. Such a departure is always conducted with great solem-
nity and majesty; it especially attracts people’s gaze and thoughts
when they escort a consul setting out against an enemy who is
endowed with consequence and renown, either for his innate charac-
ter or for his good fortune. Not just respect for the office draws
people, but also a passion for the spectacle itself, so that they can see
the leader to whose authority and judgement they have entrusted the
supreme defence of the state. Then their minds dwell on the hazards
of war, the uncertainty of fortune, and the danger of combat for both
sides: they think of defeats and victories, the disasters too often
caused by imprudence and rashness on the part of leaders, but also
the successes brought about by the virtues of foresight and courage.
What mortal can know the character and luck of the consul they are
sending to war? Will they soon see him holding a triumph and climb-
ing the Capitol with his victorious army, on his way back to the same
gods who attended his departure? Or will they be offering that joy
to their enemies? In this particular case, he was being sent against
76 book forty-two 171 bce
King Perseus, who derived his reputation from the Macedonian
people, renowned in war, and from his father Philip, distinguished for
his many successful actions, even in the war with the Romans; from
the time when Perseus had inherited the kingdom, his name and pre-
dictions of war had been constantly and inseparably discussed.
With such thoughts did men of every class accompany the consul
on his departure. Two men of consular rank were sent with him as
military tribunes, Gaius Claudius and Quintus Mucius; there were
three prominent young men as well, Publius Lentulus and the two
Manlii Acidini, one the son of Manius Manlius and the other of
Lucius Manlius. Accompanied by them, the consul went to the army
at Brundisium, and from there he crossed with his total force at
Nymphaeum in the territory of Apollonia where he pitched camp.
50. A few days earlier Perseus held a council, once the ambassa-
dors had returned from Rome and cut short any hope of peace. There
were differing views, and the debate went on for some time. Some
thought that some kind of indemnity should be paid, if the Romans
assessed it, or that some territory had to be conceded, if the penalty
took this form; in short, whatever had to be endured for the sake of
peace should not be rejected; nor should the king undertake anything
where he would be risking himself and his kingdom on a throw of the
dice, since the stakes were so high. As long as his right to the king-
dom remained undisputed, then many events could bring the time
and day when, as well as recovering his losses, he could also become
a source of fear to the very people whom he currently feared.
But a significant majority was of a more belligerent cast of mind.*
They claimed that whatever concession he made, he would immedi-
ately have to concede his kingdom too. For the Romans did not need
money or land; but they knew this, that everything mortal, most
especially powerful kingdoms and empires, was susceptible to much
misfortune: they themselves had smashed the might of the
Carthaginians and placed them under the yoke of an overwhelmingly
powerful king on their border; they had banished Antiochus and
his descendants beyond the Taurus Mountains; the kingdom of
Macedonia alone remained both close to them and seemingly cap-
able, if the Roman people’s good fortune should fail them anywhere,
of reanimating its kings with the spirit of yesteryear. So, while his
resources were unimpaired, Perseus ought to make up his mind
whether he preferred to concede everything bit by bit, until he was
171 bce chapters 49‒ 51 77
reduced to his last penny and an exile from his kingdom, or to beg
the Romans to let him grow old, scorned and impoverished, on
Samothrace* or some other island, a private citizen who had outlived
his kingdom; or whether he chose to take up arms in defence of his
station and his dignity—as was becoming to a man of courage—and
either suffer whatever misfortune the war brought or, should he
prove the victor, to liberate the world from Roman domination.
It was no less unthinkable for the Romans to be driven out of Greece
than that Hannibal was forced out of Italy. And, by Hercules, they
did not see how it was consistent for him to have used force to pre-
empt his brother’s unlawful attempt to take over the kingdom* and
to yield it to outsiders after securing it for himself. Ultimately, their
discussion of war and peace was predicated on the universal agree-
ment that nothing is more shameful than to have surrendered with-
out a fight, and that nothing is more glorious than to have risked
everything for the sake of dignity and majesty.
51. The council was at Pella, the ancient royal seat of the
Macedonians. The king proclaimed, ‘So then let us make war, since
this seems best, and may the gods be favourable!’ He sent word to his
governors and assembled all his forces at Citium, a town in Macedonia.
He himself offered a sacrifice on a royal scale, with 100 animals for
Minerva, whom the Macedonians call Alcidemos,* and then, with a
band of courtiers* and bodyguards, he set out for Citium.
All the Macedonian and allied forces had gathered there. Perseus
pitched his camp in front of the city and lined up all the soldiers in a
plain.* The sum total of the forces was 43,000; nearly half of them
were the phalanx troops commanded by Hippias of Beroea. From all
the peltasts, there was a select force of 2,000 especially strong and
youthful troops; this division is known as the ‘agema’* and was led
by Leonnatus and Thrasippus, both Eulyestae.* Antiphilus of
Edessa was in charge of the remaining peltasts, about 3,000 men.
The Paeones from both Paroria and Parstrymonia—which lie on the
edge of Thrace—and the Agrianes, mixed together with native
Thracians, numbered about 3,000 also. These men had been armed
and assembled by Didas of Paeonia, the person who had killed the
young Demetrius.*
There were also 2,000 Gauls under arms, commanded by
Asclepiodotus from Heraclea Sintice. The 3,000 free Thracians had
their own general. About the same number of Cretans were under
78 book forty-two 171 bce
their own generals, Susus of Phalasarna and Syllus of Gnossus. And
Leonides the Lacedaemonian was in charge of a mixed force of
500 Greeks. He was reputedly from the royal family, and had been
sentenced to exile at a full meeting of the Achaeans, after his letters
to Perseus were intercepted. The Achaean Lycon was in charge of the
Aetolians and the Boeotians, who numbered at most 500 altogether.
This mixture of so many peoples and so many races comprised an
auxiliary force of approximately 12,000 soldiers.
The cavalry, drawn from all over Macedonia, numbered 3,000.
Cotys, too, was there, the son of Seuthes and king of the Odrysae
people; he had 1,000 select horsemen and nearly the same number of
infantry. So the total of the entire army was 39,000 infantry and
4,000 cavalry. It was generally agreed that, except for the army
Alexander the Great took to Asia, no Macedonian king had ever pos-
sessed so much manpower.
52. It was now the twenty-sixth year since Philip had sued for and
been granted peace. Throughout this whole time Macedonia had
remained free from war, producing a new generation, most of which
was now of military age and, having engaged in skirmishes with their
Thracian neighbours, had been tested but not worn out by nearly
constant military activity. Since first Philip and then Perseus had
long contemplated war against Rome, everything had been brought
to the peak of readiness.
The troops were lined up for battle and went through a brief prac-
tice manoeuvre, not a fully fledged one, but enough to show that they
had done more than stand at arms; and exactly as they were, in full
battle gear, they were summoned by Perseus to an assembly. He stood
on the tribunal with his two sons at his side: the elder was Philip, who
was his brother by birth but a son by adoption; the younger one,
known as Alexander, was his biological child. Perseus urged the sol-
diers on to war. He recalled the Romans’ insulting behaviour towards
him and his father: how all these indignities had driven the latter to
rise up against his conquerors, and how Philip had been overtaken by
fate in the midst of his preparations for war; as for Perseus himself,
the Romans had simultaneously sent ambassadors to him and soldiers
to occupy the cities of Greece. Then the winter had been taken up with
a misleading conference,* ostensibly for the sake of re-establishing
peace, but actually so that they would have time to prepare. Now the
consul was on his way with two Roman legions, each consisting of
171 bce chapters 51‒ 53 79
6,000 infantry and 300 cavalry, and nearly the same number of allied
foot and horse. Supposing in addition there were auxiliary troops
from the kings, Eumenes and Masinissa, there would be no more
than 27,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry.
Now that they had heard about the enemy numbers, Perseus said,
the Macedonian forces should consider their own army, specifically
how superior they were in both number and quality to those raw
recruits hastily pressed into service. They themselves had been
trained from boyhood in the art of fighting and had been disciplined
and toughened by so many campaigns. The Roman auxiliaries were
Lydians and Phrygians and Numidians while theirs were Thracians
and Gauls, the fiercest of all races. Among their opponents, each
poverty-stricken soldier had what weaponry he could provide for
himself; the Macedonians were equipped from the royal stockpiles,
accumulated over many years through his father’s care and outlay.
The Romans’ supplies would be coming to them from a great dis-
tance, subject to all the accidents that happen at sea; but he had set
aside ten years’ worth of both money and grain, in addition to the
profits from the mines. Everything that could be prepared with the
gods’ favour and the king’s care, the Macedonians had in full and
abundant supply. So, said Perseus, it was up to them to show that
same spirit possessed by their ancestors, who subjugated Europe
completely before crossing to Asia and opening up by military force
a world unknown even by word of mouth; they had not stopped con-
quering until there was nothing this side of the Red Sea* left for
them to conquer.
But now, by Hercules, Fortune had announced a competition not
for the most remote shores of India but for control of Macedonia
itself. The Romans, when they fought against his father, had flaunted
a specious banner about the liberation of Greece; now they openly
sought to enslave Macedonia so that there would not be a king on the
border of their empire and no race distinguished in warfare could
retain a military arsenal. For if the Macedonians wished to refrain
from war and give in to the Romans’ demands, they would have to
hand over to arrogant masters not just their king and their kingdom,
but also their weapons.
53. Throughout the speech Perseus was applauded enthusiastic-
ally at frequent intervals. But at that moment there arose such a roar
from the men—simultaneously threatening and full of indignation,
80 book forty-two 171 bce
but partly also urging the king to have confidence—that Perseus
brought his words to a close and ordered the troops to prepare for the
march; for word was already going around that the Romans were
moving out from their encampment at Nymphaeum.
After dismissing the assembly, Perseus turned to receiving delega-
tions from the cities of Macedonia. These had come to promise for
the war grain and whatever cash each one could. He thanked them all
but refused every offer, saying that the royal stockpiles were
sufficient for his needs. He requisitioned only vehicles to transport
the catapults, the huge supply of missiles already prepared, and other
military equipment.
Then he set out with his entire army for Eordaea; they made camp
at the lake known as Begorritis; the following day he advanced into
Elimea to the Haliacmon river. Then he traversed the so-called
Cambunian Mountains through a narrow pass and made his way
down to Azorus, Pythium, and Doliche; the locals call them Tripolis.
These three towns hesitated for a time because they had given
hostages to the people of Larisa,* but faced with an immediate threat
they surrendered. Perseus spoke to them in a friendly way. He was
convinced that the Perrhaebi too would choose surrender; the inhab-
itants exhibited no hesitation, and he took over the city of <. . .> as
soon as he arrived. He was forced to assault Chyretiae and moreover
was driven back on the first day by a fierce onslaught of soldiers at
the gate; the following day, he attacked in full strength and received
everyone’s capitulation by nightfall.
54. The next town, Mylae, was so thoroughly fortified that insu-
perable confidence in the fortifications made the residents more
aggressive; not satisfied with barring the gates before the king, they
hurled impudent insults at him and the Macedonians. Since this
behaviour made the invaders all the more keen to attack, the defend-
ers, with no hope of mercy, were forced to become yet more active in
their own self-protection. And so for three days the city was besieged
and defended with great spirit on both sides. The large number of
Macedonians ensured a constant stream of reinforcements to keep up
the fighting; but the townspeople, with the same men guarding the
walls day and night, grew exhausted from wounds and sleepless
nights and the ceaseless struggle. On the fourth day, when ladders
were being set up all around the walls and extra pressure was being
applied to the gate, the townsfolk repulsed an attack on the walls and
171 bce chapters 53‒ 55 81
gathered to protect the gate by rushing forth in a sudden sally against
the enemy. Since unthinking passion more than true belief in their
strength impelled them, the small band of weary men was forced back
by fresh troops. They turned their backs, and fleeing through the open
gate, allowed the enemy in. And so the city was seized and looted; also
the persons of free birth who survived the slaughter were put up for sale.
Abandoning the city, almost completely sacked and burned,
Perseus moved his base to Phalanna and the following day went on
to Gyrton. Learning there that Titus Minucius Rufus and Hippias,
the chief magistrate of the Thessalians, had entered it with a garri-
son, he did not even attempt to assail it but went on his way and took
Elatia and Gonnus, where his unexpected arrival had petrified the
inhabitants. Both towns lie in the pass where one approaches Tempe,
but Gonnus is closer, so he left it guarded with a more substantial gar-
rison of cavalry and infantry, as well as with a triple ditch and rampart.
He himself proceeded to Sycurium and decided to await the
approach of the enemy there; at the same time he told his army to
forage widely in the adjacent enemy territory, for Sycurium is in the
foothills of Mount Ossa. Where Ossa slopes down to the south, it
commands the plains of Thessaly; Macedonia and Magnesia lie to its
rear. In addition to these advantages were the very wholesome climate
and the abundance of water, which lasts all year and flows from multiple
surrounding springs.
55. In this same period the Roman consul was en route to Thessaly
with his army. Initially his progress through Epirus was easy, but
subsequently, after he had crossed into Athamania, where the terrain
was rough and nearly pathless, it was only with great difficulty that
he made his way to Gomphi by slow stages. Had the king drawn up
his forces at the time and place of his choosing and challenged the
consul while he was leading this inexperienced army of exhausted
men and horses, even the Romans acknowledge that they would have
suffered a major reverse.* So once the consul reached Gomphi with-
out a fight, beyond the joy at having crossed through a dangerous
pass, the Romans felt contempt for enemies who were so blind to
their own best chances. The consul offered the proper sacrifice,
distributed food to the soldiers, and waited for a few days to rest the
animals and his men. Then he heard that the Macedonians were
criss-crossing Thessaly freely and pillaging the fields of the allies.
Since his troops were sufficiently rested by then, he marched to Larisa.
82 book forty-two 171 bce
When he was about three miles away, he pitched camp at Tripolis,
which they call Scaea, overlooking the Peneus river.
Meanwhile Eumenes arrived in Chalcis with the navy, accompan-
ied by his brothers Attalus and Athenaeus; he had left his brother
Philetaurus at Pergamum to look after the kingdom. Leaving
Athenaeus at Chalcis in charge of 2,000 infantry, Eumenes took
Attalus, 4,000 infantry, and 1,000 cavalry and joined the consul.
The other Roman allies from all over Greece assembled there too,
but most of these were so few that they have been forgotten. The
people of Apollonia sent 300 cavalry and 100 infantry; from the
Aetolians came the equivalent of one cavalry squadron, which was
their entire mounted force; there were still at most 300 Thessalians in
the Roman camp, although the hope had been for their entire cavalry;
the Achaeans contributed around 1,500 of their young men, who were
mostly equipped with Cretan weaponry.
56. Also during the same period, the praetor who was in charge of
the fleet at Cephallania, Gaius Lucretius, instructed his brother,
Marcus Lucretius, to sail with the fleet around Cape Malea to Chalcis
while he himself took a trireme to the Gulf of Corinth to secure con-
trol of Boeotia. His voyage was rather slow because he was ill. When
Marcus Lucretius reached Chalcis, he heard that Publius Lentulus
was attacking Haliartus, so he sent a messenger to direct him, by the
praetor’s orders, to withdraw. The lieutenant, who had mounted the
attack with Boeotian youths who were Roman sympathizers, withdrew
from the walls. His abandonment of the siege created the opportunity
for it to be resumed anew: in fact, Marcus Lucretius immediately
invested Haliartus with troops from the fleet: 10,000 armed men as
well as the 2,000 of Eumenes’ men who had been left with Athenaeus.
Just as they were preparing to attack, the praetor arrived from Creusa.
Around the same time, ships from the allies gathered at Chalcis:
there were two Carthaginian quinqueremes, two triremes from
Heraclea on the Pontus, four from Chalcedon and another four from
Samos, and five quadriremes from Rhodes. The praetor sent these
back to the allies since there was no fighting going on at sea. Quintus
Marcius also came to Chalcis with his ships;* he had taken Phthiotic
Alope and attacked so-called ‘Hanging’ Larisa.*
Such was the state of affairs in Boeotia while Perseus was encamped
at Sycurium, as noted above. Once the crops in the immediate neigh-
bourhood had been harvested, he sent troops to pillage the territory
171 bce chapters 55‒ 57 83
of Pherae. His scheme was to be able to entrap the Romans as they
were drawn further and further from their camp to help the cities of
their allies. When he observed that this raiding did not prompt them
to move at all, he recalled his troops to camp and distributed the
booty (except for the human beings) among his troops; most of it
consisted of various types of livestock, and so it served for a feast.
57. Then the consul and the king held simultaneous councils of war
to discuss how to commence their military operations. Confidence was
high among the king’s advisers because the enemy had not interfered
with their pillaging of Pheraean land. Consequently they thought that
the king should proceed directly to the enemy’s camp without giving
the Romans opportunity for further delay. The Romans, too, recog-
nized that their hesitation shamed them in the eyes of their allies,
who deeply resented the fact that the Pheraeans had not been given
any assistance.
While the Romans—and Eumenes and Attalus, who were also at
the meeting—were considering what to do, an alarmed messenger
reported that the enemy was at hand with a large force. The council
was dismissed, and the signal was immediately given to take up arms.
It was decided to send out 100 cavalry and the same number of
javelin-throwers (on foot) from Eumenes’ forces. Around the fourth
hour of the day, when Perseus was a little more than a mile from the
Roman encampment, he ordered the infantry to halt. He rode out
with his cavalry and skirmishers; Cotys and the leaders of the other
auxiliaries accompanied him. They were less than half a mile from
the Roman camp when the enemy cavalry came into view:* there
were two squadrons of the cavalry, mostly Galatians commanded
by Cassignatus, and about 150 light-armed Mysians and Cretans.
The king paused, uncertain about the strength of the enemy. Then he
dispatched from his column two Thracian squadrons, two Macedonian
squadrons, and two cohorts of Cretans and Thracians. The battle
proved indecisive since they were fighting with equal numbers and
neither side received reinforcements. Around thirty of Eumenes’
men died, including the Galatian leader Cassignatus.
At that point Perseus withdrew his forces to Sycurium; but the
next day, at the same time, he moved his troops into position in the
same place. Carts with water accompanied them, for the twelve-mile
route had no water and a great deal of dust; and it was clear the sol-
diers would have had to fight in a dehydrated condition if they had
84 book forty-two 171 bce
engaged at the first sight of the enemy. Since the Romans made no
move, having withdrawn even their outposts within their defences,
the king’s army also returned to camp. The royal forces followed the
same procedure for several days, hoping that the Roman cavalry
would attack the rear of their column as they withdrew and that, once
the fight was under way, they could lure the Romans farther from
their camp; at that moment, wherever they happened to be, they
could easily reverse the tide of battle since they were superior in cavalry
and skirmishers.
58. When this strategy failed, the king moved his camp closer to the
enemy and fortified a site five miles away. Then, at dawn, Perseus drew
up the line of infantry in the same place as usual and marched his entire
cavalry and light-armed forces up to the camp of the enemy. The sight
of the cloud of dust, both closer and thicker than before, triggered
alarm in the Romans’ camp. At first they did not really believe the man
who spread the word, as every day previously the enemy had never
appeared before the fourth hour; this time it was sunrise. Then the
shouting and rushing back of many men from the gates dispelled all
doubt. Total panic struck. The tribunes, prefects, and centurions
rushed to the consul’s quarters while the soldiers ran to their tents.
Perseus had drawn up his men less than half a mile from the outer
wall, around a small hill called Callinicus.* King Cotys commanded
the left wing with all his people; the cavalry squadrons alternated
with the light-armed troops. The Macedonian cavalry was on the
right wing, with the Cretans interspersed among their squadrons;
Midon of Beroea commanded the light-armed troops, and Meno of
Antigonea the cavalry and the unit as a whole. Just within the wing
positions were stationed the king’s cavalry and a mixed group consist-
ing of the elite auxiliaries of several peoples: Patrocles of Antigonea
and Didas, the governor of Paeonia, commanded these forces.
The king was in the very middle, surrounded by the unit they call the
agema and the cavalry of the Sacred Squadron.* Perseus posted the
slingers and the javelin-throwers out in front of him: each division
had 400 men; he put Ion of Thessalonica and Artemon, from Dolopia,
in charge of them. Such was the arrangement of the king’s forces.
The consul had the infantry drawn up within the outer wall, and
he sent out the entire cavalry along with the light-armed troops; they
were drawn up in front of the wall. The consul’s brother, Gaius
Licinius Crassus, commanded the right wing, comprised of the entire
171 bce chapters 57‒ 59 85
Italian cavalry interspersed with skirmishers; on the left, Marcus
Valerius Laevinus led the allied cavalry from Greece; the Greeks’
light-armed troops occupied the centre of the line, together with
special elite cavalry under Quintus Mucius. Out in front of the
standards of these men 200 Gallic horsemen were drawn up, as well
as 300 Cyrtii from Eumenes’ auxiliaries. Four hundred Thessalian
horsemen were positioned slightly beyond the left wing. King Eumenes
and Attalus were stationed with their entire force at the rear, between
the last row of troops and the wall.
59. When the columns were drawn up more or less in this fashion,
with nearly equal numbers of cavalry and light-armed troops on each
side, they rushed together. The fighting started between the slingers
and javelin-throwers, who had been sent out ahead. Right at the start
the Thracians, acting like wild animals released from lengthy captiv-
ity, hurled themselves with such shouting against the Italian cavalry on
the right wing that they unnerved their opponents, although normally
they were fearless because of their experience and aptitude for war.
Wielding long spears, the Thracians at one moment attacked the
infantry, at another slashed the horses’ legs, and at another pierced
their sides.
Charging the centre, Perseus scattered the Greeks with his first
assault.* They were routed, and the enemy pressed hard on their
heels. At first the Thessalian cavalry had been mere observers, held
as reserves a slight distance from the left wing and apart from the
fray, but they proved most useful when the battle had turned against
the Romans. By gradually giving way, but maintaining formation,
they joined Eumenes’ auxiliaries, and together with him they pro-
vided their allies with a safe retreat between their own ranks, as the
men scattered in their flight; and, as the enemy pressed forward in
only loose formation, the Thessalians even had the nerve to advance
and gathered up many of their men fleeing towards them. The king’s
men, already dispersed in the general pursuit, did not dare to join battle
with the Thessalian cavalry as it approached steadily in battle order.
Just as the king, having won the cavalry battle, cried out that his tri-
umph would have been complete if the infantry had contributed even
the slightest push, his phalanx opportunely appeared. For Hippias
and Leonnatus had heard that the cavalry had been victorious and on
their own initiative hastily brought forward this force in order to join
the daring enterprise. As the king hesitated, caught between hope
86 book forty-two 171 bce
and apprehension at taking such a bold step, Evander the Cretan,
whose services he had relied on in the plot against Eumenes at Delphi,
spotted the column of infantry advancing under its standards. He
raced up to the king and strenuously advised him not to be elated by
luck and risk everything on a needless throw of the dice; if, satisfied
with the current success, he stopped for the day, he would have
either the preconditions for an honourable peace or more allies for
the war, who would flock to the winning side should he choose to
fight on. The king’s mind was receptive to this advice, and so, prais-
ing Evander, he ordered the standards to be reversed, the infantry to
march back to camp, and the cavalry’s retreat to be sounded.
60. That day the Romans lost 200 horsemen and no fewer than
2,000 infantry; around 600 were taken prisoner. On the king’s side,
though, twenty horsemen and forty infantrymen fell. All the victors
were in high spirits as they returned to camp, but the Thracians
outdid the rest with their coarse glee; they rode back singing and
carrying enemy heads fixed on their spears.
Among the Romans there was not just sorrow because the battle
had gone badly, but also anxiety that the enemy might make an imme-
diate assault on the camp. Eumenes urged the consul to transfer it
across the Peneus so that they could use the river for protection until
the distressed soldiers’ morale revived. The shame of admitting his
fear galled the consul, but reason won out, and he led his forces across
in the silence of the night and fortified a camp on the farther bank.
The next day the king set out to provoke his enemies into fighting.
When he saw them safely encamped on the other side of the river, he
acknowledged that he had in fact erred by not having pressed home the
victory the day before, but that it was rather more serious to have given
up overnight. For, even had he deployed none of his other men and
sent out just the light-armed troops, the majority of his opponents
might have been wiped out during their panic-stricken crossing of the
river.
Safe in their camp, the Romans had indeed shaken off their fear
for the moment; but, among the other factors, the damage to their
reputation disturbed them the most. And in a meeting presided over
by the consul, one by one each man blamed the Aetolians:* they had
been the source of the panic and flight; the rest of the Greek allies
had copied the Aetolians’ fear. The five Aetolian leaders who were
said to have been seen first turning their backs were sent to Rome.
171 bce chapters 59‒ 62 87
The Thessalians were praised in an assembly, and their leaders were
also given special gifts for their bravery.
61. The spoils from the enemy casualties were brought to the king.
These he conferred as gifts: remarkable weapons to some, horses to
others, slaves to certain others. There were more than 1,500 shields;
the corslets and sets of body armour totalled more than 1,000; even
greater was the number of helmets, swords, and missiles of every
type. These gifts, which were impressive and pleasing in themselves,
were amplified by the words of the king when he assembled his
troops to address them:
‘You have before you a war with a foregone conclusion. You routed
the Roman cavalry, which was the strength of the enemy forces and
which they vaunted as invincible. Their cavalry is composed of their
most prominent young men, and the cavalry in turn is the nursery of
their Senate: from there they choose consuls to be enrolled as “fathers”;
from there they choose their generals. Just now we distributed among
you spoils from these men. No less do you have victory over the legions
of the infantry: escaping you by fleeing under cover of night, they filled
the river with the terror of shipwrecked men as they swam all over the
place. Crossing the Peneus will be easier for us, when we are pursuing
defeated men, than it was for them in their fear. As soon as we reach the
other side, we will assail their camp, which we would have taken today
had they not fled. And if they wish to challenge us in combat, you may
expect the same outcome from an infantry contest as in the cavalry battle.’
His victorious forces, hot-blooded, their shoulders draped with
the spoils of their slaughtered opponents, drank in his approval of
them, and based their expectations of the future on what had tran-
spired. And the infantry, especially those in the Macedonian phal-
anxes, fired by their comrades’ glory, desired to serve their king and
to win for themselves equal glory from the enemy. The assembly was
dismissed, and the next day the king went to Mopselus and set up
camp there.* This is a knoll that rises up before Tempe, and it is
about halfway from Larisa for one travelling to Gonnus.
62. The Romans stayed along the bank of the Peneus, but trans-
ferred their camp to a more secure location. They were joined there
by the Numidian Misacenes, who came with 1,000 cavalry, the same
number of infantry, and twenty-two elephants.
In this period the king held a meeting about the general state of
affairs. Since the overconfidence born of his success had subsided,
88 book forty-two 171 bce
some of his friends dared to recommend that he take advantage of his
good luck to seek favourable peace-terms, rather than let unwarranted
expectations lead him into irreversible misfortune. They said that it
was characteristic of the wise man, whose success was well earned, to
set a limit on it and not to put too much trust in the sunny skies of
momentary good fortune. The king should send men to the consul to
renew the treaty with the same terms on which his father Philip had
accepted peace from Titus Quinctius Flamininus, after the latter’s vic-
tory. There was no more splendid way to end a war than with such a
memorable battle, and no firmer assurance of lasting peace could be
given than one that could make the Romans, weakened by their loss,
more inclined to come to terms. But if the Romans, with their innate
stubbornness, should then reject fair terms, gods and men alike would
be witnesses to both Perseus’ restraint and the Romans’ bottomless arro-
gance. The king’s mind was never disposed to reject such advice and so,
since this position met with the approval of the majority, it was adopted.
The envoys sent to the consul were heard out in a fully attended
meeting. They asked for peace, guaranteeing in return that Perseus
would make as large a financial contribution as his father Philip had
promised and that he would cede as soon as possible those cities,
fields, and places that his father had. Such was the envoys’ offer.
During the consultation that took place after their departure, Roman
resolve prevailed. In those days it was their practice to maintain a
positive outlook in adversity and to contain their joy when conditions
turned favourable. They decided to answer that peace would be
granted if the king gave the Senate the unconditional right to decide
every matter concerning the king and all of Macedonia.
When the envoys brought this response, the Romans’ characteristic
stubbornness stunned those unfamiliar with it, and most people
rejected any further discussion of peace, saying that the men who had
scorned their offer would soon be begging for it. The very same arro-
gance, however, unnerved Perseus, on the grounds that it must come
from total confidence in their power. He increased the amount of
money, as if he could buy peace, and he persisted in trying to sway the
consul’s mind. But the consul did not deviate from the original answer,
and the king despaired of peace. Returning to Sycurium, where he had
started out, he prepared to chance the fortunes of war again.
63. As word of the cavalry battle spread through Greece,* the
direction of popular sentiment became manifest. Not just supporters
171 bce chapters 62‒ 63 89
of Macedonia, but the large number who were indebted to the Romans
for considerable favours—and some too who had encountered Perseus’
might and arrogance—rejoiced to hear the news; they had no other
reason than that vulgar enthusiasm for favouring a puny underdog
that the common herd indeed adopts at sporting events.
Meanwhile, in Boeotia the praetor Lucretius was vigorously pros-
ecuting the siege of Haliartus. The besieged party, who had no outside
help and expected none (other than the youth of Coronea, who had
slipped within the walls at the beginning of the siege), nevertheless
resisted, though more by willpower than by actual strength. They
made frequent attacks on the siege-works; and when a battering ram
was moved into position, they crushed it to the ground, now with
huge rocks and now with a leaden weight; and any place they failed
to prevent it from smashing the wall, they built an emergency
fortification at the break, hastily piling up pieces of masonry left over
from the destruction.
As the siege-works were not advancing the assault rapidly enough,
the praetor ordered ladders to be distributed amongst the maniples
so that he could mount a comprehensive attack on the walls by encir-
cling them. He calculated that his numbers would suffice for this
purpose since it was neither important nor possible to attack the sec-
tion of the city ringed by swampland. He himself marched 2,000
select troops up to the section where two turrets and what was left of
the wall that had been between them had collapsed. His intention
was to attempt to cross the ruins so that while the townsfolk made a
counter-assault on him, whatever other part of the wall was left
defenceless could be taken by the men with their ladders. The towns-
people vigorously prepared themselves to repel his assault. They
heaped bundles of dry brushwood in the ruin-strewn area; and
standing there with burning torches, they threatened to ignite the
barrier so that a fiery barricade between them and the enemy would
allow them time to interpose an inner wall. Chance interfered with
their effort: suddenly rain pounded down so heavily that it made
lighting anything difficult and extinguished what was already burn-
ing. And so it was that a passage opened up through the smoking,
scattered brushwood and, with everyone focused on the defence of
that one place, the walls too were taken from the ladders in many
locations simultaneously. In the immediate chaos of the city’s defeat,
the elderly and the young who happened to be in the way were cut
90 book forty-two 171 bce
down at random; the armed men fled together to the citadel. But the
next day they surrendered and were sold into slavery, for no hope
remained. There were in fact about 2,500 of them. The adornments
of the city, statues, paintings, and any kind of valuable booty, were
taken down to the ships; the city was razed to the ground.
From there the army marched to Thebes, where it was admitted
without resistance. The praetor entrusted the city to the exiles and
those belonging to the Roman faction; he auctioned the property of
men from the other faction and that of supporters of the king and the
Macedonians. After these actions in Boeotia, the praetor returned to
the sea and the fleet.
64. During this activity in Boeotia, Perseus spent several days
encamped at Sycurium. Then he heard that the Romans were hastily
seizing crops reaped from fields round about, that the soldiers were
then husking the ears in front of their tents so that the grain could be
ground more pure, and that they had made great heaps of straw
throughout the camp. This struck Perseus as the perfect chance to
start a fire, and so he ordered torches, pine wood, and flammable pro-
jectiles of tow smeared with pitch to be made ready. He set out in the
middle of the night so that his approach at dawn might go unnoticed.
But the outposts were seized in vain: the uproar and tumult of their
men roused the others, and the signal to take up arms was given imme-
diately. The soldiers took their positions simultaneously along the wall
and at the gates. Any hope of an assault was lost. Perseus immediately
counter-marched his battle line and ordered the equipment carts to go
first and then the infantry, preceded by their standards. He himself
remained with the cavalry and the light-armed troops to bring up the
rear; his thought was—and this is what happened—that the enemy
would try to pick off the end of the column. The light-armed troops
were involved in a skirmish, mostly with individuals making sallies;
the cavalry and infantry returned to camp without any trouble.
After harvesting the crops in that area, the Romans moved their
camp to Crannon, where the fields lay untouched.* They felt secure
having their base there, both because of the remote location and
because of the lack of water along the route between Sycurium and
Crannon. Early one morning, however, the king’s cavalry and light-
armed troops unexpectedly appeared on the hills overlooking the
camp and caused widespread panic. These forces had set out from
Sycurium at noon the day before; at daybreak they had left the
171 bce chapters 63‒ 65 91
column of infantry on the nearest plain. Perseus waited on the hill-
side for a little, thinking that the Romans’ cavalry might be lured into
battle. When they did not come out, he sent a horseman to order the
infantry to withdraw to Sycurium, and he followed shortly after-
wards. The Roman cavalry pursued them at a slight distance in order
to be able at any point to attack stragglers or anyone who fell out of
formation; but once the Romans perceived Perseus’ forces retreating
in an orderly fashion, remaining in formation rank by rank, they too
returned to camp.
65. And so the king, vexed at the length of the journey, moved his
camp to Mopselus; and the Romans, having harvested the crops of
Crannon, moved on to the land around Phalanna. When the king
learned from a deserter that the Romans were criss-crossing the
fields there freely, without any armed protection, and were cutting
down crops, he set out with <. . .> cavalry and 2,000 Thracians and
Cretans. Travelling in loose formation they made as much speed as
possible and caught up with the unsuspecting Romans. Nearly 1,000
carts with their teams, most fully laden, were seized along with about
600 men. The king delegated the protection of the booty and the task
of bringing it back to camp to 300 Cretans. He himself regrouped the
cavalry, which was engaged in widespread slaughter, and together
with the infantry advanced on the nearest outpost, assuming that not
much of a fight would be required to overpower it.
Lucius Pompeius was the military tribune in charge. He withdrew
his troops, who had been shaken by the enemy’s sudden approach, to
a nearby hill and prepared to use the location to defend himself since
he was ill-matched in numbers and strength. He gathered the sol-
diers into a circle there so that they could protect themselves from
arrows and javelins by interlocking their shields. Perseus surrounded
the hill with his soldiers, ordering some of them to try to assail it on
all sides and to engage in hand-to-hand combat, and directing others
to launch missiles from farther away.
Extreme terror engulfed the Romans, for packed together they
could not repel those who were struggling up the hill, and whenever
they broke ranks for a sally, they exposed themselves to darts and
arrows. The cestrosphondene in particular inflicted heavy damage.
It was a new type of weapon, invented for that war. A jagged projec-
tile, the length of two hands, was attached to a shaft that was half a
forearm long and as thick as a finger; three thin fir-wood ridges were
92 book forty-two 171 bce
twisted around it, as with arrows; the sling had in the middle two
thongs of unequal length; when the slinger balanced a projectile in it
and swung it by the strap with great torque, the projectile was dis-
charged and shot out like a missile.*
When some of the Romans had been wounded by this and every
other kind of missile and in their state of exhaustion they could
scarcely hold their weapons, the king pressed them to surrender,
offered pledges of good faith, and at times held out rewards. He could
not sway the resolution of one single person, and then unexpectedly
a gleam of hope shone forth when they had consigned themselves to
death. For when those of the foragers who escaped reported to the
consul that the outpost was completely surrounded, he was concerned
by the danger to so many citizens—there were about 800 of them and
all Romans—and set out from camp with the cavalry and the light-
armed troops, joined by the new auxiliaries, that is, the Numidian
infantry, cavalry, and elephants; and he ordered the military tribunes to
follow with the legions. He led the way to the hill with the light-armed
troops of the auxiliaries, backed up by his skirmishers. At the consul’s
side were Eumenes, Attalus, and the Numidian prince Misacenes.
66. At the first sight of their comrades’ standards, the beleaguered
Romans, who had indeed been on the edge of despair, experienced
renewed confidence. Perseus should have been content in the first
place with his fortuitous success (the capture and killing of some of
the foragers) and should not have wasted his time trying to take the
outpost; alternatively, having made some sort of assault on it, he
should have escaped while he could, once he knew that he did not
have enough manpower with him. Instead, carried away by his suc-
cess, he himself awaited the enemy’s approach and hastily sent some
men to summon the phalanx. This force would have arrived too late for
the circumstances and in a rush, and while still in complete disarray
from its hasty approach, would have found itself facing troops that
were organized and marshalled for combat.
The consul was the first to arrive and immediately joined battle.
At first the Macedonians fought back. They were unevenly matched
in every aspect; they had already lost 300 infantry and twenty-four
cavalrymen from the elite wing known as the Sacred Squadron; even
its commander, Antimachus, was one of the victims. Then they tried
to retreat, but the escape route was practically more chaotic than the
battle itself. The phalanx that had been summoned by the terrified
171 bce chapters 65‒ 67 93
messenger was marching on the double when it came to a standstill,
blocked at a narrow spot first by the column of captives and then by
the wagons laden with grain. There was great confusion on both
sides. No one would wait for the column of captives to be led out of
the way somehow or other, but the troops toppled the carts down the
hill—for there was no other way to clear a passage—and whipped the
mules to the point where they attacked the crowd. Scarcely had the sol-
diers extracted themselves from the disorder of the column of captives
when they ran into the king’s battle column and his defeated cavalry.
Then, moreover, the outcry from those directing the phalanx to retreat
caused a panic bordering on total collapse: if their enemies had dared to
enter the pass and pursue them further, they could have inflicted a
crushing defeat. But the consul rescued the garrison from the hilltop
and, content with the modest success, led his forces back to camp.
According to some sources, there was a major battle on that occa-
sion: the enemy lost 8,000 men, including the king’s generals Sopater
and Antipater; about 2,800 were taken alive; and twenty-seven stan-
dards were seized. Nor did the Romans escape without loss: over
4,300 of the consul’s army died, and five standards were taken from
the allied left wing.
67. That day reinvigorated the Romans and demoralized Perseus.
Having spent a few days at Mopselus, mostly seeing to the burial of
the men he had lost, he left a sufficiently strong garrison at Gonnus
and retreated to Macedonia. He instructed someone named
Timotheus, one of his commanders whom he left with a small troop
at Phila, to try to win over Magnesia from close at hand. Back at
Pella, Perseus sent his troops into their winter quarters and went to
Thessalonica with Cotys. There was a story circulating there that a
Thracian prince named Autlesbis and Corragus, one of Eumenes’
commanders, had invaded Cotys’ territory and taken over the region
known as Marene. Accordingly Perseus, thinking that he should let
Cotys defend his own kingdom, sent him on his way with generous
gifts; he gave Cotys’ cavalry 200 talents, or half a year’s wage,
although he had initially agreed to pay them for a year’s service.
Once the consul heard that Perseus had left, he moved his camp to
Gonnus to see whether he could take over the town. Situated in the
very gateway to Tempe, the town provides Macedonia with an
extremely secure barrier and offers the Macedonians an unobstructed
descent into Thessaly. Given the impregnability of the location and its
94 book forty-two 171 bce
strong garrison, the consul abandoned the enterprise. Redirecting his
route into Perrhaebia he took Malloea with a single assault and destroyed
it; then he recovered Tripolis as well as the rest of Perrhaebia and
returned to Larisa.
From there he sent Eumenes and Attalus home and distributed
Misacenes and the Numidians into winter quarters in the nearest
Thessalian cities. He also spread some of his troops around Thessaly
so that they could have comfortable winter quarters and provide pro-
tection for the cities. He dispatched his subordinate Quintus Mucius
with 2,000 men to occupy Ambracia, and he dismissed all the allies
from the Greek communities except for the Achaeans. He himself
took part of the army to Phthiotic Achaea where he razed Pteleum*
to the ground (deserted after the townspeople had fled) and accepted
the voluntary surrender of Antronae from its inhabitants. Then he
moved his army to Larisa. The city itself had been abandoned; the
entire population had retreated to the citadel. This he prepared to
attack. The Macedonian troops installed by the king were terrified
and left first; once they had been abandoned, the townspeople imme-
diately gave themselves up. Just as the consul was debating whether
to attack Demetrias or to investigate the situation in Boeotia first, the
Thebans, harassed by the Coronaei, asked him to come to Boeotia.
In response to their appeals and because Boeotia was a better place to
winter than Magnesia, he marched his army there.
 BOOK FORTY-THREE

1. During the same summer that these events were happening in

Thessaly, the consul sent <. . .> as his lieutenant to Illyricum to attack
two wealthy towns. This commander overpowered Ceremia and
forced it to submit. Then he returned everything to the proper owner,
intending to foster a belief in his clemency and thereby win over the
inhabitants of Carnus, which was fortified. When he failed either to
drive the Carni into surrendering or to take their city by siege, he
looted Ceremia, previously left untouched, so that his army would
derive some benefit from the exhausting labour of the two sieges.
The other consul, Gaius Cassius, accomplished nothing of note in
Gaul, the province that he had been allotted; he then made a fruitless
attempt to lead his legions through Illyricum into Macedonia. Word
that the consul had embarked on this journey reached the Senate
through envoys from Aquileia. They were complaining that their
colony was young, insecure, and not yet sufficiently fortified against
the hostile peoples of the Istrians and the Illyrians. The envoys
begged the Senate to have some regard for its defence. When asked
whether they wished to have the task entrusted to the consul Gaius
Cassius, the envoys answered that Cassius had pressed troops into
service at Aquileia and departed for Macedonia via Illyricum.
At first this seemed unbelievable, and the senators all assumed that
the consul was making war on the Carni or perhaps the Istrians.
The Aquileienses replied that they neither knew nor dared to assert any-
thing more than that thirty days’ worth of food had been given to the
soldiers and that guides who knew the routes from Italy to Macedonia
had been sought out and taken along. The Senate was outraged that
the consul had been so bold as to abandon his own province, cross into
another’s, lead an army by an unfamiliar, treacherous route amongst
foreign peoples, and leave the way into Italy open to so many peoples.*
In a full session they decreed that Gaius Sulpicius, the praetor,
should name three envoys from the Senate to set out from Rome that
very day and to track down Gaius Cassius as quickly as possible, wher-
ever he might be. They were to communicate to him that he was not to
attack anybody except those the Senate had voted he should wage war
on. The men who went as envoys were Marcus Cornelius Cethegus,
96 book forty-three 171 bce
Marcus Fulvius, and Publius Marcius Rex. For the time being, anx-
iety about the consul and his army postponed concern about fortifying
Aquileia.
2. Next some representatives from several peoples of the two Spanish
provinces were brought before the Senate. They complained about the
greed and arrogance of Roman officials; on bended knee they begged
the Senate not to let Rome’s own allies be robbed and persecuted more
scandalously than its enemies. The ambassadors bewailed other out-
rages too, and it was indeed clear that their property had been seized.
As a result, Lucius Canuleius, the praetor who had drawn Spain as his
lot, was charged with appointing five assessors of senatorial rank for
each man from whom the Spaniards were demanding restitution; in
addition, Canuleius was to give the Spaniards the power to choose
whichever patrons they wished to act as their advocates. The repre-
sentatives were summoned to the Curia where the Senate’s decree
was read aloud, and they were directed to name their advocates. Four
were named: Marcus Porcius Cato, Publius Cornelius Scipio (the son
of Gnaeus), Lucius Aemilius Paullus, and Gaius Sulpicius Galus.*
The assessors began with Marcus Titinius, who had been the prae-
tor in Nearer Spain during the consulship of Aulus Manlius and
Marcus Junius.* Twice they deferred judgement on the defendant; on
the third occasion they found him innocent. Then a difference of opin-
ion arose between the representatives from the two provinces: the
people from Nearer Spain wanted Marcus Cato and Publius Scipio as
their advocates while those from Farther Spain wanted Lucius Paullus
and Sulpicius Galus. Publius Furius Philo was brought up before
the assessors by the people of Nearer Spain and Marcus Matienus by
those from Farther Spain. Furius had been a praetor three years
earlier, in the consulship of Spurius Postumius and Quintus Mucius,*
and Matienus had held the office two years before, during the consul-
ship of Lucius Postumius and Marcus Popillius.* They were charged
with very grave crimes, and their cases were deferred. When the trial
began anew, the defence offered on their behalf was that they had
gone into exile. Furius went to Praeneste for his exile and Matienus
to Tibur.
There was a rumour that the advocates were precluding accusa-
tions against well-known and powerful men. The praetor Canuleius
compounded this suspicion by discontinuing the proceedings and
turning to conducting the draft; he then abruptly departed for his
171 bce chapters 1‒ 3 97
province before more men could be harassed by the Spaniards.
Although the events of the past were thus obliterated by silence, the
Senate issued a decree on behalf of the Spaniards for the future.
By its terms no Roman magistrate was to assess the value of grain
for purposes of taxation, or to compel Spaniards to sell their one-
twentieth quotas at a price of his choice; and local governors were not
to be installed in Spanish towns to exact money.*
3. There was yet another delegation from Spain, from a completely
new class of men. They explained that they were sons of Roman sol-
diers and Spanish women, who were not officially entitled to marriages
recognized by Roman law,* and that there were more than 4,000 of
them. They asked to be given a town where they could live. The
Senate decided that these men should submit their names to Lucius
Canuleius; they should also give him the names of any freedmen they
might have. It was agreed that a colony should be established at
Carteia by the ocean; current residents of Carteia who preferred to
remain there could enrol in the colony and be assigned land. This
was to be a Latin colony* and to be known as a freedmen’s colony.
In this same period there arrived from Africa both Prince Gulussa,
the son of Masinissa, acting as his father’s emissary, and some
Carthaginians.* Gulussa was given an audience with the Senate first.
He outlined his father’s contributions to the Macedonian war, and he
pledged that Masinissa would provide anything else they cared to
demand, as the Roman people deserved. He also cautioned the con-
script fathers to beware of trickery from the Carthaginians: they had
made plans for assembling a very large fleet, ostensibly for the
Romans and against the Macedonians; but once the fleet was finished
and marshalled for battle, the Carthaginians would be able to choose
their own friends and foes. <. . .>
[There is now a very large gap in the manuscript: approximately
three-fifths of Book 43 is lost, covering the rest of the year 171 and
the first part of 170. At the beginning of the missing section must
have been the rest of the Senate’s audience with Gulussa and the
Carthaginians. The lost pages end with an account of an uprising in
Spain (where the narrative resumes in chap. 4). Some of the material
in between can be reconstructed from various sources, including the
Periocha for Book 43. This notes that Publius Licinius Crassus
attacked and abused several Greek cities, as did Lucius Hortensius,
the praetor in charge of the fleet; it also mentions Perseus’ victorious
98 book forty-three 171‒170 bce
campaigns over the Thracians, the Dardani, and the Illyrians (referred
to in chap. 19 below). Other sources specify Perseus’ victories over the
Romans: a cavalry action against Licinius (now a proconsul) near
Larisa, a raid against the Roman fleet at Oreus, the defeat of Aulus
Hostilius Mancinus, the consul for Macedonia in 170, at Elimea, and
the latter’s refusal of a direct challenge from Perseus. An apparently
major episode not included in the Periocha but discussed by Polybius
(27.16) and Diodorus (30.5a) was a nearly successful attempt by two
men from Epirus to kidnap Hostilius and deliver him to Perseus.
Livy almost certainly recounted this episode, but to judge from what
remains of Book 43, the Periocha probably accurately reflects an
emphasis on Perseus’ successes and the Romans’ abuse of their
Greek allies, such as the sacking of Coronea and Abdera. (The latter
episode receives attention in chap. 4.)
Luce plausibly suggests that Livy devoted Book 43 to Roman fail-
ures (Livy, 120). Obviously Book 43 is the focal point of the pentad,
and since Book 42 ends with Roman successes and Book 44 begins
with a renewed sense of Roman purpose and competence, making
the central book the nadir of the Romans’ fortunes against Perseus
would give a strong shape to the pentad.
The narrative now abruptly resumes at the very end of the quelling
of the revolt in Spain. According to the Periocha, the rebellion col-
lapsed when the leader, one Olonicus, was killed. The text indicates
that there were two leaders and that the Romans displayed their
heads (presumably to prove that they were dead and perhaps to
terrify their followers into submission). The rebels then rushed to
make amends.]
4. <. . .> The Romans entered the camp, flourishing their oppon-
ents’ heads and inspiring such fear that the camp could have been
taken if the infantry had been brought up immediately. Even so,
there was widespread flight, and some people thought that messen-
gers should be sent to beg for peace. Several cities surrendered as
soon as they heard the news. They exonerated themselves, casting
blame instead on the madness of the two men who had, of their own
accord, offered themselves for punishment. The praetor pardoned
these peoples and set out for the other cities. Because everyone was
complying with his orders, the Roman forces remained inactive
during the praetor’s travels through territory that had recently been
engulfed in the flames of wide-scale revolt, but now lay tamed.
171‒170 bce chapters 3‒ 5 99
The praetor’s mild methods, by which he had subdued the most
aggressive people without shedding a drop of blood, pleased the people
and the Senate all the more because Licinius, the consul, and
Lucretius, the praetor, had conducted the war in Greece with exces-
sive cruelty and greed. In Lucretius’ absence, the tribunes of the plebs
launched vicious attacks on him in constant public meetings, although
the defence was offered on his behalf that he was away on public busi-
ness. In those days, however, even Rome’s environs were so unknown
that he was actually then on his own estate at Antium,* spending his
war-booty on establishing a route for water from the Loracina river to
Antium. He is reputed to have contracted this job out for 130,000 asses;
he also adorned a shrine of Aesculapius with paintings from the booty.
The resentment and shame attached to Lucretius were diverted to
his successor Hortensius by representatives from Abdera. In front of
the Curia they wept and complained that their town had been
stormed and then looted by Hortensius; the explanation for the city’s
destruction was that when he demanded 100,000 denarii and 50,000
measures of wheat, they had asked for time to send envoys about this
matter to Rome and the consul Hostilius. Scarcely had they
approached the consul when they heard that the town had been
stormed, the leading citizens beheaded, and everyone else sold at
public auction. These events seemed outrageous to the senators, and
they issued the same decree* covering the people of Abdera as they
had for the Coronaei the year before. They also ordered the praetor
Quintus Maenius to make an announcement about these matters in a
public meeting, and two envoys, Gaius Sempronius Blaesus and
Sextus Julius Caesar, were sent to liberate the people of Abdera.
The same men were charged with informing the consul Hostilius and
the praetor Hortensius that the Senate considered the war under-
taken against the Abderites unjust and judged it right that all those
forced into slavery should be sought out and liberated.
5. Complaints about Gaius Cassius were brought before the Senate
at the same time. He had been consul the year before and was currently
serving as a military tribune with Aulus Hostilius in Macedonia. It was
representatives from Cincibilus, a king of the Gauls, who came. His
brother delivered the speech in the Senate, complaining that Gaius
Cassius had devastated the fields of people dwelling in the Alps
who were Roman allies, and then had hauled away to slavery several
thousand people.
100 book forty-three 170 bce
At the same time representatives came from the Carni and the
Istrians and the Iapydes. They said that Cassius had demanded guides
from them to show him the way as he led his army to Macedonia; he
had left them peaceably, as if he were going to wage a different war.
Then, they said, he had turned around in the middle of his journey
and scoured their fields as if he was at war with them; murder, looting,
and arson were committed here, there, and everywhere; nor did they
yet know why the consul regarded them as enemies.
The Senate gave as its reply both to the Gauls’ absent leader and
to these peoples that it had not known that the behaviour of which
they complained would occur, nor did the Senate consider it accept-
able if it had; at the same time, without a hearing, it was unjust to
condemn a man of consular status in his absence when he was away
on public business; when Gaius Cassius returned from Macedonia,
should they then wish to accuse him in person, the situation would
be investigated and the Senate would see to it that he gave satisfaction.*
In addition to giving this reply, the Senate resolved to send ambas-
sadors to the local communities, two to the princeling on the far side
of the Alps and three to the peoples mentioned, to make a public
declaration of the Senate’s position. The Senate decided that gifts of
2,000 asses each should be sent to the representatives; for the two
princeling brothers, there were special gifts: two torques, fashioned
from five pounds of gold, and five silver dishes weighing twenty
pounds, and two horses elaborately decked out and attended by stable
boys, equestrian weaponry, and military cloaks; and there was cloth-
ing for their attendants, free and slave alike. That is what was sent.
Upon the Gauls’ request, they were also allowed to buy ten horses
and to take them out of Italy. The ambassadors sent with the Gauls
across the Alps were Gaius Laelius and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus;
Gnaeus Sicinius, Publius Cornelius Blasio, and Titus Memmius
went to the other peoples.
6. Embassies from many Greek and Asian cities converged on
Rome simultaneously. The Athenians were granted the first hearing.
They explained that they had sent whatever ships and soldiers they
had to the consul Publius Licinius and the praetor Gaius Lucretius;
the latter two, making no use of the manpower, had demanded
100,000 measures of grain from them and, the Athenians said, they
had collected it so as not to fail in their duties, despite the fact that
the land they cultivated was so infertile that they fed their own farmers
170 bce chapters 5‒ 6 101
with grain purchased abroad; and they were still prepared to supply
whatever else was demanded from them.
The Milesians, without reference to their previous contributions,
promised that they stood ready to supply whatever the Senate
wished to ask for the war. The people of Alabanda officially noted the
fact that they had erected a temple of the City of Rome and instituted
annual games in honour of that divinity;* further, that they had
brought a golden crown weighing fifty pounds, to be deposited on
the Capitol as a gift to Jupiter Optimus Maximus; there were also 300
cavalry shields which they would deliver once they had been told to
whom these should be given. The people of Alabanda sought permis-
sion to place their gift on the Capitol and to offer sacrifices. The people
of Lampsacus made the same request, having brought a crown of
eighty pounds and having noted the fact that they had severed their
ties with Perseus after the Roman army had entered Macedonia,
although they had been subjects of Perseus and of Philip before him;
in return for this, and because they had furnished all manner of sup-
plies for the Roman generals, they asked only that they be admitted
into an official friendship with the Roman people, and that if there
were peace with Perseus, there would be a special provision to shield
them from falling under his control again.
The other embassies received cordial answers; and Quintus Maenius,
the praetor, was ordered to enrol the Lampsaceni in the register of allies.
Gifts of 2,000 asses were distributed to each embassy. The group from
Alabanda was directed to take the shields back with them to the consul
Aulus Hostilius in Macedonia.
Also at this time the Carthaginians’ representatives and Masinissa’s
came from Africa again. The Carthaginians declared that they had
brought down to the sea 1,000,000 measures of wheat and 500,000 of
barley in order to convey it wherever the Senate should decide; they
knew that this performance of their duty was less than the Roman
people deserved and less than their own willingness to contribute,
but that often on other occasions, during periods of plenty for both
peoples, they had fulfilled the obligations of grateful and faithful
allies. Masinissa’s envoys, too, promised the same amount of wheat,
as well as 1,200 cavalry and twelve elephants; and if there were any
other need, the Senate had only to command: the king would provide
it as readily as he had furnished what he had promised of his own
volition. Thanks were conveyed to the Carthaginians and the king,
102 book forty-three 170 bce
and the envoys were asked to transport the promised supplies to the
consul Hostilius in Macedonia. Gifts of 2,000 asses each were sent to
the envoys.
7. Envoys from Crete reported that they had sent to Macedonia the
number of archers the consul Publius Licinius had asked for. When
questioned, however, they did not deny that more archers were
fighting with Perseus than with the Romans. They were told that if
the Cretans were well and truly committed to having a stronger
alliance with the Romans than with Perseus, the Roman Senate would
in turn respond to them as it did to reliable allies. In the meantime,
the envoys should report to their people that the Senate wished the
Cretans to see to it that the soldiers in the garrisons of King Perseus
were recalled at the very first opportunity.
After the Cretans had been dismissed with this answer, the
Chalcidians were called in. The very entrance of the delegation was
moving. Their leader, Micythio, was lame and was carried on a litter.
It instantly seemed that his business with the Senate was of dire
necessity: either he did not think he should seek to be excused on the
grounds of his health, despite his affliction; or his request had been
denied.* Micythio prefaced his remarks by saying that the only spark
of life left to him was the power of speech to deplore the misfortunes
of his country. He proceeded to recount the favours his city had done
for Roman commanders and troops, both in the past and in the war
with Perseus. He then explained first how Gaius Lucretius, the Roman
praetor, had treated his people with arrogance, cruelty, and greed.
Next he told them that Lucius Hortensius’ conduct was even worse
at that very minute. While the Chalcidians believed that rather than
forsake their alliance they should endure anything—even worse treat-
ment than what they had experienced—at the same time they believed
that where Lucretius and Hortensius were concerned, it would have
been safer to shut the gates in their faces rather than allow them into
the city. The cities that had excluded Lucretius and Hortensius—
Emathia, Amphipolis, Maronea, and Aenus—were intact; but in the
case of Chalcis, the shrines had been stripped of their ornaments, and
Gaius Lucretius had the fruits carried to Antium by his temple-
robbing vessels; free persons had been pressed into slavery; the
wealth of allies of the Roman people had been and was being stolen
on a daily basis. Following the practice instituted by Gaius Lucretius,
Hortensius also billeted sailors in Chalcidian towns both winter and
170 bce chapters 6‒ 9 103
summer, and their homes were filled with a rabble of seamen; these
men, who had no scruples about what they said or did, were coming
and going freely amongst the Chalcidians themselves and their wives
and children.
8. The Senate decided to summon Lucretius so he could make his
case in person and defend himself. But far more was said once he was
present than he had been accused of in his absence, and his accusers
were joined by two very influential and powerful men, the tribunes of
the plebs Manius Juventius Thalna and Gnaeus Aufidius. Not just
lambasting him in the Senate, they even dragged him out into a public
meeting, covered him with reproaches, and set a date for his trial.
At the Senate’s direction, the praetor Quintus Maenius responded
to the Chalcidians that the Senate knew the truth of what they said
about their meritorious conduct towards the Roman people both before
and during the current war, and that this conduct was valued as it
deserved to be. As for the previous actions of Gaius Lucretius and the
current behaviour of Lucius Hortensius of which they complained—
how could anyone think that these actions and this behaviour occurred
at the Senate’s will, anyone, that is, who knew that the Roman people
waged war against Perseus, and before him against his father Philip,
for the freedom of Greece,* and not so that their allies and friends
should suffer at the hands of Roman magistrates? He said that they
would communicate in writing to the praetor, Lucius Hortensius,
that the behaviour the Chalcidians objected to was unacceptable to
the Senate; if any free men had been enslaved, he was to see to it that
they be sought out at the very first opportunity and restored to liberty;
moreover, that the Senate judged it right that except for the captains,
no sailors should be quartered in civilian homes. This was written to
Hortensius at the Senate’s direction.
Gifts of 2,000 asses each were given to the envoys, and conveyances
were hired at public expense to take Micythio comfortably to
Brundisium. When the day came for Gaius Lucretius’ trial, the tribunes
prosecuted him before the people and set a fine of 1,000,000 asses. When
the assembly was held, all thirty-five tribes voted to condemn him.
9. Nothing worthy of record happened in Liguria that year: the
enemy did not take up arms, and the consul did not lead his legions
into the field. Once he had assured himself sufficiently about peace
for the year, the consul sent the soldiers of the two Roman legions
home—within sixty days of his entering the province. Then, having
104 book forty-three 170 bce
settled the forces of the Latin and Italian allies into winter quarters
at Luna and Pisa early on, he himself with the cavalry toured most of
the towns in the province of Gaul.
Although Macedonia was the only scene of outright conflict, there
were nevertheless suspicions about Gentius, the Illyrian king.
Consequently the Senate decided that eight ships should be fitted
out and sent from Brundisium to Gaius Furius, the junior officer
at Issa who was in charge of the island with a force of two ships.
Two thousand soldiers were embarked on these eight ships. The prae-
tor Marcus Raecius conscripted the men, by senatorial decree, from
the part of Italy lying opposite Illyricum. At the same time the consul
Hostilius sent Appius Claudius into Illyricum with 4,000 infantry
to protect the people dwelling on its borders. As the latter was not
content with the manpower he had brought with him, he petitioned
for assistance from allies and armed an additional force of about
8,000 men of various races. Once he had traversed the entire region
he settled at the Dassaretian town of Lychnidus.
10. Not far from there lay Uscana,* which bordered Perseus’
dominions. It had 10,000 citizens and a small garrison of Cretans for
protection. Messengers repeatedly came from there in secret to
Claudius, saying that if he moved his forces closer, there would be
those who were ready to hand over the town. And, they added, it was
worth the effort: the booty was enough to satisfy not just himself and
his personal friends but the soldiers too. The expectations stirred by
greed so blinded Appius’ mind that he did not detain any of those
who approached him, he did not require hostages as a guarantee
against any act of treachery, he did not send anyone to reconnoitre,
and he did not obtain an oath of good faith. He simply arranged a
date, set out from Lychnidus, and encamped about twelve miles
from the city to which he was marching. He advanced from his camp
about the fourth watch,* leaving approximately 1,000 men to guard
the camp. Disorganized, spread out in a long column, dispersed and
scattered by the nocturnal journey, his forces made their way to the
city. Their carelessness increased once they saw not a single armed
man on the walls. But as soon as they were within missile range,
simultaneous attacks were launched from two gates; and at the cry of
those mounting the attack, an enormous cacophony arose from the
walls as the women shrieked and bronze clanged on all sides, and
an unorganized crowd, together with a rabble of slaves, screamed
170 bce chapters 9‒11 105
and shouted. The vocal intimidation coming at them from every
direction was so effective that the Romans could not withstand even
the first wave of the onslaught. As a result, more died fleeing than
fighting: barely 2,000 men escaped with their leader to the camp.
The added distance to the camp afforded the enemy on their heels
more opportunity to hunt down the exhausted Romans. Appius did
not remain in the camp long enough even to regroup his men from
their scattered flight, though this would have afforded safety to those
wandering in the fields; instead he led the survivors of the debacle
straight back to Lychnidus.
11. Word of this episode and of other failed operations in
Macedonia reached Rome through one Sextus Digitius, a military
tribune who had gone to the city to offer sacrifices. These develop-
ments filled the fathers with the fear that they might suffer some
greater disgrace. They dispatched Marcus Fulvius Flaccus and
Marcus Caninius Rebilus as envoys to Macedonia; they were to dis-
cover what was going on and report back. In addition, the consul
Aulus Atilius was to announce an assembly for the consular elections
so that they could take place in January, and he himself was to come
to the city at the very first opportunity. Meanwhile, the praetor
Marcus Raecius was charged with issuing a decree to summon all
senators from around Italy back to Rome, unless they were absent on
public business; those who were in Rome were not to go more than a
mile from the city.
These measures were taken in accordance with the senatorial
orders. The consular elections took place on the twenty-sixth of
January. The men elected as consuls were Quintus Marcius Philippus,
for the second time, and Gnaeus Servilius Caepio. Two days later the
praetors were chosen: Gaius Decimius, Marcus Claudius Marcellus,
Gaius Sulpicius Galus, Gaius Marcius Figulus, Servius Cornelius
Lentulus, and Publius Fonteius Capito. In addition to the two urban
praetorships, four areas of responsibility were decreed for the incom-
ing praetors: Spain, Sardinia, Sicily, and the fleet.
The Senate’s envoys returned from Macedonia at the very end of
February. They reported on Perseus’ successful undertakings of that
summer and the degree to which Rome’s allies were in the grip of
fear, now that the king had brought so many cities back under his
control. Moreover, the consul’s army lacked its full complement
because of leaves of absence; they had been granted freely, out of the
106 book forty-three 170‒169 bce
desire to curry political favour. The consul held the military tribunes
responsible for this state of affairs; they in turn cast the blame on
him. The envoys, in reporting that the casualties were mostly emer-
gency conscripts from the area and not of Italian stock, minimized
the disgrace caused by Claudius’ rashness. The incoming consuls
were directed to bring the matter of Macedonia to the Senate for dis-
cussion as soon as they had entered their magistracies. Italy and
Macedonia were designated as their provinces.
There was an intercalation that year: an additional month was
inserted the third day after the Terminalia.* Three priests died
during the year. Lucius Flamininus, the augur, died <. . .>.* Two
pontiffs, Lucius Furius Philus and Gaius Livius Salinator, passed
away. The pontiffs appointed Titus Manlius Torquatus to Furius’
place, and Marcus Servilius to that of Livius.
12. At the beginning of the following year, when the new consuls
introduced discussion of the provinces, it was agreed that at the very
first opportunity they should either settle between themselves the
responsibility for Macedonia and Italy or draw lots. It was decided to
establish what supplementary forces the circumstances called for in
each province before the drawing of the lots, while the outcome was
unknown; this way personal influence would have no weight. In the case
of Macedonia the decision was for 6,000 Roman infantry, 6,000 of the
Latin and Italian allies, 250 Roman cavalry, and 300 allied cavalry;
the old soldiers were to be discharged so that in each Roman legion
there would not be more than the 6,000 infantry and 300 cavalry.
In the case of the second consul, no definite limit was set as to the
number of Roman citizens he could enrol as reinforcements: the only
limit was that he should conscript two legions, each of which was to
have 5,200 infantry and 300 cavalry. The number of Latins assigned
to the second consul was higher than for his colleague: 10,000
infantry and 600 cavalry. Moreover, four legions were to be con-
scripted, to be deployed if need arose. The consuls were not permit-
ted to appoint the military tribunes for these legions; the people
elected them. From the Latin and Italian allies 16,000 infantry and
1,000 cavalry were called up. It was agreed that this army should
simply be at the ready so that it could go anywhere circumstance
might demand. Macedonia was the greatest source of concern. For
the fleet, the order was that 1,000 sailors, Roman citizens from the
order of freedmen, and 500 from Italy should be enlisted; an equal
170‒169 bce chapters 11‒13 107
number was to be enlisted from Sicily; and the consul who obtained
Macedonia as his province was charged with the responsibility of
transporting these men there, wherever the fleet happened to be.
The reinforcements for the army in Spain were set at 3,000 Roman
infantry and 300 cavalry. The number of soldiers in the legions there
was also limited to 5,200 infantry and 300 cavalry; and the praetor who
obtained Spain was ordered to call up 4,000 infantry and 300 cavalry
from the allies.
13. I am not unaware that the heedlessness underlying the wide-
spread modern refusal to believe that gods issue portents also causes
prodigies no longer to be announced in public or included in the his-
torical record. Nevertheless, as I write about bygone affairs, my mind
in some way takes on an antique cast, and a certain spirit of religious
respect prevents me from regarding as unworthy of recording in my
history matters that the deeply sagacious men of old deemed meri-
torious of public attention.* At Anagnia, two prodigies were
announced that year: a comet was seen in the sky, and a heifer spoke;
she was being maintained at public expense. During the very same
days the sky at Minturnae had glowed with the appearance of some-
thing on fire. At Reate there was a shower of stones. The statue of
Apollo on the citadel at Cumae shed tears for three days and three
nights. Within the city of Rome, two temple attendants reported
prodigies: one said that in the temple of Fortuna a crested snake was
seen by quite a number of people; the second reported that in the
shrine of Fortuna Primigenia on the Quirinal two different prodigies
occurred: a palm tree bloomed in the forecourt, and there was a
shower of blood during daylight hours. Two prodigies were not
taken up: one because it took place in a private location (Titus
Marcius Figulus declared that a palm tree bloomed in his implu-
vium*), and the other because it happened on foreign territory (it was
said that at Fregellae in the house of a Lucius Atreius a spear, which
he had bought for his son’s military service, had been on fire for over
two hours one day, but had emerged completely unscorched). The
decemvirs consulted their books for the public prodigies. They decreed
the gods to whom the consuls should sacrifice forty full-grown ani-
mals; further, they announced that there should be a supplication, all
the magistrates should sacrifice full-grown animals at all the sacred
couches, and the people should wear wreaths.* Everything was done
in accordance with the decemvirs’ dictates.
108 book forty-three 169 bce
14. Then the elections for choosing the censors were announced.
Leading citizens contended for the office: Gaius Valerius Laevinus,
Lucius Postumius Albinus, Publius Mucius Scaevola, Marcus
Junius Brutus, Gaius Claudius Pulcher, and Tiberius Sempronius
Gracchus. The Roman people elected the last two as their censors.*
Because of the Macedonian war there was more anxiety about the
conduct of the draft than at other times. In a meeting of the Senate
the consuls consequently blamed the plebs, because even the younger
men* were not responding to the call. The praetors Gaius Sulpicius
and Marcus Claudius argued against the consuls in defence of the
plebs, saying that the draft did not pose a challenge for consuls in gen-
eral, but only for politically ambitious ones; such consuls would not
make anyone become a soldier against his will. So that the conscript
fathers could see for themselves that this was the case, with the Senate’s
approval the praetors would carry out the draft themselves, although
the weight of their magisterial power and their authority were less.
The task was entrusted to the praetors, with great willingness on the
part of the fathers, but not without insult to the consuls. The censors
lent their aid to the undertaking by issuing the following decree in a
public meeting: while conducting the census, they would add to the oath
shared by all citizens sworn answers to these questions: ‘Are you less
than forty-six years old?’; and ‘Have you registered for the draft in
accordance with the edict of the censors Gaius Claudius and Tiberius
Sempronius?’; and ‘If you are not drafted, will you continue to register
for the draft, as long as conscription may occur while these men remain
in office?’ Further, since the story was circulating that many men in the
Macedonian legions were on leave indefinitely because the commanders
were trying to garner popularity, the censors decreed that soldiers who
enlisted in the consulship of Publius Aelius and Gaius Popillius* or sub-
sequent consuls and who were in Italy should return to their province
within thirty days after registering with the censors, and that the names
of those men who were still under the authority of their father or grand-
father* should be submitted to the censors. The censors said that they
would investigate the reasons behind each discharge from military ser-
vice; where premature dismissals seemed to them based on favouritism,
they would order the men to continue to serve. When this decree and
the censors’ declaration had been disseminated throughout the town
centres and gathering places, such a crowd of men under forty-six con-
verged on Rome that the unusual crush was a burden to the city.
169 bce chapters 14‒16 109
15. In addition to the conscription of men designated to be sent
out as reinforcements, four legions were enlisted by the praetor
Gaius Sulpicius, and the draft was completed within eleven days.
Then the consuls drew lots for their provinces. The praetors had
drawn theirs earlier to ensure the administration of justice: the urban
praetorship had fallen to Gaius Sulpicius, and Gaius Decimius was
in charge of legal affairs involving foreigners; Marcus Claudius
Marcellus drew Spain, Servius Cornelius Lentulus Sicily, Publius
Fonteius Capito Sardinia, and Gaius Marcius Figulus the fleet. Of
the consuls, Gnaeus Servilius obtained Italy and Quintus Marcius
Macedonia. Marcius left as soon as the Latin Festival was over.
Caepio* then referred to the Senate the question of which two of
the new legions he should take with him to Gaul. The senators
decreed that the praetors Gaius Sulpicius and Marcus Claudius
should give to the consul the legions that seemed best to them out of
those they had conscripted. The consul endured his subordination to
the praetors’ judgement with ill-grace. He dismissed the Senate and,
standing at the tribunal of the praetors, he demanded that they give
him two legions in accordance with the Senate’s decree. The praetors
followed the consul’s judgement in making the selection.
The censors then revised the roll of the Senate. Marcus Aemilius
Lepidus was named princeps senatus* for a third census period. Seven
men were expelled from the Senate. In reviewing the census of the
people, the censors learned from the lists how many soldiers from
Macedonia had deserted their posts; these they compelled to return
to their province. The censors studied the reasons for the leaves of
the men who had been discharged, and where the discharge appeared
not to have been earned, they forced the soldier to swear to the fol-
lowing: ‘Do you solemnly swear that you will return to the province
of Macedonia, in accordance with the decree of the censors Gaius
Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius, inasmuch as you are able to do
so in good faith?’
16. The censors were especially harsh and severe in reviewing the
equestrians.* They stripped many men of their horses. This action
antagonized the equestrian order. And then the censors fuelled the
flames of resentment with an edict, in which they decreed that no one
who had contracted to collect public taxes or undertake public works
in the censorship of Quintus Fulvius and Aulus Postumius could
attend the auction at which they would take bids on these contracts;
110 book forty-three 169 bce
nor could such a man be a partner or an associate in a transaction at
the auction. Despite repeated complaints, the established tax-collectors
could not persuade the Senate to rein in censorial power. Finally
they won over Publius Rutilius, a tribune of the plebs, to promote
their cause; he was angry at the censors because of a personal dispute.
The censors had ordered a client of his, a freedman, to demolish a
house-wall along the Sacred Way, opposite the public shrines,
because it had been built up against public property. As a private
citizen he had appealed to the tribunes. When no one besides Rutilius
intervened, the censors sent men to confiscate property as surety,
and at a public meeting they fined him. This had been the origin of
the dispute.
When the established contractors had recourse to the tribune,
without warning and all on his own he promulgated a motion to treat
as void the contracts for all taxes and public works that Gaius
Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius* had let; these were to be bid on
again so that everyone, without distinction, would have the right to
buy up and undertake them. The tribune of the plebs set a date for a
meeting of the assembly to discuss the motion. When the day came
and the censors appeared to speak against it, there was silence as long
as Gracchus was speaking; but Claudius was drowned out by shout-
ing and ordered the herald to obtain him a hearing. When silence had
been imposed, Rutilius protested that in calling for silence Claudius
had taken over his meeting and thus demeaned his authority. With
that, Rutilius left the Capitoline (which was where the assembly was
meeting).
The following day Rutilius provoked a massive disturbance.
He began by declaring Tiberius Gracchus’ property forfeit to the gods
since Tiberius too had demeaned his authority by not complying
when Rutilius intervened on behalf of the man who appealed to him
over the fine and the impounding of property as security. Rutilius
charged Gaius Claudius with having taken over the public meeting.
Further, Rutilius announced that he considered both censors guilty
of treason, and he asked the urban praetor, Gaius Sulpicius, to set a
date for their impeachment. The censors offered no resistance to
having judgement passed on them by the people at the very first
opportunity. The twenty-third and twenty-fourth of September
were set as the dates for the treason trial. The censors proceeded
directly to the Hall of Liberty. There they sealed the public records
169 bce chapters 16‒ 17 111
and closed their office and dismissed the public slaves, declaring that
they would conduct no public business before the people had passed
judgement on them.
Claudius’ trial took place first. At the point when eight out of the
twelve equestrian centuries, as well as many other centuries of the
first class, had voted against the censor, the leading citizens publicly
removed their golden rings and put on mourning robes in order to go
around the plebs as suppliants.* But Tiberius Gracchus is said to
have done the most to alter opinion; for, when the plebs cried out on
all sides that there was no danger to Gracchus, he swore a solemn
oath that if his colleague were convicted, he would accompany him
into exile without awaiting the outcome of his own trial. Just the same,
Claudius was nearly cheated of his hopes: his conviction failed by only
eight centuries. Once Claudius had been absolved, the tribune of the
plebs declined to proceed with the charge against Gracchus.
17. The same year representatives from Aquileia made a formal
request to have the number of colonists increased; 1,500 households
were enrolled by senatorial decree. The committee of three sent out
to see to their settlement consisted of Titus Annius Luscus, Publius
Decius Subolo, and Marcus Cornelius Cethegus.
Also that year the envoys who had been sent to Greece, Gaius
Popillius and Gnaeus Octavius, first announced at Thebes and then
circulated around the cities of the Peloponnese the Senate’s decree
that no one should supply Roman magistrates with anything for the
war except what the Senate had previously determined. The decree
had the further effect of inspiring confidence that, in the future,
people would be relieved of the burdens that were draining them dry
as commander after commander made demand after demand.
The council of the Achaeans met with the envoys at Aegium. The
exchange was pleasant on both sides; the Romans left these utterly
reliable people with the highest of expectations for future relations.
They then crossed over to Aetolia. Matters there had not yet reached
open revolt, but there was an all-pervasive sense of mistrust and
accusations piled upon counter-accusations. For these reasons the
envoys demanded hostages but did not impose a resolution on the
situation before they went on to Acarnania. The Acarnanians met
with the envoys at Thyrreum. There was factional strife there too:
certain leading men made a formal request that garrisons be intro-
duced into their towns, in response to the insane impulse of some
112 book forty-three 169 bce
men to align their people with Macedonia; another group objected that
allied cities at peace should not receive the same demeaning treatment
customarily dealt out to captured enemy cities. This latter petition
seemed reasonable to the envoys. They returned to Hostilius, the
proconsul at Larisa, since he was the one who had sent them out. He
kept Octavius with him and sent Popillius with about 1,000 men to
Ambracia for the winter.
18. At the beginning of the winter Perseus did not dare to venture
beyond the borders of Macedonia, out of fear that the Romans would
invade his kingdom somewhere if it were left empty; but around the
solstice, when the depth of the snow makes the mountains impass-
able from the Thessalian side, he thought he saw a chance to crush
the hopes and spirits of his neighbours such that they would pose no
threat while he was occupied with the Roman war. Cotys ensured
peace from Thrace, and Cephalus, with his recent abrupt defection
from the Romans, did the same from Epirus; Perseus’ own recent
war had just brought the Dardani securely under control. He could
see that only the section of Macedonia adjacent to Illyricum was at
risk. The Illyrians were indeed restless and offered a way in for the
Romans. If, however, he subdued the closest Illyrians, King Gentius
too, who had been wavering for a long time already, could be won
over. Perseus accordingly set out and went to Stuberra with 10,000
infantrymen (some of whom were phalanx troops), 2,000 light-armed
troops, and 500 cavalry.
Once there, he procured many days’ worth of supplies, and
directed the siege machinery to be brought along behind him; three
days later he pitched camp at Uscana, which is the largest city in the
territory of the Penestae. Before resorting to force, however, he sent
men ahead to test the attitudes first of the garrison’s leaders and then
of the townsfolk. This garrison consisted of Romans and a corps of
Illyrian youth. Once Perseus learned from his men’s report that no
one was disposed to peace, he started his offensive and attempted to
besiege the city. The Macedonians attacked relentlessly, night and
day, with one wave of soldiers succeeding another, some tackling the
walls with ladders, others assailing the gate with torches. The city’s
defenders nonetheless sustained the onslaught, hoping that in their
exposed position the Macedonians could not endure the winter’s
force for very long and that the respite from the Roman war would
not be such as to allow them to linger. But the defenders’ defiance
169 bce chapters 17‒ 19 113
crumpled when they observed sheds being brought up to shield
the siege-workers and towers being erected. For aside from the fact
that they could not match their opponents’ manpower, they had no
reserves of food or any supplies on hand (as happens with an unex-
pected siege). There was consequently no hope of resisting. Gaius
Carvilius of Spoletium and Gaius Afranius were sent from the
Roman garrison to petition Perseus, preferably to allow them to
depart with their weapons and personal property and then, failing
that, at least to guarantee their lives and freedom. The king’s prom-
ises were more generous than his behaviour: after he had directed the
Romans to leave the city with their weapons, he first stripped them
of these. Upon their departure, the troop of Illyrians, 500 in all, and
the people of Uscana surrendered themselves and the city.
19. Perseus left an occupying force there and marched the whole
herd of captives, which was nearly as numerous as his army, to
Stuberra. Except for the officers, Perseus distributed the approximately
400 Romans among the citizenry for safekeeping and sold the popula-
tion of Uscana and the Illyrians. He then marched his army back to
the land of the Penestae in order to establish control over Oaeneum.
The location of this town is generally a good one, and in particular there
is a pass there to the Labeatae, Gentius’ kingdom. As Perseus was pass-
ing a heavily manned stronghold, known as Draudacum, one of the
men familiar with the region said that there was no point in taking
Oaeneum unless he controlled Draudacum too, for the latter was better
situated in all respects. The moment Perseus approached with his
army, everyone surrendered. Puffed up by this unexpectedly swift
capitulation, and observing how much fear his battle column inspired,
Perseus took control of eleven more strongholds also by intimidation.
In a few cases actual force was required; the rest surrendered volun-
tarily. Perseus also captured 1,500 Roman soldiers who had been
posted in these garrisons. In negotiating with them Perseus derived
great benefit from Carvilius of Spoletium’s assertions that the
Macedonian had not treated the Romans cruelly.
When Perseus reached Oaeneum, it could not be taken without a
full-scale assault. Its strength lay in having rather more men of mili-
tary age than the other places, in the fortified walls of the town, and
in being enclosed on one side by a river, known as the Artatus, and
on the other by a mountain which was very high and difficult of
access. These factors gave the townspeople some hope of resisting.
114 book forty-three 169 bce
Perseus invested the town and began constructing a ramp on the
upper side of the city; its height would bring him up over the city
walls. While this was being done, there were frequent skirmishes.
The townsfolk defended their walls and impeded the enemy’s pro-
jects with regular sallies. In these they suffered many casualties while
the survivors were weak from struggling round the clock and from
their wounds.
As soon as the ramp reached the city wall, a royal troop, known as
‘the Conquerors’,* went across while an attack was launched against
the city from ladders set up simultaneously at multiple locations.
All the adult males were slaughtered; the women and children were
kept under guard; the rest of the plunder went to the army. Returning
triumphantly to Stuberra, Perseus sent Pleuratus, an Illyrian who was
living in exile with him, and Adaeus, a Macedonian from Beroea, as
envoys to Gentius. Perseus instructed them to recount his accom-
plishments against the Romans and Dardani during that summer and
winter; they were also to report his recent accomplishments during
his winter expedition in Illyricum; and they were to exhort Gentius
to join in an alliance with him and the Macedonians.
20. The envoys crossed the summit of Mount Scordus and the
wastelands of Illyricum, which the Macedonians had intentionally
stripped bare to deprive the Dardani of an easy approach into Illyricum
or Macedonia, and finally, after great effort, reached Scodra. King
Gentius was at Lissus. The envoys were summoned there, and he lis-
tened to them in a receptive way as they recounted what they had been
charged to impart. But the reply they brought back was equivocal:
Gentius by no means lacked the will to make war on the Romans, but
he was greatly lacking in the financial resources to do so as he wished.
The messengers reported this response to Perseus at Stuberra just
when he was engaged in selling the captives from Illyricum. The same
messengers were immediately dispatched again, accompanied by a
certain Glaucias from the corps of bodyguards, but without any
mention of money, the sole means that could impel the impoverished
barbarian to fight. Perseus then pillaged Ancyra and marched his
army back into the territory of the Penestae. He reinforced the gar-
risons at Uscana and all the strongholds around it that he had captured,
and then returned to Macedonia.
21. A Roman lieutenant, Lucius Coelius, had oversight of Illyricum.
He had not dared to enter the area when Perseus was there. After the
169 bce chapters 19‒ 22 115
latter’s departure he at last attempted to take back Uscana in the land
of the Penestae. The Macedonian garrison there inflicted multiple
injuries on his men and repulsed him. Coelius marched his forces back
to Lychnidus. A few days later he sent a man of Fregellae, Marcus
Trebellius, with a fairly powerful force to the Penestae to collect
hostages from those towns that had maintained their allegiance faith-
fully. Coelius directed Trebellius then to proceed to the Parthini,
who had also pledged to give hostages. Trebellius encountered no
resistance from either people in exacting hostages. The cavalrymen
of the Penestae were sent to Apollonia, while those of the Parthini
went to Dyrrachium, better known to the Greeks of those days as
Epidamnus.
Appius Claudius, wishing to erase the ignominy he had incurred in
Illyricum, started to besiege Phanote, a fortress in Epirus. In addition
to his Roman forces he brought Chaonian and Thesprotian auxiliaries,
for a total of roughly 6,000 men. But it was not worth the effort: a man
named Cleuas whom Perseus had left there was defending the fortress
with a strong garrison.
Perseus himself proceeded to Elimea, where he conducted a lustrum
of the army. He then marched to Stratus at the invitation of the
Epirotae. At the time, Stratus was the most powerful city in Aetolia;
it was situated above the Ambracian Gulf near the Inachus river.
Perseus started out with 10,000 infantry and 300 cavalry; the eques-
trian force was somewhat reduced because of the narrowness and
roughness of the roads. When on the third day he reached Mount
Citium, he crossed it with difficulty because of the depth of the snow,
and he could scarcely find a place to camp. He continued on, more
because it was impossible to stay than because there was anything
tolerable about either the route or the weather. After great difficulty,
especially for the pack animals, Perseus encamped the next day at
a temple of Jupiter Nicaeus, as he is called. Then, after a massive
march, he rested for <. . .> days* at the Aratthus river, impeded by
the height of the water. In this span of time a bridge was finished. He
marched his forces across and after a day’s journey met Archidamus,
the Aetolian leader who was offering to betray Stratus to him.
22. That day he pitched camp on the edge of Aetolian territory;
two days after that he reached Stratus where he set up camp next to
the Inachus river. Expecting the Aetolians to pour out of every gate
and entrust themselves to him, he discovered instead that the gates
116 book forty-three 169 bce
were barred and that on the very night of his arrival a Roman garri-
son, led by their officer Gaius Popillius, had been admitted. While
Archidamus was there, the city leaders had been impelled by his
influence to invite the king; but after Archidamus’ departure, they
were less active and gave an opposing faction the chance to call in
Popillius from Ambracia with his 1,000 infantry. Dinarchus too, the
commander of the Aetolian cavalry, came at the same time with 600
infantry and <. . .> cavalry. It was common knowledge that he had
set off for Stratus as if to join Perseus, but that as circumstances
changed, so too did his purpose; thus he had attached himself to the
Romans, his intended adversaries.
Popillius was no less cautious than he had to be, surrounded by such
fickle minds. He kept the keys to the gates and the defence of the walls
under his own control from the start; and he moved Dinarchus and his
Aetolians, along with the fighting force of Stratus, into the citadel,
under the pretext that they were its garrison. Perseus attempted to
negotiate from the hills overlooking the upper part of the city, but when
he observed that the occupants were standing firm and even fending
him off with long-distance missiles, he established his camp five miles
from the city across the Petitarus river. There he convened a council of
war. Archidamus and the Epirotae deserters wanted to stay, but the
leading Macedonians thought they should not contend with the least
hospitable part of the year, when they had no supplies on hand and, as
the besiegers, would suffer deprivation before the people they were
besieging, especially since the enemy’s winter quarters were not far
away. Perseus was frightened and moved his camp to Aperantia.
Archidamus had great influence and status among the Aperanti, and for
that reason Perseus received universal welcome. Archidamus himself
was given command over their fortress, with a troop of 800 soldiers.
23. Perseus’ return to Macedonia involved just as much trouble for
the pack animals and his men as the outward journey had. The report
of his march on Stratus, however, dislodged Appius from the siege of
Phanote. Cleuas, with a band of energetic young men, pursued Appius
along the almost impassable foothills of the mountains where he killed
about 1,000 and captured about 200 from Appius’ heavily encumbered
column. After traversing the mountainous passes, Appius set up a base
for a few days on the plain they call Meleon.
Meanwhile, Cleuas was joined by Philostratus, who had a band
of Epirotae with him, and crossed to the territory of Antigonea.
169 bce chapters 22‒ 23 117
The Macedonians set out to pillage; Philostratus established himself
with his cohort in a hidden location and lay in wait. Then troops
charged out of Antigonea against the scattered pillagers. Chasing
headlong after the fleeing Macedonians, the Antigonean troops
hurled themselves into the valley occupied by the enemy. About
1,000 Antigonenses were killed there, and about 100 were taken
prisoner. After this completely successful enterprise, Cleuas and
Philostratus moved their camp close to Appius’ base to prevent the
Roman army from attacking their allies.
As Appius was spending his time there to no purpose, he dis-
missed the Chaonian and Thesprotian contingents as well as the rest
of the Epirotae and retreated with the Italian soldiers to Illyricum.
He dispersed his men into winter quarters among the allied cities of
the Parthini and returned to Rome to offer sacrifices.
Perseus recalled 1,000 infantry and 200 cavalry from the land
of the Penestae and sent them to Cassandrea to serve as a garrison.
The messengers came back from Gentius bearing the same report.
Perseus did not stop trying to win him over, sending one embassy
after the other, for it was clear what a bulwark he would provide.
At the same time, the Macedonian king could not bring himself to
expend his capital for a cause of the greatest import in every respect.
 BOOK FORTY-FOUR

1. As the winter during which these events transpired began to turn

to spring, the consul Quintus Marcius Philippus left Rome and pro-
ceeded to Brundisium with 5,000 men to transport as reinforcements
for the legions. The former consul, Marcus Popillius, and some
younger men of equivalent nobility accompanied the consul to serve
as military tribunes for the Macedonian legions. Gaius Marcius
Figulus, the praetor to whom the fleet had been allotted, went to
Brundisium at this time too. They left Italy together, reaching Corcyra
the following day and Actium, the port of Acarnania, the day after
that. From there, the consul disembarked at Ambracia and pro-
ceeded overland to Thessaly, and the praetor continued by sea past
Cape Leucate into the Gulf of Corinth. He left his ships at Creusa,
and then he too pushed on by land, through the middle of Boeotia,
to the fleet at Chalcis (the journey being a single day’s march for
someone lightly equipped).*
At the time, Aulus Hostilius was encamped in Thessaly near
Palaepharsalus. Although he had had no success in combat to speak
of, he had transformed the army, redirecting it from unbridled
licence to strict military discipline, and he had treated the allies hon-
ourably and protected them from any kind of maltreatment.* When
he heard of his successor’s approach, Hostilius carefully inspected
his arsenal, men, and horses and then went with the troops in parade
order to meet the consul en route. The initial meeting was appropriate
to each man’s personal dignity as well as to that of the Roman name.
The two leaders stayed on excellent terms throughout the campaign,
with the proconsul remaining attached to the army.
After a few days the consul delivered an address to the soldiers.
Starting with Perseus’ murder of his brother and his murderous inten-
tions towards his father, Marcius went on to cite Perseus’ acquisition
of his kingdom by criminal means, the poisonings and the slaughter,
the abominably thuggish attack on Eumenes, the wrongs done to the
Roman people, and the plundering of allied cities in contravention of
the treaty. Perseus, Marcius said, would learn from the outcome of his
enterprises how very abhorrent all these acts were to the gods too; for
the gods smiled on dutifulness and constancy,* the attributes that
169 bce chapters 1‒3 119
raised the Roman people to such heights. Marcius then compared the
might of the Roman people, already encompassing the known world,
with that of the Macedonians, and the army of the one with the army
of the other: how much greater, he asked, were the resources of
Philip or Antiochus, which had been smashed by forces no greater?
2. By talking in this fashion, Marcius ignited the troops’ enthusi-
asm. He then turned to consultations about strategy. The praetor,
too, Gaius Marcius, had arrived from Chalcis, after collecting the
fleet. There was general agreement to waste no more time tarrying in
Thessaly, but to break camp immediately and march onward into
Macedonia; the praetor would meanwhile be responsible for a simul-
taneous attack along the enemy’s coastline. The praetor was sent on
his way. The soldiers were ordered to bring with them provisions for
a month. Nine days after taking charge of the army, Marcius had the
troops on the move. After advancing for a day, he summoned guides
for the various routes and asked them to explain to his war council
which way each of them would take.* Marcius then dismissed the
guides and asked his advisers which route they considered the best.
Some preferred to go via Pythium, others through the Cambunian
Mountains, which Hostilius had used the year before during his con-
sulship, and yet others past Lake Ascuris. The routes overlapped to
some extent, and so deliberation over the matter was postponed until
the time came when they would make camp close to where the ways
diverged. Marcius then marched into Perrhaebia and established a
base between Azorus and Doliche* to reconsider which route to take.
Perseus, meanwhile, decided to occupy all the passes since he knew
the enemy was on the move but could not anticipate which road he
would take. He sent 10,000 light-armed troops under Asclepiodotus
to the ridge of the Cambunian Mountains, which the Macedonians
call Volustana. Hippias was ordered to hold the pass near the
fortification overlooking Lake Ascuris—the place is called Lapathus—
with a force of 12,000 Macedonians. Perseus at first stationed himself
with the remaining troops around Dium.* Subsequently the king
gave the impression of being so deficient in strategic thinking as to
be completely senseless, hurrying back and forth along the coast,
together with unarmed cavalry, now to Heracleum and now to Phila,
before returning to Dium by the same route.*
3. At this point the consul made up his mind to march through the
pass near Otolobus where one of Perseus’ generals had established
120 book forty-four 169 bce
his camp.* Marcius nonetheless decided to send 4,000 men in advance
to seize advantageous positions. Marcus Claudius and Quintus
Marcius, the consul’s son, were put in charge of this troop. The main
body of the army followed directly after. But the road was so steep,
rough, and rocky that in two days the advance party, despite being
lightly equipped, covered scarcely fifteen miles before making camp.
The place they occupied is called Dierus. The next day they pro-
gressed seven miles further. After occupying a hill not far from their
adversary’s camp, they sent word back to the consul that they had
reached the enemy and were entrenched in a place that was safe and
advantageously situated in all respects; accordingly, he should push
on to join them with all speed.
The consul was concerned about the difficulty of the route he had
embarked on and about the fate of the scant number of men he had
sent ahead, right into the enemy’s stronghold, but the arrival of the
messenger at Lake Ascuris filled him with confidence. The forces
were reunited and made camp on the slopes of the occupied hill
where the lie of the land was most suitable. The lofty summit com-
manded a view far and wide; under their eyes lay not just the enemy’s
camp, which was a little more than a mile off, but the entire region,
to Dium, Phila, and the coast. In this setting, the soldiers’ spirits
were stirred now that they were gazing upon the heart of the war and
all the king’s forces and enemy territory from so close at hand.
Consequently they eagerly urged the consul to lead them directly to
the enemy’s camp; he gave them instead a day’s rest from the
demands of the march. The following day the consul left part of his
forces to guard the camp and advanced upon the enemy.
4. Hippias had recently been sent by the king to guard the pass.
From the moment he saw the Roman camp on the hillside, he had his
men mentally ready for combat, and at the consul’s approach he went
out to meet him. The Romans had marched forth stripped for action.
Their opponents were light-armed troops, precisely the kind of force
most likely to provoke a fight. Accordingly, the moment they met
they let fly with their weapons; and in the reckless assault, although
few lives were lost on either side, a considerable number of wounds
were inflicted by both parties. The following day tempers were
already hot, and the men would have flung themselves into the fray
even more aggressively and with even more numbers if there had
been enough room to assume battle formation; but the narrow,
169 bce chapters 3‒5 121
tapered spine of the mountain was scarcely wide enough for three
columns of soldiers. And so, with only a few fighting, the rest of the
crowd, especially those in full body armour, stood apart from the battle
and watched. The light-armed troops were actually able to run ahead
through the curves of the ridge and engage their counterparts on the
flanks, regardless of the unevenness or the flatness of the terrain.
More were wounded than killed that day, and nightfall broke up the
fighting.
On the third day the Roman general did not know what to do: he
could neither remain on the barren ridge nor retreat without shame,
and even danger, should the enemy attack from the heights during a
withdrawal. Marcius had no option but to counteract the boldness of
his enterprise by compounding it, a course of action which does
sometimes prove wise in the end.* Indeed the situation had reached
the point where if his opponent had been similar to the Macedonian
kings of old, the consul might have suffered a calamitous defeat. But
although the king was roaming the shore near Dium with the cavalry
and could practically hear the shouting and din of the combatants
twelve miles off, he did not strengthen his forces by replacing
exhausted soldiers with fresh ones, nor did he himself, which was of
the greatest importance, join the battle. The Roman commander, by
contrast, though he was over sixty years old and corpulent of form,
threw himself tirelessly into all military duties. He commendably
persisted to the end in what he had boldly undertaken.* Leaving
Popillius to guard the ridge, he sent out an advance party to clear a
path and crossed into uncharted wilderness. He asked Attalus and
Misacenes to use the auxiliary forces of their peoples to provide pro-
tection for the men who were opening up a path through the moun-
tainous terrain; he himself sent the cavalry and the carts to the front
and brought up the rear of the column with the legionaries.
5. The Romans’ struggles as they descended and the damage to the
pack animals and baggage defy description. They had advanced
scarcely four miles, when nothing seemed more desirable than to
retrace their steps—if they could have. As for the battle column, the
trouble caused by the elephants was almost as severe as an enemy
assault. When these animals reached the pathless part, they shook off
their handlers and provoked great fear, especially among the horses,
by their fearsome trumpeting. But then a means of leading the ele-
phants down was devised. The pitch along the slope was measured,
122 book forty-four 169 bce
and two long, strong poles were fixed into the ground below, separated
from each other by not much more than the width of an elephant; then
a beam was laid lengthwise across the poles, and thirty-foot-long
planks were bound to it to make a platform, which was covered with
dirt. A similar platform was then set up a little farther down, and then
a third, and a whole series of them where the cliffs were sheer. An ele-
phant would advance from solid ground onto a platform; before he
reached the end, the poles were severed, and the platform gave way,
forcing the elephant to slide gently onto the beginning of the next
one. Some elephants slid upright, while others went down resting on
their haunches. When the level surface of the next platform caught
them, they were carried by a similar collapsing of the lower one until
they reached the more horizontal terrain of the valley floor.*
The Romans advanced just over seven miles that day, but they
accomplished only a fraction of the journey on their feet. For the
most part they made their way forward jolting and bumping, rolling
themselves, their weapons, and the rest of their gear downwards. Not
even their leader, who was responsible for the journey, denied that
the entire army could have been wiped out by a small band. They
reached a moderate-sized plateau at night. Although they had unex-
pectedly at least found level ground where they could halt, they had
little opportunity to see how unsafe the enclosed nature of the place
made it. The following day they had to wait in the hollows of the
valley for Popillius and the troops left with him. This latter group,
too, although at no point in danger of enemy attack, was tormented
by the rough terrain as if by hostile forces. On the third day the forces
were united and marched through the pass known to the locals as
Callipeuce. Then on the fourth day, the route was equally pathless, but
the Romans were more skilled because of their experience and more
hopeful because the enemy had not shown himself anywhere and
because they were approaching the sea. The Romans pitched camp
when they reached level ground between Heracleum and Libethrum.
Most of the camp lay in the foothills; elsewhere they enclosed a section
of the plain with a palisade for the cavalry to occupy.
6. It is said that the king was taking a bath when word arrived that
the enemy was nearby.* Terrified at the news he leapt from the bath-
tub and rushed out, shouting that he had been beaten without a fight.
Thereupon, turning in fright from one cowardly order or command
to another, Perseus summoned two of his courtiers, one to go to Pella
169 bce chapters 5‒6 123
to throw into the sea the money that had been stored at Phacus,
and the other to go to Thessaly to burn the shipyards; he recalled
Asclepiodotus and Hippias and their garrisons from the fortresses and
left all the approaches open to attack. Perseus himself seized all the
golden statues at Dium, to save them from becoming enemy plunder,
and compelled the inhabitants of that area to move to Pydna. Thus
what might have been viewed as rashness on the part of the consul—
to advance beyond the point where he could retreat without the
enemy’s compliance—the king transformed into a rather shrewd piece
of boldness. For the Romans had two passes through which they
could escape from their position: one through Tempe into Thessaly,
and the other past Dium and into Macedonia.* Both of these were
held by the king’s garrisons. And so, if the king had maintained a
cool head for a few days and endured the first appearance of immi-
nent danger, there would have been no retreat for the Romans
through Tempe into Thessaly, and no route would have opened up
for the conveyance of their supplies.
For the vale of Tempe is not easy to traverse even without the
threat of attack. In addition to the five-mile defile where the track is
narrow for a laden pack animal, the cliffs on both sides are so sheer
that it is almost impossible to look down without feeling your head
spin; the sound and the depth of the Peneus river as it rushes
through the middle of the valley are terrifying. This area, so inhos-
pitable by its very nature, was held by four royal garrisons in separ-
ate locations. The first was by the entrance at Gonnus, the second in
Condylum, an impregnable fort, the third by Lapathus (which they
call Charax), the fourth directly on the path, right in the middle where
the vale is most narrow, and easily guarded by even ten men.
If the Romans’ access to supplies had been cut off, together with
the line of retreat through Tempe, they would have had to withdraw
by the mountains they had come over. But while they had been able
to accomplish this by stealth, they could not do it in plain view with
the enemy controlling the overlooking peaks. Further, their familiar-
ity with the challenge would have eradicated all hope. Given the
rashness of the undertaking, no other course remained but to escape
past Dium into Macedonia, through the heart of the enemy. If the
gods had not stolen the king’s wits,* this too would have been enor-
mously difficult. The foothills of Mount Olympus leave little less
than a mile of land before the sea, and half of it is covered by the
124 book forty-four 169 bce
mouth of the Baphyrus river, which overflows extensively; in addition,
part of the plain is occupied by the temple of Jupiter and the town.
What little remains could have been closed off with a moderate ditch
and rampart, and there was such a supply of rocks and trees to hand
that even a full-scale wall could have been erected and towers raised.
But the king’s mind was so clouded by the sudden alarm that he
could see none of this. All the fortifications were stripped and left
vulnerable to attack, and the king fled to Pydna.
7. The consul saw a great deal of both protection and reason for
hope in his opponent’s idiocy and inertia. Marcius sent a messenger
to Spurius Lucretius at Larisa and directed him to occupy the
fortresses around Tempe that the enemy had abandoned; and he sent
Popillius ahead to investigate the routes around Dium. Upon learn-
ing that there were no obstacles anywhere in the vicinity, Marcius
advanced to Dium in two days. He ordered the camp to be set up
right next to the temple to forestall any violation of its sacred area.*
He then entered the city, which was small, but beautified with public
spaces and numerous statues, as well as being extremely well
fortified. He could scarcely believe that one kind of trap or another
did not lurk in amongst such great works, abandoned for no reason.
After devoting a day to general reconnaissance, he moved camp.
Confident that there would be enough food in Pieria,* the consul
advanced that day to a river called Mitys. The following day he went
on to Agassae, where he established control of the city, which the
inhabitants surrendered to him. Then, in order to win over the minds
of the rest of the Macedonians, he contented himself with hostages
and promised the residents that he was leaving the city to them with-
out a garrison and that they would live free from taxation and under
their own laws. From there he advanced a day’s journey and pitched
camp at the River Ascordus. Thereupon, perceiving that the farther
he went from Thessaly, the greater the paucity of all resources, he
returned to Dium. Not a doubt remained in anyone’s mind as to
what he would have suffered if he had been cut off from Thessaly,
since there was no safe way to proceed far beyond it.*
Perseus gathered all his soldiers and commanders together and
berated those in charge of the garrisons, especially Asclepiodotus and
Hippias, saying that they had handed over the gates of Macedonia to
the Romans. No one, however, could have been accused of this more
justly than he himself.
169 bce chapters 6‒8 125
As for the consul, initially the sight of the fleet offshore gave him
hope that the ships were bringing provisions (for grain was extraor-
dinarily expensive and in extremely short supply*), but he heard from
the men already in the harbour that the supply ships had been left
behind at Magnesia. At that point he was uncertain what to do—to
such an extent did he have to contend simply with the difficulty of his
situation, even without any pressure from the enemy to aggravate it.
By great good fortune a letter from Spurius Lucretius arrived, with
the news that he had control of all the fortresses overlooking Tempe
and around Phila and that they had found stores of grain in them, as
well as of other useful supplies.
8. Overjoyed by this communication, the consul marched from
Dium to Phila, intending to strengthen the garrison there and simul-
taneously to distribute food to the men, since transporting it was a
slow business. This journey generated rather unfavourable talk. Some
men said that he had retreated from the enemy out of fear, since a
battle would have been inevitable if he remained in Pieria; others said
that he did not understand war—and the way that fortune introduces
new elements every day—but, as if circumstances waited on his con-
venience, he had let slip from his hands a situation that could not soon
recur. Moreover, the consul’s abandonment of Dium finally awoke in
the enemy the realization that he must recover what previously he
had criminally lost.
For when Perseus heard of the consul’s departure, he returned to
Dium and restored what the Romans had left strewn about and
ruined; he replaced the battlements knocked down from the walls and
strengthened the entire circuit of the walls. He then encamped five
miles from the city, on the near bank of the River Elpeus, intending
to use the river itself, which is extremely difficult to cross, for pro-
tection. Flowing from a ravine on Mount Olympus, it is a mere
trickle in the summer, but in the winter, the same river, rushing with
rainwater, swirls over the boulders in whirlpools, and down below,
spitting into the sea the soil it has dug out, it makes deep chasms,
hollowing out the middle of the riverbed and leaving steep cliffs on
both sides. Perseus, confident that the enemy’s route was sufficiently
cut off by this river, intended to wait out the rest of the summer.
Meanwhile the consul sent Popillius from Phila to Heracleum with
2,000 armed men. Heracleum is approximately five miles from Phila,
situated halfway between Dium and Tempe on a cliff overlooking
126 book forty-four 169 bce
the river. 9. Before advancing troops against the walls, Popillius sent
men to urge the leading citizens and magistrates to test the constancy
and mercy of Rome rather than its might. This advice had no effect
since the king’s campfires could be seen burning from his base on the
Elpeus.
The Romans began the siege by land and sea (the fleet, anchored
offshore, was brought into action) using arms, siege-works, and
machines.* Also some of the Roman youths took the lowest part of
the walls by adapting a circus trick for military use. It was the custom
in those days, before the current extravagance of filling the circus with
every manner of beast had been introduced, to seek out different
kinds of spectacles, for a single four-horse chariot race and one race
with bareback riders combined occupied the arena for scarcely an
hour. Among the other displays, approximately sixty youths in full
armour would be brought in—sometimes more at more elaborate
games. Their entrance was a simulation, partly of an army on the
move, but partly also of a style more sophisticated than military, and
closer to the gladiatorial use of arms. After demonstrating other
manoeuvres, they formed a square; and linking their shields over their
heads, they created a sloping testudo,* similar to the roof of a building,
with the first row of men upright, the second crouched, the third and
fourth lower still, and the last kneeling. Thereupon, starting about
fifty feet apart, two armed men rushed together and made threatening
moves against each other. After climbing from the bottom to the top
of the testudo, they pretended at times to be defending themselves at
its edges, and at times they came to grips in the middle, leaping about
as if on solid ground.
A testudo similar to this one moved forward to the lowest part of
the wall. When the soldiers standing on it were right up against the
wall, they were level with the defenders atop it. The Romans drove
these back, and then two units clambered across into the city. This
testudo was different in one respect: the men in front and along the
sides did not raise their shields over their heads and thereby expose
their bodies, but positioned the shields to protect themselves, as if for
combat. Consequently the spears hurled from the wall did not injure
the Romans as they approached, and those thrown at the testudo fell
harmlessly to the ground, like rain off a slippery roof.
After the capture of Heracleum the consul moved his camp there
as if he were in fact about to proceed to Dium, and from there, after
169 bce chapters 8‒10 127
dislodging Perseus, to Pieria. But Marcius was already making prep-
arations for winter. He ordered the construction of roads to convey
supplies from Thessaly, the selection of places suitable for the stor-
age of grain, and the building of temporary quarters to house the
people delivering supplies.
10. When Perseus finally recovered his nerve after the attack of
fear he had experienced, he began to wish that his orders had not
been carried out, since in his panic he had commanded that his treas-
ure at Pella be thrown into the sea and the shipyard at Thessalonica
be burnt. Andronicus, the man who had been sent to Thessalonica,
had stalled, leaving time for Perseus to regret the order, which was
exactly what happened. At Pella, Nicias was less cautious and threw
into the sea the part of the royal treasury that had been at Phacus. It
looked, however, as if he could correct his mistake, because practic-
ally all of the treasure was recovered by divers. The king was so
mortified by his panic that he ordered the divers to be secretly put
to death; then Andronicus and Nicias were dispatched the same way
to eliminate any witness to the king’s half-witted orders.
Meanwhile Gaius Marcius* sailed from Heracleum to Thessalonica.
He landed troops at several points along the shore and pillaged
widely. The people who made sallies from Thessalonica were reduced
to a state of terror by a series of Roman victories and driven back
within the walls. But when Marcius threatened the city itself, the
inhabitants activated every artillery machine at their disposal. The
rocks fired from these struck not just the Romans who were ranging
about and rashly approaching the walls, but even those aboard the
ships. So Marcius recalled the men to the ships, gave up the assault,
and went on to Aenea. This city is about fifteen miles away, situated
opposite Pydna in fertile land. The Romans ravaged the edges of its
territory and then, sailing along the coast, reached Antigonea.
They disembarked there. At first they plundered the fields unsys-
tematically and brought back some booty to the ships. But as they
were wandering to and fro, they were set upon by a Macedonian
troop composed of both cavalry and infantry. The Romans fled in dis-
array and were chased back to the sea, with the Macedonians killing
about 500 of them and capturing at least as many. When the Roman
soldiers were prevented from retreating safely to the ships, equally in
despair for their safety and shamed, they finally regained their
strength of mind out of dire necessity. The battle resumed on the
128 book forty-four 169 bce
shore, and the men aboard the fleet came to the rescue. Nearly 200
Macedonians were killed there and the same number taken prisoner.
The fleet sailed from Antigonea to the territory of Pallene where
a party disembarked to raid. This area was within the lands of
Cassandrea;* it was by far the most fertile part of all the coastline they
had sailed past. King Eumenes,* who had come from Elaea, with
twenty decked vessels* joined them there, as did five of the same type,
sent by King Prusias.
11. This addition to the resources at his disposal gave the praetor
the ambition of besieging Cassandrea. This city was founded by
King Cassander right on the narrow strip of land linking the territory
of Pallene to the rest of Macedonia; the city is bounded by the Gulf
of Torone on one side and that of Macedonia on the other. The
peninsula on which Cassandrea lies rises high and extends into the
sea as far as lofty Mount Athos does; in the direction of the territory
of Magnesia the peninsula has two capes of unequal length: Posideum
is the name of the bigger, and the smaller is called Canastraeum.
The siege was undertaken from two directions. The Roman prae-
tor constructed fortifications at a place called Clitae, including a
palisade to blockade the road from the Gulf of Macedonia to the
Gulf of Torone. On the other side there is an inland channel, where
Eumenes made his assault. For the Romans, filling in the defensive
trench recently begun by Perseus involved a great deal of labour. Not
seeing any piles of dirt there, the praetor asked where the excavated
earth had gone. Archways were pointed out to him.* These had been
constructed with a single layer of bricks and did not have the same
thickness as the original wall. This gave the praetor the idea of cre-
ating a route into the city by digging through the wall; and he
thought that he could avoid detection if he used ladders to mount an
attack on the walls in another quarter of the city: the ensuing panic
would divert the city’s defenders from protecting his point of attack.
The defensive forces of Cassandrea included the young men of the
town (by no means a despicable group), 800 Agrianes, and 2,000
Illyrians, Penestae, whom Pleuratus had sent; these were both mar-
tial peoples. They were guarding the walls even as the Romans who
were doing their best to tunnel through them penetrated the walls of
the arches and rendered the city open to attack. And if the men who
broke through had been armed, they would have taken the city on the
spot. When it was announced to the soldiers that the work was
169 bce chapters 10‒13 129
complete, in their eagerness they suddenly let out a great cry of joy,
expecting that they would burst into the city at multiple points.
12. At first their adversaries were astonished by the sudden cheer-
ing and what it could mean. When Pytho and Philippus, the com-
manders of the garrison, learned that the city was exposed, it struck
them that whoever attacked first would have the benefit of the labour
that had been performed. They sallied forth with a powerful band of
Agrianes and Illyrians. The Romans were still gathering from various
sectors and being summoned for the invasion of the city. Disorderly
and disorganized, they were put to flight and pursued to the trench.
They were driven into it in a headlong rush and ended up in a heap.
Roughly 600 men were killed on the spot, and nearly all those who
were trapped between the wall and the trench were wounded.
The reverse the praetor met with in this attempt thus made him
less energetic about his other plans. Eumenes was meeting with no
more success in his two-pronged attack by land and sea. So they agreed
to strengthen the watch posts to foreclose the possibility of a garrison
from Macedonia entering the city and, since direct force had failed, to
assail the walls with siege-works. While they were arranging these
matters, ten of Perseus’ galleys were dispatched from Thessalonica
with select Gallic auxiliaries. These ships spotted the enemy’s fleet
standing out to sea and so, in single file, they entered the city under
cover of darkness, hugging the shore as closely as possible.
Word of this new garrison forced the Romans and Eumenes to
abandon the siege. They sailed round the peninsula and headed for
Torone. They tried to attack it too, but when they found it defended
by a powerful force, they gave up on the enterprise and set out for
Demetrias.* As they approached, they could see that the walls were
swarming with armed men, so they sailed past and landed at Iolcus,
intending to seize crops from there and then to attack Demetrias too.
13. In the midst of all this, to avoid simply idling time away in
enemy territory, the consul sent Marcus Popillius with 5,000 soldiers
to attack the city of Meliboea. Commanding a strategic position over
Demetrias, Meliboea is situated in the foothills of Mount Ossa where
it borders on Thessaly. At first the enemy’s approach struck fear into
the hearts of the locals but then, regaining their presence of mind
after the sudden alarm, they took up arms and ran to the gates and
the city walls where they anticipated the attack, instantly erasing the
hope that the city would fall at the first assault.* And so preparations
130 book forty-four 169 bce
were made for a siege, and the Romans began to construct the
machinery for the assault.
When Perseus heard that Meliboea was under siege from the
consul’s army and that the fleet was anchored off Iolcus in prepara-
tion for an assault on Demetrias, he sent one of his generals, a certain
Euphranor, with 2,000 select troops to Meliboea. Perseus told
Euphranor that, assuming he first dislodged the Romans from
Meliboea, he was to enter Demetrias unobserved, before the Romans
could move their base from Iolcus to the city. And when Euphranor
unexpectedly appeared in a place overlooking them, the terrified
attackers of Meliboea abandoned operations, setting fire to the siege-
works. And so the Romans withdrew from Meliboea.
Once Euphranor had successfully raised the siege of the one city,
he immediately marched to Demetrias. His arrival that night
inspired the inhabitants with confidence that they could protect the
city walls and fend off the foragers in their fields. They made sallies
against the men who were out foraging, and inflicted some injuries.
The praetor and Eumenes nonetheless made a circuit of the walls and
considered the city’s position, in particular whether they could try to
take it, either by siege-works or by brute force. There was a story in
circulation that terms for an alliance between Eumenes and Perseus
were being discussed by a Cretan, Cydas, and Antimachus, the lead-
ing magistrate of Demetrias. In any case, the Romans and Eumenes
unquestionably did withdraw from the city.* Eumenes sailed to the
consul, congratulated him on having invaded Macedonia success-
fully, and returned to Pergamum, in his own kingdom. Marcius
Figulus, the praetor, sent part of the fleet into winter quarters at
Sciathus and sailed with the rest to Oreus, on Euboea. He considered
it the most suitable city from which to send provisions to the forces
in Macedonia and Thessaly.
Historians tell completely different stories about King Eumenes.*
If you trust Valerius Antias, his version is as follows. Eumenes
lent no assistance with his fleet to the praetor, although the latter
had written to him again and again to bring aid; nor did Eumenes go
back to Asia on good terms with the consul, but indignant because he
had not been permitted to encamp with the Romans and, further-
more, that Eumenes could not be persuaded by the consul even to
leave behind the Galatian cavalry he had brought with him. It was
rather Eumenes’ brother Attalus who remained with the consul,
169 bce chapters 13‒14 131
showing pure, consistent loyalty and being of outstanding usefulness
in the war.
14. While the war in Macedonia continued, ambassadors came to
Rome from a leader of the Transalpine Gauls. His name is reported
to be Balanus; which tribe he was from is not on record. The ambas-
sadors promised assistance in the war against Macedonia. The Senate
officially acknowledged its gratitude and sent as gifts a torque made
from two pounds of gold, drinking cups made from four pounds of
gold, a fully equipped warhorse, and a set of cavalry weapons. After
the Gauls, Pamphylian ambassadors brought into the Curia a golden
crown fashioned from 20,000 philippei.* At their request, they were
given permission to deposit this gift in the temple of Jupiter Optimus
Maximus and to offer sacrifice on the Capitol. The ambassadors
received a favourable reply when they sought to renew their alliance
with Rome, and they were sent gifts of 2,000 asses each.
Next, audiences were given to envoys from King Prusias and
slightly later from the Rhodians.* The two delegations spoke in
extremely different ways about the same subject: the restoration of
peace with King Perseus. Prusias’ envoys had more of a plea than a
demand to convey. He avowed that up to that point he had stood by
the Romans and he would do so as long as the war lasted; neverthe-
less, when envoys from Perseus had approached him about ending
the war with the Romans, he promised them that he would plead
their case with the Senate; if the senators could convince themselves
to give up their anger, he asked them whether they could feel grati-
tude towards him for the restoration of peace. That was what
Prusias’ envoys had to say.
The Rhodian party began by arrogantly recollecting their good
deeds on behalf of the Roman people and practically took credit for
most of its success, particularly in the war against Antiochus. They
added that they had formed a friendship with King Perseus while the
Romans and the Macedonians were at peace; that they had reluc-
tantly broken it off, though no action had been taken against them,
because the Romans had decided to draw the Rhodians into joining
them in war. For the third year they were experiencing many incon-
veniences from the war, with the sea closed to trade; their island had
limited resources, and maritime traffic supported their people. Since
they could no longer tolerate the current state of affairs, they had sent
other envoys to Perseus in Macedonia to announce that it was the
132 book forty-four 169 bce
Rhodians’ view that he should conclude a peace with the Romans;
and that they themselves had been sent to Rome to make the same
announcement. Should either party oppose an end to the war, the
Rhodians would consider what steps they would take against the
offenders.
I feel certain that to this day this statement can be neither read nor
heard without provoking indignation. Thus one can only estimate
the reaction of the fathers when they heard it.
15. According to Claudius, there was no reply at all, except that a
senatorial proclamation was read out, whereby the Roman people
decreed the liberation of the Carians and the Lycians* and the imme-
diate dispatch of letters to both peoples so they would know this had
been declared; and that when the leader of the embassy heard this, he
collapsed—although just a moment before the grandeur of his elo-
quence nearly exceeded the capacity of the Curia. Other sources
report this answer: that the Roman people had been informed at the
beginning of the war, on good authority, that the Rhodians had
entered into secret talks with King Perseus against the Republic; that
if there had been any doubt previously, it had been transformed into
certainty only a little while before on the testimony of their own
envoys; deceit generally exposes itself, even if it starts somewhat cau-
tiously. So now the Rhodians were controlling decisions about war
and peace the world over? Now the Romans were to take up and lay
down their weapons at a nod from the Rhodians? Now the Rhodians,
not the gods, were considered the guardians of treaties? Was it indeed
so? Unless the Romans complied and hauled their armies back from
Macedonia, the Rhodians would see how to respond? The Rhodians
knew exactly what they would see. The Roman people, once they had
defeated Perseus, as they expected to do any day, would see that each
city involved in the war received its proper reward.
A gift of 2,000 asses was nonetheless sent to each member of the
delegation; it was refused.
16. Next, a report from the consul Quintus Marcius was read out,
recounting how he had crossed the pass into Macedonia: there he
had accumulated supplies from various places for the winter, and he
had received 20,000 bushels of wheat and 10,000 of barley from the
Epirotae; compensation for this food should be entrusted to their
representatives at Rome; clothing for the soldiers should be sent
from Rome; he needed about 200 horses, particularly Numidian ones,
169 bce chapters 14‒17 133
since he could not obtain them there. The Senate decreed that every-
thing should be carried out in accordance with the consul’s report.
The praetor, Gaius Sulpicius, put out to bid the transport of 6,000
togas, 300 tunics, and 200 horses to Macedonia, to be delivered as the
consul saw fit, and he paid the Epirotae representatives for the grain.
The praetor also brought before the Senate Onesimus, a
Macedonian noble, the son of Pytho. He had consistently urged peace
on the king and had advised him to practise regularly, if not always,
the habit his father Philip had formed and observed to his last breath,
namely reading at least twice daily the treaty he had made with the
Romans. Once Onesimus had failed to dissuade Perseus from going
to war, he began to excuse himself, for one reason or another, from
being involved in activities that he did not approve of; finally, when
he found himself under suspicion and occasionally charged with
treason, he deserted to the Romans and made himself very useful to
the consul. When Onesimus was brought before the Senate and had
made a formal report of his activities, the Senate directed that he be
enrolled in the register of allies, that accommodation and official enter-
tainment be arranged for him at public expense, that he be granted
120 acres of Tarentine territory belonging to the Roman people, and
that a house in Tarentum be purchased for him. The praetor Gaius
Decimius was charged with taking care of these matters.
On the thirteenth of December the censors conducted their review
more strictly than in the past. Many men lost their equestrian status,
including Publius Rutilius, the man who had attacked the censors
ferociously in his capacity as tribune of the plebs.* He was removed
from his tribe and made an aerarius. By senatorial decree, half the
tax-revenue of that year had been allotted by the quaestors to
the censors for public works. With his share of the funds, Tiberius
Sempronius purchased for the state the home of Publius Africanus*
behind the ‘Old Shops’ in the direction of the statue of Vortumnus,*
and also the butcher shops and adjoining cookshops; he also saw
to the construction of a basilica, which was afterwards called the
Basilica Sempronia.
17. The year was already drawing to a close. Especially because of
anxiety over the Macedonian war, people were discussing which men
to elect as consuls for that year, to end the war at long last. The
Senate consequently decreed that Gnaeus Servilius should come
back at the very first opportunity to hold the elections. The praetor
134 book forty-four 169 bce
Sulpicius sent the Senate’s decree in writing to the consul and, a few
days later, read out the reply; in it the consul announced a premature
date for the elections and said that he would return to Rome before
that day. The consul indeed made all haste, and the elections were
conducted on the day he had named. The men elected as consuls
were Lucius Aemilius Paullus, for the second time (in the fourteenth
year after he had held the office for the first time), and Gaius Licinius
Crassus. The next day the praetors were chosen: Gnaeus Baebius
Tamphilus, Lucius Anicius Gallus, Gnaeus Octavius, Publius
Fonteius Balbus, Marcus Aebutius Helva, and Gaius Papirius Carbo.
Anxiety over the Macedonian war acted as a goad, causing every-
thing to be done earlier than usual. Thus it was agreed that the
incoming magistrates should immediately draw lots for the
provinces, so that when it was known which consul was assigned by
lot to Macedonia and which praetor to the fleet, they could already
be considering and preparing what was needed for the war, and they
could consult with the Senate should anything necessitate doing so.
The Senate further decided that once these men took up their duties,
the Latin Festival should take place at the very first opportunity that
was compatible with the dictates of religion; this way nothing would
detain the consul who was to go to Macedonia. After these decisions
were made, Italy and Macedonia were designated as the consular
provinces, and the fleet, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia, in addition to
the two positions involving jurisdiction at Rome, were designated as
the praetors’ areas of responsibility. Between the consuls, Macedonia
fell to Aemilius and Italy to Licinius. Among the praetors, Gnaeus
Baebius drew urban jurisdiction, and Lucius Anicius the peregrine
jurisdiction (and anything else that the Senate should adjudge him);
Gnaeus Octavius was allotted the fleet, Publius Fonteius Spain,
Marcus Aebutius Sicily, and Gaius Papirius Sardinia.
18. It was immediately apparent to everyone that Lucius Aemilius
intended to prosecute the war with vigour. Apart from the fact that
he was an energetic man in other respects, day and night he thought
of nothing except what pertained directly to this particular war. First
of all, he requested that the Senate send a commission to Macedonia
to inspect the army and the fleet and to make a full report of the facts
concerning the need for ground and naval forces; further, the com-
missioners were to investigate, as much as they could, the king’s
forces, as well as what territory was in Roman hands and what was
169‒168 bce chapters 17‒19 135
under the enemy’s control; whether the Romans were encamped in a
ravine or had completed the traversal of the mountain passes and
reached level ground; which allies seemed faithful to us,* which ones
seemed to be wavering and leaving their loyalty contingent on the
outcome, and which ones seemed definitely antagonistic; how exten-
sively supplies were stockpiled, and from where they could be trans-
ported, by both land and sea; what had been accomplished that
summer on land and at sea. Once these matters had been thoroughly
investigated, Paullus said, it would be possible to make firm plans for
the future. The Senate charged the consul Gnaeus Servilius with the
responsibility of selecting three men, subject to Lucius Aemilius’
approval, to go to Macedonia. The commissioners, Gnaeus Domitius
Ahenobarbus, Aulus Licinius Nerva, and Lucius Baebius, set out
two days later.
At the end of the year it was announced that there had been two
meteor showers, one in Roman territory and one in Veientine territory.
The nine-day ritual was performed twice. The priests Publius
Quinctilius Varus, the flamen Martialis, and Marcus Claudius Marcellus,
a decemvir, died that year. The latter was succeeded by Gnaeus
Octavius. And although luxury was already on the rise, it was
observed that at the public games of Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica
and Publius Lentulus, the curule aediles, there were contests involv-
ing sixty-three panthers and forty bears and elephants.
19. The following year, the consulship of Lucius Aemilius Paullus
and Gaius Licinius began on the fifteenth of March, and the fathers
were particularly eager to know exactly what business would be
brought before them by the consul who had Macedonia as his
province. Paullus said he had nothing to bring before the Senate since
the commissioners had not yet returned. They were, however, at
Brundisium already, despite having been driven back to Dyrrachium
twice; he would soon learn from them what it was essential to know
first, and then he would bring it before the Senate; this would be
within a few days. Paullus said also that he had set the twelfth of
April* as the date for the Latin Festival so that nothing would delay
his departure. With the Senate’s approval, he and Gnaeus Octavius
would both leave as soon as the sacrifice had been properly per-
formed. In his absence it would be the responsibility of his colleague
Gaius Licinius to prepare and dispatch anything the campaign might
require. Meanwhile, foreign embassies could be received.
136 book forty-four 168 bce
The Alexandrian ambassadors from King Ptolemy and Queen
Cleopatra were the first to be called in. They entered the Curia and
prostrated themselves, with beards and hair untrimmed, and clutch-
ing olive branches.* Their speech was even more pitiful than their
appearance. King Antiochus of Syria, the one who had been a pris-
oner of state at Rome, was using the noble pretext of restoring
the elder Ptolemy to make war on Ptolemy’s younger brother, who
currently controlled Alexandria. Antiochus had won a naval battle at
Pelusium and then, with makeshift engineering, erected a bridge
over the Nile and crossed it. He now had Alexandria itself in a state
of terror, besieged by his army, and he appeared to be close to achiev-
ing mastery over a very wealthy kingdom. The ambassadors, lament-
ing these matters, beseeched the Senate to bring aid to their kingdom
and to their rulers, who were friends and allies of the Roman empire.
Such were the favours the Roman people had done Antiochus, such
was their authority among all rulers and peoples, that if they should
send envoys with a proclamation that the Senate was not pleased
to see war between its royal allies, Antiochus would immediately
withdraw his army from the walls of Alexandria and march back to
Syria. If the Senate should hesitate to act in this way, Ptolemy and
Cleopatra would soon come to Rome, exiles from their kingdom. An
element of shame would attach itself to the Roman people for having
rendered no aid at a crisis-point in their fortunes.
The fathers were moved by the pleas of the Alexandrians and sent
Gaius Popillius Laenas, Gaius Decimius, and Gaius Hostilius as
their envoys to end the war between the kings. The envoys were
directed to approach first Antiochus and then Ptolemy and to
announce that, if they did not stop fighting, the Romans would no
longer regard whichever party was responsible as either a friend or
an ally. 20. These envoys set out, together with the Alexandrian dele-
gation, within three days.
Just then the commissioners returned from Macedonia on the final
day of the Quinquatrus;* they had been awaited so eagerly that the
consuls would have summoned the Senate immediately, except that
it was evening. The Senate met the following day and heard from the
commissioners. They reported that the marching of the army into
Macedonia through pathless and mountainous terrain had been more
dangerous than advantageous. The army had reached Pieria, which
Perseus controlled. The Romans and Macedonians were encamped
168 bce chapters 19‒21 137
at such close quarters that the Elpeus river alone separated them. The
king was not offering battle while our side did not have enough
strength to force an engagement.* Furthermore, winter had proved
an additional obstacle to action. The army was idle and being main-
tained with difficulty, and the soldiers did not have more than six days
of supplies. The Macedonian troops were reputed to number 30,000.
If Appius Claudius’ force at Lychnidus had been sufficiently strong,
it would have been possible to divide the king’s attention with war on
two fronts: as it was, Appius, along with as much of a garrison as he
had, would be in very grave danger, unless either a full army were
sent to him immediately, or his men were marched out of there. The
commissioners further reported that they had gone from the infantry
camp to the fleet, where they had learned that some of the sailors had
succumbed to disease and that others, especially the Sicilians, had
gone home; the fleet was accordingly short-handed. The men who
were there had not been paid and lacked clothing. Eumenes and his
navy had come and gone without explanation, as if the ships were
just borne on the wind. The king’s intentions clearly could not be
relied upon, but while everything having to do with Eumenes was
uncertain, Attalus’ resolute constancy was remarkable.*
21. After the envoys’ report, Lucius Aemilius said that he was
officially bringing the question of the war before the Senate. The
Senate decreed that the consuls and the people should each select an
equal number of tribunes for the eight legions; it was agreed, how-
ever, that only those who had held office were eligible for selection that
year. Further, Lucius Aemilius could then choose from all of them the
military tribunes he wanted for the two legions in Macedonia; and that
as soon as the Latin Festival had been celebrated, he and Gnaeus
Octavius, the praetor assigned to the navy, should set out for their area
of responsibility. The Senate decided too that they should be accom-
panied by Lucius Anicius, the praetor responsible for overseeing the
law as it applied to foreigners; it was agreed that he should succeed
Appius Claudius at Lychnidus with Illyricum as his province.
Responsibility for the draft was placed on the consul Gaius
Licinius. His instructions were to enlist 7,000 Roman citizens and
200 cavalry; to call up 7,000 infantry and 400 cavalry from the Latin
and Italian allies; and to write to Gnaeus Servilius, who had Gaul as
his province, to conscript 600 cavalry. Licinius was told to send this
army to his colleague in Macedonia at the very first opportunity.
138 book forty-four 168 bce
There were to be no more than two legions in the province; but they
were to be brought up to full strength so that they would have 6,000
infantry and 300 cavalry; the remaining infantry and cavalry were to be
posted in garrisons. Men who were not fit for service were to be dis-
charged. In addition, 10,000 infantrymen and 800 cavalrymen were
to be called up from the allies; these would provide reinforcements
for Anicius, beyond the two legions he was instructed to take to
Macedonia; these legions each had 5,200 infantry and 300 cavalry.
For the fleet, 5,000 sailors were called up also. The consul Licinius was
instructed to govern his province with two legions; he was to supple-
ment that force with 10,000 infantry and 600 cavalry from the allies.
22. After the Senate’s decrees, the consul Lucius Aemilius went
from the Curia to a public meeting where he delivered a speech along
the following lines:
‘Roman citizens, I have the impression that since Macedonia
became my province by lot I have been congratulated more than
when I was elected consul or on the day I entered office. And the only
explanation seems to be that you supposed that I can terminate, in a
fashion suitable to the dignity of the Roman people, the war with
Macedonia, which has dragged on for too long. I hope that the gods
too have looked with favour upon what has fallen to me by lot, and
that they will be by my side as the campaign proceeds. As far as those
matters are concerned, I can make predictions about some and form
hopes for others. But this I dare to assert confidently: I will strive with
all my might not to disappoint the expectations you have formed of
me. The Senate has determined what is required for the war; and
since it wishes me to embark without delay and since I am ready to do
so, my colleague, Gaius Licinius, an outstanding man, will undertake
the preparations as assiduously as if he were going to conduct the
campaign himself.
‘As for you, believe what I write to the Senate and to you; do not
let your credulity nourish rumours for which no one will take respon-
sibility.* For indeed I have noticed that what generally happens in
war is particularly common in this one: no one so despises an idle tale
that his thinking is not impaired by it. In every conversation, even—
would you believe?—at dinner parties, there are men who can march
the army into Macedonia, who know where camps should be estab-
lished, which places should be occupied by garrisons, when and by
which pass Macedonia should be invaded, where to situate granaries,
168 bce chapters 21‒23 139
where there are sea and land routes for transporting food, when it is
time to engage in close combat, and when it is better to refrain from
action. These men do not just decide what should be done; whenever
something is done differently from the way they determined it should
be, they launch accusations against the consul, as if in a public trial.
This behaviour constitutes a significant impediment for those who are
conducting the campaign, nor can all men maintain such resolution
and constancy of purpose in the face of rumour as Quintus Fabius did.*
He chose to let his power be reduced by the foolishness of the people,
putting responsible leadership before a favourable reputation.
‘I am not, citizens of Rome, a man who believes that generals
should not take advice; on the contrary, I consider a man who does
everything on his own initiative not wise but arrogant. What, then, is
the right way to proceed? Commanders should first take advice from
thoughtful men who are true experts in military matters and who
have been schooled by experience. Secondly, commanders should
take advice from those who are participating in the campaign; they
can size up the lie of the land, the enemy, and the suitability of the
occasions that arise; and they share the danger, just like the crew of
a ship. And so if anyone believes that he can show me what is best for
the state in this war that I am about to wage, he should not deny the
commonwealth his services; he should accompany me to Macedonia.
I personally will put at his disposal a ship, a horse, a tent, provisions,
and even a travelling allowance. But if anyone finds doing this too
much trouble and prefers the leisure of city life to the toil and grind
of the army, let him not steer the ship from the shore. The city pro-
vides its own generous supply of material for conversations; let him
confine his garrulity to them; he may rest assured that we will be
happy with our councils of war.’
The Latin Festival followed this public meeting; it took place on
the thirty-first of March. When the sacrifice had been properly per-
formed on the mountain, both the consul and the praetor, Gnaeus
Octavius, set out directly from there for Macedonia. The story has
been passed down that a larger crowd than usual accompanied the
consul to honour him, and that men predicted with nearly unqualified
confidence that the end of the Macedonian war was at hand and the
consul would soon return in a brilliant triumph.
23. Such was the state of affairs in Italy. Meanwhile, because Perseus
would have to part with some of his wealth, he could not bring
140 book forty-four 168 bce
himself to finish what he had started: namely, to gain the allegiance
of Gentius, the king of the Illyrians.* But once Perseus saw that the
Romans had entered the pass* and that the crisis-point of the war
was at hand, he calculated that this step could not be postponed any
longer. Hippias acted as his agent, and Perseus agreed to pay 300 tal-
ents of silver, on the condition that there was a reciprocal exchange
of hostages.* He sent Pantauchus, from among his most trusted
friends, to complete the arrangements. Pantauchus met the Illyrian
king at Meteon in the territory of Labeatis and accepted Gentius’
oath of fidelity and his hostages there. Gentius sent as his represen-
tative a man named Olympio to claim Perseus’ oath and hostages. He
was accompanied by men sent to collect the money. At the instiga-
tion of Pantauchus, Parmenio and Morcus were designated to go
with the Macedonians as envoys to Rhodes. These men were accord-
ingly instructed to set out for Rhodes only after the exchange of
oaths, hostages, and money.* By invoking the names of the two kings
together, the embassy would be able to rouse the Rhodians to enter
the war against the Romans. An alliance with this city, at that time
renowned above all others for naval power, would strip the Romans
of any hope by land or by sea.
As the Illyrians approached, Perseus left his camp on the Elpeus
river and went to meet them at Dium with his entire cavalry. There
Perseus and the Illyrians, surrounded by his cavalry, ratified the
agreement. The Macedonian king wished his men to be present at
the sealing of the treaty with Gentius because he thought that the
transaction would go some way towards improving their morale. The
hostages were exchanged in full view of everyone, and some men
were sent to the royal treasury at Pella to receive the money while the
men who were going to Rhodes with the Illyrian envoys were
ordered to embark at Thessalonica. Metrodorus was there; he had
recently arrived from Rhodes.* With the authorization of Dinon and
Polyaratus, who were leading men of that city, he gave his word that
the Rhodians were ready for war. He was made head of the joint
embassy with the Illyrians.
24. Also at this time, Eumenes and Antiochus were sent the same
request, which the current climate made it possible to suggest. A free
city and a king were—so the argument went—inimical to each other
by nature. The Roman people were taking on kings one by one and,
what was truly dishonourable, fighting them with the resources of
168 bce chapters 23‒25 141
other kings. Perseus’ father had been crushed with the help of Attalus;
Antiochus had been attacked with the help of Eumenes and, to some
extent, even that of Perseus’ own father, Philip; now Eumenes and
Prusias were both taking up arms against him. If the kingdom of
Macedonia succumbed, Asia, which the Romans had already partly
appropriated under the pretence of liberating cities, would be next,
and then Syria. Already there was greater regard for Prusias than for
Eumenes;* already Antiochus was being kept away from Egypt, a
prize of war. Perseus told Eumenes and Antiochus that after they
reflected upon these facts, they should persuade the Romans to make
peace with him or, if the Romans persisted in their wrongful war,
consider the Romans an enemy common to all kings. The request was
sent openly to Antiochus.* A messenger was dispatched to Eumenes
under the pretext of redeeming prisoners of war; in actuality, certain
more covert matters were under way. These burdened Eumenes,
already the object of hatred and suspicion among the Romans, with
even more weighty and false accusations. For he was considered a
traitor and practically an enemy at the same time that the two kings
were entrapped in a rivalry of trickery and greed.*
Cydas* was a Cretan and one of Eumenes’ intimates. He had first
had discussions at Amphipolis with a certain Chimarus, a country-
man of his who was fighting on Perseus’ side. Subsequently Cydas
had held talks at Demetrias, under the very walls of the city, once
with a certain Menecrates, and then again with Antimachus; both
men were generals of Perseus. Herophon, too, the man who was sent
on this occasion, had twice before undertaken similar ambassadorial
missions to Eumenes. The conversations were in confidence, and the
embassies were certainly viewed with suspicion, but it was not
known what had happened or what had been arranged between the
kings. The situation, however, was as follows.
25. Eumenes did not want Perseus to win the war, nor did he
intend to assist him in it. The reason was not so much the hostility
between their fathers as that it had been exacerbated by the hatred
Eumenes and Perseus had for each other. The rivalry between kings
is such that Eumenes could not endure the prospect of Perseus
acquiring as much wealth and glory as awaited him if the Romans
were defeated. Further, Eumenes saw that from the beginning of the
conflict Perseus had pursued the possibility of peace by every means
and that each day the threat drew closer, the less his thoughts or
142 book forty-four 168 bce
actions were directed to anything else; the Romans too, both the
Senate and the generals, were not averse to ending such an inconveni-
ent, troublesome war since it was dragging on longer than they had
expected. Thus had Eumenes analysed the disposition of both sides.
He preferred to sell his services to make peace, which he thought
might come about on its own through the weariness of the stronger
party and the fear of the weaker party. And so he was bargaining for
remuneration, at one time for not helping the Romans in the war by
land or sea, at another for achieving peace with them: for 1,000 tal-
ents he would stay out of the war; for 1,500 he would negotiate the
peace. Eumenes indicated that under either scenario he was prepared
to pledge his word and supply hostages.
Driven by fear, Perseus was entirely ready to begin the transaction
and proceeded without delay in the receiving of hostages. It had been
agreed that once he had received them, they should be sent to Crete.
But when it came to talk of money, there Perseus hesitated. He said
that cash, at least the first sum, was shameful and debasing between
kings of such important names, and even more so for the recipient
than the giver; out of hope for peace with Rome he would not
refuse the outlay, but he would deliver the money when everything
was over; in the meantime he would deposit it in a temple on
Samothrace. Since this island was within Perseus’ domain, Eumenes
saw that the money might just as well be at Pella. He tried to get
some part of the money immediately. Ultimately, the kings’ mutual
efforts to ensnare one another were in vain and generated nothing but
disrepute.*
26. Nor was this all that Perseus’ avarice sabotaged. If he had paid
out the money, Eumenes could have achieved a peace for Perseus,
which the Macedonian king should have purchased even at the cost
of part of his kingdom, or if Eumenes double-crossed Perseus, the
Macedonian could have exposed his enemy, caught with bribe in
hand, and thereby made the Romans justifiably antagonistic towards
him. Out of avarice, however, Perseus had already lost first the
alliance arranged with Gentius and then the massive help offered by
Gallic auxiliaries, who had streamed down through Illyricum.* Ten
thousand cavalry were coming, and an equal number of infantry,
who matched the stride of the horses and, if riders fell off, these men
rode the vacated steeds into battle. The horsemen had been promised
ten gold pieces upon arrival; the infantry were to receive five apiece;
168 bce chapters 25‒27 143
and their leader 1,000. As the Gauls approached, Perseus set out
from his camp at the Elpeus to meet them with half of his forces. He
started announcing to the villages and towns along the way that they
should ready supplies so that there would be abundant grain, wine,
and livestock. He himself brought horses and military decorations
and cloaks as a gift for the Gauls’ leaders, and a small portion of gold
to divide among a few of them, believing that the majority could be
lured on by hope. Perseus proceeded to the city of Almana and
pitched camp on the bank of the Axius river. The army of Gauls had
encamped around Desudaba in Maedica, awaiting the money that
had been promised. Perseus sent Antigonus, one of his courtiers,
there. Antigonus’ directions were to order the Gallic band to move
their camp to Bylazora, a place in Paeonia, while the leaders were to
gather together and come to Perseus. (The Gauls were seventy-five
miles from the Axius river and Perseus’ camp.)
Antigonus conveyed these instructions to them and went on to
describe how copiously stocked their route would be, all at the king’s
instructions; he recounted too the gifts of clothing, silver, and horses
with which the king would receive the leaders who came to him. The
Gauls replied that they would know well enough about these matters
when they were face-to-face with the king; they asked about the
ready cash that they had stipulated, and specifically whether
Antigonus had brought with him the gold to be divided among the
individual soldiers and cavalrymen. When this question went unan-
swered, their king, Clondicus, said: ‘Then return to your king and
tell him that the Gauls will not move one step further until they have
received the gold and the hostages.’
When this message was relayed to the king, he summoned his
council. It became obvious what everyone was going to urge on him,
and the king, a better guardian of his money than his kingdom, began
to discourse on the treachery and savagery of Gauls, as revealed in
the disasters that many had suffered; it was dangerous to allow such
a multitude into Macedonia in case their allies became more burden-
some to them than their enemies the Romans. Five thousand cavalry
would suffice—enough to use in the war but not a multitude to occa-
sion any fear.
27. It was clear to everybody that Perseus feared for nothing but
the money, but since no one dared to offer an argument even though
the king was consulting them, Antigonus was sent back to report that
144 book forty-four 168 bce
the king could use the services of 5,000 cavalry only and would not
detain the remainder of the multitude. When the barbarians heard
this, there were cries of outrage from the rest of them because they
had been roused from their homes for no reason. Clondicus asked
again whether he could pay the 5,000 men the agreed amount. He
saw that double-dealing was going to be mixed in with this as well.
The duplicitous messenger was left alone (a fate he could scarcely
have hoped for), and the Gauls returned to the Danube, pillaging the
part of Thrace that was along their route.
If the Gallic band had entered Thessaly through the Perrhaebian
pass while the king was passively encamped at the Elpeus across from
the Romans, the Gauls could have stripped and ravaged the fields,
thereby eliminating the Romans’ expectation of getting any supplies
from there; and the Gauls could also have demolished even cities
while Perseus had the Romans pinned at the Elpeus and therefore
unable to bring relief to the allied cities. The Romans would have
had to give some thought to themselves too since they would not
have been able to remain if Thessaly were lost—it was the source of
the army’s food—but neither would they have been able to advance,
with the Macedonian camp opposite them.
By dismissing this source of aid, Perseus considerably lowered the
morale of the Macedonians, who had pinned their hopes on the
Gauls. The same avarice alienated King Gentius from Perseus.
Perseus had counted out the 300 talents at Pella for Gentius’ repre-
sentatives, and he allowed them to seal the money. Then he sent ten
talents to Pantauchus and told him that these should be given to the
king right away. Perseus instructed his men who were transporting
the remaining money, which had been sealed with the sign of the
Illyrians, to convey it in short stages; then, when they reached the
border of Macedonia, they should halt there and await messengers
from him. Once Gentius had received the tiny fraction of the money,
Pantauchus kept on urging him to provoke the Romans with a hos-
tile action. Gentius imprisoned their envoys, Marcus Perperna and
Lucius Petillius, who happened to have come to him in that period.*
Upon receipt of this news, Perseus thought that necessity had now
driven Gentius into war with the Romans anyway, and he sent a man
to recall the person who was transporting the money.* It was as if
Perseus’ every action was designed to preserve as much booty as pos-
sible for the Romans after his defeat.
168 bce chapters 27‒28 145
Herophon returned from Eumenes; his covert activities remained
a secret. The Macedonians’ story had been that his business had to
do with prisoners of war and, to avoid suspicion, Eumenes assured
the consul on this point.
28. Perseus was disappointed after Herophon’s return from
Eumenes, but he sent his naval commanders, Antenor and Callippus,
to Tenedos with forty galleys, accompanied by five cutters.* From
Tenedos, they were supposed to protect the ships which, spread
throughout the Cyclades, were on their way to Macedonia with grain.
The fleet was launched at Cassandrea and went initially to the har-
bours under Mount Athos; then it proceeded across to Tenedos by a
calm sea. The Rhodians’ light galleys and their commander Eudamus
were anchored in the harbour. The Macedonian fleet did not attack,
but even gave a friendly greeting before sending them on their way.
It was then learned that on the other side of the island fifty Macedonian
cargo-vessels were blockaded by Eumenes’ warships, which were
anchored at the mouth of the harbour. These were commanded by
Damius. Antenor promptly sailed around the island,* scared off the
enemy ships, and dispatched the cargo-vessels to Macedonia with
an escort of ten galleys; once they had escorted the cargo-vessels
to Macedonia safely, the galleys were to return to Tenedos. They
returned nine days later to the fleet which by that time was anchored
at Sigeum.*
From there, the Macedonians crossed to Subota, an island situated
between Elaea and Chios. By chance, the day after the fleet reached
Subota, thirty-five ships of the type known as horse-transports
departed from Elaea with Galatian cavalrymen and their riders en
route to Phanae, a cape on the island of Chios; they would be able to
cross from there to Macedonia. These were being sent to Attalus by
Eumenes. When Antenor was given a signal from a look-out post that
the ships were well out to sea, he left Subota between the cape of
Erythrae and Chios, where the strait is at its most narrow, and
approached them. Nothing was harder for Eumenes’ commanders to
believe than that a Macedonian fleet was at large in those waters: it
was Romans; it was Attalus, or some ships sent back by Attalus on
their way to Pergamum from the Romans’ camp. The commanders
were terror-stricken when the shape of the approaching galleys
became unmistakable and the rapid motion of the oars and the prows
directed at them made it obvious that they were under enemy attack.
146 book forty-four 168 bce
There was no hope of resisting, given the cumbersome build of their
ships and Galatians’ minimal tolerance for the sea. Some of them,
who were closer to the encircling shoreline, swam to Erythrae; others
set sail for Chios and ran the ships aground. They abandoned the
horses there and sought the city in scattered flight. The galleys, how-
ever, disembarked soldiers closer to the city, where it was easier to
land. The Macedonians caught up with some of the Galatians as they
fled along the road and killed them there; they slaughtered some
others in front of the gate where they had been locked out. (The
Chians had closed the gate since they did not know the identity of
either the fugitives or the pursuers.) Roughly 800 Galatians died,
and 200 were taken alive. Some of the horses drowned as the ships
were wrecked. The Macedonians slit the hamstrings of others on the
shore. Antenor ordered the same ten galleys that he had sent before
to transport twenty especially fine horses and the prisoners to
Thessalonica and to rejoin the fleet at the very first opportunity; he
said that he would wait for them at Phanae. The main fleet stayed at
Chios for three days or so. From there they went on to Phanae. The
galleys returned more swiftly than expected, and the fleet set sail,
crossing the Aegean to Delos.
29. In the course of this activity, the Roman ambassadors Gaius
Popillius, Gaius Decimius, and Gaius Hostilius left Chalcis in three
quinqueremes. When they reached Delos, they found the forty
Macedonian galleys and five quinqueremes of King Eumenes there.
The holiness of the shrine and the island protected them from one
another.* Thus Romans and Macedonians and Eumenes’ sailors
mingled and strolled about the shrine, the sacredness of the place
affording them a truce.
When Antenor, Perseus’ commander, received a signal from watch-
towers that some cargo-vessels were passing by out at sea, he went in
pursuit with some of the galleys and sent others around the Cyclades.
He was trying to sink or pillage every ship except those that were
headed for Macedonia. Popillius rushed to help the vessels he could,
with his or Eumenes’ ships. The Macedonians, however, escaped
notice by sailing off at night, mostly in groups of two or three ships.
Around this time the Macedonian and Illyrian delegations reached
Rhodes together. Their authority was enhanced by the attacks of
the galleys that were cruising throughout the Cyclades and the
Aegean, by the formation of an alliance between King Perseus and
168 bce chapters 28‒30 147
King Gentius, and by the story that the Gauls were on the way with
large numbers of infantry and cavalry. And since the Rhodians had
grown in confidence under the influence of Dinon and Polyaratus,
who were on Perseus’ side, a favourable response was given to the
kings.* Further, the Rhodians had it openly decreed that they would
force an end to the war with their own authority, and thus the kings
too should resign themselves to accepting peace.
30. It was now the beginning of spring, and the new generals
arrived at their area of command: the consul Aemilius in Macedonia,
Octavius to the fleet at Oreus, and Anicius in Illyricum, where he
was to conduct the campaign against Gentius.* Gentius’ father was
Pleuratus, who had been king of the Illyrians; his mother was Eurydice.
He had two brothers: Plator, the son of Pleuratus and Eurydice, and
Caravantius, Eurydice’s son. Because the father of Caravantius was
of humble origin, Gentius was not so suspicious of him, but to secure
his throne he executed Plator and his two companions, Ettritus and
Epicadus, both enterprising men. The story was that Gentius was
jealous of his brother’s engagement to Etleua, a daughter of Monunius,
a prince of the Dardani, on the grounds that Plator was gaining that
people’s loyalty by the marriage. Gentius’ marriage to the young
woman after Plator was killed made this seem extremely likely. Once
he no longer had his brother to fear, Gentius started to become
oppressive towards his people. Immoderate consumption of wine
aggravated the innate violence of his disposition.
Nonetheless, as was mentioned before, Gentius was impelled into
the Roman war. He assembled all his forces at Lissus. They totalled
15,000. He sent his brother from there with 1,000 infantry and
150 cavalry to terrorize or force the Cavii into submission. Gentius
himself marched the five miles from Lissus to the city of Bassania.
They were Roman allies and so, although heralds were sent in first
to test their sentiments, they preferred to undergo a siege rather than
to surrender. The town of Durnium in Cavian territory openly
welcomed Caravantius upon his arrival; Caravandis, another city,
shut him out. He raided the fields extensively, but some soldiers out
foraging were killed by a band of farmers.
At this point Appius Claudius, who had enlisted auxiliaries from
the Bullini and the Apollonites and Dyrrachini, left his winter quar-
ters and pitched camp near the Genusus river. Appius had heard
about the alliance between Gentius and Perseus. He was enraged by
148 book forty-four 168 bce
Gentius’ outrageous violation of the envoys and intended to wage all-
out war against him. The praetor Anicius was in Apollonia when he
heard about the events in Illyricum. He sent a message on ahead to
Appius, telling him to await him at the Genusus; Anicius himself
reached the camp two days later. Anicius supplemented his existing
complement of auxiliaries with 2,000 infantry and 200 cavalry chosen
from the youth of the Parthini (Epicadus commanded the former and
Algalsus the latter) and prepared to lead them into Illyricum. His
main objective was to raise the siege of Bassania.
Word that galleys were ravaging the coastline delayed his invasion.
There were eighty of these vessels, and at the suggestion of Pantauchus,
they were sent by Gentius to ravage the territories of Dyrrachium
and Apollonia. Then the fleet <. . .>
[The next page is lost. In his summary of Anicius’ campaign, the
Greek historian Appian indicates that the praetor defeated Gentius’
navy before turning to the war on land (Illyrian Wars, 9). The text
resumes with the rest of Livy’s account of the ground campaign
before he turns to the battle of Pydna.]
<. . .> They surrendered.
31. Then in turn the cities of this region did the same; the Roman
praetor’s clemency towards all and his fairness increased their inclin-
ation to do so.
Anicius went on from there to Scodra, which was the key to the
campaign, not just because Gentius had adopted it as the citadel, so
to speak, of his entire kingdom, but also because it is by far the most
fortified place the people of Labeatis had and it is difficult to reach.
Two rivers gird it: the Clausal flows from the side of the city that
faces east, and the Barbanna, which arises in Lake Labeatis, flows
from the western side. There is a confluence of these two rivers
where they merge with the River Drilo; this last flows down from
Mount Scordus; it is fed by many other streams and runs into the
Adriatic. Mount Scordus, which is by far the highest peak in the
area, dominates Dardania to the east, Macedonia to the south, and
Illyricum to the west.
Even though Scodra’s location serves as a natural fortification for
it, and the entire Illyrian people and the king himself were guarding
the city, the Roman praetor still expected that since the initial stages
had turned out well, good fortune would continue from the begin-
ning through the entire operation and that sudden terror would win
168 bce chapters 30‒32 149
the day. He drew up his forces in battle order and approached the
walls. If the Illyrian soldiers had shut the gates, spread themselves
out, and defended the walls and the towers at the gates, they would
have driven the Romans empty-handed from the walls. Instead, they
charged out of the gate and joined battle on level ground with greater
spirit than they sustained it. They were forced back and crowded
together in flight. The deaths of over 200 men at the very entrance of
the gate inspired so much fear that Gentius instantly sent Teuticus
and Bellus, leaders of his people, to speak with the praetor. Through
them he asked for a truce so that he could consider his position. He
was granted three days.
Since the Roman camp was scarcely half a mile from the city, the
king boarded a ship and sailed up the Barbanna river to Lake
Labeatis as if he were seeking a secluded place for a council of war.
It became apparent, however, that he was motivated by the false hope
that his brother Caravantius was approaching with large numbers
of troops dragooned from the area where he had been sent. This
rumour evaporated, and three days later Gentius took the same ship
back downstream to Scodra. He had sent messengers on ahead to
seek an opportunity for him to speak with the praetor. Gentius was
given the chance to do so and went to the camp.
He started his speech by castigating his own stupidity; at the end
he burst into begging and crying, collapsed at the praetor’s knees, and
surrendered to him. Gentius was first told to take heart and then
invited to dinner. He returned to his own people in the city, and later
that day, when he had dined honourably with the praetor, the Illyrian
was handed over to the military tribune Gaius Cassius for safekeeping.
This was the condition to which the king was reduced because he had
taken ten talents—scarcely a gladiator’s wage—from another king.
32. As soon as Scodra fell, Anicius’ very first instruction was that
the envoys Petillius and Perperna be sought out and brought to him.
Their rank was restored, and Anicius immediately sent Perperna to
round up the king’s courtiers and relatives. Perperna went to Meteon,
a city of the Labeates, and brought back to the camp at Scodra
Gentius’ wife Etleua, their two sons Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus, and
his brother Caravantius. Anicius had ended the Illyrian conflict
within a month. He sent Perperna to Rome to announce the victory.
Then a few days later he sent Gentius himself, together with his
mother, his wife and children, his brother, and other leading Illyrians.
150 book forty-four 168 bce
This war is unique in having ended before word reached Rome that
it had begun.*
In the days while these events were transpiring, Perseus was in a
state of great terror on account of the simultaneous advance of the
new consul Aemilius who, he heard, was approaching with great
menace, and of Octavius, the praetor. For Perseus was equally fear-
ful about the Roman fleet and the danger to the coast. Eumenes and
Athenagoras were in charge at Thessalonica, together with a small
garrison of 2,000 peltasts. Perseus sent his commander Androcles
there, under orders to maintain a camp close to the dockyards them-
selves. He sent 1,000 cavalrymen and Creon of Antigonea to Aenea
to safeguard the coast so that they could instantly bring help to the
country folk, anywhere along the shore where they heard that enemy
ships had landed. Five thousand Macedonian troops were dispatched
to the garrison for Pythium and Petra; their leaders were Histiaeus,
Theogenes, and Midon. Once these men had left, Perseus advanced
to defend the bank of the Elpeus river, since the channel had dried
up and the river could be forded. In order to have as many men as
possible at his disposal for this task, he compelled the women from
the neighbouring cities to bring food to the camp; the soldiers were
ordered to fetch wood from the surrounding forests kindly <. . .>
[The next two pages are missing. When the text resumes, Livy is
narrating the preliminary stages of Paullus’ campaign at Pydna, and
the rest of Book 44 is devoted to Aemilius Paullus’ successful cam-
paign in Macedonia. At several points, unfortunately, other lost pages
mean that important parts of the story are left out. The fullest sur-
viving narrative is found in Plutarch’s biography of Paullus. Plutarch
had access to all of Polybius as well as to first-hand accounts written
by Publius Scipio Nasica, one of Paullus’ officers, and someone named
Posidonius, also a participant in the battle. Plutarch’s biography is
helpful because it adds to our understanding of the campaign and
offers multiple perspectives on individual aspects of it.
The manuscript resumes with the infinitive of a word meaning
‘carry’ or ‘bring’. Aemilius Paullus has recently assumed command
over the troops in Macedonia and is directing a search for water.]
33. <. . .> In the end he ordered the water-carriers to follow him
to the sea, which was less than 300 paces away, and to dig here and
there at short intervals along the shore. The expectation that the
mountains had water hidden within them that seeped down to the
168 bce chapters 32‒33 151
sea and mingled with the seawater was created by their great height
and strengthened by the apparent absence of any streams issuing
from them. Scarcely had the top layer of sand been removed when
springs—muddy and shallow at first—began to spurt and then to
gush with clear and plentiful water, like a gift from the gods. This
episode also had the effect of considerably enhancing the general’s
image and authority among the soldiers.
The soldiers were thereupon ordered to prepare their weapons
for use. Meanwhile, Lucius Aemilius went with the tribunes and
the senior centurions to reconnoitre places to ford the river, where
armed men could easily descend and where the ascent on the far bank
was the least steep. Once he had investigated these thoroughly, he
attended to the following matters also.
First he saw to it that when the army was on the march, everything
would happen in an orderly and controlled fashion at the general’s
slightest indication. When a command is given to everyone simultan-
eously, but not everyone hears it clearly, the order is received in
garbled form and some men exceed what is called for while others fall
short of it; at that point, there are conflicting cries everywhere, and
the enemy knows what is afoot before one’s own men do. For this
reason it seemed sensible for the military tribunes to issue orders to
each legion’s centurion privately; and then from him, for each centur-
ion to tell the next, in order of rank, what action was required, whether
the command was passed from the front ranks to those at the very back,
or from the rearmost to the front line.
Also in a departure from previous practice, Aemilius forbade the
sentries to carry shields while on guard duty; for a sentry does not
enter combat, where he needs weaponry, but his job is to keep watch
so that when he detects the approach of the enemy, he can withdraw
and rouse others to arms. Sentries stand around with their helmet on
and with their shield propped up before them; then, when they
become drowsy, they lean on their spears; their heads rest on the rim
of the shield, and they are asleep on their feet. As a result, the glare
from their weapons makes the sentries visible at a great distance to
the enemy while they themselves notice nothing in advance.
Paullus altered the existing procedure for outposts also. The sol-
diers used to stand at arms for the whole day, and cavalrymen had
bridled horses with them. When this happened on summer days with
the sun burning down relentlessly, well-rested enemy forces often
152 book forty-four 168 bce
attacked the troops on guard duty and their horses when they were
worn out from so many hours of heat and inactivity, and even a few
could inflict damage on many. In response to this situation, Aemilius
ordered some men to be withdrawn at midday from the morning watch
and others to take over for the afternoon watch; in this way it would
never be possible for fresh hostile troops to attack exhausted men.
34. Paullus called an assembly of the army and announced how he
wanted these matters to be carried out. He then added a speech
resembling his public address at Rome. In the army, the commander
alone considers in advance and decides what needs to be done, some-
times on his own responsibility, sometimes with people whom he
summons for consultation; people who are not so summoned should
not throw their advice around, whether openly or in private. A sol-
dier has these three responsibilities: to keep his body as strong and
nimble as possible, to have his equipment ready for action, and to
maintain provisions in case of unexpected orders; he should know
that everything else pertaining to him is the concern of the immortal
gods and his commander. No good comes from an army where the
soldiers offer their opinions and the commander changes his mind
according to the rumours of the crowd. As for himself, he would see
to it that he provided them with the opportunity for success in battle,
as was the obligation of the commander; they should not ask what
was going to happen; when the signal was given, then they should
devote themselves to their military duty.
The consul dismissed the meeting with these precepts. Everyone,
even the veterans, admitted that that day they had learned for the
first time the right way of running a military operation, as if they
were raw recruits. Nor did they restrict to mere words their appreci-
ation for what they had heard from the consul; the effect on their
actions was immediately visible as well. Shortly thereafter you could
not see anyone at rest throughout the camp: some men were sharp-
ening their swords; others were polishing their helmets, including
the cheek-pieces; yet others were burnishing their breastplates while
some put on their body armour and were testing the agility of their
limbs with it on; still others were brandishing their spears while some
were wielding their swords and testing the edge. One could easily see
that the moment they were given the opportunity to meet the enemy
in battle, they would finish the war, whether the end were an out-
standing victory or a death worthy of commemoration.
168 bce chapters 33‒35 153
Perseus too noticed that, with the arrival of the consul and the
advent of spring, all was noise and motion amongst his enemies, as if
they were engaged in a brand-new war, that they had left Phila and
encamped on the opposite bank, that their leader kept moving about,
sometimes to inspect Perseus’ fortifications—no doubt in search of
places to ford the river—and sometimes <. . .>
[The next page is lost. The missing text must have included the
announcement of Gentius’ defeat. Chap. 35 begins with the Roman
and Macedonian reactions to the news, which was apparently
brought from Scodra by Perseus’ agent Pantauchus; the extant
sources do not include an explanation either of his escape from
Illyricum or of the people who accompanied him.]
35. The same news that gave the Romans confidence inspired no
small fear in the Macedonians and their king. Indeed at first he
attempted to suppress and keep secret any report of the matter by
sending men to prevent Pantauchus, who was on his way from there,
from approaching the camp. But in fact some boys had already been
seen by their relatives as they were being led along amongst the
Illyrian hostages.* Further, the more carefully the events were con-
cealed, the more easily they slipped out through the garrulity of the
king’s underlings.*
At almost the same time, the Rhodian envoys reached the Roman
camp, with the same directive about peace that had roused the wrath
of the fathers at Rome. The military council listened to them even
less receptively. Some of the Romans thought that the envoys should
be thrown into chains while others were ready to drive them from the
camp right then and there, without an answer; but the consul said
that he would give them his answer after fifteen days.
Meanwhile, he began to discuss strategy for the campaign, as a
way of showing how little weight the Rhodian peacemakers carried
with him. Some men, the youngest in particular, favoured making an
assault across the bank of the Elpeus and the fortifications. They
argued that if they packed themselves together and formed a
single unit, the Macedonians would not be able to resist: the year
before, the Macedonians had been expelled from just as many out-
posts, and those had been rather higher and more fortified and occu-
pied by strong garrisons.* Others preferred that Octavius sail to
Thessalonica with the fleet and distract the king’s forces with raids
along the coast: if a second front opened up behind Perseus, he
154 book forty-four 168 bce
would turn around to protect the interior of his kingdom and be
forced to leave the crossing-points at the Elpeus partly exposed.
It seemed to Paullus that neither nature nor the defensive works
allowed passage over the riverbank; and aside from the fact that
artillery machines were set up everywhere, he had heard that the
Macedonians deployed their missiles very skilfully and with highly
accurate force. The general’s thoughts were turned in an entirely
different direction. He dismissed the council and summoned two
Perrhaebian traders, Coenus and Menophilus, men whose trust-
worthiness and shrewdness were already known to him. He asked
them in private what sort of routes there were into Perrhaebia. They
replied that there were places that were not difficult but that these
were controlled by the king’s garrisons. Paullus took hope: if he
attacked by night with a powerful force before his opponents realized
it, the garrisons could be overthrown; for in the darkness, where a
target cannot be seen at a distance, javelins and arrows and other
missiles are useless; it would be a hand-to-hand fight with swords
in a tangled mass of people; with his sword a Roman soldier was
victorious.
Paullus planned to use Coenus and Menophilus as guides. He
summoned the praetor, Octavius, explained the plan of action, and
directed Octavius to sail with the fleet to Heracleum and to have ten
days of cooked rations for 1,000 men. Paullus sent Publius Scipio
Nasica and his own son, Quintus Fabius Maximus,* to Heracleum
with 5,000 select troops, as if they were going to join the fleet and pil-
lage the coastline of central Macedonia, as had been discussed in the
meeting. To prevent anything from delaying these forces, they were
told in secret that rations were ready for them with the fleet. The
guides for the journey were then ordered to divide the march in such
a way that the Roman forces would be able to attack Pythium in the
fourth watch of the third day.
At dawn on the following day, Paullus engaged the enemy’s pick-
ets in the middle of the riverbed to prevent the king from noticing
other developments. On both sides light-armed troops were doing
the fighting; in such an irregular riverbed it was not possible to fight
with heavier infantry. Both banks sloped down about three-tenths of
a mile into the riverbed; the space in the middle, which the current
had hollowed out differently in different places, was little more than
a mile wide. While spectators from both sides watched from their
168 bce chapters 35‒36 155
ramparts—the king and the Macedonian forces and the consul with
his troops—the fight took place right in the middle. The royal aux-
iliaries fought more successfully at a distance with their missiles; in
hand-to-hand combat the Romans were steadier and more protected,
whether with lightweight shields or the Ligurian type.*
Around midday the consul ordered the retreat to be sounded for
his men. The fighting consequently broke off for that day, with con-
siderable casualties on both sides. As the sun rose the following day,
tempers were already running high from the conflict, and battle was
joined even more aggressively. The Romans, however, suffered a
great many injuries: some were inflicted by the men in the actual
combat, but many more by a crowd that was standing ranged along
the fortifications and using every type of projectile, particularly
rocks. When the Romans neared the enemy’s side of the river, the
missiles from the artillery machines reached even the rear ranks.
There were far more casualties that day, and the consul withdrew his
men a little later. On the third day he refrained from battle and went
down to the lowest part of the camp, as if he were going to attempt
to cross the branch of the Macedonian fortifications that sloped down
to the sea.
Perseus, what was before his eyes <. . .>
[After this beginning, now unintelligible, the rest of the sentence
is lost. The next four pages are missing. Plutarch (Aemilius Paullus 15
and 16) describes Scipio Nasica’s invasion through Perrhaebia. The
Romans succeeded in overthrowing Perseus’ garrison in the pass, so
Paullus’ diversionary tactics at the Elpeus worked. According to
Plutarch, a Cretan deserter alerted Perseus about the force that was
outflanking him. The Macedonian king was compelled to retreat to
avoid being surrounded, and Paullus crossed the Elpeus and joined
the advance party. Presumably Livy covered these events in the
missing pages. The manuscript resumes at the point where Paullus
and the main body of the army arrive at Pydna.]
36. <. . .> The time of the year was after the summer solstice;* the
time of day was already close to noon; the journey had been made
amidst much dust and the increasing warmth of the sun. Fatigue and
thirst were already setting in, and it was soon apparent that both
would intensify in the midday heat. Paullus therefore decided not to
pit his tired troops against fresh and rested opponents; the soldiers,
however, were so eager for combat whatever the conditions that the
156 book forty-four 168 bce
consul needed no less skill outwitting his own men than his oppon-
ent.* Since not all of them were in formation yet, he pressed the
military tribunes to hurry the men to fall in. He made the rounds of
the ranks personally and raised the soldiers’ appetite for battle with
inspirational talk. Thereupon at first they called eagerly for the signal
for action; then, as the heat increased, their faces grew less lively and
their voices lost energy; some men even stood resting on their shields
and supported by their spears. Then at last Paullus publicly ordered
the senior centurions to have the front of the camp marked off and
the baggage put down. When the soldiers realized what was happen-
ing, some openly rejoiced because Paullus had not forced them to
fight when they were exhausted from the toil of marching in the blaz-
ing heat.
By contrast, the junior officers and foreign leaders, including
Attalus, who were accompanying Paullus all approved as long as they
believed that the consul was going to fight; not even to them had he
revealed that he was stalling. Then, at the sudden change in plan,
they fell silent, except for Nasica. He alone dared to advise the consul
not to let slip between his fingers an enemy who had toyed with pre-
vious commanders by fleeing from a confrontation; Nasica feared
that the king might slip away by night; he would have to be pursued,
with maximum effort and danger, into the most remote parts of
Macedonia, and the summer would pass, as it had for previous
generals, in wandering through the byways and ravines of the
Macedonian mountains. Nasica said that he strongly urged Paullus
to attack while he had the king on an open plain and, since an oppor-
tunity to defeat him was presenting itself, not to lose it.
The consul was by no means offended by the frank advice of such
an upstanding young man. He said: ‘I once had the same attitude
which you now have, Nasica, and you will come to have the one I
now do. From much experience in war I have learned when it is right
to fight and when it is right to refrain from fighting. There is no
profit in explaining to you now as you stand lined up for battle the
reasons why it is better not to have engaged today. Seek answers
another time; for now be satisfied with the authority of a veteran
commander.’ The youth held his tongue: he accepted that the consul
must perceive some obstacles to battle that were not apparent to him.
37. When Paullus saw that the camp had been marked out and the
baggage arranged in its place, he extracted first the triarii from the
168 bce chapters 36‒37 157
rear of the column, and then the principes; in the meantime the has-
tati stayed at the front of the line in case the enemy so much as
stirred; Paullus drew these troops off last, starting from the right
wing and removing the soldiers of the individual units little by little.
In this fashion the infantry was withdrawn without commotion,
while the cavalry and the light-armed troops stood in front of the
battle line, facing the enemy. The cavalry were not recalled from
their post until the outer line of the rampart and the ditch were com-
plete. Although the king would have been ready to fight without
holding back that day, he was also content to have his troops know
that their adversary had been responsible for postponing the battle,
and he led them back to camp.
After the Romans had fortified their camp, Gaius Sulpicius Galus,
a military tribune of the second legion who had been a praetor the
year before, obtained the consul’s permission and summoned the sol-
diers to an assembly. He announced to them that that night there
would be an eclipse of the moon from the second to the fourth hour*
and that accordingly no one should treat it as a portent. Because in
the natural order of things eclipses fall at definite times, it was pos-
sible to know about them in advance and predict them. After all, the
soldiers were never awestruck that the moon is sometimes full and
sometimes wanes to a tiny crescent; neither should they take it as a
prodigy even when the moon was covered by the shadow of the
earth and disappeared. When the lunar eclipse occurred at the time
announced on the night before the fourth of September, Galus’
knowledge seemed practically divine to the Roman soldiers. The
Macedonians, meanwhile, regarded the eclipse as a bad omen, sig-
nalling the fall of their kingdom and the ruination of their people. So
did their prophets, and wailing and shouting filled the Macedonian
camp until the light of the moon re-emerged.
On the following day both armies had become so hot for battle that
certain individuals on each side criticized the king and the consul
respectively for retreating without a fight. The king was quick to jus-
tify himself: in part, his opponent had publicly refused to fight and
been the first to march his troops back to camp; further, the Roman
general had halted in a place where the phalanx, which just slightly
uneven terrain renders useless, could not advance. As for the consul,
beyond the fact that the previous day he had apparently failed to take
advantage of the chance to fight and given the enemy the opportunity
158 book forty-four 168 bce
to slip away by night if he wished, Paullus seemed then also to be
wasting time, under the guise of offering libations; but the signal to
fight should have been raised and he should have gone into battle at
dawn. Finally, at the third hour, when Paullus had carried out the
ritual correctly, he called an assembly. And then in the meeting the
consul seemed to some men to be filling the time for action with con-
versation and inopportune consultations. In response to such talk,
the consul delivered an oration along the following lines:
38. ‘Out of all of you who wanted to fight yesterday, Publius Nasica
alone, that outstanding young man, revealed his thoughts to me.
That same young man subsequently held his tongue, as a way of
appearing to have come to share my opinion. To certain other indi-
viduals it seemed better to criticize their commander behind his
back, rather than advising him in person. To you, Publius Nasica,
and also whoever, more surreptitiously, felt as you did, I will not
refuse to render an account for having postponed the battle, for I am
so far from regretting yesterday’s rest that I believe I saved the army
with my strategy. Should any of you think it is unreasonable for me
to hold this opinion, come, if you wish, review with me how many
factors favoured our enemy and were disadvantageous to us.
‘So, first of all, I feel certain that each of you knew in advance how
outnumbered we are, and that you observed it yesterday as you gazed
upon the troops marshalled for battle. From our limited numbers, a
quarter of our troops had been left behind to guard our equipment;
and you know that it is by no means the most cowardly troops who
are left to protect the baggage. But suppose all of us had been avail-
able; do we, I ask you, consider this a trivial matter: that with the
blessing of the gods, today, or tomorrow at the latest, if it seems
right, we will go forth in formation from the camp where we stayed
last night? Is there no difference here at all? On the one hand, you
could order the soldiers to take up their weapons, not when the exer-
tion of marching that day or of fortifying the camp has exhausted
them, but when they are reinvigorated and renewed in their tents;
and you could lead them out in formation when they are full of
strength and in top physical and mental condition. On the other
hand, you could send our men out when they are exhausted from a
long march and worn down by their loads, when they are dripping
with sweat and their throats are aching with thirst, when their eyes
and ears are choked with dust, when the midday sun is burning
168 bce chapters 37‒39 159
down, and meanwhile the enemy is fresh and rested and brings to
battle strength that is not drained from some earlier task. By your
faith in the gods, what man thus matched, no matter how weak or
unwarlike, would not defeat the bravest man? And what about the
fact that our opponents had lined up for battle with the utmost
leisure, that they had rallied their spirits, that they all stood in order,
rank by rank, while at the same time we would have had to scurry
to marshal ourselves and would have had to enter the fray in total
disorder?
39. ‘“But, by Hercules,” you object, “although we would have had
a confused and disorganized battle column, our camp would have
been fortified, our water supply provided for, a safe route to it posted
with sentries, and the area thoroughly scouted.” Or, do you think
that, having nothing but the empty field in which we were fighting,
we should have battled it out as homeless vagabonds with no base to
return to even if we were victorious?
‘Your ancestors considered a fortified camp an army’s haven in all
eventualities: from a fortified camp they marched out to battle; and
when they had been tossed about by the storm of the battle, there
they could find shelter. For that reason, once they had enclosed a
camp with fortifications, they reinforced it with a strong garrison,
too: for a man who had been deprived of his camp, even if he had
fought successfully in the line, was considered to have lost. A camp
is shelter for the victor and sanctuary for the defeated. How many
armies have been driven behind their ramparts when their military
fortunes were low and then, in their own time, maybe only a moment
later, made a sudden attack and driven back their triumphant foes?
The camp is the soldier’s second homeland: for each soldier the ram-
part stands as a city wall, and his tent is his home and household god.
‘Your counter-objection to these difficulties and complications of
fighting is the following: what if the enemy had slipped away during
the intervening night? How much effort would have had to be
expended in again chasing him deep within the recesses of
Macedonia? For myself, however, I am certain that he would not
have waited and he would not have brought up his troops in battle
order if he had intended to retreat from here. How much easier it was
for him to leave when we were farther away than now, when we are
breathing down his neck and he cannot escape our notice whether he
leaves by day or by night? What, in turn, is more desirable for us than
160 book forty-four 168 bce
to attack, from the rear and in an open plain, men who have aban-
doned their fortifications and left in disarray, after we attempted to
assail their camp when it was protected by the high bank of the river
and surrounded in addition by a rampart and an array of towers for
firing missiles? These were the reasons for having postponed the
battle from yesterday to today. Yes, I too want to fight; and therefore,
since the way to the enemy was blocked by the Elpeus river, I opened
a new route, by using another pass and overpowering the enemy’s
garrisons, and I will not stop until I have fought to the finish.’
40. Silence followed the speech: some men had been won over to
Paullus’ point of view while others feared giving offence needlessly,
in a matter where what had transpired was in any case past recall.
And yet neither the king nor the consul himself wished to fight that
particular day, either. The king was reluctant, because this time he
would not be attacking the Romans when they were worn out from
marching as they had been the day before, scrambling to draw up
their column, and scarcely arrayed for battle; the consul, because
wood and fodder had not been brought into the new camp and a large
force had left the camp to seek these from the surrounding area.
Without the volition of either commander, Fortune, which is
more powerful than the designs of man, precipitated the battle.*
There was a river, not especially big, lying closer to the camp of the
enemy. Both the Romans and the Macedonians were drawing their
water from it, and there were guards posted on both banks so that
they could do so safely. On the Roman side there were two cohorts,
one of the Marrucini, one of the Paeligni, and two squadrons of
Samnite cavalry, commanded by Marcus Sergius Silus, a junior
officer. Another force was stationed in front of the camp; it was
under the junior officer Gaius Cluvius and comprised three cohorts,
one from Firmum, one from the Vestini, one from Cremona, as well
as two squadrons of cavalry, one from Placentia, one from Aesernia.
Since neither the Romans nor the Macedonians went on the
offensive, it was peaceful at the river. Around the ninth hour, a mule
escaped from its handlers and fled towards the far bank.* As three
soldiers chased it through water that was nearly knee-deep, two
Thracians dragged the mule from midstream to their side of the
river. One of them was killed, and the Romans retrieved the mule and
brought it safely back to the picket of their comrades. The garrison of
Thracians on the enemy bank was 800 strong. At first a few of these,
168 bce chapters 39‒41 161
outraged that one of their own had been cut down right before their
eyes, crossed the river to pursue the killers; then more men followed,
and finally all of them, together with the garrison <. . .>
[Two pages are lost here. The missing material presumably dealt
with the opening stages of the fighting. Plutarch provides a vivid
description (Aemilius Paullus 18–20).]
41. <. . .> Paullus* directed the battle. The dignity of his office,
the reputation of the man, and above all his age commanded admira-
tion; more than sixty years old,* nonetheless he was constantly per-
forming the duties of young men, in undertaking an exceptional
share of labour and danger.
One legion occupied a gap lying between the peltasts and the
phalanxes* and penetrated the enemy line. With the peltasts to
their rear, the Roman legionaries faced the heavy infantry; these
were known as the ‘Bronze Shields’.* Lucius Albinus, a former
consul, was ordered to advance the second legion against the ‘White
Shield’ phalanx; this troop was in the centre of the enemy line. On
the right wing, where the battle had broken out at the river, Paullus
brought up the elephants and the allied units. That was where the
Macedonians’ flight began. For just as men’s new schemes generally
amount to words alone and evaporate without achieving anything
when the time comes not to expound on them but to translate them
into action, so were the ‘elephant-fighters’ useless—a mere name.*
The Latin and Italian allies followed the elephants’ charge and drove
back the left wing of the Macedonians. In the centre, the second
legion was sent against the phalanx and forced it to scatter.
The clearest reason for the victory was the fact that the battles
were numerous and widespread. At first these disrupted the phalanx,
and it faltered; then they broke it into pieces even though, when its
bristling spears are densely packed and trained on the enemy, the
force of a phalanx is irresistible.* If by advancing in separate units
you force men in a phalanx to rotate their spears, which are cumber-
some because of their length and weight, the men become entangled
in a confused mass. Moreover, if some sudden commotion arises at
the rear or on a flank, the soldiers are thrown into disarray, as if col-
lapsing. Thus it happened on this occasion that the Macedonians
were forced to advance with their column disrupted in many places
towards the Romans, who were approaching in separate detach-
ments. The Romans inserted units into whatever spaces opened up.
162 book forty-four 168 bce
If they had made a full frontal assault as a single column against
a marshalled phalanx, as the Paeligni did at the beginning of the
conflict when they recklessly joined battle with the peltasts, they
would have impaled themselves on the spears and they would not
have been able to withstand the closely packed battle line.
42. But although the troops of the infantry were being slaughtered
everywhere, except for those who abandoned their weapons and
fled, the cavalry left the battle virtually unscathed. The king himself
led the flight. He was even then on his way to Pella from Pydna,
accompanied by the Sacred Squadrons of the cavalry; Cotys and
the cavalry of the Odrysae followed directly after. The remaining
Macedonian squadrons also rode off with their ranks intact since the
infantry column lay in the path of the enemy; the killing of these
men, which detained the victors, had made them forget to pursue the
cavalry. The slaughter of the phalanx, from the front, from the
flanks, from the rear, went on for a long time. Eventually those who
had escaped the enemy’s hands fled unarmed to the sea. Some of
them even plunged into the water, and holding out their hands to
those aboard the fleet, begged for their lives like suppliants. When
they saw rowing boats hastily approaching from all around the ships,
they assumed that these were coming to collect them and take them
prisoner rather than kill them; they went out deeper, and some of
them actually swam. But then, when they were viciously cut down
from the boats, those who could turned and swam back to land, only
to encounter another, more gruesome fate; for as they emerged from
the water, the elephants, who had been herded down to the shore by
their handlers, bore down on the men, trampling and crushing them.
There is ready agreement that in that one battle a greater number
of Macedonians fell at Roman hands than on any other occasion:
around 20,000 men were killed. About 6,000 men, who had aban-
doned the battle for Pydna, came under Roman power alive, and
5,000 fugitives were taken captive as they fled. There were fewer
than a hundred casualties among the victors, and by far the majority
of them were Paeligni.* The number of wounded was somewhat
higher. But if the fighting had begun earlier, such that enough of the
day would have remained for the winners to mount a pursuit, the
slaughter would have been total. As it was, the onset of nightfall con-
cealed the fugitives and made the Romans disinclined to give chase
in unfamiliar territory.
168 bce chapters 41‒44 163
43. Perseus fled towards the forest of Pieria, taking an army road;
he was accompanied by a large column of cavalry and his innermost
circle. When they reached the forest, where paths diverged in many
different directions, it was close to nightfall, and he turned off from
the road with a handful of his most trusted companions. Abandoned
by their leaders, some of the cavalry slipped away by various routes
to their own towns; a few in fact reached Pella even more quickly
than Perseus since they took the direct route, which is easy to tra-
verse. The king had no rest until nearly midnight because of losing
the way and the various difficulties of his route. Euctus and Eulaeus,*
who were in charge of Pella, and the Royal Pages* were waiting for
Perseus in the palace. By contrast, none of his courtiers who had sur-
vived the battle by one circumstance or another and reached Pella
came to him, although they were summoned repeatedly. He had only
three companions in the flight: Evander the Cretan, Neon the
Boeotian, and Archidamus the Aetolian. During the fourth watch
Perseus made his escape with these men, fearful that those who
refused to come to him might soon try something bolder. Just 500
Cretans followed him. Perseus was making for Amphipolis, but he
had left Pella at night, hurrying to cross the Axius river before dawn,
because he thought that the difficulty of crossing it would put an end
to the Romans’ pursuit of him.
44. Although the consul had returned to his camp the victor, anx-
iety about his younger son troubled him and prevented him from
feeling unalloyed happiness. This son was Publius Scipio, the one
later also called Africanus, after he had destroyed Carthage; he was
the child by birth of the consul Paullus, and became the grandson of
Scipio Africanus by adoption. At the time he was in his seventeenth
year, and his youth only added to the anxiety. He had been carried
off in a crowd to another area while engaged in unrestrained pursuit
of the enemy. When he returned a great deal later, then at last the
consul experienced the joy of such a great victory since his son was
back safe.
Once word of the battle had reached Amphipolis, the women
rushed to the temple of Diana (whom they call Tauropolos) to
implore her aid.* Diodorus, the man in charge of the city, was afraid
that the Thracians—there was a garrison of 2,000 of them—would
plunder the city amidst the upheaval. In the middle of the forum he
accepted delivery of a letter from a man he had had, as a trick, dress
164 book forty-four 168 bce
up as a courier. The missive said that the Roman fleet had landed at
Emathia, that the fields nearby were being raided, and that the com-
manders of Emathia were begging him to send the garrison against
the plunderers. Diodorus read the message out loud and urged the
Thracians to go and protect the coast of Emathia: they could take
many lives and seize much booty from the Romans, who were widely
scattered in the fields. At the same time Diodorus played down word
of the defeat, saying that if it were true, one new refugee after
another would have been pouring in. Using this pretext to send the
Thracians on their mission, he watched until they were on the far
side of the Strymon and instantly locked the city gates.
45. Perseus reached Amphipolis two days after the battle. From
there, he sent spokesmen with a herald’s staff to Paullus. Meanwhile,
Hippias, Midon, and Pantauchus, the king’s most important courtiers,
left Beroea where they had fled after the battle and of their own accord
surrendered to the Romans in the presence of the consul. Others, too,
were stricken with fear and prepared to do the same in turn.
The consul sent his son, Quintus Fabius, Lucius Lentulus, and
Quintus Metellus to Rome with dispatches to announce the victory.
He granted the spoils from the enemy dead to the infantry and the
plunder of the surrounding land to the cavalry, though the latter
were not to be absent from camp for more than two nights. Paullus
himself relocated the camp closer to the sea, at Pydna. First Beroea,
then Thessalonica and Pella, and then in turn practically all Macedonia
surrendered, within two days. The people of Pydna, who were the
closest, had not yet sent ambassadors; the combination of the general
populace, which was a hotchpotch of many peoples, and the mass of
fugitives that had been driven together from the battle prevented the
city from deliberating and reaching agreement; the gates were not
just locked but actually walled up. Midon and Pantauchus were sent
to negotiate with Solon, who was in charge of the city, under its
walls. He oversaw the dismissal of the mass of soldiers. The town
then surrendered and was given to the army for looting.
Perseus appealed to the Bisaltae, his single hope of assistance.
After the embassy to them had proved useless, Perseus, accompanied
by his son Philip, proceeded to hold an assembly. His purpose was to
offer words of encouragement and fortify the minds of both the
Amphipolitani themselves and of the cavalry and infantry who had
followed him or been transported there in their flight. But several
168 bce chapters 44‒46 165
times, as he began to speak, he choked on his tears, and since he was
unable to deliver the speech, he explained to Evander the Cretan
what he wanted to be said to the crowd and stepped down from the
podium. While the crowd had groaned and wept at the spectacle of
the king and his heartrending tears, it reacted contemptuously to
Evander’s speech. Some men from the middle of the pack even dared
to shout back at him: ‘Go away! There are not many of us left; don’t
make us die for your sake.’ Their hostility silenced Evander.
The king retired to his house, had his money and his gold and
silver stowed in the galleys moored in the Strymon, and went down
to the river himself. The Thracians were afraid to entrust themselves
to the ships and slipped away to their homes. So did the rest of the
crowd of a military character. The Cretans tagged along in hope of
cash, and since they were more likely to take offence than to feel
grateful when it was distributed, fifty talents were left on the bank for
them to snatch. After the scramble, they boarded the ships in dis-
order: they caused one overly encumbered ship to sink at the mouth
of the river. The king and his party reached Galepsus that day; they
arrived at Samothrace, their intended destination, the following day.
It is said that nearly 2,000 talents were transported there.
46. Paullus sent out men to take charge of all the cities that had
surrendered; the men were supposed to make sure that no harm
came to the defeated side while peace was in its infancy. He kept the
king’s heralds with him and, not knowing that Perseus had fled, sent
Publius Nasica to Amphipolis with a small band of infantry and cav-
alry; Nasica’s mission was to lay waste to Sintice and to block all the
king’s initiatives.
At this time Meliboea was taken and sacked by Gnaeus Octavius.
At Aeginium, which he sent his lieutenant Gnaeus Anicius to attack,
200 men died when a sally was launched from the town: the inhabit-
ants had not known about Perseus’ defeat.
The consul left Pydna with the entire army and reached Pella the
next day. Once he had encamped a mile from the city, he remained
there for several days while examining all aspects of the city’s posi-
tion; he saw that it had been chosen as the king’s capital with good
reason. It was located on a rise facing south-west. Swamplands of
impenetrable depth surround it in summer and winter alike; these
are formed by overflow from rivers. In the swampland, where it comes
closest to the city, the stronghold of Phacus rises like an island;*
166 book forty-four 168 bce
it sits on earthworks built with tremendous labour. The earthworks
support a wall and are not damaged by the damp of the surrounding
marsh. From a distance the island appears to be joined to the city
wall, but it is set off by a moat, and linked by a bridge. Thus Phacus
offers no approach for anyone attacking from the outside; and if the
king were to imprison anyone, there would be no means of escape
apart from the bridge, which can be guarded with the greatest of
ease. Such was the location of the king’s treasure. At that time, how-
ever, nothing was found there, except for the 300 talents that had
been en route to Gentius but then kept at Pella instead.
During these days, when the Romans were based at Pella, numer-
ous deputations (from Thessaly in particular) came to offer congratu-
lations and were granted audiences. Then when a message was
received that Perseus had crossed to Samothrace, the consul left
Pella and reached Amphipolis after a four-day march. The fact that
the entire population turned out to meet him revealed to anyone that
not from a good or just king <. . .>
[There is a brief gap in the text before the beginning of Book 45.]
 BOOK FORTY-FIVE

1. Carrying word of the victory, Quintus Fabius, Lucius Lentulus,

and Quintus Metellus hurried to Rome with as much speed as they
could muster. They found, however, that their joyous news had been
anticipated. Three days after the battle with the king, games were
taking place in the Circus when suddenly whispering spread through
every section of spectators that there had been fighting in Macedonia
and that the king had been defeated; the hum of talk grew louder;
finally shouting and clapping arose, as if there had been a definite
announcement of victory. The magistrates were amazed and sought
the sources of the spontaneous joy; but when none materialized, the
happiness at the apparent certainty evaporated, though the favourable
omen remained in people’s minds. After this was confirmed by genu-
ine reports when Fabius, Lentulus, and Metellus arrived, people
rejoiced not just in the actual victory, but also in its presentiment in
their minds.*
A different version told about the Circus crowd’s happiness has
an equal appearance of truth.* On the sixteenth of September, which
was the second day of the Roman games, just as the consul Gaius
Licinius was ascending the platform to start the chariot race, a courier
claiming to have come from Macedonia is said to have handed him a
document wreathed in laurel. The consul started the race and mounted
a chariot. As he rode back through the Circus towards the stands, he
waved the laurelled message at the crowd. Once they had seen it, the
people forgot all about the entertainment and ran down into the
middle of the Circus.
The consul summoned the Senate there* and, once the document
had been read out, with the Senate’s permission, Licinius announced
to the people in front of the stands that his colleague Lucius Aemilius
had fought a pitched battle with King Perseus; the Macedonian army
had been slaughtered and put to flight; the king had fled with a few
men; and all the Macedonian cities had come under the control of the
Roman people. At the sound of this announcement, shouting and
deafening applause broke out. The games were abandoned, and most
men brought the happy news home to their wives and children. That
was twelve days after the battle in Macedonia.
168 book forty-five 168 bce
2. The next day the Senate convened in the Curia. Public prayers
were voted, and there was a senatorial decree that the consul should
discharge the men who had taken the oath of loyalty,* except for the
soldiers and sailors; discussion concerning the dismissal of these
forces should be taken up after the arrival of Lucius Aemilius Paullus’
envoys, the ones who had sent the courier on ahead.
On the twenty-fifth of September the envoys entered the city about
the second hour of the day. They made their way to the Forum, fol-
lowed by a huge crowd of those who met them all along the way and
accompanied them. The Senate happened to be in the Curia; the consul
brought the envoys in. They were detained there only as long as it took
to recount the extent of the king’s forces, both infantry and cavalry;
how many thousands of these had been killed or captured; how few
Romans had died amongst such slaughter of the enemy; how few
Macedonians had fled with the king; that he was believed to be making
his way to Samothrace; that the fleet was ready for pursuit and that he
could not escape by land or by sea. Shortly afterwards the envoys were
taken to a public meeting where they recounted the same information.
Rejoicing began anew when the consul proclaimed that all sacred
buildings would be open, and each person left the meeting to thank
the gods for himself. Throughout the city the temples of the immor-
tal gods were filled with a great throng of men and women alike. The
Senate was called back into the Curia and decreed public prayers at
all the sacred couches for five days in observance of the consul
Lucius Aemilius’ outstanding accomplishments. The Senate also
ordered sacrifices with full-grown victims. It was agreed that the
ships anchored in the Tiber, ready and prepared to be sent to
Macedonia should the situation seem to demand it, were to be towed
to shore and placed in the dockyards; the crews were to be discharged
with a year’s pay, together with all those who had sworn the oath of
loyalty before the consul; as for the troops at Corcyra, Brundisium,
the Adriatic, and in the territory of Larinum—for the army had been
stationed in all these locations so that Gaius Licinius would be able
to bring help to his colleague should the situation demand it—all
these troops were to be discharged. At a general meeting, a public
offering of prayers for the people was announced, beginning on the
eleventh of October and lasting for the four subsequent days.
3. Two envoys from Illyricum, Gaius Licinius Nerva and Publius
Decius, announced that the Illyrian army had been defeated, that
168 bce chapters 2‒ 4 169
King Gentius had been taken captive, and that Illyricum was under
the control of the Roman people.* The Senate voted three days of
public prayer for these deeds, accomplished under the leadership
and auspices of the praetor Lucius Anicius. The consul announced
that these would be on the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth of November.
Some sources report* that the Rhodian envoys had not yet been
sent away and that after the announcement of the victory they were
summoned before the Senate in derision, so to speak, for their stupid
arrogance. In the meeting their leader, Agepolis, spoke as follows.
They were sent by the Rhodians as ambassadors to make peace between
the Romans and Perseus because this war was burdensome and
grievous for all the Greeks, and expensive and disadvantageous for
the Romans themselves. The good fortune of the Roman people had
served the ambassadors well, since in ending the war by other means
it had afforded them the opportunity of congratulating the Romans
on an outstanding victory. That was what the Rhodian had to say.
The Senate’s reply was as follows. The Rhodians had sent this
embassy, not out of concern for what was advantageous for the Greeks
or costly for the Roman people, but on behalf of Perseus. For if their
feigned concern had been real, then the ambassadors should have
been sent when Perseus had led his army into Thessaly and for two
years was besieging some Greek cities while terrorizing others with
the threat of armed force; but at that time there had been not a word
about peace from the Rhodians. After they had heard that the
Romans had surmounted the passes and crossed into Macedonia and
that Perseus was pinned down and trapped, then the Rhodians had
sent their embassy, with no other object than to rescue Perseus from
imminent peril. The ambassadors were sent away with this as their
answer.
4. In this same period also Marcus Marcellus returned from his
province of Spain, where he had taken the famous city of Marcolica,
and he deposited in the treasury ten pounds of gold and silver to the
sum of a million sesterces.
After Paullus Aemilius, as was noted above,* encamped at Sirae in
Odomantian territory, a letter from Perseus* was delivered by three
messengers, men of humble status. When he looked at it, Paullus is
said himself to have wept over the human condition: just a little
while earlier Perseus, not satisfied with his kingdom of Macedonia,
had attacked the Dardani and the Illyrians; he had called on the aid
170 book forty-five 168 bce
of the Bastarnae; and now, having lost his army, bereft of his king-
dom, driven to a tiny island, a suppliant at an altar, he was protected
not by his own resources, but by respect for religion. But after
Paullus read the salutation, ‘Greetings, from King Perseus to Paullus
the consul’, the stupidity of the king, who was blind to his own con-
dition, banished all compassion. And so, even though the entreaty in
the rest of the missive was in no way regal, the embassy was still sent
away without a word or any written communication. Perseus under-
stood that a defeated man must forget his title; and so a fresh letter
was sent under the heading of his personal name, and it succeeded in
achieving his request that some men be sent to him with whom he
could discuss his circumstances and the state of his affairs. Three
envoys were dispatched: Publius Lentulus, Aulus Postumius
Albinus, and Aulus Antonius. The embassy accomplished nothing:
Perseus clung tenaciously to his royal title, and Paullus insisted that
Perseus was to entrust himself and everything under his control to
the fidelity and clemency of the Roman people.
5. In the meantime Gnaeus Octavius’ fleet sailed to Samothrace.
His arrival inspired fear, and alternating between threats and prom-
ises, he too attempted to induce Perseus to hand himself over.
Something, whether born of chance or design, came to his assistance
in the endeavour. When Lucius Atilius, a distinguished young man,
observed that the people of Samothrace were assembled in a public
meeting, he asked their magistrates to allow him to address a few
words to the people. Permission was granted, and he said, ‘My
Samothracian hosts, are we right or wrong in believing that this island
is sacred and that all of it is holy ground, not to be violated?’ When
everyone acknowledged the reputed sacredness, he said, ‘Why then,
has a murderer polluted it? Why has a murderer profaned it with the
blood of King Eumenes? And when the opening formula of all sacred
rituals excludes from them those whose hands are not pure, why will
you allow your shrines to be contaminated by the presence of a brig-
and stained with blood?’
The story that Evander had nearly assassinated Eumenes at
Delphi was well known in all the Greek cities. Thus, aside from the
fact that the Samothracians saw that they themselves, the entire
island, and the shrine were in the hands of the Romans, they also
thought that being reproached for these matters was not unjust.
They sent Theondas, who was their chief magistrate—their term is
168 bce chapters 4‒ 6 171
‘king’—to Perseus to report that Evander the Cretan was charged
with murder; further, that they had judicial proceedings, instituted
in traditional fashion, for those who were said to have brought pol-
luted hands within the sacred boundaries of the shrine; if Evander
believed that he was being charged with a capital offence of which he
was innocent, he should come to argue his case; if he did not dare to
entrust himself to the court, he should free the temple of pollution
and give thought to his situation. Perseus called Evander aside and
advised him by no means to submit to a trial: both the charge and his
unpopularity put him at a disadvantage. (As for Perseus, he had suc-
cumbed to the fear that if Evander were found guilty, he would
expose Perseus as the mastermind behind the unspeakable crime.)
What then, asked Perseus, remained for Evander but to die bravely?
Evander did not resist openly, but after saying that he preferred
death by poison to death by the sword, he secretly prepared to flee.
When this was reported to the king, he feared that he might divert
the Samothracians’ anger onto himself if he appeared to have rescued
the defendant from punishment; Perseus ordered Evander to be
killed. The murder was rashly carried out. Not a moment later it
occurred to Perseus that he had undoubtedly taken upon himself the
stain that had been on Evander: Eumenes had been wounded by
Evander at Delphi; Evander himself had been killed by Perseus at
Samothrace; in sum, the two most sacred shrines in the world had
been desecrated with human blood by his sole agency. Perseus fore-
stalled an accusation in this matter by bribing Theondas with cash to
report to his people that Evander had taken his own life.
6. But by committing such a crime against his one remaining friend,
who had been tested by countless misfortunes and then betrayed by
Perseus because he had not betrayed Perseus, the king alienated every-
one else. One by one they deserted to the Romans. Left almost entirely
alone, Perseus was forced to devise a plan for his escape. In the end
he asked a Cretan, Oroandes, who knew the shores of Thrace because
he had traded in the area, to take him aboard and transport him to
Cotys. Demetrium is a port on a certain headland of Samothrace.
Oroandes’ galley was moored there. At sunset Perseus’ necessities were
carried down to it; as much money as could be secretly carried down
was brought as well. In the middle of the night the king himself and
three men who knew about the escape went out by the back door of
the house and into the garden next to his bedchamber; from there,
172 book forty-five 168 bce
they cleared the wall with difficulty and went down to the sea. Oroandes
had waited only until the money was carried aboard before slipping
from his anchorage in the twilight and heading out to sea en route for
Crete. After the discovery that the ship was not in the port, Perseus
wandered for some time along the shore. Finally, fearing the break of
day, which was already approaching, and not daring to return to his
lodgings, he concealed himself in a hidden nook on a side of the temple.
Among the Macedonians, the sons of the leading men who were
chosen to serve the king were called the ‘Royal Pages’. This troop had
followed the king in his flight and did not desert him even at that stage.
But then, by order of Gnaeus Octavius, a herald made the proclama-
tion that if the Royal Pages and other Macedonians on Samothrace
came over to the Romans, they would retain their personal safety and
liberty as well as all their possessions, both what they had with them
and what they had left behind in Macedonia. This announcement led
everyone to desert, and they gave their names to the military tribune
Gaius Postumius. A man of Thessalonica, Ion, surrendered to Octavius
the king’s younger sons also. No one remained with Perseus except for
Philip, his oldest son. Then Perseus surrendered himself and his son
to Octavius. He blamed fortune and the gods whose shrine he was in
because they had offered no aid to him as a suppliant.
Perseus was directed to be placed aboard the praetor’s ship; his
remaining money was brought there too. The navy immediately
returned to Amphipolis. From there Octavius sent the king to the
consul’s camp, with a message dispatched in advance so Paullus would
know that Perseus was in custody and being brought to him.
7. Paullus considered this a second victory, as indeed it was, and
slaughtered sacrificial animals at the news. He also summoned his
council and read out the praetor’s message, before sending Quintus
Aelius Tubero* to meet the king; everyone else he asked to remain
in constant attendance at his headquarters. No other spectacle, on
no other occasion, drew such a crowd. In their fathers’ time, King
Syphax* had been taken prisoner and brought into the Roman camp.
Aside from the fact that neither his reputation nor that of his family
was worthy of comparison, at the time he had been an accessory in
the Punic war, just as Gentius was in the Macedonian one. It was
Perseus who was the centrepiece of the war; nor did just his reputa-
tion and that of his father and grandfather, his relatives by blood and
birth, distinguish him; but the aura of Philip and Alexander the Great,
168 bce chapters 6‒ 8 173
who had made Macedonia the foremost empire in the world, shone
about him.
Perseus entered the camp wrapped in a dark cloak. Except for his
son Philip, he had no other attendant from among his associates: such
a companion in Perseus’ downfall would have rendered him more
pathetic. The crowd of those rushing to the spectacle prevented him
from proceeding until the consul sent lictors to clear a path for him to
Paullus’ headquarters. The consul rose, ordered the others to stay in
their seats, advanced slightly forwards, and stretched out his right
hand to the king as Perseus entered. When Perseus fell at his feet,
Paullus raised him up and did not allow him to grasp Paullus’ knees.
The consul brought Perseus into the tent and directed him to sit
opposite the men who had been summoned to the council.
8. Paullus asked first what wrong had driven Perseus to undertake
a war against the Roman people with such aggression as to bring
himself and his kingdom to the brink of destruction. Everyone
awaited his response as Perseus silently wept for a long time, staring
at the ground. The consul spoke again: ‘If you had inherited your
kingdom as a young man, I would indeed be less amazed that you did
not know how valuable a friend and how dangerous an enemy the
Roman people are; but as it is, since you had taken part in the war that
your father fought against us, and you remembered the subsequent
peace, which we observed with the greatest fidelity towards him, what
was your reason for preferring war over peace, with men whose force-
fulness in war and fidelity in peace were thoroughly familiar to you?’
When Perseus responded to neither questioning nor censure, Paullus
said, ‘Well, however matters turned out in this fashion, whether by
human weakness or chance or necessity, take heart. The downfall of
many a king and many peoples has made the mercy of the Roman
people well known; it offers you not just hope, but nearly certain
confidence for your safety.’
That was what he said in Greek* to Perseus. Then he said in Latin
to his own men, ‘You are witnessing a signal example of the mutabil-
ity of human affairs. I address this to you in particular, young men.
Perseus’ case shows that one in favourable circumstances should not
formulate arrogant and aggressive designs against anyone, nor trust
in current good fortune, since it is uncertain what the day’s end will
bring. He alone will be a real man whose spirits are neither carried
away by the winds of success nor broken by adversity.’
174 book forty-five 168 bce
Paullus dismissed the council and entrusted Quintus Aelius with
looking after the king. That same day Perseus was invited to dine
with the consul, and he was treated with every other mark of respect
possible for one caught in such a situation. The army was then sent
into winter quarters.* 9. Amphipolis took in the majority of the
forces while nearby cities accepted the rest.
This was the end of the war between the Romans and Perseus,
after four years of uninterrupted conflict. It was also the end of a
kingdom famous throughout most of Europe and all of Asia. The
Macedonians counted Perseus as their twentieth king starting from
Caranus, who was the first to rule. Perseus inherited the kingdom in
the consulship of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius; he was rec-
ognized as king by the Senate in the consulship of Marcus Junius and
Aulus Manlius;* he reigned for eleven years. The Macedonians were
almost entirely unknown until Philip, son of Amyntas; from that
time and through his agency, they started to expand, but remained
within the confines of Europe, taking over all of Greece and part of
Thrace and Illyricum. Next, the Macedonians overflowed into Asia,
and in the thirteen years of Alexander’s reign, they first subdued
everything that had constituted the Persian empire and its nearly
limitless expanse; from there they traversed Arabia and India, where
the Red Sea encircles the farthest limits of land. That was the acme
of the Macedonians’ rule and reputation in the world. Then, with the
death of Alexander, Macedonia was broken into multiple kingdoms
as each man fought for his share of its wealth. Even with its power
crippled, it lasted 150 years from the highest peak of its fortunes to
its ultimate demise.*
10. After word of the Roman victory reached Asia, Antenor,* who
was stationed with a fleet of galleys at Phanae, sailed from there to
Cassandrea. When Gaius Popillius,* who was at Delos with a force
protecting ships en route to Macedonia, heard that a decisive battle
had been fought in Macedonia and that the enemy galleys had aban-
doned their position, he sent Attalus’ fleet home and continued his
voyage to Egypt to carry out the ambassadorial mission he had under-
taken: to be able to intercept Antiochus before he reached the walls of
Alexandria.
The Roman envoys were sailing along the coast of Asia and reached
Loryma, which is a harbour a little more than twenty miles from
Rhodes, situated directly opposite the city of Rhodes itself. The leaders
168 bce chapters 8‒ 10 175
of the Rhodians came out to meet the Romans and begged them to
anchor at Rhodes, for the story of the victory had already been
reported to them too. They said that it was important for the repu-
tation and safety of their city that the Roman envoys learn everything
that had happened and was happening in Rhodes and bring back to
Rome reports of what they themselves ascertained, not the gossip
that was circulating. Although the Romans refused for a long time,
the Rhodians prevailed on them to submit to a brief delay in their
trip for the well-being of an allied city. When the Romans arrived in
Rhodes, again the same leaders of the city by begging constrained
them to attend a public meeting.
The arrival of the envoys increased rather than diminished the
fear in the city. For Popillius reviewed their communal and individ-
ual hostile words and deeds during the war. A man of harsh tempera-
ment, he intensified the enormity of what he said with his fierce
expression and accusatorial tone. The result was that since Popillius
had no basis for a personal grudge against their city, the Rhodians
inferred from the harshness of that one Roman senator what was
likely to be the disposition of the entire Senate towards them. The
speech of Gaius Decimius was more moderate: he said that in the
case of most of what Gaius Popillius had noted, the blame rested not
with the people but with a few populist troublemakers; that these men,
who put their tongues up for sale, had secured the passing of decrees
full of flattery of Perseus, and they had sent embassies that always
induced as much regret as shame among the Rhodians; all these mat-
ters, however, would redound on the wrongdoers’ own heads, if the
people agreed. Decimius was listened to with general assent, as much
because he was relieving the general population of guilt as because he
had directed the blame onto the parties responsible.
And so when the leaders of the Rhodians responded to the
Romans, the speech of those who tried in any way possible to refute
Popillius’ accusations was by no means as pleasing as that of those
who agreed with Decimius about making the guilty parties atone for
their wrongdoing. There was therefore an immediate decree: a capi-
tal sentence* for those convicted of having done or said anything on
behalf of Perseus and against the Romans. Some of these people had
left the city upon the Romans’ arrival; others committed suicide.
The envoys spent no more than five days in Rhodes before depart-
ing for Alexandria. But the Rhodians were no less vigorous on that
176 book forty-five 168 bce
account in administering justice as set out by the decree made while
the Romans were still there. Decimius’ mildness had as much to do
with their persistence in carrying it out as did Popillius’ severity.
11. Meanwhile, Antiochus had besieged the walls of Alexandria in
vain, and then had abandoned the city and taken over the rest of
Egypt.* He left the older Ptolemy at Memphis. Ostensibly, Antiochus
was attempting to win the kingdom for Ptolemy with his own
resources. In fact, Antiochus withdrew his army into Syria with the
aim of attacking the victor in short order. Ptolemy was not unaware of
Antiochus’ intention. As long as he had his younger brother terrified
by the threat of a siege, he estimated that he could return to Alexandria,
provided that his sister lent her support and his brother’s friends
offered no opposition. Ptolemy did not stop sending, primarily to his
sister and secondly to his brother and his brother’s friends, until he
secured peace with them. The fact that Antiochus had retained a gar-
rison at Pelusium while handing over the rest of Egypt to Ptolemy had
made Ptolemy suspicious of him. Antiochus manifestly controlled the
gateway to Egypt and could march his army back in whenever he
wanted. It was also clear that the outcome of an internecine struggle
between the brothers would be a victor exhausted by the combat and
no match for Antiochus.
The younger Ptolemy and his advisers accepted and concurred
with these prudent observations from the older Ptolemy; their sister
contributed the most to his case, not just with her advice, but with
entreaties too. Consequently, since all the parties were in agreement,
a peace was concluded, and the older Ptolemy was accepted back into
Alexandria. Not even the general population was opposed; it had
been weakened by the shortage of all supplies during the war—not
just in the siege, but also after it had been abandoned, since nothing
was brought in from the Egyptian countryside.
If Antiochus had brought his army into Egypt to reinstate Ptolemy—
which was the specious pretext he used when exchanging embassies
and communications with all the Greek and Asian cities—in all con-
sistency he would have been delighted at these developments; but he
was so resentful that he prepared a campaign against both brothers
that was far more vicious and aggressive than what had previously
been intended for just the one. He immediately sent his fleet to
Cyprus. At the beginning of spring he himself entered Coele Syria
with his army, en route for Egypt. Near Rhinocolura, envoys from
168 bce chapters 10‒ 12 177
Ptolemy brought his thanks to Antiochus for restoring him to his
ancestral kingdom. The envoys asked too that Antiochus safeguard
his act of generosity and state what he wanted to happen rather than
transforming himself from friend to enemy and launching an inva-
sion. Antiochus answered that he would not recall the fleet nor with-
draw his troops unless all of Cyprus and Pelusium and the territory
surrounding the Pelusian mouth of the Nile were surrendered to
him; he established a deadline for receiving an answer about compli-
ance with his demands.
12. After the date granted for the truce passed, Antiochus’ com-
manders sailed from the mouth of the Nile at Pelusium, while he
himself marched through the Arabian desert and was received even
by the inhabitants of Memphis, as well as by the rest of the Egyptians
(some willingly and some out of intimidation). Antiochus made his
way to Alexandria by easy stages. He crossed the river at Eleusis, a
place four miles outside Alexandria. The Roman envoys intercepted
him there. As they approached, Antiochus greeted them, and then he
held out his right hand to Popillius. Popillius gave him the tablet
containing the Senate’s decree and ordered him first of all to read it.
Antiochus read it through and said that he would summon his
friends and consider with them his course of action. Popillius, in
keeping with his harsh temperament, drew a circle around Antiochus
with a rod he was holding and said, ‘Before you step out of this circle,
give me an answer to take back to the Senate.’ Stunned at so aggres-
sive a command Antiochus hesitated for a moment before saying, ‘I
will do as the Senate decrees.’* At that point Popillius offered his
right hand to the king as if to an ally and a friend.
So Antiochus evacuated Egypt by the day prescribed and the har-
mony between the brothers Ptolemy, who had only just concluded a
peace, was strengthened under the authority of the Roman envoys.
Afterwards they sailed for Cyprus. From there they sent Antiochus’
navy home, which had already defeated the Egyptian fleet in battle.
This embassy was famous throughout the world because Egypt,
which was already in Antiochus’ grasp, had been emphatically taken
away from him and their ancestral kingdom had been restored to the
Ptolemaic family.
Of the two consuls that year, the magistracy of one, with its dis-
tinguished victory, was as famous as the other’s was obscure, since he
had no opportunity to accomplish anything. When Licinius initially
178 book forty-five 168 bce
set a date for his legions to assemble, he entered the shrine without
having taken the auspices.* When the matter was referred to the
augurs, they decreed that the date had been set by a faulty religious
procedure. The consul went to Gaul and established camp around
Campi Macri near Mounts Sicimina and Papinus. He spent the
winter in the same area with the Latin and Italian allies; the Roman
legions had remained at Rome because the date for the army to
assemble had been set by a faulty religious procedure.
The praetors, too, went to their provinces, except for Gaius Papirius
Carbo, who had been allotted Sardinia. The fathers decided that he
should oversee the law between Romans and foreigners at Rome, for
he had been allotted this responsibility too.
13. Popillius and the embassy that had been sent to Antiochus
returned to Rome. He reported that the disputes between the kings
had been resolved and that Antiochus’ army had been withdrawn
from Egypt to Syria.
Ambassadors from the kings themselves came next. Antiochus’
ambassadors said that for the king a peace that had pleased the
Senate seemed more desirable than any victory and that he had
obeyed the commands of the Roman envoys just as he would an
order from the gods. Then the ambassadors offered their congratula-
tions on the Romans’ victory; the king would have lent his assistance
to it if any had been enjoined. The ambassadors from Ptolemy offered
thanks in the name of the king and Cleopatra together, saying that
they owed more to the Senate and Roman people than to their own
parents, more even than to the immortal gods; through the Senate
and Roman people they had been liberated from the most grievous of
sieges and they had been restored to their ancestral kingdom when it
was nearly lost to them.
The Senate replied that Antiochus had acted well and properly in
obeying the envoys and that this was pleasing to the Senate and Roman
people. The response to the rulers of Egypt, Ptolemy and Cleopatra,
was that if anything good or beneficial had befallen them because of the
Senate, then the Senate rejoiced greatly, and it would see to it that they
always considered that the greatest bulwark of their kingdom lay in the
fidelity of the Roman people. The praetor Gaius Papirius was assigned
to ensure that the customary gifts were sent to the ambassadors.
Then letters arrived from Macedonia that doubled the joy over the
victory: King Perseus was under the consul’s control.
168 bce chapters 12‒ 13 179
The embassies were sent home. There was then a dispute between
representatives from Pisa and Luna.* The Pisani were complaining
that they were being driven off their land by Roman colonists; the
Lunenses were asserting that the land under dispute had been assigned
to them by a three-man land commission. The Senate sent out a team
of five men to investigate and establish the boundaries: Quintus Fabius
Buteo, Publius Cornelius Blasio, Tiberius Sempronius Musca, Lucius
Naevius Balbus, and Gaius Appuleius Saturninus.
A joint delegation from the brothers Eumenes, Attalus, and
Athenaeus came to offer congratulations on the victory. And when
Masgaba, a son of King Masinissa, disembarked at Puteoli, the
quaestor Lucius Manlius, who had been sent to meet him, was on
hand with a supply of ready cash to escort Masgaba to Rome at public
expense. The Carthaginian was granted an audience with the Senate
immediately upon his arrival. There the young man spoke in such a
way that his style of expression rendered all the more pleasing the
substance of what he had to say, which was already pleasing in itself.
He enumerated how many infantrymen and cavalry, how many ele-
phants, and how much grain his father had sent to Macedonia in the
four-year period. He said that two matters had caused Masinissa
shame: one was that the Senate had requested through envoys and
not simply ordered supplies that were essential for the war; the other
was that the Senate had sent him money for the grain. Masgaba said
that Masinissa remembered that he held a kingdom that had been
created, increased, and expanded by the Roman people; he was con-
tent to be entitled to use the kingdom, and he knew that the true legal
ownership and right to it belonged to the people who conferred it on
him;* thus with perfect justice the Romans could take, not request,
things from him; nor, since they were the givers, should they buy
from him fruits produced by the land there that were of use to them.
Whatever the Roman people did not need was and would be enough
for Masinissa. Masgaba said that after he had left with these instruc-
tions from his father, horsemen had followed after him to report the
defeat of Macedonia, and they had directed him to offer congratula-
tions to the Senate, and to communicate that this was a matter of such
great joy to his father that he wished to come to Rome to sacrifice to
Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitol and to offer thanks.
Masgaba was to seek permission from the Senate for Masinissa to be
allowed to do this, unless it was a nuisance in some way.
180 book forty-five 168 bce
14. The reply given to the prince was that his father Masinissa
acted as became a good and generous man, thereby adding value and
honour to the services owed by him. On the one hand, he had aided
the Roman people in the Punic war with good and faithful service;
on the other, he had acquired his kingdom with the support of the
Roman people; although these matters balanced each other out, subse-
quently Masinissa had performed his duty in one war after another
against three kings. Truly, it was not surprising that such a king took
pleasure in the victory of the Roman people, a king who had com-
pletely fused his fortune and that of his kingdom with Roman con-
cerns. Let him give thanks to the gods for the victory at his own altars;
his son could do this for him at Rome; Masgaba had also offered
sufficient thanks in his own name and that of his father. The Senate
judged that it was not in the interests of the commonwealth of the
Roman people for Masinissa himself to leave his kingdom and go out
of Africa, quite apart from the fact that it was of no advantage to him.
When Masgaba asked that Hanno, the son of Hamilcar, a hostage,
in place of <. . .>.* By decree of the Senate, a quaestor was directed
to spend one hundred pounds of silver on gifts for Masgaba, to
accompany him to Puteoli, to cover all his expenses as long as he was
in Italy, and to hire two ships to convey him and his companions to
Africa; further, garments were given to all his attendants, free and
slave alike.
Along similar lines, shortly afterwards a letter from Misacenes,
another son of Masinissa, was delivered: after Perseus was defeated,
Misacenes had been sent by Lucius Paullus to Africa with his cavalry;
during the voyage the fleet had been broken apart in the Adriatic, and
he had been transported to Brundisium sick and with three ships.
The quaestor Lucius Stertinius was dispatched to him at Brundisium
with gifts equal to those that had been conferred on his brother at
Rome; Stertinius was ordered to see to his accommodation <. . .>
[The loss of a page here leaves this episode incomplete. According
to Valerius Maximus, the praetor arranged for Misacenes’ care,
lodging, expenses in Brundisium, and transport home, as well as
conveying the Senate’s gifts to him (5.1.1d). All this could probably
be inferred. The more serious consequence of the lost text is that
when the manuscript resumes, Livy is describing the activities of
the censors elected for 169. They are involved in the technical and
complex business of assigning former slaves to voting districts.
168 bce chapters 14‒ 15 181
Because the beginning of Livy’s account of the censorship is lost and
the first sentence is incomplete, the situation, its history, and its
resolution are not entirely clear.]
15. <. . .> Freedmen had been enrolled in the four urban tribes,*
with two exceptions: those men who had a son over five years of age
were to be counted where they had been in the previous census; and
those men who had rural land or lands worth more than 30,000
sesterces were given the right to be registered in the rural tribes, as
had previously been the case for them. Once this arrangement had
been made, Claudius said that, without the permission of the people,
a censor could not withhold the franchise from any man, still less an
entire class of people; and that even if a censor could remove a man
from a voting district, which amounted to ordering him to change his
voting district, a censor could not then remove him from all thirty-
five voting districts, which was in effect to strip away his citizenship
and personal freedom: that is, to determine not where a man was
registered, but to exclude him from registration altogether. The two
censors entered into a dispute over these matters. It finally came
down to their choosing one of the four urban tribes, by lot, openly,
in the Hall of Liberty; the censors were to assign to that tribe all those
who had been slaves. The Esquilina was chosen by lot.* Tiberius
Gracchus announced the decision that all freedmen would be regis-
tered in it. Because of this affair, the censors were held in great esteem
by the Senate, and official thanks were voted to Sempronius, for
having persisted in a noble undertaking, and to Claudius, for having
not obstructed it.
The censors removed more men from the Senate and ordered
more men of equestrian status to sell their horses than the previous
censors had.* All these men were then removed from their tribe and
their order and made aerarii; nor was anyone demoted by one censor
only to have his public disgrace erased by the other. The censors
requested that their term of office be extended for eighteen months
so that they could, following established custom, enforce the comple-
tion of repairs to public buildings and certify the quality of work that
had been contracted out. The tribune Gnaeus Tremellius interposed
his veto because he had not been selected for the Senate.
That same year—five years after he swore an oath to do so—Gaius
Cicereius dedicated the temple of Moneta on the Alban Mount. Lucius
Postumius Albinus was inaugurated as flamen Martialis that year.
182 book forty-five 167 bce
16. The consuls, Quintus Aelius and Marcus Junius, referred the
assignment of provinces to the Senate. The fathers decided that
Spain should again constitute two provinces; it had been just one
during the Macedonian war. The same men, Lucius Paullus and
Lucius Anicius, were to remain in charge of Macedonia and Illyricum
until, in accordance with the advice of the commissioners, they had
settled those states, which had been thrown into confusion by the
war and needed to be organized into a new political order in the place
of monarchy. Pisa and Gaul were assigned to the consuls, with two
legions each of 5,200 infantry and 400 cavalry. The lot for the prae-
tors fell out as follows: Quintus Cassius drew urban jurisdiction, and
Manius Juventius Thalna jurisdiction involving foreigners; Tiberius
Claudius Nero drew Sicily; Gnaeus Fulvius drew Nearer Spain, and
Gaius Licinius Nerva Farther Spain. Sardinia had fallen to Aulus
Manlius Torquatus, but he was unable to go to his province because
a senatorial decree kept him back to preside over investigations into
capital crimes.
Then the Senate was consulted about the prodigies that had been
announced. The temple of the Penates on the Velia had been struck
by lightning, as were two city gates and part of the wall at Minervium.
At Anagnia there had been a shower of dirt, and at Lanuvium a comet
had been spotted in the heavens; and in publicly held land at Calatia
a Roman citizen, Marcus Valerius, announced that blood had oozed
from his hearth for three days and two nights. Because of this last one
in particular the decemvirs were directed to consult the books: they
decreed a one-day supplication for the people, and they sacrificed
fifty goats in the Forum. There was a supplication at all the sacred
couches on another day for the other prodigies, and there was a
sacrifice with full-sized victims, and the city underwent a lustrum. In
other matters concerning the honour of the immortal gods, the
Senate decreed that, since public enemies had been defeated, and
Kings Perseus and Gentius, along with Macedonia and Illyricum,
were under Roman control, at all the sacred couches there should be
offerings equivalent to the ones that had been given in the consulship
of Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius for the defeat of King
Antiochus; the praetors Quintus Cassius and Manius Juventius were
to take responsibility for making such offerings.
17. The fathers then chose the commissioners on whose advice
Lucius Paullus and Lucius Anicius would settle the affairs of Macedonia
167 bce chapters 16‒ 18 183
and Illyricum: there were ten commissioners for Macedonia and five
for Illyricum. The most distinguished men were named for Macedonia:
Aulus Postumius Luscus and Gaius Claudius, who were both former
censors, <Quintus Fabius Labeo, . . .>, and Gaius Licinius Crassus,
Paullus’ colleague in the consulship; his command had been
extended, and he had kept Gaul as his province. Added to these
former consuls were Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Servius
Cornelius Sulla, Lucius Junius, Titus Numisius Tarquiniensis, and
Aulus Terentius Varro. The men named for Illyricum were the
former consul Publius Aelius Ligus, Gaius Cicereius and Gnaeus
Baebius Tamphilus (Tamphilus had been a praetor the previous year
and Cicereius many years earlier), Publius Terentius Tuscivicanus,
and Publius Manilius. The consuls were then advised by the fathers
at the very first opportunity either to decide between themselves on
their provinces or to draw lots, for one of them needed to take the
place in Gaul of Gaius Licinius, who had been named a commis-
sioner. They drew lots. Marcus Junius obtained Pisa. Before he
could go to the province, it was agreed that he would present to the
Senate the embassies converging on Rome from all over to offer con-
gratulations. Quintus Aelius obtained Gaul.
In addition, though it was possible to expect, given the character
of the men being sent, that when the generals acted on the commis-
sioners’ advice, they would issue no decree unworthy of either the
mercy or the deliberateness of the Roman people, the Senate dis-
cussed the principal matters of policy. The intended outcome was for
the commissioners to be able to convey from Rome to the generals
the outline of a comprehensive plan.
18. First of all, it was agreed that all the Macedonians and Illyrians
should be free. In this way it would be evident to all peoples that the
military might of the Roman people did not bring servitude to the
free, but rather freedom to the enslaved, and it would be clear to
those peoples who were free that their freedom would be preserved
for them for ever under the protection of the Roman people; mean-
while, those who were living under kings would have faith that, for
the time being, their rulers would comport themselves with greater
moderation and justice out of regard for the Roman people, and if
there were ever a war between their kings and the Roman people, the
outcome would bring victory to the Romans and freedom to the
subject peoples.
184 book forty-five 167 bce
Further, it was agreed to abolish the leasing of the Macedonian
mines, which were a vast source of revenue, as well as of the rural
estates.* The leasing could not be managed without someone collect-
ing the revenue, and where there was a revenue-collector,* either the
official legal system was bypassed or the allies lost their freedom. It
was agreed that the Macedonians themselves could not serve this
function either: for where there was a profit for middlemen, there
would always be a basis for disputes and conflict.
Finally, for fear that, if there were a federal council of the people,*
an unscrupulous flatterer of the masses could draw their freedom,
which was being granted to promote healthful governance, in the
direction of pernicious lawlessness, it was agreed to divide Macedonia
into four districts so that each could have its own council. And it was
agreed to levy tribute for the Roman people that was half as much as
the Macedonians had been accustomed to pay their kings. Provisions
similar to these were drawn up for Illyricum. The remaining decisions
were left to the generals and commissioners: in those matters, the pres-
ent treatment of affairs would suggest more specific measures to them.
19. Among the many embassies from kings, states, and peoples,
King Eumenes’ brother Attalus in particular attracted everyone’s
notice and attention. Those who had fought with Attalus in the war
received him much more warmly than if King Eumenes himself had
come. On the surface, two honourable motives had brought Attalus:
one was to offer congratulations befitting a victory to which he him-
self had contributed; the other was to express concern about a
Galatian uprising and a defeat inflicted on Pergamum that had put
the kingdom in jeopardy.
At the same time, Attalus had underlying expectations of honours
and rewards from the Senate. It was unlikely that these could come
his way without damage to bonds within his family. Further, certain
Romans acted as evil influences and fostered Attalus’ greed with
hope. They said that at Rome Attalus was regarded as a friend on
whom the Romans could rely, while Eumenes was seen as an ally
whom neither the Romans nor Perseus could trust; for this reason it
was practically impossible to determine which was easier to obtain
from the Senate: what Attalus sought for himself, or what he sought
to the detriment of Eumenes. Such was the degree, they said, to
which the senators one and all wanted both to give him everything
and deny his brother absolutely anything.
167 bce chapters 18‒ 19 185
As this episode proved, Attalus was one of those men who want as
much as hope could have promised, except that a wise warning from
a single friend reined in, as it were, his spirits when they were exult-
ing in good fortune. With Attalus was a doctor, Stratius. He had
been sent to Rome by Eumenes who was worried about this very situ-
ation. Stratius was to spy on Attalus’ behaviour and to give him
faithful counsel if Attalus seemed to be deviating in his allegiance.
When Stratius arrived, Attalus’ ears were already buzzing and his
thinking was already agitated. Stratius approached him with timely
words and reversed a condition close to collapse. He said that
different kingdoms had grown by different means. Their kingdom
was young and not based on age-old resources; it depended on fra-
ternal harmony; although one brother bore the title of king and wore
the crown on his head, all the brothers governed the kingdom. In
truth, who did not consider Attalus, who was second in age, a king?
And not just because one could see how great his current resources
were, but also because it was patently obvious that he would rule any
day now; such were the frailty and advanced age of Eumenes, who
had no line of offspring. (In point of fact Eumenes had not yet
acknowledged the son who subsequently ruled.*) What benefit was
there in forcing a condition that would soon come his way of its
own accord?
Further, Stratius continued, the Galatian uprising had brought
new upheaval to the kingdom, and, even with unanimity and har-
mony among the kings, it could scarcely be fended off; if in fact an
internal conflict were added to the external war, the Galatian attack
could not be withstood. Stratius said that Attalus would, in order to
prevent Eumenes ruling to his deathbed, achieve nothing except rob-
bing himself of his own imminent expectation of sovereignty. If both
actions—preserving the kingdom for his brother and taking it away
from him—could bring renown, still the praise for having saved the
kingdom would be greater since it was linked to respect for family.
But since in fact the alternative was despicable and practically parri-
cide, was there any uncertainty left to be considered? Whether he
should aspire to part of the kingdom or take it all? If just a part, then
both sections would be weakened and their military strength crip-
pled, and both would immediately be vulnerable to all kinds of attack
and abuse. If Attalus sought the whole kingdom, would he then com-
mand his older brother to become a private citizen or finally, an exile,
186 book forty-five 167 bce
to die of old age and physical frailty? Even if no mention was made
of the fate of impious brothers, as handed down by myth,* the fall of
Perseus seemed a remarkable example: just as if the gods had mani-
fested themselves to demand punishment, he had knelt in the shrine
of Samothrace and set at the feet of his victorious enemy the crown
that he had stolen through fratricide. Stratius ended by saying that
even the men who were goading Attalus on—and they were doing so
as enemies of Eumenes rather than friends of his—even these would
praise his piety and constancy if he remained loyal to his brother to
the end.
20. These factors prevailed in Attalus’ thinking. And so, when he
was given an audience in the Senate, he offered congratulations on
the victory, he recounted his services and those of his brother (if
there were any*), in the war, and he described the Galatian uprising
that had recently taken place and caused enormous turmoil; and he
asked the Senate to send to the Galatians representatives whose
authority could dissuade them from fighting. When Attalus had
treated the business entrusted to him for the good of the kingdom, he
asked for Aenus and Maronea for himself. Having thus disappointed
the hopes of those who had believed that he would denounce his
brother and seek a division of the kingdom, he walked out of the
Curia. Rarely at any time has any king or private citizen been listened
to with so much goodwill and approval from everybody: Attalus was
lavished with every honour and gift then and there and escorted on
his way when he left.*
Amongst the many embassies from Greece and Asia, the represen-
tatives from Rhodes in particular caught the city’s attention. For
initially they appeared in white clothing, both because it was appro-
priate for men offering congratulations, and because if they had worn
dark clothing, they might have created the appearance of mourning
Perseus’ fall. Then, as they were standing in the Comitium, the
consul Marcus Junius asked the fathers whether or not they would
provide the Rhodian representatives with room and board and an
opportunity to address the Senate. The senators judged that no law
of hospitality had to be observed towards the Rhodians. The consul
exited the Curia, and when the Rhodians said that they had come
to offer congratulations on the victory and to exonerate their city of
the accusations made against it and asked that they be granted a
meeting with the Senate, the consul declared that the Romans were
167 bce chapters 19‒ 21 187
accustomed both generally to treat their friends and allies with kind-
ness and hospitality, and in particular to grant audiences with the
Senate; in this war the Rhodians had not earned the right to be
considered friends and allies.
Upon hearing this, the Rhodians all prostrated themselves. They
called upon the consul and the others present not to deem it fair for
new and false accusations to overshadow the Rhodians’ long record of
service, to which they themselves could attest. They then donned dark
clothing and went around to the homes of the leading men, begging
and crying, calling on them to investigate the case before issuing a
condemnation.
21. Manius Juventius Thalna was the praetor responsible for over-
seeing the law between citizens and foreigners. He was inciting the
people against the Rhodians, and he had promulgated a motion that
war be declared on the Rhodians and that the people choose for the
war one magistrate from those elected for the year and dispatch him
with the fleet. (He was hoping that he would be the one.) The trib-
unes of the plebs Marcus Antonius and Marcus Pomponius opposed
his proposal.
But both the praetor and the tribunes had set a new and bad prece-
dent when they embarked on this matter. The praetor was at fault
because he did not consult the Senate or inform the consuls before
bringing on his own initiative a motion as to whether the people
wished and commanded war to be declared on Rhodes; always in the
past the Senate was consulted beforehand about a war and then, with
authorization from the fathers, a motion was brought to the people.
The tribunes of the plebs were at fault because the practice was for
no one to veto a law before private citizens had the opportunity to
speak for or against it; this way it had frequently happened that men
who did not state in advance that they would exercise their veto did
so, because they discovered flaws in the law from those who spoke
against it; and men who had come to intercede refrained from doing
so because they were won over by weighty testimony from those who
spoke for the law. Then the praetor and the tribunes entered into a
rivalry of over-hasty actions. The tribunes, by interposing their veto
ahead of time, matched the praetor’s hastiness <. . .> the arrival of
the general <. . .>
[This sentence is incomplete because the next page is missing.
Livy must have moved from narrating the dispute between the praetor
188 book forty-five 167 bce
and the tribunes to introducing the debate over the Rhodians’ fate.
According to Polybius, one of the tribunes forcibly removed the
praetor from the speaker’s platform (30.4). The manuscript resumes
with Astymedes’ speech in defence of his city-state.]
22. ‘. . . is. Whether or not we were at fault has yet to be deter-
mined; but we are already suffering all manner of punishments and
disgrace. On the occasions when the Carthaginians had been van-
quished and after Philip and Antiochus had been defeated, we came
to Rome, and we went from our state accommodation to the Curia to
congratulate you, conscript fathers, and from the Curia to the
Capitol, bearing gifts for your gods. This time we come from a
squalid inn, where we were barely admitted, even for cash, and we
have been ordered to remain outside the city walls, practically as if
we were enemies; in this filthy condition we enter the Roman Curia,
we, the Rhodians, to whom you recently gave Lycia and Caria as
provinces, and to whom you gave the most distinguished prizes and
honours. Meanwhile, so we hear, you order the Macedonians and
Illyrians to be free on the grounds that they were enslaved before
they fought against you. We do not envy the good fortune of anyone;
rather, we recognize the clemency of the Roman people. But are you
about to transform the Rhodians, who did nothing more than remain
neutral in this war, from friends to enemies?
‘Certainly you are the very same Romans who affirm that your
wars are successful because they are just; and you pride yourselves
not so much on their outcome, because you are victorious, as on their
origins, since you never enter into them without reason. The siege of
Messana in Sicily rendered the Carthaginians your foes;* the siege of
Athens, the attempt to enslave Greece, and money and soldiers sent to
Hannibal made Philip your enemy.* Further, in the case of Antiochus,
he was summoned by your enemies the Aetolians, and he crossed with
his fleet from Asia to Greece; when he had taken possession of
Demetrias, Chalcis, and the pass at Thermopylae, he attempted to dis-
lodge you from control of your empire.* When your allies were
besieged by Perseus, or when princes and leaders of states or peoples
were killed, you had a justification for the war. If we are about to
perish, what, I ask, will be the ostensible motive for our destruction?
‘I am not yet distinguishing the situation of our city from that of
our fellow citizens Polyaratus and Dinon, or from that of those men
whom we brought to surrender to you. Suppose all of us Rhodians
167 bce chapters 21‒ 23 189
are equally guilty, what is our offence in this war? That we favoured
Perseus’ side, and we stood by the king and against you on this occa-
sion, just as in the wars against Antiochus and Philip we stood with
you and against the kings? Ask Gaius Livius and Lucius Aemilius
Regillus, who commanded your fleets in Asia, just how we are accus-
tomed to help our allies and how vigorously we go to war. Your ships
never fought without us. We fought with our own navy once at
Samos and again off Pamphylia against Hannibal when he was the
commander. That victory is so much the more glorious for us
because although at Samos we had lost the better part of our navy
and the flower of our youth in a defeat, we were not frightened even
by so great a disaster, but we dared to face the royal fleet again as it
approached from Syria.* I have mentioned these events not to boast—
for we are hardly in the position for that—but to remind you just
how the Rhodians are accustomed to help their allies.
23. ‘After Philip and Antiochus were defeated, we received very
generous rewards from you. If the good fortune which now is yours—
by the kindness of the gods and your courage—had been Perseus’,
and if we had gone to Macedonia to seek rewards before the victori-
ous king, what, I ask, would we say? That he received help from us
in the form of money or grain? In the form of land or naval forces?
What garrison had we held? Where had we fought, either under his
generals or by ourselves? If he should ask where our army or where
our navy had been within his strongholds, what would we say?
‘Perhaps we would be defending ourselves before him as the
victor, just as we are now in front of you. For by sending represen-
tatives about peace to you and Perseus, we had gained favour from
neither of you and indeed had incurred blame and the danger of
harm from one of you. Admittedly, Perseus might rightly object, as
you, conscript fathers, cannot, that at the beginning of the war we
had sent envoys to you to promise you what was needed for the war—
that we would be prepared for anything, with ships and weapons and
our young men, just as in previous wars. It is your fault that we did
not provide them: for whatever reason at the time, you scorned our
help. Thus we neither did anything of a hostile nature, nor did we
fall short in any duty of good allies; instead, we were prevented by
you from fulfilling the promise.
‘You may say, “What then? Was nothing said or done in your city,
O Rhodians, that you would regret and that might justifiably offend
190 book forty-five 167 bce
the Roman people?” On this point I am not now about to defend what
happened—I am not so insane as that—but I will separate the accu-
sation against the community from the culpability of private individ-
uals. Every city contains wicked citizens from time to time and an
ignorant populace all the time. I have heard that even among you
there have been those who operated by flattering the populace, and
that the plebeians occasionally seceded from you, and that the
Republic was not under your control.* If this could happen in this
city, which is so well ordered, can anyone wonder that there were
those among us who sought the king’s friendship and misled our
populace with their advice? But these men did not prevail beyond
making us lapse in our duty.
‘I will not pass over what is the most serious accusation against our
city in this war: we sent representatives about peace simultaneously
to you and to Perseus. This ill-fated plan was rendered utterly fool-
ish by a madman of a spokesman, as we subsequently heard. It is gen-
erally understood that he talked in the same manner as did Gaius
Popillius, the Roman envoy, whom you sent to dissuade the kings
Antiochus and Ptolemy from going to war. But even so, whether this
behaviour should be termed arrogance or stupidity, it was the same
for both you and Perseus.
‘The ways of cities are just like the ways of individuals: that is,
some peoples are irascible, some daring, some timid, and others are
more susceptible to wine or sex. The Athenian people have a reputa-
tion for being swift and bold beyond their strength in their enterprises;
the reputation of the Lacedaemonians is to delay and to embark reluc-
tantly on matters where they have total confidence.* Further, I would
not deny that the entire region of Asia produces greater weakness of
character, and that our manner of speaking is inflated* because we
imagine that we are better than neighbouring communities, and this
supposed superiority is based not on our resources but on honours and
indications of esteem from you.
‘Truly, that embassy was castigated sufficiently on the occasion
when it was dismissed with such a stern response from you. If the
shame did not register enough at the time, then certainly our pathetic,
suppliant embassy should be penitence great enough for an embassy
even more presumptuous than the previous one was. Irascible men
hate arrogance, especially of a verbal sort; wise men laugh at it, espe-
cially if it is directed by the weaker against the stronger. No one ever
167 bce chapters 23‒ 24 191
deemed it worthy of capital punishment. Now there was real danger—
that the Rhodians had contempt for the Romans! Some men curse
even the gods in very abusive language, but we do not hear of anyone
struck by lightning for that reason.
24. ‘What then remains for us to justify, if we did not commit any
hostile act, and if excessively puffed-up speech deserved to offend
your ears, but not to destroy our city? I hear as you talk amongst
yourselves, conscript fathers, that you are, so to speak, calculating
the damages for our unexpressed inclination (that we favoured the
king and wanted him to win). Consequently, some of you think we
should be punished by force. Others of you believe that that was
indeed what we wanted, but that it is not a reason to punish us by
force; no city’s customs or statutes provide that someone suffers cap-
ital punishment for wishing his enemy to die but doing nothing to
bring it about.
‘We are indeed grateful to those who excuse us from punishment
but not responsibility. We set the following terms for ourselves: if all
of us wanted what we are accused of—and we are not distinguishing
wish from action—let us all be punished; if some of our leaders sided
with the king and others with you, I do not seek that the king’s
partisans escape unscathed because we sided with you; I beg instead
that we do not die because of them. The city of Rhodes regards them
no more favourably than you do; and most of them have either fled
or committed suicide because they knew this; others have been
condemned by us and will be placed under your power, conscript
fathers.
‘As for the rest of us Rhodians, for this war we deserve no thanks,
but equally no retribution. Let our accumulated previous good deeds
compensate for the current lapse of duty. Through the years, you
have waged war with three kings; do not let the fact that we fell short
in this one war count more against us than the fact that we fought for
you in two of them. Treat Philip, Antiochus, and Perseus as three
votes: two acquit us; is the remaining one, being open to question, to
count more? If those monarchs were to pass judgement on us, we
would be condemned. But you, conscript fathers, are judging whether
or not Rhodes should be completely obliterated from the face of the
earth; it is not war you are deliberating about, conscript fathers, since
although you can attack us, you cannot fight us, given that no Rhodian
would take up arms against you.
192 book forty-five 167 bce
‘If you persevere in your wrath, we will ask you for time to take this
mournful delegation home. All free citizens, as many Rhodian men
and women as there are, will take ship with all our money, and leav-
ing behind our household gods, public and private alike, we will come
to Rome; we will heap up all our gold and silver, whether public or
privately owned, in the Comitium and in the entryway to your Curia;
and we will entrust our bodies and those of our wives and children to
your power, prepared to suffer here whatever will have to be suffered;
let our city be destroyed and burnt down far from our eyes. You
Romans have the power to judge that the Rhodians are your enemies.
We too, however, have our own judgement on ourselves: that we will
never consider ourselves your enemies, nor will we commit any hos-
tile action, even if we are subject to every punishment.’
25. After a speech along these lines they all prostrated themselves
again, and they waved olive branches in supplication and sought forgive-
ness; finally they were made to stand, and they went out of the Curia.
The senators were then asked for their opinion. The men most
opposed to the Rhodians were the consuls, praetors, and lieutenants
who had conducted the war in Macedonia. Marcus Porcius Cato gave
the greatest support to the Rhodians’ case; although a man of harsh
temperament,* on that occasion he conducted himself as a moderate
and merciful senator. I will not include a reproduction of that master
of words by recording what he said; his speech survives as written,
included in the fifth book of his Origines.* The answer given to
the Rhodians was such as neither to turn them into enemies nor to
perpetuate their status as allies.
Philocrates and Astymedes were the leaders of the delegation. It
was decided that part of the delegation should deliver a report to
Rhodes with Philocrates while part should remain at Rome with
Astymedes to ascertain what was happening and to keep their people
informed. For the moment the Romans ordered the Rhodian people
to withdraw their governors from Lycia and Caria by a fixed dead-
line. Though by itself this announcement would have been grim, it
delighted the Rhodians since it reduced their fear of a greater evil:
they had feared war. Accordingly, they immediately voted a crown of
20,000 gold pieces. They sent Theaedetus, the commander of the
fleet, on this embassy; they wished an alliance with the Romans to be
requested in such a way that there would be no decree of the people
concerning it and nothing committed to writing, because unless they
167 bce chapters 24‒ 26 193
succeeded the rejection would compound their disgrace. The com-
mander of the fleet alone was constitutionally empowered to act on
this matter without the passage of any motion. The Rhodians had
been in a position of friendship for so many years, but they had never
bound themselves to the Romans by a treaty of alliance.* The only
reason for this was to leave open the kings’ hope of Rhodian aid
should they need it, and the Rhodians’ own accrual of benefits from
the kings’ good graces and wealth. But at this time an alliance seemed
especially worth seeking, not because it would make the Rhodians
safer from others—for they did not fear anyone besides the Romans—
but because it would make the Romans themselves less suspicious of
the Rhodians.
In the same period* the Caunii revolted from the Rhodians, and
the Mylassenses occupied the cities of the Euromenses. The Rhodians’
spirits had not been so devastated that they did not recognize that
they would be limited to the shores of their small island and its unpro-
ductive land (which could not by any means feed the population of
such a big city) if the Romans took away Lycia and Caria, and if the
remaining places either revolted and gained their freedom or were
taken over by their neighbours. The Rhodians therefore quickly dis-
patched their soldiery, who forced the Caunii to submit to Rhodian
rule, although the former had taken in the Cibyratae as allies. In a
battle around Orthosia the Rhodians defeated the Mylassenses and
the Alabandenses, who had also come to acquire the province of the
Euromenses and combined forces with the Mylassenses.
26. While those events were transpiring there and the others in
Macedonia and Rome, in Illyricum Lucius Anicius had captured
King Gentius, as was said before. He established a garrison at Scodra,
which had been the royal seat, and put Gabinius in charge of it, and
he left Gaius Licinius in charge of the strategic cities of Rhizon and
Olcinium. Once these men were installed in Illyricum, Anicius went
to Epirus with the rest of the army. Phanote was the first place there
to put itself in his hands, and the entire populace raced out to meet
him waving banners of surrender.
He established a garrison there and crossed into Molossis. After
recovering all the towns except for Passaron, Tecmon, Phylace, and
Horreum, he marched first to Passaron. The city’s leaders were
Antinous and Theodotus, and they were known both for their
goodwill towards Perseus and for their hatred of the Romans; they
194 book forty-five 167 bce
were also responsible for making the entire people defect from the
Romans. Aware that the wrongdoing was theirs and bereft of any
hope for a pardon, they locked the gates of the city so that they and
their fatherland would be destroyed together. They exhorted the
populace to prefer death to slavery. No one dared to speak against
these exceptionally powerful men. Finally, when his considerable
fear of the Romans surpassed his dread of his own leaders, a certain
Theodotus, himself a well-born young man, said, ‘What madness
drives you, you who make a city the accessory to the wrongdoing of
two men? Of course I have often heard talk of men who sought to die
for their fatherland; but these men are the first ever known who think
it right that their fatherland die for them. Why do we not instead
open the gates and accept the rule that the entire world has
accepted?’ Since the populace sided with him when he expressed this
view, Antinous and Theodotus rushed against the first enemy out-
post and, there exposing themselves, were wounded and died. The
city surrendered to the Romans. Tecmon was barricaded out of a
similar stubbornness on the part of its leader, Cephalus; he was killed,
and Anicius accepted the town’s surrender. Neither Phylace nor
Horreum withstood an assault.
After pacifying Epirus, Anicius distributed his forces into winter
quarters in strategically located cities. He then returned to Illyricum.
At Scodra, where the five commissioners had come from Rome,
Anicius convened a meeting of leaders whom he had summoned
from throughout the province. At the congress he announced from
his tribunal that, in accordance with the opinion of his advisers, the
Senate and the Roman people ordered that the Illyrians should be
free;* and that he himself would withdraw the garrisons from all
towns, citadels, and forts; the people of Issa, the Taulantii, the
Pirustae of the Dassaretii, and the people of Rhizon and Olcinium
would be not just free, but exempt from tribute, since they had
defected to the Romans while Gentius was still in power. Anicius
said that he was granting the Daorsi exemption from taxes too
because they had abandoned Caravantius and joined the Romans
with their weapons. The taxes placed on the people of Scodra, the
Dassarenses, the Selepitani, and the rest of the Illyrians would be
half what they had paid the king.
Anicius then divided Illyricum into three parts: one from every-
thing that is above Dyrrachium, the second comprising all the Labeatae,
167 bce chapters 26‒ 27 195
and the third being the inhabitants of Acruvium, Rhizon, Olcinium,
and their neighbours. Once this charter for Illyricum had been made
public, Anicius returned to winter quarters at Passaron in Epirus.
27. While these events were transpiring in Illyricum and before
the arrival of the ten commissioners, Paullus sent his son Quintus
Maximus, who had already come back from Rome, to loot Aeginium
and Agassae. Agassae was a target because the people had defected
back to Perseus after they had surrendered the city to the consul
Marcius and, in addition, sought a Roman alliance. The Aeginienses’
crime was recent: giving no credence to the story of the Romans’ vic-
tory, they had savagely attacked some soldiers who came to their city.
Paullus also sent Lucius Postumius to loot the city of the Aenii
because they had persisted in a state of war more obstinately than the
neighbouring communities.
The season of the year was nearly autumn, and Paullus decided to
use the early part of it to travel around Greece and to visit places
where rumour enhances reputation and what the eyes discern falls
short of what the ears have heard. He left Gaius Sulpicius Galus in
charge of the camp and set out with a small troop. His son Scipio and
Athenaeus, the brother of King Eumenes, escorted him as he journeyed
through Thessaly to Delphi, the famous oracle. There, after he had
sacrificed to Apollo, he gave instructions that the unfinished column
bases in the forecourt, on which statues of King Perseus were to have
been put, should be used for victory statues of himself instead.*
He went to the shrine of Jupiter Trophonius at Lebadia too; there,
when he had seen the mouth of the pit through which those consult-
ing the oracle descend to ask questions of the gods, he sacrificed to
Jupiter and to Hercynna, whose shrine is there.* He went down to
Chalcis, to the sight of the Euripus and the island of Euboea,* which
is linked to the mainland by a bridge. From Chalcis he crossed to
Aulis, three miles away, the harbour that is famous as the erstwhile
mooring of Agamemnon’s fleet of a thousand ships, and the temple
of Diana, where that king of kings achieved passage to Troy for his
ships by bringing his daughter to the altar as an offering.*
From there, Paullus went on to Oropus in Attica, where the ancient
prophet is worshipped as a god* and his old shrine is pleasantly
encircled by springs and streams. Next was Athens, which of course
is filled with age-old fame and still has much to see: the acropolis,
the harbour, the walls linking Piraeus to the city,* the shipyards,
196 book forty-five 167 bce
the statues of great generals, the images of gods and men that are
noteworthy for every kind of medium and artistic technique.
28. After sacrificing in the city to Minerva, protectress of the acrop-
olis, Paullus departed and reached Corinth on the next day. At that
time, before its destruction,* it was a splendid city. Also the citadel
and the Isthmus constituted sights in themselves; the citadel is
within the walls, way up high on a massive elevation and teeming
with springs; with its narrow passage the Isthmus separates two
neighbouring seas, to the east and to the west. From Corinth, Paullus
went to the famous cities of Sicyon and Argos, and then Epidaurus,
which was not, of course, their equal in wealth, but is well known for
the famous temple of Aesculapius. This is about five miles from the
city; at that time it was rich in gifts that the sick had dedicated to the
god as recompense for beneficial treatments; but now it is rich in
traces of the gifts, which have been forcibly removed. Next Paullus
went to Lacedaemon, memorable not for the magnificence of its
structures but for its educational system and its institutions.* From
there, Paullus travelled by way of Megalopolis up to Olympia.
There, after he saw other sights worth seeing, gazing at the statue of
Jupiter, he was moved as if the god were present.* And so he ordered
a greater sacrifice than usual to be prepared, just as if he were about
to offer sacrifice on the Capitol.
In order not to trouble the allies with fear of anything, Paullus
travelled through Greece in such a way as to avoid enquiring into
what anyone might have experienced in the war with Perseus, whether
personally or in an official capacity. Then he returned to Demetrias.
Along the way a troop of Aetolians in mourning approached him. He
was taken aback and asked what was going on. He was told that
Lyciscus and Tisippus had had 550 leading citizens killed; the
Aetolian senate had been surrounded by Roman soldiers who were
sent by the garrison’s commander, Aulus Baebius; other men were
driven into exile; and the property of those who had been killed and
of the exiles had been appropriated. Paullus directed the men who
were being accused to assemble at Amphipolis. He himself met
Gnaeus Octavius at Demetrias. After word arrived that the ten com-
missioners had crossed the sea already, Paullus set everything else
aside and went to them at Apollonia.
When Perseus took advantage of overly lax custody and went from
Amphipolis to meet Paullus there (a day’s journey), Paullus spoke
167 bce chapters 27‒ 29 197
with him in a friendly fashion. But once Paullus reached the camp at
Amphipolis, it is reported that he gave Gaius Sulpicius a severe
lecture, first because he had allowed Perseus to roam so far away
from him throughout the province, and second because he had
indulged the soldiers to such a degree that he allowed them to strip
tiles from the city walls to cover their quarters for the winter; Paullus
ordered the tiles to be returned and the exposed areas to be
repaired.* And he handed Perseus and his older son Philip over to
Aulus Postumius and sent them into custody. Perseus’ daughter and
younger son were summoned from Samothrace to Amphipolis, where
Paullus maintained them with all generosity and care.
29. The day arrived that Paullus had set for ten leaders from every
community to be present in Amphipolis and for all documents,
wherever they had been deposited, and royal treasure to be gathered
together. Paullus sat at a tribunal with the ten commissioners, sur-
rounded by the entire throng of Macedonians. Although they were
accustomed to monarchic power, nevertheless they were unnerved
by this new form of it, made manifest by the tribunal, the clearing of
a path for Paullus, the herald, Paullus’ approach, the summons: all
these, which could terrify even allies, let alone defeated enemies,
were unfamiliar to their eyes and ears.
When the herald had established silence, Paullus announced in
Latin what he and the Senate had decided, in accordance with the
opinion of his advisers. Gnaeus Octavius, the praetor—for he was
there too—translated Paullus’ words into Greek and repeated them.*
First of all, Paullus and the Senate ordered that the Macedonians
should be free, keeping the same cities and fields, following their own
laws, and electing annual magistrates; they were to pay the Roman
people half the tribute they had paid the kings.
Next, Macedonia was to be divided into four regions. One of
them, the first section, would be the land between the Strymon and
Nessus rivers; this part would be supplemented by what Perseus had
held across the Nessus to the east: the villages, forts, and towns,
except for Aenus, Maronea, and Abdera; and in addition, territory on
the near side of the Strymon, lying to the west: namely all of Bisaltia,
along with what they call Heraclea Sintice. The second region would
be the land enclosed by the Strymon to the east, except for Heraclea
Sintice and the Bisaltae, and ending on the west at the Axius river;
the Paeones who live near the Axius river in the region to its east
198 book forty-five 167 bce
were included too. The third region was to consist of what the Axius
encircles on the east and the Peneus on the west; the northern border
was constituted by Mount Bermium; added to this part was the sec-
tion of Paeonia where it extends to the west along the Axius river;
Edessa and Beroea also were assigned to this same part. The fourth
region was to be across the spine of Mount Bermium, bordered on
one side by Illyricum and by Epirus on another. Paullus established
the regions’ capitals, where their assemblies would be: Amphipolis
for the first region, Thessalonica for the second, Pella for the third,
and Pelagonia* for the fourth. Paullus directed that in those locations
the assemblies of each region would convene, the money would be
collected, and the magistrates would be selected.
Then he announced that he and the Senate had agreed that there
would be no marriage or trade in lands or buildings with anyone
across the borders of one’s own region. Nor were the gold and silver
mines to be worked, but copper and iron mines could be. The rent
placed on those working the mines was half what they had paid to the
king. Paullus also forbade the use of imported salt.
When the Dardani asked to have Paeonia back, on the grounds that
it had been theirs and bordered their territory, Paullus announced
that he was conferring freedom on everybody who had been under
Perseus’ sway. But, after denying the Dardani Paeonia, he allowed
them to import salt; he decreed that the third region would bring salt
to Stobi in Paeonia, and he set the price. He forbade the Macedonians
themselves to cut timber for a fleet or to allow others to cut it. He
permitted the regions that lay next to barbarians—in other words, all
but the third region—to have armed garrisons on their outer borders.
30. The announcement of these matters on the first day of the
meeting produced mixed reactions. The unexpected granting of
freedom raised the Macedonians’ spirits, as did the reduction in
annual taxes; but with the regional division of commerce, Macedonia
seemed mangled, like an animal whose mutually interdependent
limbs have been wrenched apart. The Macedonians, too, did not
realize how large Macedonia was, how easy it was to divide in such a
way that each part was self-sustaining. The first region has the
Bisaltae, the bravest of men, who live on the far side of the Nessus
river and around the Strymon; and it has also many special types of
crops, and mines, and the advantageous location of Amphipolis,
which acts as a barrier and blocks all approaches to Macedonia from
167 bce chapters 29‒ 31 199
the east. The second region has the busiest cities, Thessalonica and
Cassandrea, in addition to Pallene, which is fertile and productive land;
the ports too—at Torone and Mount Athos, at Aenea and Acanthus,
some strategically facing Thessaly and Euboea and others the
Hellespont—offer maritime resources. The third region has the well-
known cities of Edessa, Beroea, and Pella, and the warlike tribe of the
Bottiaei, and many Gauls and Illyrians, who are dedicated farmers.
The Eordaei, the Lyncestae, and the Pelagones inhabit the fourth
region; Atintania is linked to these, as are Tymphaea and Elimiotis.
This entire region is very cold, tough to cultivate, and harsh; the
farmers have characters to match the land. Their barbarian neigh-
bours also make them more aggressive, sometimes challenging them
in war and sometimes sharing customs with them in peace. By thus
dividing Macedonia and separating the assets of the parts, Paullus
revealed how great it was as a whole.
31. After this charter for Macedonia had been announced and
Paullus had promised that he would provide laws also, the Aetolians
were called in.* During the inquiry, the point at issue was not so
much whether one faction or the other had committed or received
any injury; it was rather which faction had sided with the Romans
and which with the king. Those who had committed the murders
were absolved from guilt; equally, for those who had been driven out,
their exile was considered justified, as were the deaths of the men
who had been killed. Aulus Baebius alone was condemned, because
he had supplied Roman soldiers to facilitate the slaughter.
Among all the states and peoples of Greece, this outcome in the
case of the Aetolians inflated to an intolerable degree of arrogance the
minds of those who had been on the Roman side, while those who
had been brushed with any hint of a suspicion of favouring the king
were left crushed at their feet. There were three kinds of leaders in
the cities. Two types, by fawning on either the Romans’ might or the
kings’ friendship, had oppressed their cities and amassed private for-
tunes for themselves. The middle group opposed both parties and
guarded liberty and the laws; the more affection there was for these
men among their own people, the less influence they had among
outsiders.
At the time the partisans of the Romans had been elevated by the
latter’s success and monopolized the magistracies and the embassies.
When these men arrived from the Peloponnese, Boeotia, and other
200 book forty-five 167 bce
Greek leagues, they filled the ears of the ten commissioners. They
said that not only were there those who out of vanity had openly
boasted of themselves as being guest-friends and intimates of Perseus,
but that far more had sided with the king secretly; that under the pre-
text of protecting freedom, these men had organized everything in
their leagues to the detriment of the Romans; and that these peoples
would not remain loyal unless the will of the opposition was broken
and the authority of those who looked to nothing but Roman rule was
nourished and strengthened.
Based on the names submitted by these men, Paullus wrote and
summoned men from Aetolia, Acarnania, Epirus, and Boeotia to follow
him to Rome to plead their case. Two of the ten commissioners, Gaius
Claudius and Gnaeus Domitius, went to Achaea to summon men with
their own edict. This was done for two reasons: one was that the com-
missioners believed that the Achaeans had more confidence and spirit
to disobey, and perhaps even that Callicrates and the rest of the accus-
ers and informers would be endangered;* the other reason they
issued the summons in person was that in the king’s records the com-
missioners had found letters from the leaders of the other peoples;
but in the case of Achaea the charge was unsubstantiated since none
of their letters had been found.
After the Aetolians were dismissed, the people of Acarnania were
called in. Nothing was changed in their case except that Leucas was
removed from their league.
Then, by enquiring widely who either officially or privately had
sided with the king, the commissioners extended their investigation
into Asia too. And they sent Labeo to destroy Antissa on the island
of Lesbos and to bring the inhabitants to Methymna, because when
Antenor, the king’s admiral, was sailing around Lesbos with his gal-
leys, they had aided him, sheltering him in their harbour and giving
him provisions. Two important men were beheaded, Andronicus,
son of Andronicus, an Aetolian, because he had followed his father
and taken up arms against the Romans, and Neon the Theban, who
had led his people to form the alliance with Perseus.
32. After the delay caused by these investigations into outside
matters, a council of Macedonians was summoned for a second time.
There was an announcement that, as far as the constitution of
Macedonia was concerned, senators should be chosen. (The
Macedonians call them ‘synhedri’.) The state was to be run in
167 bce chapters 31‒ 33 201
accordance with their advice. Next were read the names of the
Macedonian leaders who, along with their children over fifteen, were
chosen to proceed ahead to Italy. Although this initially looked bar-
baric, it soon became apparent to the Macedonian populace that it
was done for the sake of their freedom. For the men named were the
friends and courtiers of the king, generals in the army, commanders
of fleets and garrisons, men accustomed to serve the king humbly
and to give arrogant orders to everyone else; some were extremely
wealthy while others did not have the same resources but were
equally lavish in their spending; all of them ate and dressed on a royal
scale; none of them had civic spirit or tolerated laws or equal access
to freedom. Accordingly, all who had been in any royal office, even
those who had served as envoys, were ordered to leave Macedonia
and to go to Italy: anyone who disobeyed the order was threatened
with death. Paullus conferred laws on Macedonia with so much care
that he seemed to be conferring them not on defeated enemies but on
well-deserving allies, and the laws were ones that stood the test of
time, which alone has the force to emend laws.
After these weighty matters, Paullus put on an entertainment with
great pomp at Amphipolis. There had been extensive preparations in
advance: men had been sent to the communities of Asia and the kings
to announce it; as Paullus himself was travelling around the cities of
Greece, he had given formal notice of it to the leaders. A multitude
of performers, practitioners of every kind of theatrical craft, athletes,
and horses of the purest stock came together from all over the world,
as did delegations with sacrificial animals. And whatever else usually
happens at major games in Greece for the sake of gods and men was
done in such a way that the crowd admired not just Paullus’ lavish-
ness, but his expertise in putting on spectacles, which at that time the
Romans did without any finesse. Further, feasts were prepared for
the delegations with the same opulence and care. People kept on
repeating Paullus’ own dictum that the man who knows how to organ-
ize a feast and put on games is the same man who knows how to win
a battle.
33. After the entertainment concluded and bronze shields were
hung on the ships, the remaining weapons, all kinds, were piled in a
great heap. Paullus invoked Mars, Minerva, and Mother Lua, as well
as the rest of the gods to whom it is right and lawful to dedicate
enemy spoils, and he himself placed a torch under the pile and lit it;
202 book forty-five 167 bce
thereupon each of the military tribunes, who were standing around
it, threw a torch into the fire.
In that gathering of Europe and Asia, with a mass of people drawn
together from every region, partly to offer thanks and partly to see
the show, and amidst so many naval and ground forces, there was
such a remarkable abundance of supplies and grain was so cheap that
the general gave gifts, mostly of that sort, to individuals, cities, and
whole tribes, not just for the immediate occasion, but also for them
to take home.
The spectacle that the crowd had come for was no more the drama
or contests among men or chariot races than it was the spoils of
Macedonia. Everything was put on display: sculptures and paintings
and tapestries and vases, which were made in the palace with great
care, from gold, silver, bronze, and ivory, not just to produce an
impression as it was with the sorts of things crammed into the palace
at Alexandria—but for permanent use. The items were loaded on the
fleet and entrusted to Gnaeus Octavius to take back to Rome.
Paullus sent the delegations away in a gracious fashion. Then he
crossed the Strymon and encamped a mile outside Amphipolis. He
went on from there and reached Pella four days later. Once he had
passed that city, he spent two days at the place they call Pelium. He
sent Publius Nasica and his son Quintus Maximus with part of his
forces to loot the Illyrians who had helped Perseus in the war; they
were instructed to meet him at Oricum. Paullus himself set out for
Epirus and reached Passaron fourteen days later.
34. Anicius’ camp was not very far away. Paullus sent him a letter
alerting him not to disrupt what was going on: the Senate had
granted to Paullus’ troops the booty from the cities of Epirus that
had defected to Perseus. After Paullus sent centurions to each city to
announce that they had come to remove the garrisons so that the
Epirotae might be free just as the Macedonians were, he summoned
ten leading citizens from each city. After he had announced to these
men that their gold and silver should be brought out in public, he
sent detachments of troops to all the cities. The groups going to the
more distant ones left before those going to the closer ones so
that they could reach all the cities on the same day. The tribunes and
the centurions had received orders about what to do. Early in the
morning all the gold and silver was collected; at the fourth hour an
order was given to the soldiers to sack the cities. There was so much
167 bce chapters 33‒ 35 203
plunder* that 400 denarii were distributed to each cavalryman and
200 to each infantryman, and 150,000 people were seized. Then the
walls of the pillaged cities were destroyed; there were about seventy
of them. All the booty was sold, and then the proceeds were paid out
to the soldiers.
Paullus travelled down to the sea at Oricum thinking, wrongly,
that the feelings of the soldiers had been satisfied. They were out-
raged that they had no share of the royal plunder, as if they had not
fought in Macedonia at all. When Paullus found at Oricum the forces
that he had sent with Scipio Nasica and his son Maximus, he put his
army on the ships and crossed to Italy. And a few days later, when
Anicius had completed a meeting with the rest of the Epirotae and
Acarnanians, he ordered the leaders whose cases he had reserved for
senatorial investigation to follow him to Italy. After waiting for the
ships used by the troops that had been in Macedonia, he himself
crossed to Italy.
While these events were taking place in Macedonia and Epirus,
the envoys who had been sent with Attalus to terminate the war
between the Galatians and King Eumenes reached Asia. A truce had
been made for the winter. The Galatians had gone back to their
homes, and the king had retreated to winter quarters in Pergamum.
He was gravely ill. The beginning of spring brought the Galatians
out of their homes, and they had already reached Synnada by the
time Eumenes had assembled his army at Sardis from all over. When
the Romans spoke to the Galatians’ leader, Solouettius, at Synnada,
Attalus came too, but it was agreed that he would not enter the
Galatians’ camp, in order to avoid a quarrel and the flaring of tempers.
After Publius Licinius, the former consul, spoke with the chieftain of
the Galatians, he reported that his appeal had made Solouettius more
hostile. Thus, it seemed an extraordinary paradox that while between
the very wealthy kings, Antiochus and Ptolemy, mere words from
Roman envoys had been so powerful that they effected an immediate
peace, they had absolutely no effect on the Galatians.
35. The first to be taken off to Rome under guard were the cap-
tured kings Perseus and Gentius, with their children. The mass of
other prisoners went next, and then a herd of Macedonians who had
been given notice to go to Rome; Greek leaders were included too.
For, if in their own states, they had received a summons, and further,
anyone reputed to be at a royal court was sent for by letter. A few
204 book forty-five 167 bce
days later Paullus himself travelled up the Tiber to the city, in a royal
ship of enormous size, powered by sixteen banks of rowers, and
adorned with Macedonian spoils, not just splendid weaponry, but
even royal tapestries. The riverbanks were packed with crowds that
poured forth to meet him. Anicius and Octavius arrived with their
fleets a few days later. The Senate voted a triumph for all three of
them. The praetor Quintus Cassius was instructed to arrange with
the tribunes of the plebs to bring before the plebs a motion, backed
by the Senate, authorizing the three generals to retain their imperium
on the day they entered the city in triumph.
Mediocrity is exempt from spite, which generally takes aim at the
lofty. There was no debate about the triumph for either Anicius or
Octavius, though they would have blushed to compare themselves to
Paullus. He, however, was assailed by malicious carping behind his
back. He had handled the soldiers with old-fashioned discipline; he
had distributed booty to them more parsimoniously than they had
expected from such enormous royal riches (though they would have
left nothing for him to deposit in the public treasury if he had
indulged their greed). All the soldiers who served in Macedonia were
enraged at the commander and were not about to give any attention
to attending the assembly when the law was to be presented.* But
Servius Sulpicius Galba, who had been a military tribune of the
second legion in Macedonia and was privately hostile to the general,
kept on canvassing and causing unrest throughout the soldiers of his
own legion until he had goaded them into turning out in large num-
bers for the vote. He told them to take revenge on their domineering
and mean-spirited general by rejecting the motion that was being
brought about his triumph. Galba told them that the urban plebs
would follow the judgement of the soldiers. Paullus had not been
able to give them money; the soldiers were able to give him honour.
But he should not expect the fruits of gratitude where he had not
earned them.
36. The men were thus in an excited condition when the tribune of
the plebs Tiberius Sempronius brought the motion on the Capitoline.
And when the time came for private citizens to speak about the law,
no one at all came forward to urge passing it, as if there were little
dispute about the matter. Suddenly, Servius Galba came forward
and demanded of the tribunes that, since it was already the eighth
hour of the day and he did not have enough time to show why they
167 bce chapters 35‒ 37 205
should not vote a triumph for Lucius Aemilius, they should post-
pone the matter until the following day and take it up in the morn-
ing: he needed an entire day to argue his case. When the tribunes
directed him to talk that day if he wished to say anything, he dragged
the matter out by talking into the night, recollecting and reminding
them of the harsh exaction of their duties as soldiers. He said that
more work and more danger had been imposed on them than the task
had called for; conversely, when it came to rewards and recognitions,
everything had been reduced; and if this sort of leader were success-
ful, military service would be excessively harsh and burdensome
while the troops were fighting, and it would lack remuneration and
esteem once they had won. The Macedonian soldiers were better off
than the Romans. If the Roman soldiers turned up in large numbers
the following day to reject the law, men of influence would under-
stand that not everything was up to the general, but some things lay
in the hands of the soldiers.
Egged on by these words, the soldiers thronged the Capitoline the
following day in such numbers that there was no space for anyone
else to enter to cast a vote. When the first tribes called in voted
against the proposal, the city’s leading men charged the Capitoline,
shouting that it was a shameful deed to deprive of his triumph
Lucius Paullus, the winner of so great a war, and that generals were
being abandoned to be at the mercy of their soldiers’ unruly behav-
iour and greed. Even as it was, all too often the currying of favour led
to mistaken decisions; what if the soldiers became the masters and
were placed over the generals? The leading citizens then all heaped
reproaches on Galba.
When the commotion finally subsided, Marcus Servilius, who had
been a consul* and a master of the horse, asked the tribunes to repeat
the process from the beginning and to give him an opportunity to
address the people. The tribunes stepped aside to confer. They were
won over by the influence of the leading citizens and began to repeat
the process from the beginning. The tribunes announced that they
would call the same tribes back in once Marcus Servilius and other
private individuals who wished to speak had done so.
37. Then Servilius spoke: ‘Roman citizens, if it were impossible to
calculate by any other means how outstanding a commander Lucius
Aemilius is, this one point would be enough: although he had in his
camp such seditious and unreliable soldiers and such a well-born,
206 book forty-five 167 bce
such a reckless enemy, one so adept at stirring up a crowd with words,
he did not have any rebellion in the army. The very same strict
authority that they now despise restrained them then. Thus, handled
with old-fashioned discipline, they neither said nor did anything
mutinous.
‘Truly, if by bringing charges in the matter of Lucius Paullus,
Servius Galba wished to shed his apprenticeship and to put his elo-
quence on display,* he should not have obstructed Paullus’ triumph
which, if nothing else, the Senate had judged to be deserved. Instead,
on the day after Paullus’ triumph had been celebrated, when Galba
could look upon him as a private citizen, he should have instituted
criminal proceedings against him and called him to account in a court
of law. Or a little later, when Galba himself had taken up his first
magistracy, he could have brought his enemy to trial and charged
Paullus before the people. In this way Lucius Paullus would have
both a reward for good conduct, namely a triumph for a superbly run
campaign, and punishment, if he had done anything unworthy of his
glory, old or new. But of course, since Galba was not able to cite any
crime or any impropriety, he wished to carp at Paullus’ laudable
attributes. Yesterday he requested a whole day to bring his accusa-
tion against Lucius Paullus; he consumed four hours, as much of the
day as remained, with talk. What defendant was ever so guilty that
that much time could not suffice to reveal the shortcomings of his
life? And within that time, what did Servius Galba bring up against
Lucius Paullus that Paullus would want to deny if he were arguing in
his own defence?
‘Let someone create for me, for just a moment, two assemblies,
one of soldiers from the Macedonian campaign, and another, uncon-
taminated one, of the entire Roman people, with its judgement less
impaired by partisanship and prejudice. First, let the defendant
be tried before the civilian, togate assembly. What would you say,
Servius Galba, before full Roman citizens? That entire speech of
yours would have been truncated: “you manned your posts too
strictly and intently; watches were inspected more harshly and rigor-
ously than before; you did more labour than before, since the com-
mander himself went around and supervised; on one and the same
day you both marched and from marching went forth into battle; he
did not allow you to rest even when you had won; he led you imme-
diately in pursuit of the enemy;* although he could make you
167 bce chapters 37‒ 38 207
wealthy by sharing out the plunder, he intends to have the royal treas-
ure carried in the triumph and deposited in the public treasury.”
‘Although these matters provide some sort of stimulus to prod the
spirits of the soldiers, who think their unruly behaviour and greed
were insufficiently pandered to, they would have carried no weight at
all among the Roman people. Those who do not remember earlier
events that they heard about from their parents—what defeats were
suffered because of the personal ambition of commanders, what vic-
tories were achieved because of strict authority—can certainly recall
what a difference there was between the master of the horse Marcus
Minucius and the dictator Quintus Fabius Maximus in the most
recent Punic war.* Thus it would have been apparent that the
accuser had been in no position to open his mouth, and the defence
of Paullus would have been superfluous.
‘Let us cross over to the other assembly. Now I imagine myself
about to address you, not as Roman citizens, but as soldiers—if this
appellation at least is able to rouse your sense of shame and to pro-
voke some embarrassment for treating your commander with disre-
spect. 38. For my part, I have a different way of thinking when I
imagine myself speaking before the army, than I did shortly before
when my oration was directed at the urban plebs. Tell me, soldiers,
what are you saying? Apart from Perseus, is there anyone in Rome
who does not want there to be a triumph over Macedonia, and would
you not tear such a man to bits with the very hands you used to
defeat the Macedonians? A man who prevents you from entering the
city in triumph would have prevented you from conquering if he
could have.
‘You are in error, soldiers, if you think that the triumph is an
honour solely for the commander and not also for the soldiers and for
the entire Roman people. Nor is the reputation of Paullus alone at
stake. Many men, moreover, who did not obtain a triumph from the
Senate have held one on the Alban Mount. No one can deprive
Lucius Paullus of the honour of having ended the Macedonian war
any more than he could deprive Gaius Lutatius of having ended the
First Punic War, or Publius Cornelius the Second Punic War, or
those who triumphed after them; nor will a triumph make Lucius
Paullus any greater or lesser a commander. Far more at risk here is the
reputation of the soldiers, of the entire Roman people: chiefly that it
not have a name for spitefulness and a churlish attitude towards any
208 book forty-five 167 bce
outstanding citizen, and thereby appear to imitate the Athenian
people, who make accusations against their leading men out of spite.*
Sufficient wrong was inflicted on Camillus by your forefathers; their
outrageous treatment of him, however, took place before he rescued
our city from the Gauls.* Sufficient wrong was recently inflicted on
Publius Africanus by you yourselves: we should blush that the house
and home of the conqueror of Africa were in Liternum, and that it is
Liternum where his grave is to be seen.* Lucius Paullus should equal
these men in his glory; your behaviour should not be equally insult-
ing. First then let our notoriety be erased; it is shameful among other
peoples, but ruinous for us. For in a city that is grudging and hostile
to good men, who would want to resemble either Africanus or Paullus?
‘If no disgrace were involved and it were solely a question of glory,
what triumph, I ask you, does not share its glory with the name of
Rome? Are so many triumphs over the Gauls, so many triumphs over
the Spanish, so many triumphs over the Carthaginians said to be for
just the commanders themselves or for the Roman people? For just as
the triumphs were conducted not simply over Pyrrhus and not simply
over Hannibal, but over the Epirotae and the Carthaginians, so too,
not Manius Curius and Publius Cornelius alone, but the Romans tri-
umphed. Assuredly, the occasion belongs to the soldiers, who wear
laurel themselves, and each man who has been decorated stands out
with his awards; they call upon Triumphus by name, and they sing
praises of themselves and their commander as they process through the
city. If ever soldiers are not brought home from a province for a tri-
umph, they complain; and yet even then, they believe that they triumph,
though absent, because the victory was won by their hands. If anyone
should ask you, soldiers, why you were brought back to Italy and not
immediately discharged when your duty was done; if anyone should ask
you why you have come to Rome in full numbers troop by troop, why
you linger here and do not go your separate ways home, what answer
could you give other than that you wish to be seen in a triumph?
Certainly as the winners you ought to have wished to be on display.
39. ‘In the recent past, triumphs have been celebrated over Perseus’
father Philip and Antiochus; both kings still held their thrones when
the triumphs over them occurred. Is there to be no triumph over
Perseus, who has been taken captive and brought to the city with
his children? But if, when Lucius Anicius and Gnaeus Octavius,
decked out in gold and purple, are ascending the Capitol in a chariot,
167 bce chapters 38‒ 39 209
Lucius Paullus, just one private citizen in a crowd of togate citizens,
should ask them from his inferior position, “Lucius Anicius, Gnaeus
Octavius, do you think that you are more deserving of a triumph than
I am?”, they would probably yield the chariot to him and themselves
hand over their insignia in shame. And you, Roman citizens, do you
prefer to have Gentius led in a triumphal procession rather than
Perseus, and do you prefer the triumph to be for an accessory to the
war rather than the war itself? The legions from Illyricum, in laurel,
will enter the city, and so will the sailors; will the Macedonian legions
watch other triumphs while their own has been voted down? Further,
what will happen to such prime plunder and the spoils of such a
profitable victory? Where on earth will so many thousands of weapons,
stripped from the bodies of our enemies, be tucked away? Or will they
be sent back to Macedonia? Where will they go, the sculptures of
gold and marble and ivory, the paintings and the tapestries, so much
engraved silver, so much gold, so vast a royal treasure? Or will they
be carried off to the public treasury at night, as if they were stolen
goods?
‘What then? Where will the greatest sight of all, a captive king of
the highest birth and the most extensive wealth, be displayed to the
people who are his conquerors? Most of us remember what crowds
turned out when King Syphax, an accessory in the Second Punic
War, was captured. Are King Perseus, the captive, and his sons
Philip and Alexander, such great names, to be hidden from the city’s
gaze? All eyes yearn to see Lucius Paullus, consul twice, conqueror
of Greece, entering the city in a chariot. We made him consul for this
very purpose, to end a war that to our deep shame had dragged on
for four years. When Paullus drew the lot for the province and when
he set out for it, we anticipated his victory and triumph in our minds,
and we preordained them for him;* now that he has been victorious,
are we going to deny him the triumph?
‘And are we not going to be cheating the gods of the honour, as
well as Paullus? For a triumph is owed not simply to mortals, but to
the gods too. Your ancestors began and ended every great enterprise
with the gods. When a consul or a praetor sets forth for his province
and a war, with his lictors dressed in military cloaks, he pronounces
vows on the Capitol; once he has brought that war to a close, he
returns as a victor to the Capitol in a triumphal procession, bringing
well-deserved gifts from the Roman people to those same gods to
210 book forty-five 167 bce
whom he pronounced vows. By no means the smallest part of a tri-
umph are the sacrificial victims that lead the way; they make it clear
to the gods that the commander returns expressing his gratitude for
the successful outcome of the public business. As for all those ani-
mals that the consul dedicated to be led in the triumph—are you
going to sacrifice them at some other time under someone else’s
direction? And what about the Senate’s feast, which takes place not
in a private location nor on secular public land, but on the Capitol:
whether this is prepared for human pleasure or to honour the gods,
will you disrupt it on the authority of Servius Galba? Will the gates
be closed against a triumph for Lucius Aemilius? Will Perseus, king
of the Macedonians, and his children and the rest of the mass of pris-
oners, together with the spoils of Macedonia, be left in the Flaminian
Circus? Will Lucius Paullus go to his house from the city gate a pri-
vate citizen, as if he were returning from the countryside?
‘And you, centurion, soldier, heed what the Senate has decreed
about your general Paullus, not the stories fabricated by Servius
Galba; and heed my words, not his. He has learned nothing except
how to talk, and to do so abusively and spitefully. I have challenged
and fought an enemy twenty-three times; in all cases it was I who
carried off the spoils from hand-to-hand combat; I have a body
marked by honourable scars, all incurred with my face to the enemy.’
It is said that he then removed his garment, and he detailed in which
war which wounds were received. As he was showing these, parts of
the body that ought to be concealed were accidentally revealed, and
his swollen testicles provoked laughter in those closest to him.* ‘This
condition too, at which you laugh,’ he said, ‘I have from sitting on a
horse day and night, and it causes me no more shame or regret than
my scars do since it never prevented me from serving my country
well at home or abroad. An old soldier, I have shown my old body,
often injured by the sword, to young soldiers; let Galba lay bare his
smooth and shining body.
‘Tribunes, if it seems right to you, summon the tribes to vote
again; soldiers, to you I <. . .>’
[The rest of Servilius’ speech is missing because the next page is
lost, but these words suggest that he was nearly finished. Presumably
the missing text included the vote in favour of Paullus’ triumph,
and the beginning of the actual procession. Exceptionally, Paullus’
triumph lasted three days. Accounts survive in many sources.
167 bce chapters 39‒ 40 211
Both Diodorus (31.8) and Plutarch (Aemilius Paullus 32–4) give
lengthy, itemized (though not identical) descriptions. The text of Livy
resumes with estimates of the campaign’s material gains. Regardless
of the figures disputed here, the war against the Macedonians was so
profitable that Roman citizens did not pay personal taxes again for
over 120 years.]
40. <. . .> Valerius Antias reports that 120,000,000 sesterces was
the total value of all the gold and silver that had been seized and was
brought in; certainly a much higher total than this is reached from
the number of wagons and from the weight of the silver and gold as
he records them individually. Sources report that the same amount
again was either spent in the previous war or lost in Perseus’ flight
when he was headed for Samothrace. Thus it is all the more amazing
that so much money had been amassed in the thirty years since
Philip’s war with the Romans, partly from the income of the mines
and partly from other taxes. Consequently, while Philip was very
poor, Perseus was on the contrary extremely rich when he began to
wage war against the Romans.
Finally Paullus himself came in a chariot, displaying the utmost
grandeur not just in the dignity of his bearing but in his very age;
behind the chariot and amongst the other noble youths were his two
sons, Quintus Maximus and Publius Scipio; then came the cavalry,
squadron by squadron, and the infantry, troop by troop, each in their
own century. The infantry were given 100 denarii each; centurions
received twice as much; and cavalry three times as much. People
think that as much again would have been given to the infantry, and
that others would have been rewarded proportionally, if they had
voted the honour for Paullus in the first place or if they had shouted
their approval eagerly when the amount was announced.*
As Perseus was led in chains through the city of his enemies before
the victorious general’s chariot, he was not the only lesson in human
misfortune during those days; Paullus the victor, gleaming in gold
and purple, was one too. For when he had given away two of his sons
in adoption, he had kept two at home as the sole heirs to his name,
the ancestral religious rites, and his household; the younger of these
two was scarcely twelve and died five days before the triumph, and
the older, who was fourteen, died three days after it. They should
have been wearing the toga praetexta and riding in the chariot with
their father, fixing their minds on similar triumphs for themselves.
212 book forty-five 167 bce
A few days later, the tribune of the plebs Marcus Antonius held a
public meeting. When Paullus described his accomplishments
according to the convention of other commanders, his speech was
memorable and worthy of a leading citizen of Rome.
41. ‘Although I think you know both the good fortune with which
I guided the state and the two thunderbolts that have struck my
home during these days, Roman citizens, since both my triumph and
the funerals of my sons have been on display before you, still I beg that
you permit me a few words to compare my own condition with the
public good fortune; I shall do so in the appropriate frame of mind.
‘After leaving Italy—I set sail from Brundisium at sunrise—I
reached Corcyra with all my ships at the ninth hour of the day. On
the fifth day after that I sacrificed to Apollo at Delphi on my own
behalf and for your armies and navies. From Delphi I reached the
camp on the fifth day. Once I had taken charge of the army, I changed
certain matters that were significant impediments to victory. Since
the enemy’s camp was impregnable and the king could not be com-
pelled to fight, I advanced through his garrisons, traversing the pass
at Petra, and defeated him in a battle near Pydna. I brought
Macedonia under the control of the Roman people. And the war that
for four years my three predecessors as consul conducted in such a
way that they always passed it to their successor in a worse state,
I ended in fifteen days. I met with the fruits, so to speak, of one suc-
cess after another: all the Macedonian cities surrendered, the royal
treasure passed into my hands, the king himself—as if the gods were
turning him over—was captured with his children in the shrine of
the Samothracians.
‘Fortune seemed already only too generous to me, and consequently
not to be trusted. I began to fear the dangers of the sea in carrying off
so much of the king’s fortune to Italy and transporting the victorious
army. Once everything and everybody arrived in Italy with winds
favourable to the fleet, there was nothing left for me to pray for.
I wished that since Fortune customarily reverses its course from any
pinnacle, the change would fall on my household rather than the
state. And so, because my triumph, like a mockery of human experi-
ence, occurred between the two funerals of my sons, I hope that
the public fortune is satisfied with such a marked tragedy for me.
And although Perseus and I are now looked on as especially notable
examples of the lot of mortals, he as a captive saw his children led as
167 bce chapters 40‒ 42 213
captives before him, and yet nonetheless has them safe, but I, who
triumphed over him, went from the funeral of one son to my triumphal
chariot and, returning from the Capitol, arrived as my other son was
on the brink of death; nor from such a line of children does any single
one remain to bear the name Lucius Aemilius Paullus. The Cornelian
and Fabian families have two of my sons, given away in adoption as
if from an enormous store of children; no Paullus remains in my
house except for this old man. But your good luck and the public
good fortune console my household for this calamity.’
42. These words, spoken with so much fortitude, overwhelmed
the hearts of those listening more than if he had used his speech as a
pathetic lament for his childlessness.
On the first of December Gnaeus Octavius held a naval triumph
over King Perseus. It was a triumph without prisoners and without
spoils. Octavius gave seventy-five denarii apiece to the sailors, double
that to the pilots of the ships, and four times as much to the captains.
Afterwards there was a meeting of the Senate. The fathers judged
that Quintus Cassius should take King Perseus with his son Alexander
to Alba for safekeeping;* and that, depriving Perseus of nothing,
Cassius should allow him to have companions, money, silver, and
gear in general. Bithys, the son of the Thracian king Cotys, was sent
to Carseoli for safekeeping with the hostages.* It was agreed that the
rest of the captives who had been led in the triumph were to be put
in prison.
A few days after this business was conducted, representatives
came from King Cotys of Thrace; they brought money to redeem his
son and the other hostages. When the representatives were brought
before the Senate, in their speech they put forward this exact point
as proof that Cotys had not helped Perseus in the war of his own free
will, but because he was forced to give hostages; Cotys’ representa-
tives asked that the fathers allow the hostages to be redeemed for
whatever amount the fathers should decide on. By authority of the
Senate, the answer was given that the Roman people were mindful of
the friendship that had existed between them and Cotys, his ances-
tors, and the Thracian people; that surrendering hostages was the
charge, not a defence against the charge, for the Thracian people had
no need to fear Perseus even when he was inactive, and still less so
when he was occupied by war with the Romans. Just the same,
although Cotys had put Perseus’ goodwill above the friendship of the
214 book forty-five 167 bce
Roman people, they would give greater weight to what befitted the
dignity of the Roman people than what could possibly be owed to
Cotys, and his son and the hostages would be returned to him. The
Roman people’s acts of generosity came at no charge; they preferred
to leave repayment in the minds of the recipients than to demand it
on the spot.
Three envoys—Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Gaius Licinius
Nerva, and Marcus Caninius Rebilus—were chosen to escort the
hostages back to Thrace; and gifts of 2,000 asses each were given to
the Thracians. Bithys and the rest of the hostages were summoned
from Carseoli and sent to his father with the envoys.
The royal ships that had been taken from the Macedonians were on
a scale never seen before; they were hauled into the Campus Martius.
43. While the memory of the Macedonian triumph was still fresh
in men’s minds, and practically right before their eyes, Lucius
Anicius held his triumph over King Gentius and the Illyrians on the
festival of Quirinus.* Everything about the triumph struck people as
similar but not equal: the commander himself was of lower rank,
both Anicius in comparison with the high birth of Aemilius, and the
constitutional power of a praetor as compared with that of a consul;
nor could Gentius be matched with Perseus, or the Illyrians with the
Macedonians, or the spoils with the spoils, or the cash with the cash,
or the donatives with the donatives. Even though the recent triumph
thus outshone Anicius’, still it was apparent to the onlookers that it
was by no means contemptible in and of itself. Anicius had defeated
the Illyrians within a matter of days; they were ferocious on land and
sea and had confidence in the terrain and their fortifications. Anicius
had captured their king and his entire family. In the triumph he car-
ried many military standards and other spoils, the contents of the
royal household, twenty-seven pounds of gold, <. . .> of silver,
13,000 denarii, and 120,000 Illyrian silver pieces. King Gentius and
his wife and children were led before Anicius’ chariot, as well as the
king’s brother Caravantius, and some highborn Illyrians. From the
plunder Anicius gave forty-five denarii to each soldier, twice that to
each centurion, and three times as much to the cavalry; he gave the
same amounts to the Latin and Italian allies as he gave to Roman citi-
zens, and he gave the sailors as much as he gave the soldiers. A more
jubilant army followed along in this triumph, and the leader himself
was lauded with many songs.
167 bce chapters 42‒ 44 215
According to Antias, 20,000,000 sesterces were realized from the
booty, beyond the gold and silver that was deposited in the treasury.
But since it was not clear from where this sum could be realized,
I have put down the source rather than just the information itself.
By order of the Senate, King Gentius, his wife, his children, and his
brother were taken to Spoletium for custody, and the rest of the
captives were thrown into jail at Rome. When the Spoletini refused
custody, the royals were brought to Iguvium. The rest of the plun-
der from Illyricum was 220 galleys. These had been taken from King
Gentius. By order of the Senate Quintus Cassius distributed them to
the people of Corcyra, Apollonia, and Dyrrachium.
44. That year the consuls merely ravaged Ligurian land since the
enemy never led its forces out. The consuls accomplished nothing
worthy of record and returned to Rome to elect their successors. On
the first day for elections they presided over the election of Marcus
Claudius Marcellus and Gaius Sulpicius Galus as the consuls; then
on the next day they presided over the election of Lucius Julius,
Lucius Appuleius Saturninus, Aulus Licinius Nerva, Publius
Rutilius Calvus, Publius Quinctilius Varus, and Marcus Fonteius as
the praetors. The provinces designated for these praetors were the
two in the city, the two Spains, Sicily, and Sardinia.
There was an intercalation that year: the first day of the intercalary
period was inserted the day after the Terminalia. The augur Gaius
Claudius died that year; the augurs selected Titus Quinctius
Flamininus in his place. The flamen Quirinalis, Quintus Fabius Pictor,
also died.
That year King Prusias came to Rome with his son Nicomedes.
Prusias entered the city with a large retinue and made his way from
the city gate to the Forum and the tribunal of the praetor Quintus
Cassius. People rushed up from all over. Prusias said that he had
come to pay his respects to the gods who watched over the city of
Rome, to the Senate, and to the Roman people, and to offer his con-
gratulations because they had defeated the kings Perseus and Gentius,
and they had expanded their empire by bringing the Macedonians
and the Illyrians under their dominion. When the praetor said that he
could grant an audience with the Senate that very day if Prusias
wished, the king asked for a period of two days to see the temples of
the gods, the city, his friends, and his guest-friends. The quaestor
Lucius Cornelius Scipio was assigned to escort him around; the same
216 book forty-five 167 bce
man had been sent to Capua to meet Prusias; a house was also rented
to provide Prusias and his companions with warm hospitality.
On the third day Prusias came to the Senate. He offered congratu-
lations on the victory; he summarized his own good deeds in the war;
he requested permission to fulfil a vow of ten adult animals on the
Capitol at Rome and one for Fortuna at Praeneste; these vows were for
the Roman people’s victory. Prusias asked also that his alliance with
them be renewed and that he be given the land that had been cap-
tured from King Antiochus, which the Roman people had not
assigned to anyone and Galatians were occupying. Last, he entrusted
his son Nicomedes to the Senate.
Prusias had the benefit of support from all the men who had been
generals in the Macedonian war. Thus in regard to every other
matter, what he was seeking was granted to him. As for the land,
however, the response was that commissioners would be sent to look
into the matter; if there had been any land belonging to the Roman
people that was not already assigned to somebody, they would con-
sider Prusias most worthy of this gift; but if it appeared that the land
had not belonged to Antiochus, and therefore had not become the
property of the Roman people, or if it appeared that the land was
given to the Galatians, then Prusias must forgive them if the Roman
people did not wish to give anything to him at the cost of wronging
someone else; nor could a gift be pleasing even to the recipient when
he knew that the donor could take it away whenever he wanted to.
The senators accepted responsibility for Prusias’ son Nicomedes.
They said that Ptolemy, king of Egypt, was proof of how much care
the Roman people took in watching over the sons of allied kings.*
Prusias was dismissed with this answer. Gifts totalling <. . .> ses-
terces and silver dishes weighing fifty pounds were ordered to be
given to him. The senators decreed also that gifts equal to the total
given to Masgaba,* son of King Masinissa, should be given to
Nicomedes, son of the king, The Senate further decreed that the ani-
mals and other items pertaining to sacrifice should be furnished for
the king at public expense, just as for Roman magistrates, whether he
wished to sacrifice at Rome or at Praeneste; additionally, that twenty
warships from the fleet at Brundisium should be assigned to him for
his use; until the king had travelled down to the fleet that had been
given to him, Lucius Cornelius Scipio was to stay by his side and
cover expenses for him and his companions until he had embarked.
167 bce chapter 44 217
They say that the king was overwhelmed with happiness at the
Roman people’s benevolence towards him, that he would not allow
the gifts to be acquired for himself, but directed his son to accept
what the Roman people were giving him. That is what our authors
say about Prusias.
Polybius records that this king did not deserve the dignity of such
a title, that he wore the cap of freedom, that his head was shaved, that
he was accustomed to approach envoys, and that he referred to him-
self as a freedman of the Roman people; this was the reason he wore
the emblems of that social rank; further, in Rome, when he entered
the Curia, he had prostrated himself and kissed the threshold, and
that he had addressed the Senate as his saviours, and that he had said
other things that did not so much honour his listeners as degrade him.*
He stayed around Rome no more than thirty days before returning to
his kingdom.
And the war going on in Asia between Eumenes and the Galatians . . .
[The last few words of Book 45 are not entirely legible. Further
down on the page is the heading for Book 46.]
This page intentionally left blank
THE PERIOCHAE
This page intentionally left blank
 BOOK 1 (753‒710 bce)

1a.* The arrival of Aeneas in Italy and his activities. The reign of
Ascanius at Alba and the reigns of the Silvii in turn. Mars’ sexual inter-
course with Numitor’s daughter; the birth of Romulus and Remus.
The slaughtering of Amullius. The founding of the city by Romulus.
The selection of the Senate. War with the Sabines. Presentation of the
spolia opima* to Jupiter Feretrius. The division of the people into tribes.
Defeat of the Fidenates and the Veientes. Apotheosis of Romulus.
Numa Pompilius instituted sacred rites. The closing of the door of
the temple of Janus.
Tullus Hostilius plundered the Albans. The battle of the triplets.
The punishment of Mettius Fufetius. Tullus killed by lightning.
Ancus Marcius subdued the Latins, founded Ostia.
Tarquinius Priscus defeated the Latins, constructed the Circus,
subdued neighbouring peoples, constructed walls and drains.
Servius Tullius’ head gave off flames. Servius Tullius subdued the
Veientes and divided the people into classes; he dedicated a temple
to Diana.
Tarquinius Superbus usurped the monarchy by killing Tullius. The
crime of Tullia against her father. The killing of Turnus Herdonius
by Tarquinius. War with the Volsci. The looting of Gabii through the
deception of Sextus Tarquinius. The beginning of the Capitol. The
altars of Termo and Juventas could not be moved. Lucretia killed
herself. The expulsion of Superbus. The monarchy lasted 255 years.
1b. Ancus Marcius* allotted the Aventine Mount to the defeated
Latins, extended the borders, and established the colony of Ostia. He
revived ceremonies that Numa had instituted.
It is said that, for the sake of testing the expertise of the augur Attus
Navius, Ancus consulted him as to whether what Ancus was thinking
could be made to happen; when Attus said that it could, Ancus ordered
him to split a whetstone with a razor, and this was immediately done
by Attus.
He ruled for twenty-four years. During his reign, Lucumo, son
of Demaratus of Corinth, came to Rome from the Etruscan city of
Tarquinii, and Ancus counted him as a friend; Lucumo began to use
Tarquinius Priscus as his name; after Ancus’ death Tarquinius took
222 periochae 1‒2
over the monarchy. He elevated one hundred men to join the fathers,
he subjugated the Latins, he put on games in the Circus, he increased
the centuries of the equites, he encircled the city with a wall, and he
constructed drains. He was killed by the sons of Ancus when he had
ruled for thirty-eight years.
Servius Tullius succeeded him. He was the child of a high-born
slave-woman from Corniculum, and it has been said that when he
was still a baby in his cradle his head gave off flames. He conducted
the first census and ritually closed the lustrum; in it 80,000 are said
to have been registered. He extended the pomerium, he added the
Quirinal, Viminal, and Esquiline Hills to the city, and together with
the Latins he built a temple to Diana on the Aventine. He was killed
by Lucius Tarquinius, the son of Priscus, at the instigation of Tullius’
own daughter, Tullia; he had ruled for forty-four years.
After him, Lucius Tarquinius Superbus usurped the monarchy,
without a directive from either the fathers or the people. He kept
armed men around him for his own protection. He waged war against
the Volsci, and from the spoils he erected a temple to Jupiter on the
Capitol. By a trick he brought Gabii under his control. His sons went
to Delphi, and when they asked which of them would be the ruler of
Rome, the response was that he who first kissed his mother would be
the ruler. While the sons interpreted this answer otherwise, Junius
Brutus, who had come with them, pretended that he slipped, and he
kissed the earth. The outcome vindicated this action of his. For when
Tarquinius Superbus had incurred the hatred of all against him by
his domineering conduct, finally his son Sextus forcibly overcame
Lucretia’s chastity at night, and she summoned her father Tricipitinus
and her husband Collatinus to her, called upon them to witness that
her death should not be unavenged, and stabbed herself to death.
Tarquinius was driven out, mostly by the efforts of Brutus, after
twenty-five years of ruling. Then the first consuls were created:
Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus.

BOOK 2 (509‒468 bce)

Brutus bound the Roman people by oath to allow no one to rule as

a king at Rome in the future. He forced his colleague Tarquinius
Collatinus, who was under suspicion because of his familial relationship
 periocha 2 223
to the Tarquinii, to abdicate his consulship and leave the city. Brutus
ordered the royal property to be seized as plunder, and he dedicated
the land to Mars; this was called the Campus Martius. Well-born
young men, including Brutus’ own sons and those of his brother, had
conspired to restore the kings, and so Brutus had them beheaded.
Brutus conferred freedom on the slave informant, whose name was
Vindicius; the vindicta* was named after him. When Brutus had
marched out the army against the royal family, which had invaded
with troops drawn from the Veientes and Tarquinienses, he fought
with Arruns, the son of Superbus, and they both died. The married
women mourned him for a year.
The consul Publius Valerius brought before the people a law about
the right to appeal. The Capitol was dedicated. Although Porsenna,
king of Clusium, reached the Janiculum during a campaign he had
undertaken for the Tarquinii, he was prevented from crossing the
Tiber by the courage of Horatius Cocles. This man, while others
were chopping down the Sublician bridge, held off the Etruscans on
his own, and when the bridge had been broken apart, he plunged into
the river in full armour and swam across to his own men. Another
example of courage was added in the person of Mucius. When he had
penetrated the enemy’s camp to kill Porsenna, he murdered Porsenna’s
secretary, whom he had thought to be the king. Mucius was appre-
hended, and he placed his hand on the altar where there had been a
sacrifice and let it burn, saying that there were 300 men just like him.
Compelled by admiration for these men, Porsenna sought peace-terms
and abandoned the war once he had received hostages. One of them,
a young woman named Cloelia, tricked her guards and swam across
the Tiber to her own people. When Cloelia was restored to Porsenna,
she was respectfully sent back by him and rewarded with an equestrian
statue.
The dictator Aulus Postumius fought successfully against
Tarquinius Superbus when he mounted an offensive with an army of
Latins.
Appius Claudius deserted to Rome from the Sabines. For this
reason, the Claudian tribe was added, and the number of tribes
increased so that there were twenty-one. When the plebeians seceded
to the Sacred Mount for the sake of men who had been enslaved
for debt, they were recalled from their rebellion by the counsel of
Menenius Agrippa. When this same Agrippa died, he was buried at
224 periochae 2‒3
public expense because of his poverty. Five tribunes of the plebs were
created. Corioli, a city of the Volsci, was captured by the courage
and efforts of Gnaeus Marcius, who was called Coriolanus for this
reason. When Titus Latinius, a man of the plebeians, was warned by
a supernatural manifestation that he should make a report to the
Senate about certain religious matters and he failed to do so, his son
died, and his feet became paralysed. After he had been brought to the
Senate in a litter and had revealed those same matters, he recovered
the use of his feet, and he returned home. When Gnaeus Marcius
Coriolanus, who had been driven into exile, had become a leader of
the Volsci and had brought an enemy army against the city, first
ambassadors and then priests were sent to him and beseeched him,
in vain, not to make war on his fatherland; his mother Veturia and his
wife Volumnia successfully requested him to retreat.
An agrarian law was proposed for the first time. Spurius Cassius,
a former consul, was prosecuted and executed for the crime of aiming
at monarchy. The Vestal Opillia was buried alive for sexual impurity.
When the neighbouring Veientes were not so much threatening as
troublesome, the Fabian family demanded responsibility to conduct
the war and dispatched 306 armed men for this purpose; all but one
were killed at the Cremera by the enemy. When a battle against the
Volsci went badly because of the troops’ defiant attitude, the consul
Appius Claudius had one out of every ten soldiers beaten to death.
The book also contains fighting against the Volsci and the Hernici
and the Veientes as well as internal conflicts between the fathers and
the plebs.

BOOK 3 (467‒446 bce)

There were uprisings over agrarian legislation. The Capitol was occu-
pied by exiles and slaves; they were killed, and it was taken back. The
census was conducted twice. In the earlier five-year period the citizens
totalled 108,714, excluding orphans and widows; in the subsequent
one, they totalled 117,219.
When a battle against the Aequi went badly, Lucius Quinctius
Cincinnatus was made dictator and summoned to conduct the war
although he was immersed in agricultural work in the country. He sent
his defeated foes beneath the yoke.
 periochae 3‒4 225
The number of tribunes of the plebs was increased, such that there
were ten in the thirty-sixth year after the first tribunes of the plebs.
In the three hundred and second year after Rome was founded,*
Athenian laws were sought out by envoys and brought back, and ten
men were appointed instead of consuls, without any other magistrates,
to organize and enact these, and just as power was transferred from the
kings to the consuls, so it was passed from the consuls to the decemvir-
ate. Ten tables of laws were published, and the men had conducted
themselves with restraint in their office; for this reason it had been
agreed that the same magistracy should exist again for a second year.
After they had added two tables to the ten, when they had committed
many lawless deeds, they refused to resign the magistracy and held on
to it for a third year, until Appius Claudius’ lust brought an end to
their despised power. He had fallen in love with the virgin Virginia.
He sent a man to claim her as his slave and left her father Virginius
with no recourse. Virginius snatched a knife from a nearby shop and
killed his daughter since there was no other way to prevent her from
coming under the control of a man who would force sex upon her. The
plebeians were roused by this instance of such enormous injustice.
They occupied the Aventine Mount and forced the decemvirate to abdi-
cate the magistracy. Of the ten, Appius Claudius especially had earned
punishment and was thrown into jail; the rest were driven into exile.
The book contains also successful campaigning against the Sabines
and the Volsci and a dishonourable ruling rendered by the Roman
people. When they were chosen to adjudicate between the Ardeates
and the Aricini about territory that was under dispute, they assigned
it to themselves.

BOOK 4 (445‒404 bce)

The law concerning intermarriage between patricians and plebeians

was carried by the tribunes after fierce argument with the patricians,
who opposed it. The tribunes <. . .> of the plebs.
For some years the affairs of the Roman people were administered
at home and abroad by this type of magistrate.* Also then for the first
time censors were created. The land that had been taken away from
the Ardeates by the ruling of the people was restored to them after
colonists had been sent there.
226 periochae 4‒5
When the Roman people were struggling with famine, the Roman
equestrian Spurius Maelius liberally bestowed grain on the people at
his own expense, and because of this action the plebeians were won
over to him. When he sought monarchic power, he was killed by Gaius
Servilius Ahala, the master of the horse, under an order from the
dictator Quintus Cincinnatus;* the man who denounced him, Lucius
Minucius, was rewarded with a gilded cow. Roman ambassadors
were killed by the Fidenates; because they had died for the Republic,
statues of them were erected on the Rostra.
Cossus Cornelius, a military tribune, killed Tolumnius, the king
of the Veientes, and brought back the second set of spolia opima. The
dictator Mamercus Aemilius limited the office of censor, which pre-
viously lasted five years, to the period of a year and six months. For this
reason he was blacklisted by the censors. Fidenae was brought under
control, and colonists were sent there. When the Fidenates killed them
and revolted, they were defeated by the dictator Mamercus Aemilius,
and Fidenae was captured.
A conspiracy of slaves was suppressed. The military tribune
Postumius was killed by the army because of his cruelty. The soldiers
were paid from the treasury for the first time. The book contains also
campaigns against the Volsci and the Fidenates and the Falisci.

BOOK 5 (430‒390 bce)

During the siege of Veii quarters were built for the soldiers. Since this
was an innovation, it roused the indignation of the tribunes of the plebs,
who complained that the plebeians were being given no respite from
military service, not even in winter. Then for the first time the equites
began to serve with their own horses. When the Alban Lake flooded, a
seer was captured from the enemy to interpret the event. The dictator
Furius Camillus took Veii after it had been under siege for ten years; he
transferred the statue of Juno to Rome; and he sent a tenth of the spoils
to Delphi for Apollo. As military tribune, the same man besieged the
Falisci, and when the children of the enemy were handed over to him,
he returned them to their parents. The Falisci immediately surren-
dered, and Camillus achieved victory over them through justice.
When Gaius Julius, one of the censors, died, Marcus Cornelius
was installed in his place. But this was never done again since Rome
was captured by the Gauls in that lustrum.
 periochae 5‒6 227
Furius Camillus went into exile when a trial date was set for him
by the tribune of the plebs Lucius Apuleius. When the Gallic Senones
besieged Clusium and envoys were sent by the Senate to arrange a
peace between them and the Clusini, the envoys fought against the
Senones, standing in the Clusini’s battle column. This action antag-
onized the Senones, and they set out for the city with a hostile force.
After putting the Romans to flight at the Allia, the Gauls captured
the city, except for the Capitol, where the Roman youth had betaken
themselves; the older men seated themselves in the entry-ways of
their homes, each with the insignia of the highest office he had held,
and were killed.
At the moment when the Gauls had climbed to the top along the
back side of the Capitol, they were betrayed by the honking of geese,
and they were forced back down, especially through the efforts of
Marcus Manlius. Subsequently, when the Romans were forced by
near-starvation to come down from there to give 1,000 pounds of
gold and with this sum to purchase an end to the siege, Furius
Camillus, who had been created dictator in his absence, arrived with
an army at the very moment of the parley about the peace-terms. He
drove the Gauls out of the city after six months and slaughtered
them. When there was talk that the Romans should move to Veii
because Rome had been burned and ruined, Camillus was respon-
sible for the rejection of the plan. The omen of a remark heard from
a centurion also influenced the people; after he had entered the
Forum, he had said to his troops: ‘Halt, soldiers; this is the best place
for us to stay.’
The temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was built because, before the city
was taken, an utterance that the Gauls were coming had been heard.

BOOK 6 (389‒367 bce)

The book contains successful campaigns against the Volsci and the
Aequi and the Praenestini. Four tribes were added: the Stellatina,
the Tromentina, the Sabatina, the Arniensis. When Marcus Manlius,
who had defended the Capitol from the Gauls, freed men bound by
debt and released men in debt-bondage, he was condemned on the
charge of seeking monarchic power and thrown from the Rock.* To
mark his disgrace, the Senate passed a decree that the name ‘Marcus’
should not be given to anyone in the Manlian family.
228 periochae 6‒7
Gaius Licinius and Lucius Sextius, tribunes of the plebs, promul-
gated a law allowing consuls, who were created from amongst the
fathers, to come from the plebeians. Although the fathers opposed
this law with fierce argument, after the same tribunes of the plebs
had been the only magistrates for five years, they got it passed; and
Lucius Sextius was made the first consul from the plebs. Another law
was passed too, preventing anyone from possessing more than 500
iugera of land.

BOOK 7 (366‒342 bce)

Two new magistracies were added: the praetorship and the curule
aedileship. The city laboured under a plague, and the death of Furius
Camillus gave it a special significance. When a cure and an end were
sought through new religious rituals, drama was introduced then for
the first time.
When Marcus Pomponius, the tribune of the plebs, had set a trial
date for Lucius Manlius because he had conducted the draft harshly
and because his son Titus Manlius had been exiled to the country
without any charge, the same young man, the one whose rural exile
was grounds for accusing his father, entered the bedroom of the trib-
une, drew a sword, and forced the tribune to swear at the young
man’s dictation that he would not pursue the charge. Then all valu-
ables were dropped into a very deep chasm in the city of Rome.
Curtius, armed and astride his horse, hurled himself into it, and it
filled up. Titus Manlius, the young man who had saved his father
from tribunician persecution, entered into single combat against a
Gaul who was challenging anyone from the ranks of Roman soldiers.
Titus killed the Gaul and stripped a golden torque from him. From
then on he wore it, and thus he was called Torquatus. Two tribes were
added: the Pomptina and the Publilia. Because he possessed more
than 500 iugera of land, Licinius Stolo was condemned under the law
he had had passed. A military tribune, Marcus Valerius, killed a Gaul
who had challenged him, while a crow perched on his helmet and
tormented his opponent with its claws and beak. From this episode
Marcus Valerius took the name of Corvus,* and the following year,
when he was twenty-three, he was made consul for his courage. A
friendship was formed with the Carthaginians. When the Campanians
 periochae 7‒8 229
were hard-pressed in a war with the Samnites, they asked the Senate
for help against them. When the Campanians did not obtain it, they
gave their city and land to the Roman people. For this reason it was
agreed to defend these, which had become the property of the Roman
people, against the Samnites. When the army had been led by the
consul Aulus Cornelius into grave danger in an unfavourable loca-
tion, it was saved by the efforts of a military tribune, Publius Decius
Mus. He occupied a hill above the ridge where the Samnites had
encamped and gave the consul the opportunity to move to more
favourable ground; when Decius himself was surrounded by the
enemy, he broke through their ranks. When Roman soldiers who had
been left in a garrison in Capua had conspired to occupy the city and
their plan had been uncovered, they had defected from the Roman
people out of fear of punishment. They were brought back to the
fatherland by the dictator Marcus Valerius Corvus, who had recalled
them from their madness with his counsel. The book contains also
successful campaigns against the Hernici and the Gauls and the
Tiburtes and the Privernates and the Tarquinienses and the Samnites
and the Volsci.

BOOK 8 (341‒322 bce)

When the Latins defected with the Campanians and sent ambassa-
dors to the Senate, they set as their condition that if the Romans
wished to have peace, they should choose one of the two consuls
from the Latins. When this message had been delivered, their prae-
tor Annius fell from the Capitol in such a way that he died. Then the
consul Titus Manlius, because his son fought the Latins against his
orders, had him beheaded, even though his son had fought success-
fully. While the Romans were struggling in a battle, Publius Decius,
at the time consul with Manlius, devoted himself * on behalf of the
army; he spurred his horse and rode right into the thick of the enemy.
He was killed, and with his death saved victory for the Romans. The
Latins surrendered. When Titus Manlius returned to the city, none
of the young men came out to greet him. The Vestal Minucia was
condemned for sexual impurity. After the defeat of the Ausones and
the capture of their city, the colony of Cales and also the colony of
Fregellae were founded.
230 periochae 8‒9
A large number of married women were caught using poison; most
of them immediately drank their own potions and died. A law against
poisoning was then passed for the first time. Citizenship was conferred
on the Privernates after a war was fought against them and they were
defeated. The people of Naples were defeated by war and a siege, and
they surrendered. Quintus Publilius, who had conducted the siege, was
the first both to have his imperium extended and to be voted a triumph
as a proconsul.
The plebeians were liberated from debt because of the lust of their
creditor Lucius Papirius, who had wished to rape Gaius Publilius,
his own debtor.
When the dictator Lucius Papirius Cursor returned to the city
from the army to take the auspices anew, his master of horse Quintus
Fabius was tempted by a favourable opportunity for an attack and
fought successfully against the Samnites, in contravention of Papirius’
instructions. For this reason, when the dictator seemed about to
exact punishment from the master of horse, Fabius fled to Rome and,
when his case was meeting with little success, he was rescued by appeals
from the people. The book also contains successful campaigning
against the Samnites.

BOOK 9 (321‒304 bce)

The consuls Titus Veturius and Spurius Postumius led the army
into a narrow space at the Caudine Forks. Since there was no hope of
escape, they made a treaty with the Samnites and gave 600 Roman
equites as hostages and led the army out on the condition that they
were all sent beneath the yoke. At the urging of the consul, Spurius
Postumius, who pushed in the Senate the view that the communal
promise would be kept by the surrender of the individuals who were
responsible for striking so shameful a treaty, these same men, together
with the two tribunes of the plebs and all who had acted as surety
for the treaty, were handed over. When these men were handed over
to the Samnites, the Samnites refused them. Shortly afterwards, the
Samnites were routed by Papirius Cursor and sent beneath the yoke,
the 600 Roman equites who had been hostages were recovered, and the
disgrace of the earlier dishonour was erased.
 periochae 9‒10 231
Two tribes were added: the Oufentina and the Falerna. Colonies
were established at Suessa and Pontia. The censor Appius Claudius
constructed an aqueduct, paved the road that was named the Appian
Way, and selected the sons of freedmen for the Senate. Accordingly,
since that order seemed debased by unworthy men, the following
year the consuls oversaw the selection of the Senate in the way it had
been done before the most recent censors.
The book contains also successful campaigning against the Apuli
and the Etruscans and the Umbrians and the Marsi and the Paeligni
and the Aequi, and the Samnites, with whom the treaty was renewed.
The clerk Gnaeus Flavius, the son of a freedman, was made curule
aedile through the agency of the Forum claque.* When this group
upset the elections and the Campus Martius and dominated them
because of its extensive resources, the censor Quintus Fabius redis-
tributed the claque into four tribes, which he designated ‘urban’.
This act gave him the name Fabius Maximus.
In this book the author mentions Alexander, who lived at that time,
estimates the strength of the Roman people at the time, and deduces
that if Alexander had crossed to Italy, he would not have achieved a
victory over the Roman people as he did over those people in the East
whom he had subjugated.

BOOK 10 (302‒292 bce)

Colonies were established at Sora and Alba and Carseoli. The Marsi’s
surrender was accepted. The college of augurs was expanded so that
there were nine where previously there had been four. For the third
time a law about the right of appeal was brought before the people
by the consul Murena. Two tribes were added: the Aniensis and the
Terentina. War was declared on the Samnites, and the fighting against
them was frequently successful. When there was a battle against the
Etruscans, the Umbrians, the Samnites, and the Gauls under the
leadership of Publius Decius and Quintus Fabius, and the Roman
army was in grave danger, Publius Decius followed the example of
his father and dedicated himself on behalf of the army; by his death
he gave the victory in the battle to the Roman people. Papirius Cursor
routed an army of Samnites who had gone into battle bound by an oath
232 periochae 10‒ 12
to fight with more constancy and valour. The census was conducted;
the lustrum was ritually closed. The number of citizens totalled 272,320.

BOOK 11 (292‒284 bce)

When the consul Fabius Gurges had fought unsuccessfully against

the Samnites and the Senate was deliberating about removing him
from the army, his father Fabius Maximus pleaded that this disgrace
should not be inflicted on his son; and he swayed the Senate particu-
larly because he promised that he himself would go as a lieutenant to
his son, and he carried through on his promise. Aided by his advice
and efforts, his son the consul defeated the Samnites and celebrated
a triumph; Fabius led the Samnites’ commander Gaius Pontius in
the triumphal procession and then had him beheaded.
When the city was beset by a plague, envoys were sent to bring the
cult statue of Aesculapius from Epidaurus to Rome; they transported
a snake, which had boarded their ship and which was generally agreed
to contain the god’s spirit. Thus when it disembarked at the island in
the Tiber, a temple to Aesculapius was established in that very location.
The former consul Lucius Postumius was convicted because he had
employed the services of soldiers on his own land when he commanded
the army. When the Samnites sought peace, the treaty was renewed for
the fourth time. The consul Curius Dentatus slaughtered the Samnites,
overcame the Sabines, who had revolted, received their submission,
and triumphed twice in the same magistracy. The colonies of Castrum,
Sena, and Hadria were founded. Triumviri capitales* were elected then
for the first time. The census was conducted, and the lustrum was ritually
closed. The number of citizens totalled 272,000. Because of debt, after
prolonged and severe civil unrest the plebeians finally seceded to the
Janiculum; the dictator Quintus Hortensius brought them back from
there; he died while holding that office. The book contains also cam-
paigns against the Vulsinienses as well as against the Lucani, as it had
been agreed to bring help to the people of Thurii against them.

BOOK 12 (284‒281 bce)

When envoys from the Romans were killed by the Gallic Senones,
war was declared on the Gauls for this reason; the praetor Lucius
 periochae 12‒13 233
Caecilius together with his legions was slaughtered by them.
When the Roman fleet was seized by the Tarentini and one of the
duumviri who was commanding the fleet was killed, ambassadors
were sent by the Senate to the Tarentini to complain to them about
these wrongs; the ambassadors were maltreated. War was declared
on the Tarentini for this reason. The Samnites defected. There was
successful fighting against them and the Lucani and the Bruttii and
the Etruscans in several battles by a number of leaders. Pyrrhus, king
of Epirus, came to Italy to aid the Tarentini. When a Campanian
legion was sent to the defence of the Rhegini with Decius Vibullius
as their commander, it killed the Rhegini and took control of
Rhegium.

BOOK 13 (280‒278 bce)

The consul Valerius Laevinus fought Pyrrhus with little success:

the soldiers were particularly terrified by the unfamiliar spectacle of
elephants. After this battle, when Pyrrhus was inspecting the corpses
of the Romans who had fallen in the fray, he found them all facing
the enemy. Ravaging the land, he advanced on Rome. Gaius Fabricius
was sent by the Senate to him to discuss ransoming the captives;
the king tried, in vain, to influence him to desert his fatherland. The
captives were sent back without ransom money. Cineas was sent by
Pyrrhus as an envoy to the Senate and asked that the king be admit-
ted to the city for the sake of arranging a peace treaty. When it had
been agreed to discuss this matter at a well-attended session of the
Senate, Appius Claudius, who had kept himself out of public delib-
erations for a long time on account of an eye disease, went to the
Curia and prevailed in his opinion that Pyrrhus should be denied this
request.
The first plebeian censor, Gnaeus Domitius, ritually closed the
lustrum. The number of citizens totalled 287,222. There was another
battle against Pyrrhus, with no definitive outcome. The treaty with
the Carthaginians was renewed for the fourth time. When a man who
had deserted from Pyrrhus to Gaius Fabricius promised to adminis-
ter poison to the king, he was sent back to the king with information
about what he had done. The book contains also successful cam-
paigns against the Lucani and the Bruttii, the Samnites and the
Etruscans.
234 periochae 14‒16

BOOK 14 (278‒272 bce)

Pyrrhus crossed to Sicily. When, amongst other prodigies, the statue

of Jupiter on the Capitol was knocked down by lightning, the head
was located by the haruspices. When the consul Curius Dentatus held
the draft, he was the first to auction off the property of a man who
had been summonsed and had not responded. He defeated Pyrrhus
for the second time when the latter returned to Italy from Sicily, and
he drove Pyrrhus from Italy. As censor, Fabricius removed the former
consul Publius Cornelius Rufinus from the Senate because he had
ten pounds of worked silver. The lustrum was ritually closed by the
censors, and the number of citizens totalled 271,224. An alliance was
formed with Ptolemy, king of Egypt. The Vestal Sextilia was con-
victed of sexual impurity and buried alive. The colonies of Posidonia
and Cosa were founded. The Carthaginian fleet came to the aid of the
Tarentini; by this act the Carthaginians violated the treaty. The book
contains also successful campaigns against the Lucani, the Bruttii,
and the Samnites, as well as the death of King Pyrrhus.

BOOK 15 (272‒265 bce)

The Tarentini were defeated, and a peace treaty and freedom were
conferred on them. The Campanian legion that had occupied Rhegium
was besieged; it surrendered and was beheaded. When the envoys from
Apollonia who had been sent to the Senate were beaten up by certain
youths, the young men were handed over to the people of Apollonia.
The Picentes were defeated, and peace was conferred on them.
Colonies were established: Ariminum in Picenum and Beneventum
in Samnium. Then for the first time the Roman people began to use
silver money. The Umbrians and the Sallentines were defeated, and
their surrender accepted. The number of quaestors was increased so
that there were eight of them.

BOOK 16 (264‒261 bce)

The origins of the Carthaginians and the foundation of their city

are recorded. The Senate decided that help should be given to the
 periochae 16‒ 18 235
Mamertines against the Carthaginians and Hiero, king of Syracuse,
although there had been a dispute about this matter between those
arguing for it and those arguing against. Then for the first time
Roman troops crossed the sea, and they fought several times against
Hiero with success. Peace was made with him when he asked for it.
The lustrum was ritually closed by the censors. The number of citi-
zens totalled 382,234. Decimus Junius Brutus was the first to put on
a gladiatorial contest, in honour of his deceased father. The colony of
Aesernia was founded. The book contains also successful campaigns
against the Carthaginians and the Vulsinii.

BOOK 17 (260‒256 bce)

The consul Gnaeus Cornelius was surrounded by the Carthaginian

fleet and, lured out as if for a parley, was captured by deception. The
consul Gaius Duillius fought successfully against the Carthaginian
fleet, and he was the first of all Roman generals to celebrate a triumph
for a naval victory. For this reason he held also a lifetime honour:
when he returned from dining out, he was preceded by a pipe-player
and a torch-bearer. The consul Lucius Cornelius fought with good
fortune in Sardinia and Corsica against the Sardinians, the
Corsicans, and Hanno, the Carthaginian general. When the consul
Atilius Calatinus had rashly led his army into a place surrounded by
Carthaginians, he escaped because of the bravery and efforts of the
military tribune Marcus Calpurnius, who made an assault with 300
soldiers and diverted the enemy in his direction. When the fleet the
Carthaginian general Hannibal was commanding was defeated, he
was crucified by his own soldiers. The consul Atilius Regulus
defeated the Carthaginians in a naval battle and crossed to Africa.

BOOK 18 (256‒252 bce)

In Africa, Atilius Regulus killed an unnaturally enormous serpent

with significant losses to his forces, and since he had waged several
battles successfully against the Carthaginians, a successor for him
was not sent by the Senate while he was conducting the war well.
Through a letter written to the Senate, he complained about this
236 periochae 18‒19
very thing; in it, amongst his reasons for seeking a successor was the
fact that his little plot of land was abandoned by the men hired to
work it. Then, since Fortune sought to make Regulus a powerful
example of both good and bad fortune, the Carthaginians called on
Xanthippus, the Lacedaemonian general, and Regulus was defeated
in battle and captured. Thereupon disasters to the fleet spoiled the
campaigns, which had been going well, of all the Roman generals
both on land and at sea. Tiberius Coruncanius was the first plebeian
to be made pontifex maximus. When the censors Manius Valerius
Maximus and Publius Sempronius Sophus reviewed the Senate,
they removed sixteen men from it. They ritually closed the lustrum;
during it the number of citizens totalled 297,797. Regulus was sent
by the Carthaginians to the Senate to deliberate about a peace treaty
and, if he could not achieve one, about an exchange of prisoners; and
he was constrained by an oath that he would return to Carthage if
there were no agreement about the exchange of prisoners. And he
advised the Senate to refuse both demands, and he returned with his
integrity intact and died from the punishment exacted by the
Carthaginians.

BOOK 19 (251‒241 bce)

Caecilius Metellus celebrated a brilliant triumph for his successful

achievements against the Carthaginians, with thirteen enemy gener-
als and 120 elephants in the parade. The consul Claudius Pulcher set
out against the auspices—he ordered the sacred chickens to be
drowned since they refused to eat—and fought a luckless naval battle
against the Carthaginians, and he was recalled by the Senate and
ordered to name a dictator; he named Claudius Glicia, a man of
the lowest rank, who was forced to resign his magistracy and then
watched the games in his toga praetexta.* Aulus Atilius Calatinus was
the first dictator to lead an army outside Italy. An exchange of pris-
oners was effected with the Carthaginians. The colonies of Fregenae
and Brundisium, in Sallentine territory, were founded. The lustrum was
ritually closed by the censors. The number of citizens totalled 241,212.
When Claudia, the sister of Publius Claudius, the one who had fought
unsuccessfully after disregarding the auspices, was returning from the
games and was being crushed by the crowd, she said, ‘Would that my
 periochae 19‒20 237
brother were alive; would that he were leading the fleet again.’ For
this reason, a fine was imposed on her. Two praetors were created
then for the first time. When the consul Aulus Postumius wished to
set out to wage war, Caecilius Metellus, the pontifex maximus, kept
him in the city and did not allow him to abandon the sacred rites
since Postumius was also the priest of Mars. Although campaigns
were successfully conducted against the Carthaginians by many lead-
ers, the consul Gaius Lutatius won the crowning victory by defeat-
ing the Carthaginian fleet at the Aegetes Islands. The Carthaginians
sought and received peace. When the temple of Vesta burned, the
pontifex maximus Caecilius Metellus snatched the sacred objects
from the flames. Two tribes were added: the Velina and the Quirina.

BOOK 20 (241‒219 bce)

When the Falisci revolted they were subdued in five days and surren-
dered. The colony of Spoletium was founded. An army was deployed
against the Ligures then for the first time. When the Sardinians and
the Corsicans revolted, they were subdued. The Vestal Tuccia was
convicted of sexual impurity. War was declared on the Illyrians
because one of the ambassadors who had been sent to them was killed;
and they were subdued and surrendered. The number of praetors
was increased so that there were four. The Transalpine Gauls, who
had invaded Italy, were defeated. The author says that in the war the
Roman people had 80,000 troops of their own and the Latin and Italian
allies. Roman armies were led then for the first time across the Po, and
the Gallic Insubres were routed in several battles and surrendered.
The consul Marcus Claudius Marcellus killed Vertomarus, the leader
of the Gallic Insubres, and brought back the spolia opima. The Istrians
were subdued. When the Illyrians rebelled for a second time, they
were reduced to subservience and surrendered. The lustrum was ritu-
ally closed three times by the censors. On the first occasion the number
of citizens totalled 270,212. Although previously the freedmen had
been spread amongst all of the tribes, they were distributed into four
of them: the Esquilina, the Palatina, the Suburana, and the Collina.
The censor Gaius Flaminius built the Flaminian Way and constructed
the Circus Flaminius. The colonies of Placentia and Cremona were
founded in the land taken from the Gauls.
238 periochae 21‒22

BOOK 21 (221‒217 bce)

The book describes the beginning of the Second Punic War and
the crossing of the Ebro river, in contravention of the treaty, by the
Carthaginian general Hannibal. Saguntum, a city of allies of the
Roman people, was besieged by him and taken in the eighth month.
Ambassadors were sent to the Carthaginians to protest these wrongs.
When the Carthaginians refused to make amends, war was declared on
them. Hannibal traversed a pass in the Pyrenees, routed the Volcae,
who had tried to obstruct him, proceeded through the middle of the
Gauls to the Alps, and crossed them with a great deal of effort; and
after he had also repulsed in several battles the mountain-dwelling
Gauls in his way, he descended into Italy, and routed the Romans in a
cavalry battle at the Ticinus river. In this battle, Publius Cornelius
Scipio was wounded, and he was rescued by his son, the one who sub-
sequently received the name ‘Africanus’. The Roman army was routed
a second time at the River Trebia, and Hannibal crossed the Apennines
also, at much cost to his soldiers because of the severity of the weather.
In Spain, Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio fought successfully against the
Carthaginians, and Mago, the enemy’s general, was captured.

BOOK 22 (217‒216 bce)

With all-night marches through swamplands Hannibal reached

Etruria, though he became blind in one eye; he travelled for four
days and three nights through these swamps without any rest. The
consul Gaius Flaminius, who was a reckless man, set out against the
auspices: the military standards that could not be lifted were dug out,
and he was thrown over the head of the horse he had mounted.
Encircled by Hannibal’s ambush, he was slaughtered with his army
at Lake Trasimene. The 6,000 men who had broken through were
treacherously put in chains by Hannibal, although Adherbal had
guaranteed their safety. Amidst the mourning in Rome at the
announcement of the defeat, two mothers died from unexpected joy
when their sons returned. Because of the disaster, a sacred spring*
was vowed in accordance with the Sibylline books.
Then, when the dictator Quintus Fabius Maximus was sent out
against Hannibal and refused to engage him—for fear that he would
 periochae 22 239
be entrusting his troops to fight losing battles against an enemy who
was fierce from so many victories—and when he was impeding
Hannibal’s efforts just by setting himself up as an obstacle, the
master of the horse, Marcus Minucius, a fierce and reckless man,
accused the dictator of being lazy and fearful and brought it
about that, by order of the people, his military authority was made
equal to that of the dictator. The army was divided between
them, and when Minucius had fought in an unfavourable location
and his legions were in grave danger, Fabius Maximus intervened
with his army and rescued Minucius from danger. Won over by
this generous deed, Minucius joined his camp with that of
Fabius and hailed him as ‘father’, and he ordered his troops to do
the same.
After laying waste to Campania, Hannibal was surrounded by
Fabius between the town of Casilinum and Mount Callicula. He tied
brushwood to the horns of cattle and set it on fire, and put to flight
the Roman garrison that was occupying Callicula, and thus he crossed
the pass. In addition, Hannibal spared the lands of the dictator
Quintus Fabius Maximus when he burned the surrounding area, in
order to cast suspicion on Fabius as a traitor.
Then, when Aemilius Paullus and Terentius Varro were consuls
and generals, there was a battle at Cannae against Hannibal with a
disastrous outcome: 45,000 Romans, including the consul Paullus
and ninety senators and thirty former consuls, praetors, and aediles
were killed in the battle. Afterwards, when out of despair young
nobles were planning to abandon Italy, Publius Cornelius Scipio, the
military tribune who was subsequently called Africanus, with his
sword drawn and over their heads as they deliberated, swore that he
would consider a public enemy anyone who did not repeat his oath
after him, and he brought it about that all of them were bound by
oath that they would not leave Italy.
Because of the insufficiency of troops, 8,000 slaves were armed.
Although there was an opportunity to ransom the prisoners of war,
they were not ransomed.
The book contains also the trepidation in the city and the mourn-
ing and the campaigning in Spain, which had a more favourable
outcome. Opimia and Florentia, Vestals, were convicted of sexual
impurity. Varro was met along his way, and thanks were given
because he had not despaired of the Republic.
240 periochae 23‒24

BOOK 23 (216‒215 bce)

The Campanians defected to Hannibal. Mago, the messenger sent to

Carthage about the victory at Cannae, spread out in the entry hall of
their curia the golden rings stripped from the bodies of the dead; it
is said that together the rings exceeded a quarter of a bushel. After
this messenger, Hanno, a man from the Punic nobility, urged the
senate of the Carthaginians to seek peace with the Roman people, but
as the Barca faction put up vigorous resistance, he did not prevail.
The praetor Claudius Marcellus fought successfully at Nola, in a
sally made against Hannibal from the town. Casilinum was besieged
by the Carthaginians, and was so worn down by hunger that those
inside ate leather straps and animal skins torn from shields, and mice.
The people survived on nuts floated down the Volturnus river by the
Romans.
The Senate was brought up to full size with 197 men from the
equestrian order. The praetor Lucius Postumius was killed, together
with his army, by the Gauls. In Spain, Gnaeus and Publius Scipio
overcame Hasdrubal and took control of Spain. The remnants of the
army from Cannae were banished to Sicily, which they were not to
leave until the war ended. The consul Sempronius Gracchus defeated
the Campanians. Claudius Marcellus the praetor put to flight and
overcame Hannibal’s army in a battle at Nola, and he was the first to
give the Romans, who were worn out by so many calamitous defeats,
greater hope for the war.
An alliance was formed between Philip, king of Macedonia, and
Hannibal. The book contains in addition the successful campaigning
in Spain by Publius and <. . .> Titus Manlius the praetor against the
Carthaginians. The general Hasdrubal and Mago and Hanno were
taken prisoner by them. Hannibal’s army so indulged itself in its
winter quarters that it weakened its physical and mental strength.

BOOK 24 (215‒213 bce)

Hieronymus, king of Syracuse, whose father Hiero had been a friend

of the Roman people, defected to the Carthaginians, and because of
his savagery and arrogance he was killed by his own people. The pro-
consul Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus fought successfully against
 periochae 24‒25 241
the Carthaginians and their general Hanno at Beneventum, espe-
cially through the effort of the slaves, whom he directed to be freed.
In Sicily, almost all of which had defected to the Carthaginians, the
consul Claudius Marcellus besieged Syracuse. War was declared on
Philip, king of the Macedonians, who was overwhelmed at Apollonia
in a night-time attack and was frightened off and fled to Macedonia
with his army almost weaponless. Marcus Valerius the praetor was
dispatched to conduct this war.
The book contains also the campaigns in Spain by Publius and
Gnaeus Scipio against the Carthaginians. Syphax, king of Numidia,
was drawn into friendship with the Scipios. He was defeated by
Masinissa, the king of the Massylians, who was fighting for the
Carthaginians, and Syphax crossed over to Scipio in Spain with a
large troop opposite Gades, where Africa and Spain are separated by
a narrow strait. The Celtiberi too were taken into friendship. With
the acquisition of these auxiliaries, then for the first time the Roman
army had mercenaries as soldiers.

BOOK 25 (213‒212 bce)

Publius Cornelius Scipio, subsequently Africanus, became aedile

before the requisite age. Through the help of Tarentine youths who
pretended that they were going hunting at night, Hannibal seized
Tarentum, except for the citadel, where the Roman garrison had
fled. In accordance with the Marcian verses,* in which the defeat at
Cannae had been predicted, the Apollinine Games were instituted.
The consuls Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius fought success-
fully against Hanno, the general of the Carthaginians. The proconsul
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus was led by his Lucanian guest-friend
into an ambush and killed by Mago. Centenius Paenula, who had
served as a centurion, had asked the Senate that an army be given to
him, and he promised to defeat Hannibal if he were given one; once
given 8,000 troops and put in charge of them, he engaged Hannibal
in battle and was slaughtered together with the army.
Capua was besieged by the consuls Quintus Fulvius and Appius
Claudius. Gnaeus Fulvius the praetor suffered a reverse against
Hannibal. In this battle 20,000 men were killed; Fulvius himself fled
with 200 cavalry. Claudius Marcellus captured Syracuse in the third
242 periochae 25‒26
year and acted the part of a great man. In the confusion of the con-
quered city, Archimedes,* who was intent on the diagrams that he
had scratched in the dirt, was killed.
In Spain, Publius and Gnaeus Scipio met a sad end to their
numerous successes; they were killed together with practically their
entire armies in the eighth year after they had entered Spain. Control
of this province would have been lost had not Lucius Marcius, a
Roman of equestrian rank, gathered up the remnants of the armies
with courage and determination, and had not two enemy camps been
captured because of an exhortation by this same man. Around 27,000
were killed, 1,800 <. . .>, and enormous booty was seized. Marcius
was given the title of general.

BOOK 26 (211‒210 bce)

Hannibal pitched camp at the third milestone from Rome overlook-

ing the Anio. He personally, along with 2,000 cavalry, rode right
up to the Capena Gate itself so that he could investigate the layout of
the city. And although for three days in a row the entire army on
both sides descended in battle order, bad weather postponed combat;
for once Hannibal had returned to camp, the weather instantly
turned fair.
Capua was taken by the consuls Quintus Fulvius and Appius
Claudius. The leading citizens of Campania committed suicide by
taking poison. When the members of the Campania senate were
bound at the stake to be beheaded, the consul Quintus Fulvius
placed in the fold of his toga a letter sent by the Senate, in which he
was directed to exercise mercy, and ordered the law to be carried out,
and he exacted the punishment before he read the letter.
When at the elections there was a question before the people over
whom to entrust the command in Spain to, as no one was willing to
undertake it, Publius Scipio, son of the Publius who had fallen in
Spain, said that he would go, and he was sent by the vote of the
people and with universal agreement. He captured New Carthage
when he was twenty-four years old and seemed of divine origin, both
because every day since he had donned the toga he was in the
Capitoline temple and because a snake was frequently seen in his
mother’s bedroom.
 periochae 26‒ 28 243
The book contains also campaigning in Sicily and the treaty formed
with the Aetolians and the war conducted against the Acarnanians
and Philip, king of Macedonia.

BOOK 27 (210‒207 bce)

Gnaeus Fulvius the proconsul, together with his army, was slaughtered
by Hannibal at Herdonea. The consul Claudius Marcellus fought
against Hannibal with greater success at Numistro. Hannibal retreated
from there by night. Marcellus pursued him and constantly harassed
Hannibal as he was retreating, until he joined battle. In the first
battle Hannibal was victorious, but in the second Marcellus was. Fabius
Maximus the father as consul recovered Tarentum through betrayal.
The consuls Claudius Marcellus and Titus Quinctius Crispinus
left their camp to reconnoitre and were encircled in an ambush by
Hannibal. Marcellus was killed; Crispinus escaped. The lustrum was
ritually closed by the censors. The number of citizens totalled 137,108;
from this figure it was apparent how many men the Roman people
had lost through adverse fortune in so many battles.
In Spain, Scipio fought with Hasdrubal and Hamilcar at Baecula
and defeated them. Amidst the rest of the booty was captured a royal
youth of great beauty whom Scipio sent back to Masinissa, his uncle,
along with gifts. When Hasdrubal had crossed the Alps with a new
army in order to join up with Hannibal, he was slaughtered, along
with 56,000 men, and 5,400 men were captured. The consul Marcus
Livius was in charge, but the contribution of the consul Claudius
Nero was no smaller since he, when he was arrayed against Hannibal,
had left his camp in such a way as to deceive his enemy, set out with
a handpicked group, and had surrounded Hasdrubal.
The book contains also the successful deeds of Publius Scipio in
Spain and of Publius Sulpicius the praetor against Philip and the
Achaeans.

BOOK 28 (207‒205 bce)

Recorded here are the successful actions in Spain of Silanus, Scipio’s

lieutenant, and Lucius Scipio, his brother, against the Carthaginians,
244 periochae 28‒29
and of Publius Sulpicius the proconsul, together with an ally, Attalus,
king of Asia, against Philip, king of Macedonia, on behalf of the Aetolians.
When a triumph was voted to the consuls Marcus Livius and
Claudius Nero, Livius, who had been campaigning in his own area of
command, rode in a chariot while Nero, who had come to his col-
league’s area of command to aid his victory, followed on horseback,
and in this style he had all the more glory and respect; for he had also
done more than his colleague in the war.
Through the carelessness of a Vestal, the flame in the temple of
Vesta, which she had not protected, was extinguished; she was flogged.
In Spain, Publius Scipio and the Carthaginians fought to the finish
in the fourteenth year of the war—the fifth since he had gone there—
and, once the enemy had been completely driven from possession of
the province, Scipio recovered the Spanish territories. And, having
crossed from Tarraco to Africa, to Syphax, king of the Massylians, he
made a treaty with him. Hasdrubal son of Gisgo dined there with
Scipio on the very same couch. Scipio put on a gladiatorial show in
honour of his father and his uncle at New Carthage, using not gladi-
ators but those who entered the competition in honour of the general
or because of a challenge. In the show, brother princes fought with
swords for their kingdom. When the city of Gisia was besieged, the
inhabitants built up a funeral pyre, killed their children and wives over
it, and hurled themselves on it. While Scipio himself was suffering
from a grave illness, mutiny arose in part of the army; when he had
regained his strength, he broke up the mutiny, and he forced the
Spanish peoples who were rebelling to surrender. Also a friendship
was formed with Masinissa, the king of the Numidians, who promised
Scipio assistance if he were to cross to Africa; a friendship was formed
with the people of Gades also after Mago’s departure from there. (He
had orders from Carthage to cross to Italy.) Scipio returned to Rome
and was made consul. When he sought Africa as his area of command
and Quintus Fabius Maximus spoke against him, he was given Sicily,
with permission to cross to Africa if he judged this to be in the best
interests of the Republic. Mago, Hamilcar’s son, crossed to Italy from
the smaller of the Balearic Islands, where he had spent the winter.

BOOK 29 (205‒204 bce)

Gaius Laelius was dispatched from Sicily to Africa by Scipio. He

brought back vast plunder and reported to Scipio on Masinissa’s
 periocha 29 245
instructions that the king was complaining because Scipio had not
yet brought his army across to Africa. The war in Spain that Indibilis
had provoked had ended with the Roman victorious; Indibilis him-
self was slain in battle; Mandonius was handed over by his own men
when the Romans demanded it. To Mago, who was at Albingaunum
in Liguria, a sizeable band of troops was sent from Africa, as well as
cash, with which he was to hire auxiliaries, and he was instructed to
join forces with Hannibal. Scipio crossed from Syracuse to Bruttium
and took control of Locri after the Carthaginian garrison had been
driven out and Hannibal had been put to flight. Peace was made with
Philip.
The Idaean Mother was transported to Rome from Pessinus, a
town in Phrygia, in accordance with a verse discovered in the
Sibylline oracles that a foreign enemy could be driven from Italy if
the Idaean Mother were transported to Rome. And indeed she was
handed over to the Romans through the agency of Attalus, king of
Asia. The Idaean Mother was a black stone that the locals called the
mother of the gods. Publius Scipio Nasica, son of the Gnaeus who
had died in Spain, received the stone; he was the man judged the best
by the Senate, although he was a youth who had not yet held the
quaestorship; this satisfied the response that the divinity should be
received and dedicated by the best man.
The Locri sent representatives to Rome to protest the lawless
behaviour of the lieutenant Pleminius, who had stolen the treasury of
Proserpina and had raped their children and wives. He was brought
to Rome in chains and died in prison. When a false story about the
proconsul Publius Scipio, who was in Sicily, was spread in Rome,
specifically that he was living a life of luxury, representatives in this
matter were sent by the Senate to find out whether or not these
things were true. Scipio was cleared of the disgrace and crossed to
Africa with the permission of the Senate.
Syphax had married the daughter of Hasdrubal son of Gisgo and
renounced the friendship that he had made with Scipio. While
Masinissa, the king of the Massylians, was fighting for the
Carthaginians in Spain, his father Gala had died, and Masinissa had
lost the kingdom. He had often tried to take it back by war from
Syphax, the king of the Numidians; he was defeated and deprived of
the kingdom altogether. As an exile he joined Scipio with 200 cavalry
and straight off, in the first battle with him, he killed Hanno, the
son of Hamilcar, together with a sizeable band. At the approach of
246 periochae 29‒30
Hasdrubal and Syphax, who had come with nearly 100,000 armed
men, Scipio was driven back from the siege of Utica and fortified a
winter encampment.
The consul Sempronius fought successfully against Hannibal in
the territory of Croton. There was a notorious quarrel between the
censors Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero. On the one hand, Claudius
stripped his colleague of his horse because Livius had been convicted
by the people and driven into exile; on the other hand, Livius
stripped Claudius of his horse, because he had borne false witness
against Livius and because he had not reconciled with Livius in
good faith. Further, Livius made all the tribes save one into aerarii,
because they had convicted him when he was innocent and then
subsequently made him consul and censor. The lustrum was ritually
closed by the censors. The number of citizens totalled 214,000.

BOOK 30 (203‒201 bce)

In Africa, Scipio defeated the Carthaginians and this same Syphax,

king of Numidia, and Hasdrubal in several battles, with the assist-
ance of Masinissa; he captured two enemy camps, in which 40,000
men were killed by sword and fire. He took Syphax prisoner through
the agency of Gaius Laelius and Masinissa. Masinissa instantly fell in
love with the captive Sophonisba, the wife of Syphax and the daugh-
ter of Hasdrubal, and he held a wedding and made her his wife; taken
to task by Scipio, he sent her poison. She drank it and died. By
Scipio’s many victories it came about that the Carthaginians were
driven to despair and summoned Hannibal to come to the aid of the
public safety. So he, leaving Italy in the sixteenth year, crossed to
Africa, and attempted through peace negotiations to come to terms
with Scipio, and when there was no agreement about the terms of the
peace, Hannibal was defeated in battle. Peace was granted to the
Carthaginians when they sought it. Hannibal dragged Gisgo away
with his own hands when the latter argued against peace; then, once
he had apologized for his rashness, Hannibal himself spoke in favour
of peace. Masinissa’s kingdom was restored to him. Scipio returned
to Rome and celebrated the most elaborate and glorious triumph, in
which the senator Quintus Terentius Culleo followed him wearing
the cap of freedom. It is uncertain whether Scipio Africanus was so
 periochae 30‒31 247
named first through the army’s goodwill or through popular favour.
Certainly this general was the first to be made famous by the name of
the people he had defeated. Mago was wounded in a conflict which
he fought with the Romans in the territory of the Insubres; after
envoys were sent to recall him, as he was returning to Africa, he died
from the wound.

BOOK 31 (201‒200 bce)

The following reasons are reported for renewing the war against
Philip, king of Macedonia, which had been broken off. At the time of
the initiation rites,* two Acarnanian youths, who had not been initi-
ated, came to Athens and entered the sanctuary of Ceres with others
of their people. For this reason, on the grounds that they had com-
mitted a sin of the gravest sort, they were put to death by the
Athenians. The Acarnanians were roused by the deaths of their
fellow citizens and sought reinforcements from Philip to avenge
them, and they attacked Athens. The Athenians sought help from
the Romans a few months after peace had been conferred on the
Carthaginians. Representatives from the Athenians, who were being
besieged by Philip, sought help from the Senate, and the Senate
voted that it should be given, but the people disagreed because the
unremitting hardship of so many wars weighed heavily; but the
moral authority of the fathers prevailed, and the people, too, ordered
help to be brought to the allied city. This war was entrusted to the
consul Publius Sulpicius, who led his army into Macedonia and
fought successfully against Philip in cavalry battles. When the people
of Abydus were besieged by Philip, they killed their families and
themselves after the example of the Saguntines.
The praetor Lucius Furius defeated in battle the Gallic Insubres,
who were rebelling, and the Carthaginian Hamilcar, who was foment-
ing war in that part of Italy. Hamilcar was killed in the war along with
35,000 men.
The book contains also the military operations of King Philip
and the consul Sulpicius, and accounts of how both of them took
cities by storm. The consul Sulpicius campaigned with the help of
King Attalus and the Rhodians. Lucius Furius celebrated a triumph
over the Gauls.
248 periochae 32‒ 33

BOOK 32 (199‒197 bce)

Several prodigies announced from different areas are reported,

including the sprouting of a laurel tree on the deck of a warship.
Titus Quinctius Flamininus fought successfully against Philip in
the passes of Epirus, and when Philip had been put to flight,
Flamininus forced him to retreat into his own kingdom. Flamininus
himself harried Thessaly, which borders Macedonia, with the
Aetolians and the Athamanes as allies. In naval action, the consul’s
brother Lucius Quinctius Flamininus harried Euboea and the
seacoast with the assistance of King Attalus and the Rhodians.
A friendship was undertaken with the Achaeans. The number of
praetors to be elected was increased to six. A conspiracy formed
by slaves to release the Carthaginian hostages was suppressed;
2,500 men were killed. The consul Cornelius Cethegus routed the
Gallic Insubres in a battle. A friendship was formed with the
Lacedaemonians and their tyrant Nabis. Assaults on cities in
Macedonia are also reported.

BOOK 33 (197‒195 bce)

Titus Quinctius Flamininus as proconsul conquered and defeated

Philip in a decisive battle at Cynoscephalae in Thessaly. Lucius
Quinctius Flamininus, the brother of the proconsul, captured the
city of Leucas, which is the capital of Acarnania, and accepted the
surrender of the Acarnanians. Once Greece had been liberated, peace
was granted to Philip when he sought it. Because of a sudden illness,
Attalus was transferred from Thebes to Pergamum; he died.
The praetor Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus along with his army was
slaughtered by the Celtiberi. The consuls Lucius Furius Purpurio
and Claudius Marcellus subdued the Boii and the Gallic Insubres.
Marcellus held a triumph. In Africa, Hannibal made a vain attempt
to foment war, and for this reason he was betrayed to the Romans in
a letter from the leaders of the opposing faction. The reason was fear
of the Romans, who had sent envoys to the Carthaginian Senate about
Hannibal. He fled to Antiochus, king of Syria, who was preparing war
against the Romans.
 periochae 34‒ 35 249

BOOK 34 (195‒193 bce)

The lex Oppia, which Gaius Oppius, a tribune of the plebs, had pro-
posed during the Punic war to curb the expenditures of married
women, was repealed after fierce argument, since Porcius Cato had
argued that the law should not be abolished. He set out for the war
in Spain, which he began at Emporiae, and he established peace in
Nearer Spain. Titus Quinctius Flamininus successfully conducted
and finished off the war against the Lacedaemonians and their tyrant,
Nabis; and having imposed on them a peace of his own design, he lib-
erated Argos, which had been under the dominion of the tyrant.
Successful campaigning in Spain and against the Boii and the Gallic
Insubres is reported also.
Then for the first time the Senate watched theatrical shows in a sec-
tion separated from the people. The censors Sextus Aelius Paetus and
Gaius Cornelius Cethegus intervened, to the indignation of the people,
to make this possible. Several colonies were founded. Marcus Porcius
Cato celebrated a triumph for Spain. Titus Quinctius Flamininus, who
had defeated Philip, king of the Macedonians, and Nabis, tyrant of
the Lacedaemonians, and had liberated all of Greece, as a conse-
quence celebrated a triumph lasting three days. Representatives of the
Carthaginians announced that Hannibal, who had fled to Antiochus,
was preparing with him to wage war. Hannibal, moreover, had sent
Aristo of Tyre (with nothing in writing) to Carthage to stir up the
Carthaginians to fight.

BOOK 35 (193‒192 bce)

Publius Scipio Africanus was sent as an ambassador to Antiochus

at Ephesus and talked with Hannibal, who had joined Antiochus, to
lay to rest, if it were possible, the fear that Hannibal had conceived
of the Roman people. Among other matters, when Scipio asked
which general Hannibal considered to have been the greatest,
Hannibal answered Alexander, king of the Macedonians, because he
had routed numberless armies with a small band and because he had
traversed the farthest shores, which it was beyond human expectation
to see. When Scipio then asked whom Hannibal would rank second,
250 periochae 35‒ 37
Hannibal said that Pyrrhus had first shown how a camp should be
laid out, and further that no one had taken up positions or stationed
garrisons more skilfully. When Scipio pursued the matter, asking
who was third, Hannibal named himself. Scipio laughed and said,
‘What, pray tell, would you say if you had defeated me?’ Hannibal
replied, ‘In that case I then would have put myself before Alexander
and before Pyrrhus and before all the rest.’*
Among other prodigies, of which there are reported to have been very
many, a cow of the consul Gnaeus Domitius is reported to have said:
‘Rome, take care for yourself.’ Nabis, the tyrant of the Lacedaemonians,
was roused to action by the Aetolians, who were inciting both Philip
and Antiochus to make war on the Roman people, and he defected from
the Roman people, but in the conflict waged against Philopoemen, the
praetor of the Achaeans,* he was killed by the Aetolians. The Aetolians
also defected from their friendship with the Roman people. When the
Aetolians formed an alliance with King Antiochus of Syria, he invaded
Greece and occupied many cities, including Chalcis and all of Euboea.
The book contains also campaigning against the Ligures and
Antiochus’ preparation for war.

BOOK 36 (191 bce)

With the assistance of King Philip, the consul Acilius Glabrio defeated
Antiochus at Thermopylae and drove him out of Greece, and he also
subdued the Aetolians. The consul Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica
dedicated the temple for the Mother of the Gods,* whom he had
brought to the Palatine when he had been adjudged by the Senate to
be the best man. The same man defeated the Gallic Boii, accepted
their surrender, and celebrated a triumph over them. Also reported
are successful naval battles against King Antiochus’ commanders.

BOOK 37 (190‒189 bce)

The consul Lucius Cornelius Scipio, with his brother Scipio

Africanus as his lieutenant (who had said that he would be his
brother’s lieutenant if Greece were designated Lucius’ area of
responsibility, when it seemed that this province was being given to
 periochae 37‒38 251
Gaius Laelius, who had much influence in the Senate), set out to con-
duct the war against King Antiochus; he was the first of all Roman
generals to cross into Asia. At Myonnesus, with the assistance of
the Rhodians, Regillus fought successfully against the royal fleet of
Antiochus. Africanus’ son was captured by King Antiochus and sent
back to his father. Then Antiochus was defeated by Lucius Cornelius
Scipio, with the assistance of Eumenes, king of Pergamum and son of
Attalus. The peace was granted on the condition that Antiochus cede
all the territories on the near side of the Taurus Mountains. Since he
had ended the war against Antiochus, Lucius Cornelius Scipio matched
his brother in his own cognomen and was called Asiaticus.
The colony of Bononia was founded. The kingdom of Eumenes,
with whose assistance Antiochus had been defeated, was expanded.
Certain cities were handed over to the Rhodians, too, since they also
had helped. Aemilius Regillus, who had trounced Antiochus’ gener-
als in a naval battle, conducted a naval triumph. Manius Acilius
Glabrio triumphed over Antiochus, whom he had driven out of
Greece, and over the Aetolians.

BOOK 38 (189‒187 bce)

The consul Marcus Fulvius besieged the Ambracians in Epirus and

accepted their surrender; he subdued Cephallania; he subdued the
Aetolians and granted them peace. His colleague, the consul Gnaeus
Manlius, conquered the Galatians (the Tolostobogii and the Tectosagi
and the Trocmi), who had crossed into Asia with their leader Brennus,
as they were the only ones within the Taurus Mountains not to be sub-
missive. The origin of these people is also included, along with the way
that they came to occupy those lands which they hold. An example of
courage and sense of shame in a woman is reported also. When this
woman, who had been the wife of the king of the Galatians, was cap-
tured, she killed the centurion who forced himself on her.
The lustrum was ritually closed by the censors. The number of citi-
zens totalled 258,310. A friendship was formed with Ariarathes,
king of Cappadocia. Although the ten commissioners in accordance
with whose advice Gnaeus Manlius had drawn up the treaty with
Antiochus spoke against him, Manlius argued his own case in the
Senate, and he celebrated a triumph over the Galatians.
252 periochae 38‒39
A trial date was set for Scipio Africanus, by the tribune of the
plebs Quintus Petillius according to some, and by Naevius according
to others, on the charge of having defrauded the public treasury of
the booty taken from Antiochus. Once the day arrived, he was sum-
moned to the Rostra; he said, ‘Roman citizens, it was on this day that
I defeated the Carthaginians,’ and he ascended the Capitol with the
people escorting him. Thereupon, to avoid further harassment from
the injustices of tribunes, he went into voluntary exile at Liternum.
It is uncertain whether he died there or at Rome, for there was a
monument to him in both places. Lucius Scipio Asiaticus, the
brother of Africanus, was accused and convicted on the same charge
of embezzlement. As he was being led in chains to jail, Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus, tribune of the plebs, who had previously
been an enemy of the Scipios, intervened; and because of this act of
goodness, he married Africanus’ daughter. When the quaestors were
sent to take official possession of Asiaticus’ property, not only did not
a single trace of the king’s wealth turn up, but not even so much as
the amount that he had been fined was realized. He refused to accept
the countless funds collected by his relatives and friends; the items
that were necessary for his survival were bought back.

BOOK 39 (187‒183 bce)

The consul Marcus Aemilius subdued the Ligures and built a road
from Placentia to Ariminum and linked it to the Flaminian Way. The
beginnings of luxurious living, imported to Rome by the army from
Asia, are recorded. Those of the Ligures who lived within the
Apennines were subdued. When the Bacchanalia, nocturnal Greek
rites, the breeding-ground of all forms of wickedness, had reached
the point of a conspiracy involving a huge mass of people, there was
an investigation, and the rites were eradicated by the punishing of
many people.
The censors Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Marcus Porcius Cato (a
man who excelled in the arts of both peace and war) removed from
the Senate Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, the brother of Titus. The
reason was that when Lucius was consul and was holding Gaul as his
area of command, at a dinner party, upon a request from the notori-
ous Carthaginian gigolo Philip whom Lucius was in love with, he
 periochae 39‒40 253
killed a Gaul with his own hand; alternatively, as some have passed
down the story, when asked by a prostitute from Placentia, for whom
he was dying of love, he had a condemned man beheaded. The
speech of Marcus Cato against him survives.
Scipio died at Liternum and, just as if fortune were linking two
funerals of great men to the same time, Hannibal committed suicide
by taking poison when he was about to be handed over to the
Romans. They had sent Titus Quinctius Flamininus to demand
Hannibal from Prusias, king of Bithynia, with whom Hannibal had
taken refuge when Antiochus was defeated. Philopoemen too, the
leader of the Achaeans, a great man, was poisoned by the Messenians
when he was captured by them in war.
The colonies of Potentia and Pisaurum and Mutina and Parma
were founded. The book contains also successful campaigns against
the Celtiberi and the beginnings and causes of the Macedonian war.
Its origin stemmed from the fact that Philip resented the diminution
of his kingdom by the Romans and the fact that he was forced to
remove his garrisons from Thrace and other places.

BOOK 40 (182‒179 bce)

When Philip had commanded the sons of those upper-class men

whom he had in custody to be hunted down for slaughter, Theoxena
feared the king’s lust on behalf of her own children, who were still boys.
Holding before them swords and a cup in which there was poison, she
persuaded them that they should escape imminent degradation by
death, and when she had so persuaded them she committed suicide
herself.
The quarrels between Perseus and Demetrius, the sons of Philip,
king of Macedonia, are recorded; and how, through the deceit of
his brother, Demetrius was first indicted on trumped-up charges,
including an accusation of parricide and of seeking the monarchy,
and finally, since he was a friend of the Roman people, he was poi-
soned and, upon the death of Philip, the kingdom of Macedonia
passed to Perseus.
In addition, the book contains campaigns conducted with good
fortune against the Ligures and in Spain against the Celtiberi by sev-
eral leaders. The colony of Aquileia was founded. The books of Numa
254 periochae 40‒41
Pompilius* were discovered by farmers on the property of Lucius
Petillius, a clerk, beneath the Janiculum; these books, both Greek
and Latin, were enclosed in a stone coffer. When the praetor, to
whom they had been handed over, had read in them many things that
subverted religion, he swore to the Senate that it was against the
interests of the Republic for them to be read and preserved. By a
decree of the Senate they were burned in the Comitium.
Mental anguish consumed Philip because he had been driven by
false denunciations of his son Demetrius by Perseus, his other son,
and he had permitted Demetrius to be poisoned, and he deliberated
about punishment for Perseus and desired to leave his friend
Antigonus as successor to the kingdom instead, but he died while
thus deliberating. Perseus inherited the kingdom.

BOOK 41 (178‒174 bce)

The fire in the temple of Vesta went out. The proconsul Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus defeated the Celtiberi and accepted their
surrender, and he established Gracchuris, a town in Spain, as a monu-
ment to his accomplishments. And the Vaccaei and the Lusitani
were subdued by the proconsul Postumius Albinus. Both men held
triumphs. Antiochus, son of Antiochus, given as a hostage to the
Romans by his father, was sent from Rome back to the kingdom of
Syria upon the death of his brother Seleucus, who had succeeded
their deceased father. Apart from his religion, as a result of which
Antiochus built many magnificent temples for many allies—the
temple of Olympian Jupiter at Athens and of Capitoline Jupiter at
Antioch—Antiochus conducted himself as the most ignoble of kings.
The lustrum was ritually closed by the censors. The number of citi-
zens totalled 258,294. The tribune of the plebs Quintus Voconius
Saxa proposed a law preventing anyone from instituting a woman as
an heir. Marcus Cato spoke in favour of the law. His speech survives.
The book contains also campaigns successfully conducted by several
generals against the Ligures and the Istrians and the Sardinians and
the Celtiberi as well as the beginnings of the Macedonian war that
Perseus, son of Philip, was preparing. He had sent a delegation to the
Carthaginians, and they received it at night. But he also solicited
other Greek cities.
 periochae 42 ‒ 44 255

BOOK 42 (173‒171 bce)

The censor Quintus Fulvius Flaccus stripped the temple of

Juno Lacinia of its marble roof-tiles in order to cover the temple that
he was dedicating. By order of the Senate, the roof-tiles were
returned. Eumenes, king of Asia, lodged a complaint in the Senate
against Perseus, king of Macedonia, whose injustices against the
Roman people are recorded. Because of these, war was declared on
him. The consul Publius Licinius Crassus, to whom it had been
entrusted, crossed into Macedonia and fought Perseus in light-
armed operations and cavalry battles in Thessaly, with <. . .> result.
There was a dispute between Masinissa and the Carthaginians over
territory. The Senate set a date for them for arbitration. Envoys were
sent to allied cities and kings to ask them to remain loyal, but the
Rhodians were wavering.
The lustrum was ritually closed by the censors. The number of citi-
zens totalled 267,231. The book contains also successful campaigning
against the Corsicans and the Ligures.

BOOK 43 (171‒169 bce)

Some praetors were condemned because they had administered their

areas of responsibility avariciously and savagely. The proconsul
Publius Licinius Crassus sacked many cities in Greece and pillaged
them savagely. For this reason the prisoners who had been sold into
slavery by him were restored to freedom by a decree of the Senate.
Similarly, many misdeeds were lawlessly committed against allies by
commanders of Roman fleets. The book contains also Perseus’ success-
ful campaigns in Thrace and his defeat of the Dardani and of Illyricum,
of which Gentius was the king. The uprising that had been started by
Olonicus in Spain subsided when he was killed. Marcus Aemilius
Lepidus was chosen as leader of the Senate by the censors.

BOOK 44 (169‒168 bce)

Quintus Marcius Philippus entered Macedonia through pathless

mountainous terrain and occupied several cities. The Rhodians sent
256 periochae 44‒45
envoys to Rome threatening to help Perseus unless the Romans joined
with him in a peace treaty and friendship. This was received with
indignation. When the war was entrusted to Lucius Aemilius Paullus,
consul (for the second time) the following year, in a public meeting
Paullus prayed that any horror looming over the Roman people be
directed against his household instead,* and he went to Macedonia
and defeated Perseus and brought all of Macedonia back under con-
trol. Before he fought, Paullus announced to the army not to marvel
when the moon was eclipsed on the following night. When Gentius
too, king of Illyricum, had rebelled, he was defeated by the praetor
Lucius Anicius and surrendered, and he was sent to Rome with his
wife and children and relatives.
Alexandrian envoys from Queen Cleopatra and King Ptolemy
came to lodge a protest against Antiochus, king of Syria, because he
was waging war on them. Although Perseus had solicited help from
Eumenes, king of Pergamum, and Gentius, king of Illyricum, because
he did not deliver the money that he had promised, he was deserted
by them.

BOOK 45 (168‒167 bce)

Perseus was taken captive by Aemilius Paullus on Samothrace. When

Antiochus, king of Syria, was besieging Ptolemy and Cleopatra, the
rulers of Egypt, and ambassadors were sent to him by the Senate to
order him to withdraw from the territory of the king, the orders were
delivered, and Antiochus said that he would consider what he should
do. One of the ambassadors, Popillius, drew a circle around the king
with a staff and ordered him to give an answer before he stepped out
of the circle. With this harshness Popillius brought it about that
Antiochus abandoned the war.
Delegations from peoples and kings offering congratulations were
admitted to the Senate; the delegation of the Rhodians, who had
sided against the Romans in the war, was excluded. On the following
day, when the question was raised whether war should be declared
on the Rhodians, their representatives urged the case of their father-
land in the Senate; they were sent away neither as allies nor as
enemies. Once Macedonia had been reorganized into a province,
Aemilius Paullus, though obstructed by his own soldiers because of
 periochae 45‒46 257
insufficient booty, and opposed by Servius Sulpicius Galba, held a
triumph and led Perseus with his three children before the chariot.
It was not his lot to have a triumph of complete joy as it was marked
by the funerals of his two sons: the death of one of them preceded the
father’s triumph; that of the second followed it.
The lustrum was ritually closed by the censors. The number of citi-
zens totalled 312,805. Prusias, king of Bithynia, came to Rome to
offer thanks to the Senate for the victory acquired in Macedonia, and
he entrusted his son Nicomedes to the Senate. The king, bursting
with flattery, called himself the freedman of the Roman people.

BOOK 46 (167‒160 bce)

King Eumenes came to Rome; he had been neutral in the Macedonian

war. In order to prevent his appearing to have been adjudged
an enemy, if he were barred from the city, or excused of wrongdoing,
if he were allowed in, a general law was passed excluding any king
from entering Rome. The consul Claudius Marcellus subdued the
Alpine Gauls while the consul Gaius Sulpicius Galus subdued the
Ligures.
Envoys from King Prusias lodged a protest against Eumenes
because he was plundering their territory, and they said that he had
conspired with Antiochus against the Roman people. The Rhodians
begged for an alliance, and it was formed.
The lustrum was ritually closed by the censors. The number of citi-
zens totalled 337,022. The leader of the Senate was Marcus Aemilius
Lepidus. Ptolemy, king of Egypt, was driven out of his kingdom by
his younger brother; he was reinstated by Roman envoys dispatched
to the brother.
Upon the death of Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, his son Ariarathes
inherited the throne and renewed the friendship with the Roman
people through ambassadors. The book contains also campaigns with
various results against the Ligures and the Corsicans and the
Lusitani, as well as the unrest in Syria when Antiochus died, leaving
behind his son Antiochus, who was just a boy. This boy Antiochus
and his guardian Lysias were killed by Demetrius, the son of
Seleucus, who <escaped> secretly from Rome because he was not set
free, and Demetrius himself was installed in the monarchy.
258 periochae 46‒47
Lucius Aemilius Paullus, who had conquered Perseus, died. His
self-restraint was such that although he had transported immense
wealth back from Spain and from Macedonia, scarcely enough was
realized from the auction of his estate to repay the dowry of his wife.
The Pomptine marshes were drained by the consul Cornelius
Cethegus, to whom this area of responsibility had been assigned, and
they were transformed into farmland.

BOOK 47 (160‒153 bce)

The praetor Gnaeus Tremellius was fined because he had wrongfully

argued with the pontifex maximus, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus,
and because the rights of religion were more powerful than those
of magistrates. A law about bribery was passed. The lustrum was
ritually closed by the censors. The number of citizens totalled
328,316. Aemilius Lepidus was selected as leader of the Senate.
A treaty was struck between the brothers Ptolemy, who were at odds,
providing that one would rule Egypt, and the other Cyrene.
Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, was driven from his kingdom
through the plan and resources of Demetrius, king of Syria, but he
was reinstated by the Senate. Men were sent by the Senate to adju-
dicate between Masinissa and the Carthaginians over land. The
consul Gaius Marcius fought against the Dalmatae, first with little
success, and then with good fortune. The reason for engaging in
war with them was that they had plundered the Illyrians, who were
allies of the Roman people. And the consul Cornelius Nasica sub-
dued the Dalmatae. The consul Quintus Opimius subdued the
Transalpine Ligures, who were plundering Antipolis and Nicaea,
towns of the Massilians. The book contains also campaigns con-
ducted in Spain by several generals with little success. In the five
hundred and ninety-eighth year from the founding of the city*
the consuls began entering their magistracy on the first of
January. The reason for moving the elections was that the Spanish
were rebelling. The commissioners sent to judge between the
Carthaginians and Masinissa announced that they had discovered in
Carthage a large supply of wood for building ships. Some praetors
were accused by provinces on the charge of rapacity and were
convicted.
 periochae 48 259

BOOK 48 (154‒150 bce)

The lustrum was ritually closed by the censors. The number of citizens
totalled 324,000. The seeds of the Third Punic War are recorded.
When a vast army of Numidians under the leadership of Arcobarzanes,
the grandson of Syphax, was said to be within Carthaginian borders,
Marcus Porcius Cato urged that war be declared on the Carthaginians,
who had summoned an army and were keeping it within their bor-
ders, allegedly for use against Masinissa, in reality for use against the
Romans. Publius Cornelius Nasica spoke on the other side, and it
was agreed that representatives should be sent to Carthage to observe
what was going on. When the Carthaginian senate had been cen-
sured, since in contravention of the treaty it had both an army and
wood for building ships, the representatives wished to make peace
between the Carthaginians and Masinissa, since Masinissa was
ceding the land over which the dispute arose. But Gisgo, Hamilcar’s
son and a rabble-rouser, who was in the magistracy at the time when
the senate had said to the Roman representatives that it would
submit itself to their judgement, so stirred up the people by urging
war against the Romans that the representatives took flight to escape
being attacked. When they announced this, they made the Senate,
already hostile to the Carthaginians, even more so.
Marcus Porcius Cato spent as little money as possible (for he was
very poor) on the funeral for his son who died during his praetorship.
Andriscus, who asserted falsely with enormous insistence that he was
the son of Perseus, the former king of Macedonia, was sent to Rome.
Before Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who at the time had been selected
leader of the Senate by six pairs of censors, died, he instructed his
sons from his deathbed that they should have him carried out on a
bier spread with plain linens without purple, and that they should not
spend more than one million asses on the rest of his funeral: that the
funerals of great men were generally ennobled not by lavish cost but
by the appearance of the funeral masks.* There was an investigation
into poisoning. When Publilia and Licinia, highborn women, were
accused of having murdered their husbands, former consuls, and the
case was tried, the women gave money as surety to the praetor, and
they were put to death by the formal decision of their relatives.
Gulussa, Masinissa’s son, announced that conscription was going
on at Carthage, that a fleet was being constructed, and that without
260 periocha 48
doubt war was being prepared. When Cato urged that war be declared,
Publius Cornelius Nasica spoke against doing anything rash, and it was
agreed to send a commission of ten men to investigate. When the
consuls Lucius Licinius Lucullus and Aulus Postumius Albinus con-
ducted the draft strictly and did not excuse anyone out of favouritism,
they were thrown in jail by the tribunes of the plebs, who had not been
able to obtain an exemption for their friends.
When the Spanish war had proceeded with little success for some
time and so confounded the Roman state that men could not be found
who would even accept military tribunates or be willing to go as lieu-
tenants, Publius Cornelius Aemilianus stepped forward and said that
he would undertake whatever type of military activity he was directed
to. By this example he roused everyone with a passion for military ser-
vice. The consul Lucullus, when his predecessor Claudius Marcellus
had apparently pacified all the peoples of Celtiberia, subdued the
Vaccaei and the Cantabri and other peoples in Spain not previously
known. In that land, Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, son of
Lucius Paullus, grandson of Africanus, though by adoption, as a
military tribune killed a barbarian challenger; and in the capture of
the city of Intercatia he entered into still greater danger. For he was the
first to cross the wall. Servius Sulpicius Galba fought unsuccessfully
against the Lusitani. When the commissioners had returned from
Africa with ambassadors from the Carthaginians and with Gulussa,
the son of Masinissa, and said that they had discovered both an army
and a fleet at Carthage, it was agreed to ask the senators individually
for their opinions. With Cato and other leading senators urging that
an army should immediately be transported to Africa, since Cornelius
Nasica continued to say that there did not yet seem to him to be just
cause for war, it was agreed to hold off from war if the Carthaginians
burned their fleet and disbanded their army; otherwise the next con-
suls would formally open discussion of a war against Carthage.
When the theatre put out to bid by the censors was built, it was
destroyed by a decree of the Senate on the proposal of Publius
Cornelius Nasica on the grounds that it was useless and harmful
to public morals; and for some time the people watched entertain-
ments standing. When the Carthaginians attacked Masinissa in
contravention of the treaty, they were defeated by him (he was then
ninety-two years old and accustomed to chew and taste bread dry and
without flavouring) and they earned in addition war from the Romans.
 periochae 48‒49 261
The unrest in Syria and the wars conducted among the kings also are
recorded. During this commotion Demetrius, king of Syria, was killed.

BOOK 49 (149 bce)

The beginning of the Third Punic War, in the six hundred and second
year from the founding of the city,* which ended within five years
from when it had begun. There was a dispute, with competing opin-
ions from Marcus Porcius Cato and Scipio Nasica, of whom the first
was considered the shrewdest man in the city, and the second had
actually been judged the best by the Senate;* Cato argued for war
and that Carthage be razed and destroyed; Nasica argued against
this. It was nevertheless agreed, since the Carthaginians had ships in
contravention of the treaty, since they had led their army beyond
their borders, since they had taken up arms against Masinissa, ally
and friend of the Roman people, and since they had not received in
their city his son Gulussa, who was with the Roman representatives,
that war should be declared on them.
Before any troops were loaded onto ships, representatives from
Utica came to Rome surrendering themselves and all their property.
This delegation, like an omen, was pleasing to the fathers, but bitter
for the Carthaginians. Following an indication from the books,* games
for Father Dis were held at the Tarentum,* which had been per-
formed one hundred years earlier, during the First Punic War, in the
five hundred and second year from the founding of the city.* Thirty
representatives came to Rome, through whom the Carthaginians
surrendered themselves. Cato’s opinion prevailed, to stand by the dec-
laration of war and for the consuls to set off for it as soon as possible.
When they crossed to Africa, they received the 300 hostages they
had demanded and whatever weapons and machinery for war hap-
pened to be in Carthage. When, on the authority of the fathers, the
Romans demanded that the Carthaginians build their city in a
different location, at least ten miles from the sea, they forced the
Carthaginians, by the sheer indignity of the matter, to go to war. The
siege and assault of Carthage were begun by the consuls Lucius
Marcius and Manius Manilius. During the assault, when the city
walls were left unguarded in one place, two tribunes rashly smashed
their way in with their cohorts and were suffering heavy casualties
262 periocha 49
from the townspeople when they were extricated by Scipio. Also
through his agency, a Roman fort, which the Carthaginians were in
the process of capturing by night, was liberated with the help of a few
of the cavalry. Further, the same man bore off particular glory for
liberating the Roman camp, when the Carthaginians sallied forth
from their city with all their troops in concert and assaulted it.
Moreover, when one consul (the other had gone to Rome for the
elections) led the army from an ineffectual siege of Carthage against
Hasdrubal, who had occupied an unfavourable pass with a sizeable
troop, at first Scipio urged the consul not to fight in such an
unfavourable location. Then, after Scipio had been defeated by the
opinions of many men, who resented both his wisdom and his
courage, he too entered the pass. When, as he had predicted, the
Roman army was routed and forced to flee and two cohorts were
surrounded by the enemy, Scipio returned to the pass with a few
squadrons of cavalry and freed the two cohorts and led them back in
safety. Even Cato, a man more inclined to use his tongue for vituper-
ation, so lavishly described Scipio’s courage in the Senate that he
said that the rest of those fighting in Africa flitted about like ghosts,
while Scipio was actually alive; and the Roman people embraced him
with such favour that at the elections the majority of tribes chose him
for consul even though this was not permissible because of his age.
When the tribune of the plebs Lucius Scribonius had promulgated
a motion that the Lusitani, who had entrusted themselves to the
good faith of the Roman people but had been sold as slaves in Gaul
by Servius Galba, should be freed, Marcus Cato urged this position
most vigorously. The speech survives included in his Annales.
Quintus Fulvius Nobilior, who had often been attacked by Cato in
the Senate, responded to him by supporting Galba: Galba too, when
he saw that he was being convicted, put his arms around his two
sons, who were wearing the toga praetexta, and the son of Sulpicius
Galus, whose guardian he was, and spoke so pitiably on his own
behalf that the motion was defeated. Three of Galba’s speeches sur-
vive: two delivered against the tribune of the plebs Libo and his
motion about the Lusitani; one against Lucius Cornelius Cethegus,
in which Galba confesses that the Lusitani encamped near him were
killed because he determined that, following their custom, they had
sacrificed a man and a horse and under the pretext of peace had
intended to attack his own army.
 periochae 49‒50 263
There was a certain Andriscus, a man of the lowest rank, who repre-
sented himself as the son of King Perseus, and who, having changed his
name, was called Philip. When he had secretly escaped from the city of
Rome, where Demetrius, king of Syria, had sent him because of this
falsehood, many men flocked to his false story as if it were true, and he
gathered an army and occupied all of Macedonia, either through the
cooperation of the inhabitants or by force. He had fashioned his story
along these lines: born of a concubine and King Perseus, he had been
sent to a certain Cretan to be raised, so some seed, as it were, of the
royal family would survive the hazards of the war that Perseus was
waging against the Romans. Andriscus, so he claimed, had been raised
at Hydramitis until his twelfth year, believing his father to be the man
by whom he was being raised, and ignorant of his own family. Then
that man fell ill, and when he was almost at the end of his life he finally
revealed Andriscus’ origin to him and gave his false mother a document
sealed with the sign of King Perseus, which she was to give to Andriscus
when he reached puberty, and the strongest oaths had been added to
keep the matter secret until that time. Upon his reaching adolescence,
Andriscus continued, the document was given to him; in it, two hoards
of treasure from his father were said to be left to him. Next, when he
knew that he had been substituted but was still ignorant of his true
ancestry, he said that she had disclosed the identity of Andriscus’
family to him and implored him to leave that area before the matter was
leaked to King Eumenes, Perseus’ rival, in order to avoid being mur-
dered. Andriscus said he had been terrified at this, but at the same time
expecting some help from Demetrius in Syria he betook himself there,
and that was when he had first dared to reveal openly who he was.

BOOK 50 (150‒148 bce)

When the pseudo-Philip wished to invade and occupy Thessaly, it

was defended by Roman lieutenants with Achaean auxiliaries.
Prusias, king of Bithynia, and a man with all and the lowest kind of
vices, was killed by his son Nicomedes, with the assistance of Attalus,
king of Pergamum. Prusias had a second son, who is said to have
grown a single continuous piece of bone instead of the upper row of
teeth. When three commissioners were sent by the Romans to make
peace between Nicomedes and Prusias, since of the three one had a
264 periochae 50‒51
head stitched together with many scars, the second had gout, and the
third was considered dimwitted, Marcus Porcius Cato said of this
delegation that there was neither a head nor feet nor a brain. At the
time Syria had a king equal to the king of the Macedonians in his
family line and similar to Prusias in his sloth and sluggishness, and
while he lay about in eateries and brothels, Hammonius was ruling
there; through his agency all the king’s friends and Queen Laodice
and Antigonus, Demetrius’ son, were killed.
Masinissa, king of Numidia, died at more than ninety years of age,
a remarkable man. Amongst his other youthful activities that he car-
ried on till the end, he was even of such vigorous virility that he
fathered a son after he turned eighty-six. Masinissa had left his king-
dom in common to three of his sons (the oldest was Micipsa, then
Gulussa, then Mastanabal, who had been educated in Greek litera-
ture also) and ordered them to divide it according to the decision of
Publius Scipio Aemilianus; so Scipio divided up the parts for gov-
erning. He also persuaded Phameas Hamilco, the commander of the
Carthaginian cavalry, a brave man, and one whose particular talents
the Carthaginians were drawing on, to defect to the Romans with his
band of cavalry. Of the three representatives who had been sent to
Masinissa, Marcus Claudius Marcellus was drowned at sea when a
storm came up. The Carthaginians killed Hasdrubal, Masinissa’s
grandson, who was their praetor, and a man suspected of treachery,
in their curia; this suspicion began to spread because he was a rela-
tive of Gulussa who was helping the Roman auxiliaries.
When Publius Scipio Aemilianus was a candidate for an aedileship,
he was elected consul by the people. Since it was not permitted for him
to be consul on account of his age, there was a fierce argument between
the plebs voting for him and the fathers rejecting him for some time,
until he was made exempt from the laws and created consul.
Manius Manilius encircled some cities around Carthage and took
them. The false Philip in Macedonia killed the praetor Publius
Juventius along with his army, but he was defeated and captured by
Quintus Caecilius, and Macedonia was conquered again.

BOOK 51 (147‒146 bce)

Carthage, which has a circumference of twenty-three miles, was

blockaded with great difficulty and taken in stages, first by the junior
 periochae 51‒52 265
officer Mancinus, then by the consul Scipio, who had been given
Africa as his province without the lot. The Carthaginians made a new
harbour, since the old one had been blockaded by Scipio, and with a
large fleet that was secretly assembled on short notice, fought an
unsuccessful naval battle. Also, their general Hasdrubal’s camp,
which had been set up in a location difficult of access near the town
of Nepheris, was destroyed along with its troops by Scipio, who
finally captured Carthage in the seven hundredth year after it had
been founded. The majority of the spoils were returned to the
Sicilians, from whom they had been taken. When in the final
destruction of the city Hasdrubal had surrendered himself to Scipio,
his wife, who had not succeeded in the previous few days in convin-
cing her husband that they should desert to the victor, hurled herself
with her two children from the citadel into the middle of the flames
of the burning city. Following the example of his father, Aemilius
Paullus, who had conquered Macedonia, Scipio held games and con-
signed to the beasts deserters and fugitive slaves.
The following causes of the Achaean war are reported: the Roman
envoys were maltreated at Corinth by the Achaeans; they had been
sent to detach from the Achaean League those cities that had been
under Philip’s control.

BOOK 52 (148‒144 bce)

Quintus Caecilius Metellus engaged the Achaeans in battle at

Thermopylae; they had help from the Boeotians and the Chalcidians.
After their defeat, the Achaeans’ general, Critolaus, committed sui-
cide by taking poison. Diaeus, the chief instigator of the Achaean
uprising, was made general in his place by the Achaeans, and he was
defeated at the Isthmus by the consul Lucius Mummius. Once he
had accepted the surrender of all of Achaea, Mummius razed
Corinth by the decree of the Senate, since the abuse of the Roman
envoys had occurred there. Thebes and Chalcis were destroyed too
since they had been allies. Lucius Mummius conducted himself with
the greatest restraint, nor did anything from the works of art and
ornaments that exceptionally wealthy Corinth possessed make its
way into his home. Quintus Caecilius Metellus celebrated a triumph
over Andriscus, and Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus over Carthage
and Hasdrubal.
266 periochae 52‒ 54
In Spain, Viriathus, first a shepherd turned hunter, then a hunter
turned brigand, soon the general of a proper army too, occupied all of
Lusitania, routed the army of the praetor Marcus Vetilius and took
him captive, and after him the praetor Gaius Plautius campaigned
with no greater success; this particular enemy roused so much fear
that it was necessary to pursue him with a consular general and army.
In addition, unrest in Syria and wars conducted amongst the kings
are recorded. When King Demetrius was killed, as was said before,
Alexander, an obscure man of uncertain family, began ruling in
Syria. Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, who had previously been
sent to Cnidus by his father because of warfare’s unpredictable for-
tunes, scorned Alexander’s sluggishness and sloth; with the help of
Ptolemy, king of Egypt, whose daughter Cleopatra he had married,
Demetrius killed Alexander in combat. Ptolemy suffered a serious
head wound, and during his treatment, when the doctors were trying
to trepan his skull, he died. His younger brother Ptolemy, who was
ruling Cyprus, succeeded to his position. Because of the cruelty and
torture to which Demetrius subjected his own people, he was
defeated in battle by a certain Diodotus, one of his subjects who was
claiming the kingdom for the son of Alexander, who was only two
years old. Demetrius fled to Seleucia.
Lucius Mummius celebrated a triumph over the Achaeans; he carried
in the triumph bronze and marble statues and paintings.

BOOK 53 (143 bce)

The consul Appius Claudius conquered the Salassi, an Alpine people.

In Macedonia, a second false Philip, as well as his army, were slaugh-
tered by the quaestor Lucius Tremellius. The proconsul Quintus
Caecilius Metellus slaughtered the Celtiberi, and after several cities
were captured, the majority of Lusitania was recovered by the procon-
sul Quintus Fabius. The senator Acilius wrote Roman history in Greek.

BOOK 54 (141‒139 bce)

In Spain, the consul Quintus Pompeius subdued the Termestini. He

made a peace treaty with them and with the Numantines that was
 periochae 54‒55 267
rejected by the Roman people. The lustrum was ritually closed by the
censors. The number of citizens totalled 328,442.
When representatives of the Macedonians had come to lodge a
protest about the praetor Decimus Junius Silanus, on the charge that
he had taken bribes and pillaged the province, and the Senate wished
to hold an inquiry into their complaints, Titus Manlius Torquatus,
the father of Silanus, requested and was allowed to have the investi-
gation entrusted to him; and the trial was held at home, and he con-
victed and disowned his son. And he did not even attend his son’s
funeral, when Silanus had committed suicide by hanging himself,
but sitting at home Manlius made himself available to those who
came for advice, as was his established practice.
In Spain, the proconsul Quintus Fabius ended his successful accom-
plishments in disgrace when he concluded a peace with Viriathus on
equal terms. Through the scheming of Servilius Caepio, Viriathus was
killed by traitors; and he was greatly mourned by his own army and
buried with dignity, a great man and general, who fought against the
Romans for fourteen years, more often than not with success.

BOOK 55 (142‒136 bce)

When the consuls Publius Cornelius Nasica, to whom the tribune of

the plebs Curiatius mockingly affixed the cognomen Serapio,* and
Decimus Junius Brutus were conducting the draft, something hap-
pened in full sight of the recruits which turned out to be a most
beneficial precedent. For Gaius Matienius was charged before the
tribunes of the plebs on the grounds that he had deserted from the
army in Spain, and he was convicted, placed under a furca,* and
flogged for a long time with switches, and he was sold for one sester-
tius. Since the tribunes of the plebs failed to obtain permission to
acquire exemptions for the ten soldiers apiece they each wanted, they
ordered the consuls to be thrown into jail.
In Spain the consul Junius Brutus gave lands and a town to those
who had fought under Viriathus; it was called Valentia. Marcus
Popillius, along with his army, was routed and forced to flee by the
Numantines, with whom he had made a treaty that the Senate had
decided not to ratify. When the consul Gaius Hostilius Mancinus
was sacrificing, the sacred chickens escaped from their coop; then as
268 periochae 55‒56
he was boarding ship in order to go to Spain, a voice said: ‘Mancinus,
stop.’ The outcome showed that these omens foretold disaster. For
he was defeated by the Numantines and deprived of his camp; since
there was no hope of saving his army, he made an ignominious peace
agreement with the Numantines, which the Senate refused to ratify.
Forty thousand Romans were defeated by 4,000 Numantines.
Decimus Junius subdued Lusitania by capturing cities all the way
to the ocean, and when his soldiers refused to cross the Oblivion
river, he snatched the standard from the standard-bearer, carried it
across himself, and thus persuaded them that they should cross.
The son of Alexander, king of Syria, only ten years old, was killed
by his guardian Diodotus, who was known as Tryphon, through a
deception—by doctors who had been bribed and who lied to the
people that he was succumbing to the pain of a kidney stone; they
killed him when they were cutting it out.

BOOK 56 (136‒134 bce)

In Farther Spain, Decimus Junius Brutus fought successfully against

the Gallaeci. The proconsul Marcus Aemilius Lepidus met with a
different result campaigning against the Vaccaei and suffered a defeat
similar to the Numantine one. Mancinus, in order to extricate the
Romans from the religious bond of his treaty with the Numantines,
given that he was responsible for the matter, surrendered himself to
them; he was rejected. The lustrum was ritually closed by the censors.
The number of citizens totalled 317,933. In Illyricum, the consul
Fulvius Flaccus subdued the Vardaei. In Thrace, the praetor Marcus
Cosconius fought successfully against the Scordisci. When the
Numantine war dragged on, through the fault of the generals and to
the public discredit, the consulship was spontaneously entrusted to
Scipio Africanus by the Senate and Roman people. Although he was
not permitted to accept it because of the law that prohibited anyone
from being consul for a second time, he was exempted from the law,
just as in his previous consulship.
When the rebellion of slaves that arose in Sicily could not be put
down by praetors, it was entrusted to the consul Gaius Fulvius.
Eunus, a slave and a Syrian in nationality, was the source of this war;
he assembled a band of agricultural slaves, released work crews, and
 periochae 56‒ 58 269
reached the complement of a full army. Another slave too, Cleon,
assembled about 70,000 slaves, and they joined forces and waged war
repeatedly against a Roman army.

BOOK 57 (133 bce)

Scipio Africanus occupied Numantia and restored the army, corrupted

by excessive freedom and luxury, to the strictest military discipline.
He pruned all accoutrements of pleasure, he expelled 2,000 prosti-
tutes from the camp, he had the troops at work every day, and he
compelled them to tote seven stakes with grain for thirty days. He
said to a man proceeding laboriously because of his load: ‘You can
stop carrying a fortification once you have learned to fortify yourself
with your sword.’ To another who carried his shield with insufficient
skill, Scipio said that he was carrying a larger shield than was proper,
but that he did not blame him since he used his shield more
effectively than his sword. Any soldier Scipio apprehended out of
line, he had beaten, with vines if he were a Roman, with switches if
he were a foreigner. Scipio sold all the mules so that they would not
do the army’s carrying for it. He often fought with success against
the enemy’s raids. The Vaccaei were besieged; they butchered their
children and wives and killed themselves. Although it was customary
among other generals to conceal gifts from kings, Scipio said in front
of the tribunal that he would accept the extremely lavish gifts sent
to him by Antiochus, king of Syria, and he ordered the quaestor to
register all these in the public accounts: Scipio said that he would use
them to give rewards to courageous men. Once he had blockaded
Numantia with a siege on all sides and he saw that the besieged men
were worn down by hunger, he forbade the killing of men who came
out to forage since he said that if there were more of them, they
would consume what grain they had all the more quickly.

BOOK 58 (133 bce)

When the tribune of the plebs Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus

proposed agrarian legislation against the will of the Senate and the
equestrian class - that no one was to have more than 1,000 iugera of
270 periochae 58‒59
public land—he burst into such a rage that, when his colleague Marcus
Octavius defended the cause of the opposing party, Tiberius proposed
a law and repudiated Octavius’ authority, and he made himself and his
brother Gaius Gracchus and his father-in-law Appius Claudius a com-
mission of three to mete out the land. Tiberius promulgated another
agrarian law too, to expand the land available to him, so that the same
commission of three could judge what was private land and what was
public. Then, when there was less land than could be meted out with-
out offending the plebs also (since he had roused in them the desire
to hope for an ample amount), Tiberius revealed that he intended to
promulgate a law that the money that had belonged to King Attalus
be divided among those who ought to receive land under the
Sempronian law. (Attalus, king of Pergamum, son of Eumenes, had
left the Roman people as his heir.) The Senate was deeply disturbed
by so many outrageous acts, and Titus Annius, the former consul,
above all. When he had concluded his harangue against Gracchus in
the Senate, Annius was dragged out by Gracchus to the people and
accused before the plebs, and Annius repeated his speech as a public
address against Gracchus from the Rostra. When Gracchus wished
to be elected tribune of the plebs for a second time, he was killed by
the authority of Publius Cornelius Nasica on the Capitol by the opti-
mates,* after first being beaten with pieces from broken benches and,
amongst the others who had been killed in this riot, he was thrown
unburied into the river. The book contains in addition campaigning
against the slaves in Sicily with varying results.

BOOK 59 (133‒129 bce)

The Numantines were driven by hunger into butchering themselves,

stabbing one another in turn. Scipio Africanus captured the city and
razed it, and he celebrated a triumph over it in the fourteenth year
after the razing of Carthage.
In Sicily, the consul Publius Rupilius ended the war against the
slaves. Aristonicus, the son of King Eumenes, took over Asia although,
since it had been left to the Roman people in King Attalus’ will, it
ought to have been free. The consul Publius Licinius Crassus, who
was also pontifex maximus—something that had never happened
before—set out from Italy against Aristonicus. Crassus was defeated
 periocha 59 271
in battle and killed. The consul Marcus Perperna defeated Aristonicus
and accepted his surrender.
Quintus Pompeius and Quintus Metellus, at that time the first
censors both elected from the plebs, ritually closed the lustrum. The
number of citizens totalled 318,823, excluding male and female
orphans, and widows. The censor Quintus Metellus rendered the
opinion that everyone should be required to take wives for the sake
of producing children. His speech survives; when Augustus Caesar
was discussing marriage among the orders,* he read the speech in the
Senate just as if it were written for the present time. The tribune of
the plebs Gaius Atinius Labeo ordered the censor Quintus Metellus,
who had passed him over when selecting the Senate, to be thrown
from the Rock; the rest of the tribunes of the plebs came to Metellus’
aid to prevent this from happening.
When the tribune of the plebs Carbo had brought a motion that
the same man be permitted to be elected tribune as many times as he
wanted, Publius Africanus spoke against the motion in the most
earnest of speeches, in which he said that, in his opinion, Tiberius
Gracchus had been killed justifiably. Gaius Gracchus, on the other
hand, spoke in favour of the motion, but Scipio prevailed.
The wars conducted between Antiochus, king of Syria, and
Phraates, king of the Parthians, as well as the equally turbulent affairs
of Egypt are reported. The Ptolemy with the cognomen Euergetes,
detested among his own people for his excessive cruelty, secretly
escaped to Cyprus when his palace was set on fire by the people; and
when the kingdom was given by the people to his sister Cleopatra,
whom he had divorced after raping and then marrying her virgin
daughter, the enraged Ptolemy killed on Cyprus the son he had had
by Cleopatra and sent the head and hands and feet to the boy’s
mother.
Internal uprisings were aroused by the commission of three men—
Fulvius Flaccus and Gaius Gracchus and Gaius Papirius Carbo—
elected to mete out land. When Publius Scipio Africanus opposed
them, he went home a hale and hearty man, and he was found dead in
his bedroom the next day. His wife Sempronia was under suspicion
of having given him poison particularly since she was the sister of the
Gracchi, with whom Africanus had been at odds. No investigation
into his death, however, was held. After he died the unrest from the
three-man commission flared higher.
272 periochae 59‒60
At first, the consul Gaius Sempronius suffered a reverse against the
Iapydae; soon, through the bravery of the Decimus Junius Brutus
who had subdued Lusitania, a victory compensated for the defeat
Sempronius had suffered.

BOOK 60 (126‒121 bce)

The consul Lucius Aurelius subdued the warring Sardinians. Marcus

Fulvius Flaccus was the first to reduce to subservience the Transalpine
Ligures by combat when he was sent to the relief of the Massilians
against the Gallic Salluvii, who were raiding the Massilians’ borders.
The praetor Lucius Opimius accepted the surrender of the
Fregellani, who had defected, and destroyed Fregellae. In Africa, a
plague is said to have arisen from a huge number of locusts and sub-
sequently from the piles of those that had been killed. A lustrum was
performed by the censors. The number of citizens totalled 394,736.
The tribune of the plebs Gaius Gracchus, the brother of Tiberius
Gracchus, was more eloquent than his brother; he proposed several
dangerous laws, including a grain law such that grain be given to the
plebs at a price of six and a third asses; second, an agrarian law that
his brother also had proposed; third, a law by which he could seduce
the equestrian order, at that time similar in outlook to the Senate,
such that 600 of the equestrians would be enrolled in the Curia and,
since in those days there were only 300 senators, the 600 equestrians
would be combined with the 300 senators; that is to say that the
equestrian order would have twice as much power in the Senate. And
when his tribunate was extended for a second year and his agrarian
laws were passed, he saw to it that multiple colonies were founded in
Italy and one on the site of the ashes of Carthage, where he himself,
named one of three commissioners, founded the colony.
The book contains in addition the campaigns of the consul Quintus
Metellus against the Baleares, whom the Greeks call the Gymnesians*
since they do not wear clothing in the summer. They are called the
Baleares from the trajectory of a missile* or from Balius, Hercules’
companion who was left there when Hercules sailed to Geryon. The
unrest in Syria also is recorded; during it Cleopatra killed her hus-
band Demetrius and her son Seleucus because she was enraged that
Seleucus assumed the crown without her permission after she had
killed his father.
 periochae 61‒ 62 273

BOOK 61 (123‒120 bce)

After the proconsul Gaius Sextius defeated the Salluvii people, he

founded the colony of Aquae Sextiae,* so called after the abundance
of water in the cold and hot springs and after his own name. The pro-
consul Gnaeus Domitius fought successfully against the Allobroges
at the town of Vindalium. The reason for making war on them was
that they had taken in the fugitive Toutomotulus, the king of the
Salluvii, and rendered him every assistance, and that they had devas-
tated the territory of the Aedui, allies of the Roman people.
After being a rabble-rousing tribune, Gaius Gracchus also occupied
the Aventine together with an armed gang; the consul Lucius Opimius,
in accordance with a decree from the Senate, summoned the people to
arms, and drove him out; and Gracchus was killed, and along with him
the former consul Fulvius Flaccus, his partner in the same madness.
The consul Quintus Fabius Maximus, grandson of Paullus, fought
successfully against the Allobroges and Bituitus, king of the Arverni.
One hundred and twenty thousand men from Bituitus’ army were
killed; when he himself went to Rome to make amends with the
Senate, he was given over for safekeeping at Alba since it seemed
contrary to the peace for him to be sent back to Gaul. There was a
decree too that his son Congonnetiacus should be apprehended and
sent to Rome. The surrender of the Allobroges was accepted. Lucius
Opimius was brought to trial before the people by the tribune of the
plebs Quintus Decius because he had thrown Roman citizens into jail
without a trial; he was acquitted.

BOOK 62 (119‒115 bce)

The consul Quintus Marcius defeated in battle the Styni, an Alpine

people. Micipsa, king of Numidia, died and left his kingdom to his
three sons: Adherbal, Hiempsal, and Jugurtha, his brother’s son
whom he had adopted. Lucius Caecilius Metellus subdued the
Dalmatae. Jugurtha made war on his brother Hiempsal. The latter
was defeated and killed; Jugurtha drove Adherbal from the kingdom;
he was reinstated by the Senate. The censors Lucius Caecilius
Metellus and Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus removed thirty-two
men from the Senate. The book contains in addition the unrest in
Syria and among the kings.
274 periochae 63 ‒ 65

BOOK 63 (114‒111 bce)

In Thrace, the consul Gaius Porcius fought unsuccessfully against

the Scordisci. A lustrum of the city was conducted by the censors. The
number of citizens totalled 394,336. The Vestals Aemilia, Licinia, and
Marcia were convicted of sexual impurity, and it is recorded how the
sexual impurity occurred and was detected and punished. The Cimbri,
a nomadic people, entered Illyricum on a plundering expedition. The
consul Papirius Cursor and his army were routed by them. In Thrace,
the consul Livius Drusus fought successfully against the Scordisci, a
people of Gallic origin.

BOOK 64 (112‒109 bce)

Adherbal was attacked by Jugurtha, besieged in the town of Cirta,

and killed by him, contrary to the Senate’s ultimatum, and for this
reason war was declared on Jugurtha, and when the consul
Calpurnius Bestia was ordered to conduct it, he made a peace treaty
with Jugurtha without orders from the people and the Senate.
Jugurtha was summoned, with a public guarantee of safe conduct, in
order to name the sponsors of his plans because it was said that many
in the Senate had been bribed. Jugurtha came to Rome, and when he
was in danger of being indicted on a capital charge because he per-
mitted the murder of a certain chieftain, Massiva by name, who was
trying to take over Jugurtha’s kingdom while Jugurtha was out of
favour with the Roman people, Jugurtha fled in secret, and upon
leaving the city he is reported to have said, ‘Rome, a city that is
for sale and soon to perish, if it finds a purchaser.’ The lieutenant
Aulus Postumius fought unsuccessfully against Jugurtha and after
the battle added an ignominious peace treaty, which the Senate
decided should not be upheld.

BOOK 65 (109‒107 bce)

The consul Quintus Caecilius Metellus routed Jugurtha in two battles

and laid waste to all of Numidia. The consul Marcus Junius Silanus
fought without success against the Cimbri. The Senate turned down
 periochae 65‒ 67 275
the representatives of the Cimbri who demanded a home and lands
where they could settle. The proconsul Marcus Minucius fought suc-
cessfully against the Thracians. The consul Lucius Cassius was killed
with his army on the borders of the Nitiobroges by the Gallic Tigurini,
from a district of the Helvetii, who had defected from their state. The
soldiers who had survived the slaughter made an agreement with the
enemy to give hostages and half of everything and go away in safety.

BOOK 66 (106‒105 bce)

Jugurtha was defeated by Gaius Marius in Numidia. When Jugurtha

received help from Bocchus, king of the Moors, Bocchus’ forces too
were killed in the battle, and as Bocchus was reluctant to continue
any longer an inauspiciously undertaken war, Jugurtha was put in
chains by Bocchus and handed over to Marius; the contribution of
Lucius Cornelius Sulla, the quaestor of Gaius Marius, was noteworthy
in this affair.

BOOK 67 (105‒102 bce)

Marcus Aurelius Scaurus, a lieutenant to the consul, was captured by

the Cimbri after his army was routed, and when he was summoned
by them to their council, he warned them not to cross the Alps and
make for Italy because, as he said, the Romans could not be defeated;
at that he was killed by Boiorix, a hot-tempered young man.
At Arausio, the consul Gnaeus Manlius and the proconsul Quintus
Servilius Caepio were defeated in battle by these same enemies, and
their two camps also were lost. According to Valerius Antias, 80,000
soldiers were killed, as well as 40,000 servants and camp-followers.
Caepio was convicted, since the defeat had been suffered because of
his rashness, and he was the first since King Tarquinius to have his
property confiscated, and his imperium was terminated.
Jugurtha and his two sons were led before the chariot of Gaius
Marius when the latter triumphed over him; and Jugurtha was killed
in jail. Marius entered the Senate in his triumphal regalia, something
that no one had done before, and his consulship was extended for
several years on account of fear of the Cimbrian war. The second and
276 periochae 67‒ 69
third times he was made consul in his absence; he obtained the fourth
consulship by pretending that he was not seeking it. Gnaeus Domitius
was made pontifex maximus by a vote of the people. The Cimbri, after
ravaging everything that lay between the Rhône and the Pyrenees,
crossed into Spain by a pass and there, after raiding many places,
they were put to flight by the Celtiberi, and they returned to Gaul
and joined forces with the Teutoni among the Veliocasses.

BOOK 68 (102‒101 bce)

The praetor Marcus Antonius pursued pirates into Cilicia. The consul
Gaius Marius defended his camp, which was besieged with massive
force by the Teutoni and the Ambrones. Then he wiped out these
same enemies in two battles around Aquae Sextiae; in these battles
200,000 enemies are said to have been killed and 90,000 captured.
In his absence, Marius was made consul for the fifth time. He post-
poned the triumph conferred on him until he had also defeated the
Cimbri. The Cimbri drove from the Alps the proconsul Quintus
Catulus, who had been blockading the Alpine passes, and put him to
flight (he had left a cohort at the River Atesis, which had constructed a
fort high up, and it nonetheless extricated itself by its own courage and
followed the fleeing proconsul and his army); then the Cimbri crossed
into Italy and were defeated in battle by the combined forces of this
same Catulus and Gaius Marius. In this battle 140,000 enemy casual-
ties and 60,000 captives are reported. Marius was welcomed by the con-
sensus of the entire city and was content with one triumph instead of
the two he had been offered. The leading men of the city, who had
scorned him for some time for being a new man* who had been raised
to such honours, admitted that the Republic had been saved by him.
When Publicius Malleolus killed his mother, he was the first to be
sewn up in a sack and thrown into the sea. It is reported that the
shields* rattled and moved before the Cimbrian war was finished.
The book contains also wars conducted amongst the kings of Syria.

BOOK 69 (100 bce)

With the assistance of Gaius Marius and by having his rival Aulus
Nunnius killed by soldiers, Lucius Appuleius Saturninus became
 periochae 69‒70 277
tribune of the plebs through force. He conducted the tribunate no
less violently than he had pursued it, and when he had passed an
agrarian law with force, he put Metellus Numidicus on trial because
he had not taken the oath for it. When the latter was defended by the
good citizens, he went into voluntary exile at Rhodes in order not to
be the source of political strife, and there he occupied himself hap-
pily in listening to and reading great men. Thereupon Gaius Marius,
who was responsible for the discord and who had bought his sixth
consulship by distributing cash amongst the tribes, forbade him
water and fire.* The same Appuleius Saturninus, the tribune of the
plebs, killed Gaius Memmius, a candidate for the consulship, since
he feared him as an opponent of his actions. When the Senate was
disturbed by these doings, Gaius Marius, a man whose character and
thinking always shifted and changed according to circumstance,
switched to the senatorial side. Saturninus was overcome by force of
arms and was killed in something like a war with the praetor Glaucia
and other partners in the same madness. Quintus Caecilius Metellus
was brought back from his exile with great approbation from the
entire city. In Sicily, the proconsul Manius Aquillius ended the slave
war that had arisen.

BOOK 70 (99‒91 bce)

When Manius Aquillius was on trial for extortion, he was unwilling

to appeal to the judges himself; Marcus Antonius, who gave the per-
oration on his behalf, ripped Aquillius’ tunic from his chest in order
to reveal his scars of honour. He was acquitted beyond all doubt.
Cicero is the only source for this matter. The proconsul Titus Didius
fought successfully against the Celtiberi. Ptolemy, king of Egypt,
who had the cognomen Apion, died and left the Roman people as his
heir, and the Senate ordered the cities of his kingdom to be free.
Ariobarzanes was reinstated in the kingdom of Cappadocia by
Lucius Cornelius Sulla. Parthian envoys sent by King Arsaces came
to Sulla to seek friendship with the Roman people. Since Publius
Rutilius, a man of the purest innocence, had, as the lieutenant of the
proconsul Gaius Mucius, protected Asia from the injustices of the
tax-collectors, he was hated by the equestrian order, who controlled
the courts. Condemned for extortion, he was sent into exile. The
praetor Gaius Sentius fought unsuccessfully against the Thracians.
278 periochae 70‒ 72
The Senate, refusing to tolerate the abuse of power by the equestrian
order, began to struggle with all its might to have the courts trans-
ferred to it. Marcus Livius Drusus supported the Senate’s cause; he
was a tribune of the plebs who roused the plebs with pernicious
hopes of handouts in order to acquire power for himself. The book
contains also the unrest in Syria and among the kings.

BOOK 71 (91 bce)

The tribune of the plebs Marcus Livius Drusus had taken up the
Senate’s cause and, in order to defend it with greater resources,
roused the allies and the Italian peoples with the expectation of
Roman citizenship. With their assistance he forced the passage of
agrarian and grain laws, and he also put through a judicial law so that
control of the courts would be shared equally by the senatorial and
the equestrian orders. Then, when the citizenship promised to the
allies could not be granted, the enraged Italian peoples began to stir
up revolt. Their gatherings and plotting and the speeches of their
leaders in their councils are recorded. Livius Drusus became odious
even to the Senate on account of these developments, as if he were
the author of the Social War * and he was killed at home by some
unknown person.

BOOK 72 (91 bce)

The Italian peoples revolted: the Picentes, the Vestini, the Marsi, the
Paeligni, the Marrucini, the Samnites, the Lucani. The beginning of
the war was triggered by the Picentes when the proconsul Quintus
Servilius was killed in the town of Asculum together with all the
Roman citizens who were in that town. The Roman people adopted
military garb. Servius Galba, who was apprehended by the Lucani,
was rescued from captivity through the efforts of an individual
woman at whose house he was staying. The colonies of Aesernia and
Alba were besieged by the Italians. Then auxiliaries from the Latins
and foreign peoples were sent, and military operations and the
successful storming of cities on both sides are reported.
 periochae 73 ‒ 74 279

BOOK 73

The consul Lucius Julius Caesar suffered a reverse against the

Samnites. The colony of Nola came under the Samnites’ control, along
with the praetor Lucius Postumius, who was killed by them. Several
peoples defected to the enemy. When the consul Publius Rutilius had
fought with little success against the Marsi and had fallen in the battle,
Gaius Marius, his lieutenant, fought a pitched battle against the enemy
with a more favourable result. Servius Sulpicius routed the Paeligni in
battle. When Quintus Caepio, a lieutenant of Rutilus, was surrounded
and had succeeded in breaking through the enemy, and for this success
his military authority was made equal to that of Gaius Marius, he
became rash, he was surrounded by an ambush, his army was routed,
and he was killed. The consul Lucius Julius Caesar fought successfully
against the Samnites. Because of this victory military garb stopped
being worn at Rome. And, since the fortunes of war waver, the colony
of Aesernia with Marcus Marcellus came under the Samnites’ control,
but also Gaius Marius routed the Marsi in a battle in which the praetor
of the Marrucini, Hierius Asinius, was killed. In Transalpine Gaul,
Gaius Caelius defeated the Salluvii, who were in revolt.

BOOK 74 (89 bce)

Gnaeus Pompeius routed the Picentes in battle <. . .> he besieged.

On account of this victory, at Rome wearing of the toga praetexta and
other insignia of magistracies was resumed. Gaius Marius fought the
Marsi with no decisive result. Then for the first time freedmen began
to do military service. The lieutenant Aulus Plotius defeated the
Umbrians in battle while the praetor Lucius Porcius did the same to
the Etruscans, when the two peoples had defected. Nicomedes was
reinstated in the kingdom of Bithynia while Ariobarzanes was rein-
stated in that of Cappadocia. The consul Gnaeus Pompeius defeated
the Marsi in a pitched battle. When the citizenry was afflicted with
debt, the praetor Aulus Sempronius Asellio, because he was admin-
istering the law to the debtors’ advantage, was assassinated in the
Forum by money-lenders. The book contains also the incursions of
the Thracians into Macedonia and their plundering expeditions.
280 periochae 75 ‒ 77

BOOK 75 (89 bce)

When the lieutenant Aulus Postumius Albinus was commanding the

fleet, he incurred disgrace because of an accusation of treason and
was killed by his own army. The lieutenant Lucius Cornelius Sulla
defeated the Samnites in battle and captured two of their camps.
Gnaeus Pompeius accepted the surrender of the Vestini. Although
the consul Lucius Porcius campaigned successfully and routed the
Marsi several times, he was killed while he was storming their camp.
This event gave the victory in this battle to the enemy. Cosconius
and Lucanus defeated the Samnites in a pitched battle; they killed
Marius Egnatius, the enemies’ leader who had the highest standing;
and they received the surrender of several towns. Lucius Sulla
reduced the Hirpini to subservience, routed the Samnites in many
battles, and recovered some peoples; and, with a record of achieve-
ment almost unparalleled by anyone previously who had not yet held
a consulship, he set out for Rome to seek the consulship.

BOOK 76 (89 bce)

The lieutenant Aulus Gabinius campaigned successfully against the

Lucani, captured many towns, and then died while besieging the
enemy’s camp. The lieutenant Sulpicius slaughtered the Marrucini
and recovered the entire region. The proconsul Gnaeus Pompeius
accepted the surrender of the Vestini and the Paeligni. The Marsi
too, broken by the lieutenants Lucius Cinna and Caecilius Pius in
several battles, began to seek peace. Asculum was taken by Gnaeus
Pompeius. And after the Italians too had been slaughtered by the
lieutenant Mamercus Aemilius, Silo Poppaedius, the leader of the
Marsi and the instigator of this business, fell in battle.
Mithridates, king of Pontus, drove Ariobarzanes from his king-
dom of Cappadocia and Nicomedes from his kingdom of Bithynia.
The book contains also the incursions of the Thracians into
Macedonia and their plundering expeditions.

BOOK 77 (88 bce)

The tribune of the plebs Publius Sulpicius, at the instigation of

Gaius Marius, promulgated pernicious laws: that exiles be recalled
 periochae 77‒78 281
and the new citizens and freedmen be assigned among the tribes, and
that Gaius Marius be made the commander against King Mithridates
of Pontus; and when the consuls Quintus Pompeius and Lucius Sulla
opposed him, Sulpicius used force on them. Then Quintus
Pompeius, the son of Quintus Pompeius the consul and the son-in-
law of Sulla, was killed, and the consul Lucius Sulla entered Rome
with an army and battled the party of Sulpicius and Marius in the
city itself and drove that party out. Twelve men from it were judged
by the Senate to be enemies of the state, including Gaius Marius,
father and son. When Publius Sulpicius was hiding in a certain villa,
he was dragged forth on the information of his slave and killed.
In order for the slave to have the reward promised to the informer,
he was manumitted and, for the crime of betraying his master, he was
thrown from the Rock. Gaius Marius the son crossed to Africa.
When Gaius Marius the father was hiding in the swamps of Minturnae,
he was dragged forth by the townspeople, and when the slave sent to
kill him, a native Gaul, was so terrified by the greatness of the man
that he went away, Marius was put on a boat at public expense and
transported to Africa.
Lucius Sulla imposed order on the affairs of the Republic,
and then founded colonies. The consul Quintus Pompeius set out
to take over the army from the proconsul Gnaeus Pompeius and
was killed through the latter’s design. Mithridates, king of Pontus,
took over Bithynia and Cappadocia, defeated the lieutenant
Aquillius, and entered Phrygia, a province of the Roman people,
with a vast army.

BOOK 78 (88 bce)

Mithridates occupied Asia, and he threw the proconsul Quintus

Oppius in chains and similarly his lieutenant Aquillius, and, at
Mithridates’ command, everyone in Asia with Roman citizenship
was butchered in a single day. He attacked the city of Rhodes, which
alone had remained loyal to the Roman people, and, after he was
defeated in multiple naval battles, he retreated. Archelaus, the king’s
commander, entered Greece with an army and occupied Athens.
The book contains in addition the terror of the cities and islands,
with some of them drawing their communities towards Mithridates
and others towards the Roman people.
282 periochae 79 ‒ 80

BOOK 79 (87 bce)

When Lucius Cornelius Cinna was promulgating pernicious laws by

force of arms, together with six tribunes of the plebs he was driven
from the city by his colleague Gnaeus Octavius; and after his imperium
was terminated, he bribed Appius Claudius’ army, took control of it,
and waged war upon the city, summoning Gaius Marius and other
exiles from Africa. In this war, two brothers, one from the Pompeian
army, the other from Cinna’s, unwittingly fought against each other,
and when the victor stripped the spoils from the deceased, he recog-
nized his brother and let out a huge wail; he built a funeral pyre for
him, and he stabbed himself over the pyre and was incinerated by the
same fire. And although the war could have been suppressed in the
early stages, Cinna and Marius were fortified both by the deception
of Gnaeus Pompeius who, in aiding both sides, strengthened Cinna
and did not bring help to the affairs of the best men until they were
entirely ruined, and by the torpor of the consul. They surrounded
the city with four armies, of which two were given to Quintus
Sertorius and Carbo. Marius captured the colony of Ostia and plun-
dered it savagely.

BOOK 80 (87 bce)

Citizenship was conferred on the peoples of Italy by the Senate. The

Samnites, who alone took up their weapons again, joined themselves
to Cinna and Marius. The lieutenant Plautius was killed, along with
his army, by these men. Cinna and Marius, with Carbo and
Sertorius, attacked the Janiculum, but they were put to flight by the
consul Octavius and retreated. Marius captured the colonies of
Antium and Aricia and Lanuvium. When the optimates had no hope
of resisting because of the sluggishness and treachery both of their
leaders and of their troops, who had been bribed and either were
unwilling to fight or were deserting to the opposing side, Cinna and
Marius were allowed to enter the city; they devastated it with murder
and looting just as if it had been captured; and the consul Gnaeus
Octavius was murdered, and all the nobiles* of the opposing party
were butchered, including Marcus Antonius, an extremely eloquent
orator, and Gaius and Lucius Caesar, whose heads were placed on
 periochae 80‒ 82 283
the Rostra. Crassus the son was killed by Fimbria’s equestrians, while
Crassus the father ran himself through with his sword to avoid
suffering anything unworthy of his courage. And without recourse to
any elections Cinna and Marius declared themselves consuls for the
following year. On the very day they entered the magistracy, Marius
ordered the senator Sextus Licinius to be thrown from the Rock.
Having committed many crimes, Marius died on the thirteenth of
January, a man of whom, if his faults were weighed alongside his
virtues, it would by no means be easier to say whether he was more
helpful in war or more disastrous in peace. To such a degree did he,
as a soldier, save the Republic, and as a civilian, ruin it first with
every kind of deception and ultimately with armed force, just as if he
were an enemy.

BOOK 81 (87 bce)

After a siege and great exertions to capture <. . .>, Lucius Sulla
restored liberty and its possessions to Athens, which Archelaus,
Mithridates’ commander, had occupied. Magnesia, the only city in
Asia that had remained loyal, was defended against Mithridates with
the greatest courage. The book contains also the expeditions of the
Thracians into Macedonia.

BOOK 82 (86 bce)

Sulla defeated in battle the king’s forces, which had occupied

Macedonia and moved into Thessaly, and 100,000 of the enemy were
killed, and also their camp was captured. When the war was subse-
quently revived, Sulla routed and eradicated the king’s army a
second time. Archelaus turned himself and the royal fleet over to
Sulla. The consul Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Cinna’s colleague, was
sent to succeed Sulla, but because of his greed he was hated by his
own army, and he was killed by his own lieutenant, Gaius Fimbria, a
man of the utmost audacity; and his military authority was transferred
to Fimbria. Also recorded are the cities in Asia that were captured by
Mithridates, and the savage pillaging of the province, and the Thracians’
incursions into Macedonia.
284 periochae 83 ‒ 84

BOOK 83 (85‒84 bce)

In Asia, Flavius Fimbria routed several of Mithridates’ commanders

in battle, took the city of Pergamum, besieged the king, and was
not far from capturing him. Fimbria captured and razed the city of
Ilium,* which was waiting to put itself under Sulla’s power, and he
recovered the majority of Asia. Sulla cut the Thracians to pieces in
several battles. When Lucius Cinna and Gnaeus Papirius Carbo,
who had made themselves consuls for two consecutive years, were
preparing for war against Sulla, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, the leader
of the Senate, who gave a speech in the Senate, and those who were
eager for a resolution of conflict brought it about that envoys were
sent to Sulla about peace. Cinna was killed by his own army, which
he was forcing against its will to board ships and set out against Sulla.
Carbo administered the consulship on his own. When Sulla had
crossed into Asia, he made peace with Mithridates on condition that
Mithridates would retreat from the provinces of Asia, Bithynia, and
Cappadocia. Fimbria was deserted by his army, which had crossed
over to Sulla; Fimbria stabbed himself and, presenting his neck, got
his slave to kill him.

BOOK 84 (84 bce)

Sulla replied to the envoys that had been sent by the Senate that he
would put himself in the Senate’s hands if the citizens who had been
expelled by Cinna and had fled to him were reinstated. Although this
condition seemed reasonable to the Senate, agreement on it was
prevented by Carbo and his party, to whom war seemed more advan-
tageous. When this same Carbo wished to demand hostages from all
the towns and colonies of Italy, so that he might guarantee their loy-
alty to him against Sulla, he was prohibited by a consensus of the
Senate. The franchise was granted to new citizens by a decree of the
Senate. When Quintus Metellus Pius, who had followed the faction
of the optimates, was in Africa preparing for war, he was repulsed
by the praetor Gaius Fabius, and a senatorial decree was made
through the faction of Carbo and the Marian party that all armies
everywhere should be disbanded. Freedmen were distributed into
 periochae 84‒ 86 285
the thirty-five tribes. The book contains in addition the preparation
for the war that was being set in motion against Sulla.

BOOK 85 (83 bce)

Sulla crossed to Italy with his army. He sent envoys to discuss peace,
and when their sanctity was violated by the consul Gaius Norbanus,
Sulla defeated that same Norbanus in battle. And when Sulla was
about to besiege the camp of Lucius Scipio, the other consul, with
whom he had striven in every way to make peace and had not been
able to, the consul’s entire army, incited by soldiers dispatched by
Sulla, transferred its allegiance to Sulla. Although Scipio could have
been killed, he was allowed to go away. Gnaeus Pompeius,* the son
of that Gnaeus Pompeius who had taken Asculum, raised an army of
volunteers and went to Sulla with three legions. The entire nobility
betook itself to Sulla so that by going to the camp they left the city
deserted. Also recorded are the campaigns of the leaders of both sides
throughout the whole of Italy.

BOOK 86 (83‒82 bce)

While Gaius Marius, the son of Gaius Marius, was made consul
through force before he was twenty, in Africa Gaius Fabius was
burned alive in his headquarters because of his savagery and greed.
Sulla’s lieutenant, Lucius Philippus, defeated and killed the praetor
Quintus Antonius and occupied Sardinia. Sulla made a treaty with
the Italian people so that they would not fear that he was about to
take away their citizenship and the right to vote that had recently
been conferred. Out of confidence that his victory was already cer-
tain, Sulla also told litigants who were approaching him to take their
summonses to Rome, although the city was still in the hands of the
opposing side. When the praetor Lucius Damasippus had assembled
the Senate in accordance with the wishes of the consul Gaius Marius,
he butchered everyone of noble birth who was in the city. Of this
group the pontifex maximus Quintus Mucius Scaevola took flight
and was killed in the forecourt of the temple of Vesta. The book contains
286 periochae 86‒ 89
in addition the renewal of the war by Lucius Murena against
Mithridates in Asia.

BOOK 87 (82 bce)

Sulla routed Gaius Marius’ army and destroyed it at Sacriportus and

besieged him in the town of Praeneste, and he recovered the city of
Rome from the hands of his rivals. He thwarted Marius when Marius
tried to escape from his confinement. The book contains in addition
the campaigns conducted by Sulla’s lieutenants, with the same result
everywhere for his party.

BOOK 88 (82 bce)

Sulla wiped out Carbo’s army at Clusium, Faventia, and Fidentia and
drove him from Italy. He achieved a decisive victory over the Samnites,
who alone of the Italian peoples had not laid down their arms, near to
the city of Rome outside the Colline Gate, and having regained control
of the Republic, he defiled his most beautiful victory with a cruelty par-
alleled by no previous human being. In the Civic Villa* he butchered
8,000 men who had surrendered, he posted a proscription list,* he filled
the city and all Italy with corpses, including those of all the Praenestini,
whom he ordered to be slaughtered unarmed, and he murdered
Marius, a man of the senatorial order, after breaking his arms and legs,
cutting off his ears, and gouging out his eyes. Gaius Marius was
besieged at Praeneste by Lucretius Ofella, a man of the Sullan party;
when he tried to escape through a tunnel blocked by the army, he chose
to die. That is to say, in the tunnel itself, when he realized that he was
not able to escape, he and Telesinus, his companion in flight, drew their
swords and rushed at one another; when he had killed Telesinus, the
wounded Marius succeeded in having a slave kill him.

BOOK 89 (82‒80 bce)

From Cossyra, where they had put in, Marcus Brutus was sent by
Gnaeus Papirius Carbo in a fishing boat to Lilybaeum to investigate
whether Pompeius was already there, and when he was surrounded by
 periochae 89-90 287
ships that Pompeius had sent, Brutus braced himself against a thwart
of the boat, turned the point of his sword towards himself, and threw
himself on it with the weight of his body. Gnaeus Pompeius was sent
to Sicily by the Senate with military authority and captured and killed
Gnaeus Carbo, who died weeping like a woman. Sulla was made dic-
tator and appeared in public with twenty-four fasces, something that
no one had ever done before. He strengthened the condition of the
Republic with new laws: he diminished the power of the tribunes of
the plebs, and he completely took away their power of proposing le-
gislation, he expanded the college of priests and augurs so that there
were fifteen, he filled out the Senate with men from the equestrian
order, he deprived the sons of people who had been proscribed of the
right of seeking office, and he auctioned off their property, from which
he initially seized the most. Three hundred and fifty million sesterces
were realized. He ordered Quintus Lucretius Ofella, who had dared to
seek the consulship against Sulla’s will, to be killed in the Forum, and
when the Roman people showed their indignation, he summoned a
public meeting and said that he had ordered it.
In Africa, Gnaeus Pompeius defeated Gnaeus Domitius, who had
been proscribed, and Hierta, king of Numidia; they were preparing
a war, and Pompeius killed them. And when he was twenty-four
years old and still a Roman equestrian, he celebrated a triumph for
Africa, a thing which had never happened to anyone before. When
Gaius Norbanus, a former consul who had been proscribed, was
apprehended in the city of Rhodes, he committed suicide. When
Mutilus, one of the proscribed, had covered his head and secretly
approached the back door of the house of his wife, Bastia, he was not
allowed in since she said that he had been proscribed. Consequently
he ran himself through and spattered his wife’s door with his blood.
Sulla recovered Nola in Samnium. He conducted forty-seven legions
into captured territory and shared it among them. He besieged
Volaterrae, a town that was still in arms, and accepted its surrender.
Also Mytilene in Asia, which was the only city to keep its weapons
after Mithridates had been defeated, was captured and sacked.

BOOK 90 (79‒77 bce)

Sulla died, and the Senate allowed him the honour of being buried in
the Campus Martius. When Marcus Lepidus attempted to rescind
288 periochae 90‒ 93
Sulla’s acts, he stirred up war. He was driven from Italy by his col-
league Quintus Catulus and, having tried in vain to prepare war in
Sicily, he died. Marcus Brutus, who had control of Cisalpine Gaul,
was killed by Gnaeus Pompeius. Quintus Sertorius, who had been
proscribed, started a major war in Farther Spain. The proconsul
Lucius Manlius and his lieutenant Marcus Domitius were beaten in
battle by the quaestor Hirtuleius. The book contains in addition the
campaigns of Publius Servilius against the Cilicians.

BOOK 91 (77‒75 bce)

Gnaeus Pompeius was still a Roman equestrian when he was sent

with proconsular authority against Sertorius. Sertorius captured sev-
eral cities and brought many more under his control. The proconsul
Appius Claudius defeated the Thracians in many battles. The pro-
consul Quintus Metellus cut to pieces Lucius Hirtuleius, Sertorius’
quaestor, along with his army.

BOOK 92 (75 bce)

Gnaeus Pompeius fought against Sertorius with no decisive result, one

wing on each side being victorious. Quintus Metellus routed in battle
Sertorius and Perperna with their two armies. Pompeius, eager to have
a share of this victory, fought with little success. Then Sertorius was
besieged at Clunia and, with repeated sorties, he inflicted no less damage
than the besiegers. The book contains in addition campaigns undertaken
by the proconsul Curio in Thrace against the Dardani and the many
cruel acts of Quintus Sertorius committed against his own men; he
trumped up accusations of betrayal against many of his friends and
those who had been proscribed with him, and killed them.

BOOK 93 (75‒74 bce)

In Cilicia, the proconsul Publius Servilius subdued the Isauri and

captured several cities of the pirates. Nicomedes, king of Bithynia,
made the Roman people his heirs, and his kingdom was reorganized
 periochae 93‒ 96 289
with the status of a province. Mithridates made a treaty with Sertorius
and started a war against the Roman people. Then occurred the organ-
ization of the royal infantry and naval resources; and after the consul
Marcus Aurelius Cotta occupied Bithynia, he was defeated by the king
in a battle near Chalcedon; and campaigns by Pompeius and Metellus
against Sertorius <. . .> he was their equal in all the arts of war and
military science, <. . .> he drove them off from the siege of the town
of Calagurris and forced them to make their way to different places:
Metellus to Farther Spain, and Pompeius to Gaul.

BOOK 94 (74‒73 bce)

The consul Lucius Licinius Lucullus fought successfully against

Mithridates in cavalry battles, and he conducted some successful
operations, and he restrained his soldiers, who were demanding to
fight, from mutiny. Deiotarus, the tetrarch of Galatia, cut to pieces
Mithridates’ commanders who were stirring up war in Phrygia. The
book contains in addition the successful campaigns of Gnaeus
Pompeius against Sertorius in Spain.

BOOK 95 (73 bce)

In Thrace, the proconsul Gaius Curio subdued the Dardani.

At Capua, seventy-four gladiators escaped from Lentulus’ training
camp; they collected a mass of slaves and men from work crews, and
with Crixus and Spartacus as their leaders, they started a war and
defeated the lieutenant Claudius Pulcher and the praetor Publius
Varenus in battle. The proconsul Lucius Lucullus obliterated
Mithridates’ army through starvation and combat near the city of
Cyzicus, and he drove the king from Bithynia, who was broken by vari-
ous mishaps of war and shipwrecks, and forced him to flee to Pontus.

BOOK 96 (72 bce)

The praetor Quintus Arrius defeated Crixus, a leader of the fugi-

tives, along with 20,000 men. The consul Gnaeus Lentulus met with
290 periochae 96‒ 98
a reverse against Spartacus. The consul Lucius Gellius and the prae-
tor Quintus Arrius were defeated in a pitched battle by him also.
Sertorius was killed by Marcus Perperna and Marcus Antonius and
other conspirators at a banquet in the eighth year of his leadership;
he was a magnificent general, and one who had been the victor more
often than not against two generals, Pompeius and Metellus, but in
the end he was both ruthless and extravagant. Authority over his
partisans passed to Marcus,* whom Gnaeus Pompeius defeated,
captured, and killed, and Pompeius recovered Spain around the
tenth year after the conflict had begun. The proconsul Gaius Cassius
and the praetor Gnaeus Manlius met with a reverse against
Spartacus, and the war was entrusted to the praetor Marcus Crassus.

BOOK 97 (72‒71 bce)

At first the praetor Marcus Crassus fought successfully against some

fugitive slaves, a group composed of Gauls and Germans, killing
35,000 of his opponents and their leaders Castus and Gannicus.
Then, when he fought to the finish against Spartacus he killed him
and 60,000 men. The praetor Marcus Antonius undertook the war
against the Cretans with little success; he ended it with his death.
The proconsul Marcus Lucullus subdued the Thracians. In Pontus,
Lucius Lucullus fought successfully against Mithridates, killing
more than 60,000 of the enemy. Marcus Crassus and Gnaeus
Pompeius were made consuls (Pompeius, a Roman equestrian, by a
decree of the Senate, before he had held the quaestorship), and they
restored tribunician power. The courts also were transferred to the
Roman equestrians by the praetor Marcus Aurelius Cotta.
Mithridates was forced by the desperation of his situation to flee to
Tigranes, king of Armenia.

BOOK 98 (70‒68 bce)

A friendship with Machares, the son of Mithridates and king of

Bosporus, was entered into by Lucius Lucullus. The censors Gnaeus
Lentulus and Lucius Gellius conducted the census strictly and
removed sixty-four men from the Senate. They ritually closed the
 periochae 98‒ 100 291
lustrum, and the number of citizens totalled 900,000. In Sicily, the
praetor Lucius Metellus conducted a successful campaign against
the pirates. The temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, which had been
destroyed by fire and rebuilt, was dedicated by Quintus Catulus.
In Armenia, Lucius Lucullus routed Mithridates and Tigranes and
vast forces of both kings in several battles. The proconsul Quintus
Metellus was entrusted with the war against the Cretans and besieged
the city of Cydonia. Gaius Triarius, a lieutenant to Lucullus, fought
with little success against Mithridates. A mutiny among the soldiers
prevented Lucullus from pursuing Mithridates and Tigranes and
adding the last touches to the victory, for the soldiers refused to
follow, specifically the two Valerian legions, who said they had com-
pleted their period of service and abandoned Lucullus.

BOOK 99 (67 bce)

The proconsul Quintus Metellus captured Gnossus and Lyctus and

Cydonia and many other cities. The tribune of the plebs Lucius
Roscius proposed legislation that the first fourteen rows in the the-
atre should be assigned to the Roman equestrians. By a law proposed
before the people, Gnaeus Pompeius was ordered to pursue the
pirates who had blocked the grain-trade; within forty days he had
driven them from the entire sea, and having ended the war against
them in Cilicia, he accepted the surrender of the pirates and assigned
them land and towns. The book contains in addition the campaigns
of Quintus Metellus against the Cretans and the letters exchanged by
Metellus and Gnaeus Pompeius. Quintus Metellus complains that
the glory for his accomplishments had been stripped from him by
Pompeius, who had sent a lieutenant of his own to Crete to accept the
surrender of the cities. Pompeius gives an explanation of how he was
obliged to do this.

BOOK 100 (66 bce)

To the great indignation of the nobles, the tribune of the plebs Gaius
Manilius proposed legislation that the Mithridatic war be entrusted
to Pompeius. <. . .> His public speech was good. Quintus Metellus
292 periochae 100‒ 102
dispensed laws to the defeated Cretans for their island, which had been
free until that time. Gnaeus Pompeius set out to conduct war against
Mithridates and renewed the friendship with Phraates, the king of
the Parthians. Pompeius defeated Mithridates in a cavalry battle. The
book contains in addition the war that transpired between Phraates,
king of the Parthians, and Tigranes, the king of the Armenians, and
then the war between Tigranes the son and Tigranes the father.

BOOK 101 (65 bce)

Gnaeus Pompeius defeated Mithridates in a battle at night and

forced him to flee to the Bosporus. Pompeius accepted the surrender
of Tigranes and took from him Syria, Phoenicia, and Cilicia while
restoring the kingdom of Armenia to him. A conspiracy to kill the
consuls was formed by men who had been convicted of bribery
during a bid for the consulship; it was suppressed. As Gnaeus
Pompeius was pursuing Mithridates, he made his way to remote and
unknown peoples. He defeated in battle the Hiberi and the Albani,
who were not allowing him to pass. The book contains in addition
the flight of Mithridates through the lands of the Colchians and the
Heniochi, as well as his actions in the Bosporus.

BOOK 102 (65‒63 bce)

Gnaeus Pompeius reorganized Pontus into a province. Pharnaces,

the son of Mithridates, attacked his father. When Mithridates was
blockaded in the palace by him and took poison but did not manage
to die, he was killed by a Gallic soldier named Bitocus, whose assist-
ance he had sought. Gnaeus Pompeius subdued the Jews and took
their temple at Jerusalem, which had been inviolate up to that time.
After Lucius Catilina had twice endured defeats in his bid for the
consulship, he conspired with the praetor Lentulus and Cethegus
and many others to assassinate the consuls and the Senate, burn the
city, and take over the Republic, and also he had an army marshalled
in Etruria. This conspiracy was rooted out by the diligence of Marcus
Tullius Cicero. Catilina was driven from the city, and punishment was
inflicted on the rest of the conspirators.
 periochae 103 ‒ 104 293

BOOK 103 (62‒58 bce)

Catilina and his army were cut down by the proconsul Gaius
Antonius. Publius Clodius was put on trial on the charge that, dressed
in women’s clothes, he had infiltrated a sacred space where it was sac-
rilege for a man to enter, and committed adultery with <. . .>, the wife
of Metellus the priest; he was acquitted. Near Solo, the praetor Gaius
Pontinus subdued the Allobroges, who had revolted. Publius Clodius
transferred to the plebeians. Gaius Caesar subdued the Lusitani.
When he was a candidate for the consulship and trying to gain control
of the Republic, a conspiracy formed among three leading citizens:
Gnaeus Pompeius, Marcus Crassus, Gaius Caesar. Agrarian legisla-
tion was passed by the consul Caesar amongst fierce argument and
against the opposition of the Senate and the other consul, Marcus
Bibulus. The proconsul Gaius Antonius campaigned in Thrace with
little success. Marcus Cicero was sent into exile by a law proposed by
the tribune of the plebs Publius Clodius because Cicero had had citi-
zens executed without a trial. Caesar left for the province of Gaul and
subdued the Helvetii, a nomadic people that, seeking a home, wished
to pass through Narbonensis, Caesar’s province. The book contains in
addition the geography of Gaul. Pompeius celebrated a triumph over
<. . .> the children of Mithridates, and Tigranes, and the son of
Tigranes; and he was hailed as ‘the Great’ by the entire assembly.

BOOK 104 (58‒56 bce)

The first part of the book contains the geography of Germany and the
local customs. At the request of the Aedui and the Sequani, whose
land was being occupied, Gaius Caesar led his army against the
Germans who had crossed into Gaul with their leader Ariovistus; he
checked with an exhortation the trepidation that arose among the sol-
diers out of fear of unfamiliar enemies, and he defeated the Germans
in battle and drove them from Gaul. Marcus Cicero was brought back
from exile by, among others, Pompeius and Titus Annius Milo, the
tribune of the plebs, to the great joy of the Senate and the whole of
Italy. Responsibility for the grain-supply was entrusted to Gnaeus
Pompeius for a term of five years. Caesar defeated in battle the
Ambiani, the Suessiones, the Viruomandui, the Atrebates, and the
294 periochae 104‒ 106
peoples of Belgium, of whom there were a great many, and accepted
their surrender, and then he fought at great risk against the Nervii, one
of these peoples, and he wiped them out, although they fought until
500 out of 60,000 remained, and three alone from a senate of 600
escaped. A law was passed about the reorganization of Cyprus into a
province and the confiscation of the king’s treasury; the administration
of the matter was entrusted to Marcus Cato. Ptolemy, king of Egypt,
left his kingdom and came to Rome because of injuries he had suffered
from his own people. Gaius Caesar defeated the Veneti, a people next
to the ocean, in a naval battle. The book contains in addition cam-
paigns conducted by his lieutenants with the same good fortune.

BOOK 105 (56‒55 bce)

When the elections were obstructed by the intervention of the trib-

une of the plebs Gaius Cato, the Senate changed its attire.* In the
competition for the praetorship Marcus Cato suffered a reverse, with
Vatinius being preferred. When that same man was impeding a law,
by which provinces would be given to the consuls for five-year terms
(the Spanish provinces to Pompeius, Syria and the Parthian war to
Crassus), he was taken away in chains by Gaius Trebonius, a tribune
of the plebs and the sponsor of the law. The proconsul Aulus Gabinius
escorted Ptolemy back to the kingdom of Egypt and expelled
Archelaus, whom the Egyptians had adopted as their king. After
defeating the Germans in Gaul, Caesar crossed the Rhine and sub-
dued the nearest part of Germany, and then he crossed the ocean to
Britain, at first with little success because of bad weather, but with
greater success the second time, and having killed a great number of
the enemy, he established control over part of the island.

BOOK 106 (54‒53 bce)

Julia, Caesar’s daughter and Pompeius’ wife, died, and the people
allowed her the honour of being buried in the Campus Martius.
Some of the Gallic people defected with their leader Ambiorix, king
of the Eburones. Caesar’s lieutenants Cotta and Titurius were trapped
in an ambush by them and were killed with the army they commanded.
 periochae 106‒ 108 295
And when the camps of the other legions too—including the one
Quintus Cicero was in charge of amongst the Treveri—were besieged
and defended with great effort, the enemy was routed in battle by
Caesar himself. Marcus Crassus crossed the Euphrates river intend-
ing to attack the Parthians, and he was defeated in a battle in which
his son was killed too. When Crassus had withdrawn the remnants
of his forces to a hill, he was called to a parley by the enemy (whose
leader was Surenas) as if they intended to discuss peace. Crassus was
apprehended and, in his struggle not to be subjected to anything
degrading while alive, he was killed.

BOOK 107 (53‒52 bce)

When the Treveri had been defeated in Gaul, Caesar crossed into
Germany for the second time and, not encountering any enemy there,
he returned to Gaul and conquered the Eburones and other commu-
nities that had conspired against him, and he pursued Ambiorix as he
fled. Publius Clodius, who had been killed at Bovillae on the Appian
Way by Titus Annius Milo, a candidate for the consulship, was cre-
mated in the Curia by the plebs. When there was discord among the
candidates for the consulship, Hypsaeus and Scipio and Milo, who
were fighting with armed force, in order to suppress this, to Gnaeus
Pompeius* <. . .> he was made consul by the Senate for the third time,
in his absence and on his own, something that never <happened>* to
anyone else. An inquiry into the death of Publius Clodius was decreed,
and Milo was convicted in the trial and sent into exile. A law was
passed to accept Caesar’s candidacy for the consulship in his absence,
although Marcus Cato was opposed and spoke against it. The book
contains in addition the campaigns of Gaius Caesar against the Gauls,
almost all of whom revolted under the leadership of the Arvernian
Vercingetorix, as well as the laborious sieges of cities, including
Avaricum of the Bituriges and Gergovia of the Arverni.

BOOK 108 (52‒51 bce)

Gaius Caesar defeated the Gauls at Alesia and accepted the surren-
der of all the Gallic peoples that had been in arms. Gaius Cassius,
296 periochae 108‒ 110
quaestor to Marcus Crassus, cut to pieces the Parthians, who had
crossed into Syria. In his candidacy for the consulship, Marcus Cato
met with rejection as Servius Sulpicius and Marcus Marcellus were
elected. Gaius Caesar subdued the Bellovaci together with other
peoples of Gaul. The book contains in addition the disputes between
the consuls about dispatching a successor to Gaius Caesar, as Marcellus
argued in the Senate that Caesar should come back to seek the consul-
ship although, in accordance with the law that had been passed, he
should have kept his provinces until the period of his consulship; and it
contains also the campaigns of Marcus Bibulus in Syria.

BOOK 109 (51‒49 bce)

which is the first of the civil war

The causes of the civil war and its beginnings are recorded, as are the
quarrels about dispatching a successor to Gaius Caesar, since he said
that he would not disband his armies unless Pompeius disbanded his.
And the book contains the actions of the tribune of the plebs Gaius
Curio, first against Caesar, then on his behalf. When there was a
decree of the Senate to dispatch a successor to Caesar, and the trib-
unes of the plebs Marcus Antonius and Quintus Cassius were driven
from the city because they obstructed this decree of the Senate with
their veto <. . .> and the Senate entrusted the consuls and Gnaeus
Pompeius to see to it that the Republic suffer no harm. Gaius Caesar
entered Italy with an army to pursue political enemies militarily, he
took Corfinium with Lucius Domitius and Publius Lentulus, and he
let them go, and he drove Gnaeus Pompeius and the rest of his party
from Italy.

BOOK 110 (49 bce)

which is the second of the civil war

Gaius Caesar besieged Massilia, which had barred its gates, and left
his lieutenants Gaius Trebonius and Decimus Brutus to besiege that
city. He set out for Spain, accepted the surrender of Gnaeus
Pompeius’ lieutenants Lucius Afranius and Marcus Petreius with
seven legions near Ilerda, and let them all go unharmed. Also Varro,
 periochae 110‒ 112 297
Pompeius’ lieutenant, and his army were brought under Caesar’s
control. Caesar conferred citizenship on the people of Gades. The
Massilians were defeated in two fights at sea and after a long siege
relinquished themselves to Caesar’s control. Caesar’s lieutenant
Gaius Antonius campaigned unsuccessfully against the Pompeians in
Illyricum and was taken captive. In this conflict the Opitergini, from
across the Po, were allies of Caesar. When their ship was surrounded
by an enemy fleet, rather than coming under the control of their
enemies, they died fighting each other. After Caesar’s lieutenant in
Africa, Gaius Curio, had fought successfully against Varus, a leader
of the Pompeian party, he was killed with his army by Juba, king of
Mauretania. Gaius Caesar crossed to Greece.

BOOK 111 (48 bce)

which is the third of the civil war

When the praetor Marcus Caelius Rufus stirred up revolt in the city
by inciting the plebs with the expectation that debt would be can-
celled, his magistracy was terminated, and he was driven from the
city and joined forces with the exiled Milo, who had assembled an
army of fugitive slaves. Both men were killed while they were
preparing for war. Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt, was driven from
the kingdom by her brother Ptolemy. Because of the praetor Quintus
Cassius’ greed and cruelty, the people of Corduba in Spain deserted
Caesar’s party with two of the legions of Varro. Gnaeus Pompeius
was besieged at Dyrrachium by Caesar and, after he had stormed
Caesar’s outposts with heavy losses to the latter’s side, Pompeius was
freed from the siege, and the war shifted to Thessaly where he was
killed in a pitched battle at Pharsalia. Cicero remained in the camp,
a man born for anything rather than armed conflict. Caesar pardoned
all those of the opposite side who had surrendered to the victor.

BOOK 112 (48‒47 bce)

which is the fourth of the civil war

The panic of the defeated party and their flight to different parts of
the world are recorded. Gnaeus Pompeius had made his way to Egypt.
298 periochae 112‒113
By the agency of his tutor Theodotus (who had more authority over
him) and of Pothinus, King Ptolemy, who was Pompeius’ ward, gave
the order and, before Pompeius stepped ashore, he was killed aboard
his ship by Achillas, to whom the deed had been delegated.
Pompeius’ wife Cornelia and his son Sextus Pompeius fled to
Cyprus. Caesar followed three days later; when Theodotus had
shown him Pompeius’ head and ring, Caesar was furious and wept.
He entered Alexandria, which was in turmoil, without danger.
Caesar was made dictator and restored Cleopatra to her kingdom in
Egypt. And at great personal risk he utterly defeated Ptolemy, who
undertook the war on the advice of the same men under whose
influence he had killed Pompeius. As Ptolemy was fleeing, his ship
sank in the Nile. The book contains in addition the laborious journey
of Marcus Cato with his legions in Africa through the desert, and the
war conducted with little success by Gnaeus Domitius against
Pharnaces.

BOOK 113 (47 bce)

which is the fifth of the civil war

The Pompeian party built itself up in Africa, and the command of it

passed to Publius Scipio as Cato, to whom a shared command was
offered, ceded it. And when there were deliberations about destroy-
ing the city of Utica on account of that city’s support for Caesar, Juba
urged that it be destroyed; but Marcus Cato had prevented this from
happening, and its protection and care were entrusted to him. In Spain,
Gnaeus Pompeius, the son of Pompeius Magnus,* gathered forces of
which neither Afranius nor Petreius wished to take charge, and
renewed the war against Caesar. Pharnaces, son of Mithridates and
king of Pontus, was defeated without any delay to the war. Revolt
was stirred up at Rome by the tribune of the plebs Publius Dolabella
proposing a law about the cancellation of debt; and when the plebs
were in an uproar for this reason, soldiers were brought into the city
by Marcus Antonius,* the master of horse; and 800 plebeians were
killed. Caesar granted a discharge to those veterans who mutinied
and demanded it. And when he had crossed to Africa, he fought at
great risk against the forces of King Juba.
 periochae 114 ‒ 116 299

BOOK 114 (47‒46 bce)

which is the sixth of the civil war

In Syria, a Roman equestrian of the Pompeian party, Caecilius

Bassus, provoked a war after Sextus Caesar had been abandoned by
his legion (which had transferred its allegiance to Bassus) and been
killed. Caesar defeated the praetor Scipio and Juba near Thapsus,
and captured their camp. When Cato heard the news, he stabbed
himself at Utica; and although his son intervened and he was nursed,
during the ministrations Cato reopened the wound and died, in the
forty-eighth year of his life. Petreius killed Juba and himself. Publius
Scipio was surrounded on his ship and added a comment to his noble
death. For when his enemies asked for the leader, he said, ‘The
leader is doing well.’ Faustus and Afranius were killed. Pardon was
granted to Cato’s son. In Gaul, Caesar’s lieutenant Brutus defeated
in battle the Bellovaci, who were rebelling.

BOOK 115 (46‒45 bce)

which is the seventh of the civil war

Caesar celebrated four triumphs, over Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and

Africa, and he gave a banquet and spectacles of every kind. Upon the
Senate’s request, he allowed the former consul Marcus Marcellus to
return. Marcellus was not able to enjoy this favour from Caesar since
he was killed at Athens by Gnaeus Magius, his own client.* Caesar
conducted a census, in which the number of citizens totalled
150,000. And he set out for Spain against Gnaeus Pompeius. After
many operations on both sides and the capture of some cities, Caesar
achieved the final victory, at great risk, near the city of Munda.
Gnaeus Pompeius was killed; Sextus fled.

BOOK 116 (45‒44 bce)

which is the eighth of the civil war

Caesar celebrated his fifth triumph, over Spain. And a vast number
of extremely high honours was voted to him by the Senate, including
300 periochae 116‒117
that he be called ‘Father of the Country’ and that he be sacrosanct*
and dictator in perpetuity. Then a reason for hostility towards him
was created by these factors: that when he was sitting in front of the
temple of Venus Genetrix, he did not rise for the Senate when it
came to confer these honours; and that when his colleague Marcus
Antonius was running with the Luperci* and placed a crown on
Caesar’s head, Caesar put it down on his chair; and that the author-
ity of the tribunes of the plebs Epidius Marullus and Caesetius
Flavus was terminated when they <fostered> hostility towards him
for supposedly aiming at monarchy. For these reasons a plot was
formed against him; the leaders of it were Marcus Brutus and Gaius
Cassius and, from the Caesarian party, Decimus Brutus and Gaius
Trebonius, and Caesar was killed in the Curia of Pompeius with
twenty-three wounds. The Capitol was occupied by his killers. Then
amnesty for his murder was decreed by the Senate, and, after
hostages were taken from the children of Antonius and Lepidus, the
conspirators came down from the Capitol. According to Caesar’s
will, his nephew Gaius Octavius was instituted his heir to one-half of
his estate, and he was adopted as Caesar’s son. When Caesar’s body
was carried into the Campus Martius, it was cremated by the plebs
in front of the Rostra. The honour of ‘dictatorship in perpetuity’ was
banned. Chamates, a man of the lowest kind, who claimed that he
was the son of Gaius Marius, was put to death when he stirred up a
rebellion among the credulous plebs.

BOOK 117 (44 bce)

Gaius Octavius came to Rome from Epirus (for Caesar had sent him
there in advance, intending to wage war in Macedonia), he was
greeted by favourable omens, and he assumed the name of Caesar.*
In the confused state of affairs and the upheaval, Marcus Lepidus
appropriated the position of pontifex maximus. Further, Marcus
Antonius, as consul, was wielding power without restraint and had
forced through legislation about the redistribution of provinces, and
in addition, when Caesar asked Antonius to help him against his
uncle’s assassins, Antonius subjected him to grave insults.
Consequently Caesar, in order to acquire resources for himself and
the Republic against Antonius, stirred up the veterans, who had been
 periochae 117‒ 119 301
settled in colonies. The fourth and the Martian legions too trans-
ferred their allegiance from Antonius to Caesar; and then because of
the savagery of Marcus Antonius, who throughout his camp was
butchering those of his own men whom he did not trust, many men
deserted to Caesar. Decimus Brutus occupied Mutina with his army
in order to block Antonius when he was making for Cisalpine Gaul.
The book contains in addition the dispersal of men of both parties to
take up their provinces, as well as preparations for war.

BOOK 118 (43 bce)

In Greece, Marcus Brutus, under the pretext of the good of the

Republic and a war undertaken against Marcus Antonius, took con-
trol of the army that Publius Vatinius was commanding, as well as his
province. Gaius Caesar, who as a private citizen had taken up arms
for the Republic, was granted propraetorian power by the Senate,
together with consular regalia, and it was added that he be a senator.
Marcus Antonius besieged Decimus Brutus at Mutina, and the
envoys sent to him by the Senate about peace made little headway in
arranging one. The Roman people adopted military garb. In Epirus,
Marcus Brutus brought the praetor Gaius Antonius and his army
under his control.

BOOK 119 (43 bce)

In Asia, Gaius Trebonius was killed through the deception of

Publius Dolabella. For this deed Dolabella was decreed an enemy of
the state by the Senate. When the consul Pansa had suffered a reverse
against Antonius, the consul Aulus Hirtius, arriving on the scene
with his army, routed Marcus Antonius’ forces and balanced the for-
tunes of the two sides. Then Antonius was defeated by Hirtius and
Caesar and fled to Gaul, and he attached to himself Marcus Lepidus and
the legions that were under him there, and Antonius was decreed an
enemy of the state by the Senate, along with all those who were within
his lines. Aulus Hirtius, who had actually fallen in the enemy camp after
the victory, and Gaius Pansa, who died from a wound that he had
suffered in the battle he lost, were buried in the Campus Martius.
302 periochae 119‒ 121
The Senate was insufficiently grateful to Gaius Caesar, who alone of
the three leaders had survived. For although Decimus Brutus, who
had been liberated from the siege of Mutina by Caesar, was voted the
honour of a triumph, the Senate did not make sufficiently grateful
reference to Caesar and his men. For these reasons Gaius Caesar,
once good relations with Antonius had been restored through the
agency of Marcus Lepidus, came to Rome with his army; those men
who were hostile to him were kept out by its arrival, and so he was
made consul when he was nineteen years old.

BOOK 120 (43 bce)

As consul, Gaius Caesar proposed legislation to try the men by whose

doings his father Caesar was killed; Marcus Brutus, Gaius Cassius,
and Decimus Brutus were prosecuted under this law and convicted in
their absence. Asinius Pollio and Munatius Plancus joined Marcus
Antonius and increased his forces with their armies. And Decimus
Brutus, to whom the Senate had entrusted the pursuit of Antonius,
was abandoned by his legions and fled; he then fell into Antonius’
power and was killed, at Antonius’ command, by Capenus of the
Sequani. Gaius Caesar made peace with Antonius and Lepidus on the
terms that they would become a triumvirate for a five-year period to
organize the Republic and that he and Lepidus and Antonius would
each proscribe their personal enemies. In this proscription there were
many Roman equestrians, and the names of 130 senators, including
Lucius Paullus, the brother of Marcus Lepidus, and Lucius Caesar,
the uncle of Antonius, and Marcus Cicero. When Cicero was killed by
Popillius, a legionary, he was sixty-three years old, and moreover his
head was placed with his right hand on the Rostra. The book contains
in addition the campaigns of Marcus Brutus in Greece.

BOOK 121 (43 bce)

which is said to have been published after
the death of augustus

Gaius Cassius had been entrusted by the Senate to prosecute war

against Dolabella, who had been decreed an enemy of the state;
 periochae 121‒ 124 303
assisted by the authority of the Republic, he brought Syria under con-
trol with the three armies that were in that province, and he besieged
Dolabella in the city of Laodicia and forced him to die. Also, on the
order of Marcus Brutus, Gaius Antonius was captured and killed.

BOOK 122 (43 bce)

Marcus Brutus campaigned successfully against the Thracians for a

little while, and when all the overseas provinces and armies were
under the control of Gaius Cassius and him, they met at Smyrna to
make plans for the approaching war. By common agreement they
granted a pardon to Publicola, who was in chains, at the request of
his brother, Marcus Messalla.

BOOK 123 (43‒42 bce)

From Epirus, Sextus Pompeius, the son of Pompeius Magnus, col-

lected proscribed men and fugitive slaves. He had an army, but for a
long time lacked any control over any territory; he engaged in piracy
before he occupied first Messana, a town in Sicily, and then the
entire province; and having killed the praetor Pompeius Bithynicus,
he defeated Caesar’s lieutenant Quintus Salvidienus in a sea battle.
Caesar and Antonius crossed to Greece with their armies to wage war
on Brutus and Cassius. In Africa, Quintus Cornificius defeated in
battle Titus Sextius, a leader of the Cassian faction.

BOOK 124 (42 bce)

Gaius Caesar and Antonius fought at Philippi with mixed results

against Brutus and Cassius: on both sides the right wing being vic-
torious, and both camps being captured by those who had been
victorious. But the death of Cassius made the fortune of the two sides
unequal: since he had been on the wing that had been beaten back,
he thought that the entire army had been routed, and he committed
suicide. Then on the next day Marcus Brutus was defeated, and he
ended his life by prevailing upon Straton, a companion of his flight,
304 periochae 124‒ 127
to plunge a sword into him. He was around forty years old, <. . .>.
Among them Quintus Hortensius was killed.

BOOK 125 (41 bce)

Leaving Antonius behind overseas (for the provinces situated in this

part of the empire had passed to him), Caesar returned to Italy and
distributed land to the veterans. In grave danger, he suppressed the
mutiny of his army that soldiers corrupted by Fulvia, the wife of
Marcus Antonius, had provoked against their own commander. The
consul Lucius Antonius, the brother of Marcus Antonius, waged war
against Caesar on the advice of that same Fulvia. Antonius took into
his own party the people whose lands had been assigned to veterans,
and after Marcus Lepidus, who had been in charge of the city with
an army, had been defeated, he forced his way into the city.

BOOK 126 (41‒40 bce)

When Caesar was twenty-three, he drove Lucius Antonius, who had

been blockaded in the city of Perusia and had attempted to break out
several times but had been driven back, to surrender out of hunger.
Caesar pardoned him and all his soldiers, destroyed Perusia, and
having brought under his control all the troops of the opposing side,
he finished the war without any recourse to bloodshed.

BOOK 127 (40‒38 bce)

With Labienus, a former member of the Pompeian side, as their

leader, the Parthians invaded Syria, and once they had defeated
Marcus Antonius’ lieutenant Decidius Saxa, they occupied the entire
province. When Marcus Antonius, to wage war against Caesar <. . .>
his wife Fulvia <. . .> to eliminate any obstacle to harmony between
the leaders, made peace with Caesar and married his sister Octavia.
He revealed with his own evidence that Quintus Salvidienus had
plotted evil deeds against Caesar, and Salvidienus was convicted and
committed suicide. Antonius’ lieutenant Publius Ventidius defeated
 periochae 127‒ 130 305
the Parthians in battle and drove them from Syria after he had killed
their leader, Labienus. Since the enemy next to Italy, Sextus
Pompeius, controlled Sicily and blocked the grain-trade, Caesar and
Antonius made the treaty with him that he demanded, which gave
him Sicily as his province. The book contains in addition the unrest
in Africa and the fighting that took place there.

BOOK 128 (38‒37 bce)

When Sextus Pompeius was again making the sea dangerous with
piracy and was not providing the peace he had agreed to, Caesar out
of necessity undertook a war with him and fought two naval battles
with no decisive outcome. Marcus Antonius’ lieutenant Publius
Ventidius defeated the Parthians in battle in Syria and killed their
king. The Jews were also subdued by lieutenants of Antonius. The
book contains in addition the preparation for the Sicilian war.

BOOK 129 (36 bce)

There was fighting at sea against Sextus Pompeius with varying

results: of Caesar’s two fleets, the one commanded by Agrippa was
victorious while the one led by Caesar was destroyed and the soldiers
set down on land were in great danger. Then Pompeius was defeated
and fled to Sicily. Marcus Lepidus had crossed over from Africa as
if he were Caesar’s ally in the war he was to wage against Sextus
Pompeius; when he actually attacked Caesar, he was abandoned by
his army; and although his office of triumvir was terminated, he was
allowed to keep his life. Marcus Agrippa was rewarded by Caesar
with a naval crown, an honour that no one before him had achieved.

BOOK 130 (36 bce)

During the time when Marcus Antonius was living a life of abandon
with Cleopatra, he entered Media late and started a war against
the Parthians with eighteen legions and 16,000 cavalry. When he
had lost two legions, since nothing was going well, he began to retreat.
306 periochae 130‒ 133
As he returned to Armenia, the Parthians immediately followed and
caused great fear and greater danger to the entire army; in his flight
Antonius covered 300 miles in twenty-one days. He lost approxi-
mately 8,000 men because of the weather. It was his own fault that he
suffered from adverse weather in addition to the Parthian campaign
he had undertaken so disastrously, since in his rush to return to
Cleopatra, he refused to spend the winter in Armenia.

BOOK 131 (36‒34 bce)

Even as Sextus Pompeius entrusted himself to Marcus Antonius, he

was preparing a war against him in Asia, and he was caught by
Antonius’ lieutenants and killed. Caesar suppressed a mutiny of the
veterans that had broken out and caused great evil, and he subdued
the Iapydae and the Dalmatae and the Pannonii. Antonius enticed
Artavasdes, king of Armenia, with a promise of safe conduct and
then ordered him to be thrown in chains. He gave the kingdom of
Armenia to the son he had by Cleopatra, whom he, long since
ensnared by love, had begun to regard as his wife.

BOOK 132 (34‒31 bce)

In Illyricum, Caesar subdued the Dalmatae. Because of his love for

Cleopatra, by whom he had two sons, Philadelphus and Alexander,
Marcus Antonius wished neither to return to Rome nor, although the
term of the triumvirate had expired, to give up his power; he began to
prepare to wage war on Rome and Italy, and he amassed equally great
naval forces and infantry for it; and he sent a notification of divorce to
Octavia, Caesar’s sister. Caesar crossed to Epirus with an army. Then
Caesar’s naval battles and successful cavalry battles are recorded.

BOOK 133 (31‒29 bce)

Marcus Antonius was defeated at Actium by the navy and fled to

Alexandria. He was besieged by Caesar, and in the depths of despair at
the situation, driven above all by the false rumour that Cleopatra had
 periochae 133‒ 139 307
been killed, he committed suicide. Caesar took control of Alexandria
and, in order not to be at the dispensation of the victor, Cleopatra vol-
untarily took her own life. Caesar returned to Rome and celebrated three
triumphs, one for Illyricum, the second for the victory of Actium, the
third over Cleopatra, and he put an end to twenty-two years of civil war.
Marcus Lepidus, the son of Lepidus who had been a triumvir, formed a
conspiracy and fomented war against Caesar, but was caught and killed.

BOOK 134 (29‒27 bce)

After Gaius Caesar had settled matters and made a definitive arrange-
ment for the provinces, he was given the name of Augustus too; and
the month of Sextilis was named in his honour. When he <. . .> he
held assizes at Narbo and conducted a census of the three Gauls that
his father Caesar had conquered. War against the Bastarnae and the
Moesi and other peoples by Marcus Crassus <. . .> are recorded.

BOOK 135 (28‒25 bce)

War conducted by Marcus Crassus against the Thracians and by

Caesar against the Spaniards is recorded, and the Salassi, a people of
the Alps, were subdued.

[There are no surviving Periochae for Books 136 and 137.]

BOOK 138 (15‒13 bce)

The Raeti were subdued by Tiberius Nero and Drusus, Caesar’s

stepsons. Agrippa, Caesar’s son-in-law, died. The census was con-
ducted by Drusus.

BOOK 139 (12 bce)

The German communities located on the near and far sides of the
Rhine are attacked by Drusus, and the uprising that had arisen in
308 periochae 139‒ 142
Gaul because of the census is settled. An altar for Caesar the god
was dedicated at the confluence of the Arar and the Rhône, and the
Aeduan Gaius Julius Vercondaridubnus was made the priest.

BOOK 140 (13‒11 bce)

The crushing of the Thracians by Lucius Piso, and equally the subdu-
ing by Drusus of the Cherusci, the Tencteri, the Chauci, and other
German peoples on the far side of the Rhine are recorded. Augustus’
sister Octavia died after she had lost her son Marcellus, who was com-
memorated by the theatre and portico dedicated in his name.

BOOK 141 (11‒10 bce)

The war conducted by Drusus against the peoples on the far side of the
Rhine is recorded. In this war Chumstinctus and Avectius, military
tribunes from the Nervii, fought amongst the leaders. Drusus’ brother
Nero subdued the Dalmatae and the Pannonii. Peace was made with
the Parthians when the standards that had been captured under Crassus
and subsequently under Antonius were returned by their king.

BOOK 142 (9 bce)

The war conducted by Drusus against the communities of the

Germans across the Rhine is recorded. His horse fell on his leg, and
thirty days after this happened Drusus died from the fracture. The
body was transported to Rome by his brother Nero who, summoned
by the news of his health, had rushed to him immediately, and the
body was interred in the grave of Gaius Julius. The funeral oration
was delivered by his stepfather Caesar Augustus. And at the funeral
rites many honours were conferred on him.
 APPENDIX
LIST OF VARIATIONS FROM THE TEUBNER TEXT

This list follows standard textual notation and is primarily designed to

be used with Briscoe’s Teubner. Angle brackets contain material the editor
thinks should be included; square brackets contain material the editor thinks
should not be included; obeli (†) indicate material that cannot be trans-
lated as is. The source for the reading adopted follows it in parentheses.

Teubner This translation

41.6.2 <.> <A.> (Sigonius)
41.6.4 † postulandosque honores postulandosque honores meritos.
meritos ut diis immortalibus (Briscoe)
haberetur honos †.
41.7.9 <. . .> <caesum> (Crévier)
41.8.2 [sed ea propter belli magnitudinem translated as is (Fr. 1)
prouincia consularis facta;
Gracchus eam sortitur, Histriam
Claudius]
41.8.8 † aut hos aut illos † aut minus hos aut plus illos
(Gronovius)
41.8.10 ut <. . .> ciues Romani fiebant. ut ciues Romani fie<rent,
adopta>bant. (Voigt)
41.8.12 <. . .>. <ne is esset>. (Walch)
41.9.11 qui nunc est <. . .> qui nunc esset <futurusue esset>
(Mommsen)
41.10.2 † id † <esse exciu>it (Madvig)
41.11.6 † tumuli † signum ubi (Novák)
41.14.1 † triumphus de Liguribus <Dum is> triumphus de Liguribus
agebatur † agebatur (Fr. 1)
41.17.6 <. . . senatus> <in prouinciam profectus
est . . . senatus> (Vahlen, abbreviated)
41.18.1 † murosque insuper amplexi † muroque insuper <sunt> amplexi
(Goldbacher)
41.18.8 † extra templum sortem in sitellam sorte in sitella in templum illata foris
in templum latam foris ipse ipse <mansisset, cum templum
oporteret † ingredi et ipsum> oporteret (Madvig)
41.20.4 insan<ire . . .>ebant insan<ire cred>ebant (H. J. Müller)
41.20.10 † reliquorum sui moris † translated as is (Madvig)
41.21.9 <. . .> <in locum Caepionis, . . .>
(Drakenborch)
41.22.1 † ix mil. † non. Iul. (Fr. 1)
310 appendix
41.22.5 † nuntios tumultuo <. . .> misit †. nuntii tumultuosi missi.
(Weissenborn)
41.22.7 † <. . .>um per quorum † populorum per quorum fines
(Madvig)
41.23.6 † manereque id decretum † manereque id decretum <sciremus>
(Weissenborn)
41.23.18 <. . .> <decernere> (Weissenborn)
41.24.10 † dissertio † dissolutio (Watt)
41.24.12 <. . .> <obliterent; meministis>
(Weissenborn)
41.24.16 † nostros quoque et nos segni † <nostrorum> nostros quoque et
nos regno (Weissenborn)
41.26.4 † secuti † ut (Madvig)
41.26.5 <caesa . . .> <caesa aut> (Fr. 1)
41.27.6 no<ta.> curriculis numerand no<tas> curriculis numerand<is>
(Rossbach)
<. . .> dam not translated (Chaplin)
trans<. . . das> trans<uertendas> ( Jal)
41.27.9 portam in Auentinum porticum uiam in Auentinum silice strauerunt
silice strauerunt, † eo publico † ab et porticum in cliuo Publicio ad
aede Veneris fecerunt aedem Veneris fecerunt (Kreyssig)
41.27.11 <. . .> edixit (Madvig)
41.27.12 in his et not translated (Chaplin)
clo<acas et mur>um clo<acas faciendas et mur>um
(Mommsen)
circumducen<dum . . .> circumducen<dum locauit> (Gast)
41.28.9 <. . .> sociis (Sigonius)
41.28.11 † tamen † tum (Walch)
42.3.7 † id † et (Weissenborn)
† loca † <loca . . .> (Weissenborn)
42.3.8 † idem immortalium † id eum immortalium demolientem
<aedes> (Hartel)
42.5.10 † hostilibus actas animis quas † <non minus> hostilibus actas animis
<quam> quos (Madvig)
42.6.1 <. . .> <Aegium> (H. J. Müller)
42.8.8 <. . . primo > <quoque reddi eaque primo>
(Madvig)
42.11.5 † iamiam primum † iam pridem (Koch)
42.12.6 † ad Sidenum † ad Dium (Pandermalis)1
42.13.7 † Euersam † Euersam (V)
42.14.6 et legatio Rhodiorum † erat hac et legationis Rhodiorum <ferox>
falsa iturus † erat nec falsa <simul>aturus (Vahlen)
42.14.9 <. . . Asiae> ingratam populis <nec> ingratam populis <Asiae>
(Kreyssig)
1
Revue des Études Grecques, 113 (2000), 522.
 appendix 311
42.15.5 † a semitam paulum extantem † ad semitam paulum exstantem
(Madvig)
42.15.10 † etiam amicorum ac satellitum † amicorum ac satellitum (Wesenberg)
42.16.9 † tacite habere id pati † tacita habere (H. J. Müller)
42.20.1 <priore . . . M. Aemili> <priore posita ob uictoriam
M. Aemilii> (Madvig)2
42.23.6 † in socium populumque † in<ter regem> socium populumque
(Madvig)
42.23.7 † quid ipsum nullam praeterquam ipsum nullum, praeterquam suae
suae libidinis arbitrio futurum † libidinis arbitrio, <finem> facturum
(Fr. 1)
42.23.10 <. . .> <inuidiam concitarunt> (Sigonius)3
42.24.3 † unde praeterea † unde <nihil emanasse> praeterquam
(Drakenborch)
42.24.4 † Romam † crederent (H. J. Müller)
42.25.13 † aut manent ibi † aut manentibus <aut abeuntibus>
(Madvig)
42.28.11 <. . . , alterum> <decessisse, alterum> (Fr. 1)
42.29.2 † eius † Persei (Drakenborch)
42.29.3 † equitumque † euentum et euentum (Vahlen)
42.29.12 † ei ad † omitted (Novák)
42.30.1 † gens †. . .† deterioribus † <e>gens ubique <multitudo>
omnis . . . deterioribus <fau>ebat
(Madvig)
42.30.4 † Persea magis aurae popularis <ad> Persea magis aura popularis
erat † <i>erat (Madvig)
42.30.6 † inde † autem (Ruperti)
42.30.9–10 <. . . portendi. patres quod bonum <finium imperii portendi. patres
faustum> felixque quod faustum> felixque
(Weissenborn)
42.31.3 † de CCC equites sedecim milia (Fr. 1)
CCL CCC. L CCC †
42.32.7 † qui centuriones sed † qui centuriones scr<ibebant>
(H. J. Müller)
42.34.15 † appellationem uos † appellatione ues<tra> (Briscoe)
42.36.7 † ettra XI † intra (Fr. 1)
quintum decimum (Drakenborch)
42.37.8 † et Macedonis Philippo bello et Philippi bello hostes fuissent
hostes fuissent † (Weissenborn)
42.39.5 † etiam † tandem (Novák)

2 This is the reading adopted in the Loeb; it is not in Briscoe’s apparatus because

Madvig offered it not as a conjecture but as example of what the sense requires.
3 NB misericordiam accidentally omitted from Briscoe’s edition.
312 appendix
42.40.4 <foedus . . . renouandum> <foedus miseris, quod tamen ipsum
tibi non fuisse renouandum>
(Sigonius)
42.40.7 † Eruam † Euersam (Fr. 1)
42.41.2 † ea † ne<que> (Vahlen)
42.41.14 † foederis † foederatis (Fr. 1)
42.43.1 † Et dicentem et cum adsensum † Haec dicentem et cum adsensu
Marcius auctor fuit . . . Marcius <audiuit et> auctor
legatos . . . censuissent fuit . . . etiam <amici regis>
cum . . . censuissent (Weissenborn)
42.43.4 † conparati sunt † con<festim> profecti sunt
(Giarratano)
42.43.7 † decretum Thebis si † decretum Thebis fecit (Weissenborn)
42.44.7 <. . . nihil> nihil (Fr. 1)
42.46.1 <. . . litteras . . .> <ad alias ciuitates litteras scripsit et>
(Goldbacher)
42.47.3 † hae cum uenturum † <in> aequum uenturos (Madvig)
42.47.5 † etiam interdum † etiam, interdum <locum> (Fr. 1)
42.47.7 † regis † omitted (Gruter)
42.47.9 <. . . minus> <callida minus> (Novák)
42.49.2 † quaeritur † geritur (Fr. 1)
42.49.9 † M. † M’. (Gronovius)
42.50.7 † quia sic tibi † sicubi (Fr. 1)
42.51.4 † Eulyestas † Eulyestas (V)
42.52.5 † cuius uel quorum pars † quorum maior (Fr. 1)
42.52.9 † septem † <uiginti> septem (Dobree)
42.52.14 † hos † his (Kreyssig)
42.53.6 ad Tripolim † uocant Azorum ad Azorum, Pythoum et Dolichen;
Pythoum et Dolichen incolentes † Tripolim uocant incolentes
(Weissenborn)
42.54.4 † depul † depul<so impetu> (Madvig)
42.55.10 † adque † adhuc (Harant)
42.56.5 † cuius † eius (Hartel)
42.56.10 <. . .> <suos in castra reuocauit> (Madvig)
42.57.8 † quanta esset duos esse † quanta esset uis hostium (Madvig)
42.58.10 † rationem † Ionem (Fr. 1)
† Certimano † Artemona (Madvig)
42.59.3 † tre<. . .> is hastas petere ingentibus gladiis Thraces petere
pedites † pedites
<. . .> equorumque nunc succidere nunc, nunc succidere crura equis,
crura <. . .>is (Ahrens)
42.59.7 † paruo momento, si adiuuisset, paruo momento si adiuuissent,
debellatum esse † debellatum esse <clamar>et,
opportune (Madvig)
 appendix 313
42.60.2 † superfixa † <rumpiis> superfixa (Drakenborch)
42.61.10–11 <. . . . contione> <optabant. contione> (Fr. 1)
42.61.11 † est eminet Larisae medius eminet et Larisae medius abest
abest † G>o<n>num <G>o<n>num <abeunti>. (Madvig)
42.63.1 <. . .> <Persei> (H. J. Müller)
42.63.4 <. . . nunc> <saxis ingentibus, nunc>
(Kreyssig)
42.63.6 <. . .> <corruerat> (Madvig)
42.64.5 † et inconste † omissa spe (Madvig)
42.65.8 † propter † prop<el>lere (Madvig)
42.66.8 † quoque † omitted (Bekker)
42.67.4 † Autlesbim † Autlesbim (Fr. 1)
42.67.7 † res † omitted (Briscoe)
42.67.12 † et † et <ad> (Weissenborn)
43.1.1 <. . . , . . .> <gesta sunt, . . .> (Madvig)
43.3.7 Hanc iniec<. . .> not translated (Chaplin)
43.4.1 <. . .>tis † tantum extitit pauor † tantum pauorem (Fr. 1)
43.6.9 † reciperentur † redigerentur (Bos)
43.6.11 <et Masinissae . . .> <et Masinissae uenerunt:
Carthaginienses> (Rossbach)
43.6.13 † et † <ea> et (H. J. Müller)
43.7.10 † compilata spoliataque conpilata spoliaque sacrilegis
sacrilegiis † (Gitlbauer)
43.10.1 finium † plerique † finitimum imperio (Weissenborn)
43.11.3 † comitia † comitia essent (Vahlen)
43.11.11 patres † acceperunt qui † referentes (Gronovius)
43.14.5 <. . .> <uoluntate> (Madvig)
43.14.6 † qua † quoad (Harant)
43.16.8 ad † eius † rogationem ad rogationem (Vahlen)
43.18.11 primum arma ademit <. . .> primum arma ademit (V)
43.19.2 † quattuor milia † quadringenti (Weissenborn)
43.20.2 † qui † <at>qui (Hertz)
43.23.3 † Epirotarum gente † Epirotarum gentis <cohortem>
(Koch)
44.1.5 † iunctam † intentam (Novák)
44.1.8 <. . .>. <mansit - summa concordia fuit>.
(Heraeus)
44.3.1 dux regius castra <. . .>. dux regius castra <habebat>.
(Hartel)
44.4.4 concursum <. . . . . . .> belli <concurrissent> (Gronovius)
44.5.12–13 † peditum, quorum pars maior quorum pars maior tumulos tenebat;
tumulos tenebat; ibi ualle † alibi uallo (Madvig)
314 appendix
44.6.2 <. . . . . . .> <in mare proiiceret, Thessalonicam
alterum, qui naualia incenderet,
misit; Asclepiodotum et Hippiam,
quique cum iis erant> (Madvig)
44.6.6 † dua intrepidus decem dies † paucos intrepidus rex dies (Madvig)
44.8.7 † hospes et † Perseus (Fr. 1)
44.9.10 † peruic † protulit (Weissenborn)
44.10.10 † alia † omitted (H. J. Müller)
44.11.3 † inaltus † in altum (Fr. 1)
44.13.7 moenia <. . .> modo <urbem ingressus tantos oppidanis
aduentu suo fecit animos ut non>
moenia modo (Wesenberg)
44.14.10 † inopiam insulam inopem miss . . . inopem insulam esse suam;
<ma>ritimis iuuetur colendi itaque maritimis uiuere incolentes
commeatibus † commeatibus (Madvig)
44.15.1 † scirent indicatum † <ut> scirent indicatum (Sigonius)
44.16.2 † rem p. † omitted (Kreyssig)
44.17.3 consulem <. . .> . . . consulem <misit litterasque
<. . .> in urbem uenturum consulis> . . . <comitia edicebat,
promittebatque se ad eum diem>
in urbem uenturum (Madvig)
44.18.1 aliis al<acer rebus in al>iis (Damsté)
44.19.9 <. . .> <uictor> fuerat (Fr. 1)
44.19.10 † imperio † imperio <Romano> (Zingerle)
44.20.4 † in hiemem etiam in spe † hiemem etiam insuper (Vahlen)
† notio militi alii † in otio militem <uix> ali (Perizonius)
<. . .> <dierum> (Sigonius)
44.20.5 † in † omitted (Fr. 1)
44.21.5 † centum † septem (Fr. 1)
44.22.2 † conpulsus consulatus † consul essem creatus (Kreyssig)
44.22.6 uobis <. . . ru>mores <credite. ru>mores credulitate
credulitate uestra alatis uestra <ne> alatis (Fr. 1)
44.22.10 † quae † sunt (Fr. 1)
44.24.7 grauioribus <. . .>. grauioribus<que> onerarunt
criminibus (Goldbacher)
44.25.5 † conciliandam gratiam magis † conciliandae gratia pacis (Hartel)
44.25.6 <quingenta talenta . . .> <mille talenta, ut pacem patraret>
(Madvig)
44.26.1 † pecuniam tutam et † pecunia data aut (Madvig)
44.27.6 Macedonum <. . . . . . . . .> <essent. hoc amisso auxilio Perseus
animos Macedonum> (Madvig)
44.28.4 † Diamius † Damius (Fr. 1)
44.30.4 † Metutam † Etleuam (Briscoe)
44.30.13 Parthinorum † iuuenta † <adsumptis> Parthinorum
iuuentutis (Sigonius)
 appendix 315
44.31.4 † Oriundi † Driloni (Heraeus)
44.32.8 † Creantigonensis misit † <cum> Creonte Antigonensi misit
(Kreyssig)
44.32.11 huic <. . .> huic <operi> (Crévier)
<. . .> <ligna petere> (Crévier)
44.33.2 † euergentt † emerger<e cerneren>t (Koch)
44.33.4 <. . . , qua> <processit> qua (Madvig)
44.33.5 <. . .> curauit (M. Müller)
44.34.8 † scutorum † omitted (Vahlen)
44.35.5 <alii . . .> alii <legatos in uincula coniciendos
censerent, alii> (Vahlen)
44.35.7 <. . .> <agmine impetum> (Vahlen)
44.35.18 <hinc rege . . .> <hinc rege cum Macedonum
exercitu> (Madvig)
44.36.2 † meridie aestatem magis meridiano aestu magis accessurum
adcesserunt tum mox adparebat †. utrumque mox apparebat
(Weissenborn)
44.37.12 † signum propositum pugnae ad signo proposito pugnae exeundum
exeundum † (Madvig)
44.37.13 <. . .> <contra huius modi> (Madvig)
44.39.8 † nec interdiu nec nocte abeund † interdiu aut nocte abeundo
<potest> (Madvig)
44.40.8 trahentes <. . .>, traherent (Latinius)
44.46.3 <. . .> CC (Fr. 1)
44.46.5 <. . .> <amnes. arx> (Madvig)
45.1.6 † aliter editus † alia traditur (Madvig)
45.1.7 <. . .> tradidisse (Hertz)
45.2.2 <. . .>. <uenissent>. (Sigonius)
45.2.3 † at urbi † omitted (Hiller)
45.2.5 † quam pauci † <cum> quam paucis (Kreyssig)
45.2.9 † posset resistere † poscere uideretur (Madvig)
45.3.2 † ur Latinae dictae † eae edictae (Madvig)
45.4.2 <. . .> <traditae ei sunt; quas cum>
(Madvig)
45.4.4 † rege Persea consuli Paullo <a> rege Perseo consuli Paullo
salutem † salutem (H. J. Müller)
45.5.1 <. . .> dum <ea> dum (Hertz)
45.6.2 † que † <deni>que (Harant)
45.7.2 † tunc quod † tunc (Kreyssig)
45.7.4 pullo † amictus illo † pullo amictus <sa>gulo
(Heusinger)
45.7.4 nullo suorum alio comite nullo suorum <praeterquam
Philippo filio> comite (Novák)
316 appendix
45.8.4 <. . .> <quod fuit> (Madvig)
45.10.2 † adticis † Attali (Luterbacher)
45.10.11 † tamen † is animus (Gronovius)
45.10.15 quam <. . .> quam <Popili effecerat asperitas>.
(H. J. Müller)
45.12.1 praeteriit <. . .> nauigantibus praeteriit nauigantibus ostio Nili ad
ostio Nili ad Pelusium <. . .> per Pelusium <praefectis ipse>
deserta Arabiae <. . .> per deserta Arabiae <profectus
receptusque et ab iis qui>
(H. J. Müller)
45.12.13 † dum † omitted (Fr. 1)
45.13.16 <. . .> quae ibi proueniant quae ibi <utilia sibi> proueniant
(Novák)
45.15.2 haberent—<. . .> censendi haberent—<iis sicut antea factum
est, in tribubus rusticis> censendi
(McDonald)
45.16.3 <legionibus . . .> <legionibus quinum milium et
ducenorum> (Weissenborn)
45.17.2 † culpmi † primi (Vahlen)
45.18.6 † commune consilium gentis esset † <denique ne si> commune
concilium gentis esset,
(H. J. Müller)
45.19.15 † pro † pro<tinus> (H. J. Müller)
45.21.8 <. . .> <aequabant> (Wesenberg)
45.22.1 <. . .> <ueniebamus> (Sigonius)
45.22.8 † alii † aut (Harant)
45.24.9 una † aut dubia est ita grauior sit † una ut dubia est, ita grauior sit?
(Weissenborn)
45.24.14 possunt † teste †; est enim potestis; est tamen (Madvig)
45.25.1 † ramosque oleae supplices ramosque oleae iactantes supplices
iactantes † <ueniam orabant> (Novák)
45.26.3 † tot omnium † est omni (Madvig)
45.26.15 Dictam Dyrrachium (Zippel)
Agruonitas Acruuionitas (H. J. Müller)
45.27.8 † ante † omitted (Gronovius)
45.27.9 <. . . . . . . Oropum> <impetrauit. inde Oropum>
(Madvig)
45.27.11 <. . .> <monumenta> (Madvig)
45.28.4 † ac silentiam † omitted (Fr. 1)
45.28.6 † cum † reuertit. cum rediret. (Weissenborn)
45.28.9 † nimis solutis cuius † nimis soluta usus (Vahlen)
45.29.2 † noui in † noui im<perii> (Harant)
45.29.8 † Bora † Bermion (Hammond)
 appendix 317
45.29.9 trans † dorsum montem † trans dorsum montis (Hammond)
45.30.2 † interruptis ad uideri lacerata † interrupto (Madvig)
ita uideri lacerata <Macedonia>
(Vahlen)
† et a † ita ut (Madvig)
45.30.4 † eneae uocant hunc † ad Aeneam et Acanthum (Harant)
45.30.8 † uniuersostendit † uniuersa esset, ostendit (Madvig)
45.31.8 † aptium † aduersantium (H. J. Müller)
45.32.8 † indignato † indixerat (Fr. 1)
45.33.8 † Paeleum † Peleum (Madvig)
45.34.11 † ex † domo exciuit ex domo <Gallos> exciuit (Crévier)
45.34.12 ibi Romani cum et Solouettium ibi et Romani Solouettium ducem
ducem Gallorum † Synnades Gallorum Synnadis allocuti,
adlocutus ettalus † e<t A>ttalus (Fr. 1)
45.34.13 † cons. † consularis (Heraeus)
45.35.7 † imperatori ita neglegenter † imperatori ira<tus> neglegenter
<erat> (Weissenborn)
45.36.8 † in uno † iam nunc (Büttner)
45.37.1 <. . .> <tum Seruilius> (Fr. 1)
45.37.2 neque <. . . neque> neque <dixerunt seditiose quicquam
neque> fecerunt (Vahlen)
45.37.10 <. . . ; ne> <existi; ne> (Heraeus)
45.37.13 accusatorem † iscire † potuisse <apparuisset neque> accusatorem
hiscere potuisse (Vahlen)
45.38.1 quid † etiam † dicitis quidnam dicitis (H. J. Müller)
45.38.4 quam † illi qui triumphauerant † quam illis <qui post eos>
triumphauerant (Sigonius)
45.39.11 <. . .> <bello> (Madvig)
45.39.11–12 † bonaque pr. trans † dona populi Romani trans<uehens>
(Kreyssig)
45.39.12–13 † traducendo in triumpho traducendas in triumpho dedicauit
uindicauit, alias alios dente (Kreyssig)
mactati. quidem † alias alio ducente mactabitis? (Hertz)
quid enim? (Weissenborn)
45.39.13 † hominumque † honoris <parantur et uos eas>
(Weissenborn)
45.39.15 † et tu centurio, miles, quibus ab et tu centurio, miles, quid de imp.
imperatore Paullo donatus Paulo senatus decreuit potius quam
decreuit potius quam Seruius <quid> Seruius Galba fabuletur audi:
Galba fabulentur audis et et hoc . . . audi (Fr. 1)
hoc . . . audi †
45.39.16 † per prouocatio † prouocato (Hertz)
45.40.5 † non suffragi † honori eius initio honori eius suffragati essent
fuissent (M. Müller)
318 appendix
45.40.9 † dedisset † dissereret (Madvig)
45.41.11 currum <. . .> ex Capitolio currum <escendens, domum> ex
prope iam exspirantem <in>ueni; Capitolio <altero> prope iam
expirante ueni; (Hertz)
45.42.4 <. . . Bithys, filius Cotyis> <detrahens habere sineret; Bithys,
filius Cotyis> (Madvig)
 EXPLANATORY NOTES

BOOK FORTY-ONE
3 The consul: his name is Aulus Manlius Vulso.
7 Nero: the cognomen of Tiberius Claudius. His respect for the proper attire
here anticipates Gaius Claudius’ disregard for such matters in the following
year (see below, chap. 10).
8 be put on trial immediately: consuls were immune from prosecution during
their term of office, but could be prosecuted for their conduct when the
term expired. The basis of the tribunes’ attack here is that Manlius had
left Gaul, the province assigned to him, and started a war against the
Istrians without the authorization of the Senate and Roman people (see
below, chap. 7).
rewards owed to them: the temple of Bellona was in an area known as the
Campus Martius (Map 1) which lay outside the sacred boundary (pomerium)
of the city. Since a general lost his imperium (including the right to com-
mand troops) once he brought his army into the city, the Senate would
meet outside the pomerium to hear the report of a victorious general and
to decide whether his accomplishments merited a triumph.
Sardinia: the Romans had seized Sardinia from Carthage sixty years earlier
and organized the southern part as a province. The Ilienses and Balari come
from the interior of the island, which resisted Roman rule throughout the
Republican period.
in whose control . . . by Lucius Cornelius Scipio: after Alexander’s conquest
of the Persian empire, Lycia in Asia Minor (see Map 4) had passed into
the control of various Hellenistic kingdoms. The Romans detached it from
Antiochus in 189 after the battle of Magnesia and awarded it to Rhodes.
Although Lucius Cornelius Scipio was the general who defeated Antiochus,
in fact a ten-man commission carried out the Senate’s directions in reor-
ganizing his territory (37.55 and 38.39). The nature of Rhodian control of
Lycia had been an issue ever since. (See also Polybius 21.24 and 22.5.)
9 entrusted the Lycians with a letter: according to Polybius, Roman ambassadors
delivered this message to the Rhodians (25.4–5).
the allies received the same as the Romans: it is impossible to give modern
equivalents for ancient sums. Using Polybius (6.39), Walbank estimates
that these donatives are generous; in each case they represent roughly
25 per cent of annual military pay (F. W. Walbank, A Historical Commentary
on Polybius (Oxford, 1957–79), vol. 1, p. 722).
10 a great number of their fellow citizens were registered at Rome: those of Rome’s
allies who had the juridical status of Latins (whether or not they belonged
to the original Latin League, a group of surrounding communities allied
320 explanatory notes
from early in the fifth century) were entitled to move to Rome and acquire
Roman citizenship by being enrolled in the census. This right appears to
have been little exercised until the first half of the second century when
extensive migration necessitated counteractive legislation. Livy records
three occasions when Latins were forced to return home (39.3, here,
and 42.10). The attraction of Fregellae for the Samnites and Paeligni was
that it had Latin rights and thus more privileges than their home
communities. Rome’s various relationships with the other communities
on the Italian peninsula were complex, but in each case the primary tie
was military. The allies had to supply troops to fight in Rome’s wars, and
shifting populations complicated the recruitment of soldiers.
11 to become Roman citizens: although the text is incomplete and conse-
quently the procedures here are unclear, the general point is that people
used various legal dodges to obtain Roman citizenship. Some reference to
adoption seems essential because of the wording of the Senate’s decree in
chap. 9. For the Latin, see Appendix.
prodigies were announced: for prodigy lists, see the section on ‘Ancient
Historical Writing’ in the Introduction.
supplication: a public religious ceremony where the Romans made a proces-
sion around the city to each of the main temples and prayed to represen-
tations of the gods, which were set out on special couches ( pulvinaria).
12 Marcus Claudius and Titus Quinctius: censors in 189. Both Livy (38.28) and
Plutarch (Flamininus 18) comment on the liberality with which they con-
ducted the census.
The praetor Lucius Mummius: available for this duty since his province was
reassigned to Sempronius.
forbade the manumission: one way to manumit someone formally in Roman
law was a collusive action where the owner, the slave, and a third party
came before a magistrate; the third party asserted that the slave was free,
and the owner did not deny the claim. The decree is intended to prevent
the Latin allies from using this procedure to obtain Roman citizenship for
themselves and their sons.
rushed precipitately to his province: normally the consuls began their term
of office with a ceremony on the Capitol where they offered prayers for
the public safety. Each consul had twelve attendants called lictors. Like
the magistrates, the lictors had both civilian and military attire. It was
considered extremely bad conduct for a consul to leave the city without
following the proper procedure. A notorious case is that of Gaius
Flaminius, consul in 217. Hannibal’s victory over the Romans at Lake
Trasimene was partially attributed to Flaminius’ hasty departure from
Rome (21.58 and 22.9).
14 councils of war: the Romans and the Ligures fought regularly during the
first quarter of the second century until the Romans eventually subdued
the region.
 explanatory notes 321
15 fifty-one and a half iugera of land: these are generous plots by the standards
of the time, and scholars have questioned the accuracy of this passage.
their resentment: it appears that in the past the allied troops received just
as much as those with Roman citizenship (see chap. 7 above). So it is not
surprising that Claudius’ stinginess caused bad feelings.
16 not to have a head: the Romans adopted from the Etruscans the practice
of looking for omens in the entrails of animals. The ‘head’ of the liver was
a swelling usually found on the right side, and its absence was considered
a bad sign. During the Second Punic War the Roman general Marcellus
also had to repeat a sacrifice when his first victim had a ‘headless’ liver
(Livy 27.26 and Plutarch, Marcellus 29.5). In 1877 a bronze model of a
sheep’s liver, marked into zones and labelled, was discovered near Piacenza
(south-east of Milan), where it is now in the Archaeological Museum.
the conscript fathers: standard English term for the Latin patres conscripti
and often shortened to ‘fathers’ (patres). Both terms are used apparently
interchangeably with ‘members of the Senate’, ‘senators’, and ‘patricians’;
and the precise meanings are a matter of scholarly debate.
sescenaris: apparently a technical religious term; since it appears here only,
its precise meaning is unknown.
17 the performance of customary rituals: it is not certain which priesthood
Licinius held or what these rites were. Some priests (e.g. the flamen Dialis,
or priest of Jupiter who, according to the second-century ce writer Aulus
Gellius (Attic Nights 10.15), was supposed to maintain a kind of ritual
purity) were restricted in their activities; and Scipio Africanus won the
command against Hannibal in 205 because his colleague in the consulship—
who was the uncle of this Licinius—was pontifex maximus and had to
remain in Italy to carry out his religious duties (28.44). It seems, however,
that political motives may underlie the magistrates’ conduct in each case;
just a few years later, when Licinius is consul, the Senate upholds his
right to lead the campaign in Macedonia even after his colleague points
out the inconsistency (cf. 42.32).
Aquae Cumanae . . . Cumae: Aquae Cumanae has not been located but was
presumably a health resort near Cumae.
20 ‘Letum’ would be his that day: the Latin word letum means death, so
Petillius’ words have an ominous ring.
pullarius: the keeper of the sacred chickens. If the chickens ate greedily
before a battle, their appetite was taken as a prediction of Roman success;
failure to eat signified a defeat. The most famous defeat associated with
disregard for this procedure is a naval battle in the First Punic War where
the Roman commander, Publius Claudius, was eager to engage the enemy;
informed that the sacred chickens refused to eat, he snatched them up and
threw them overboard, saying, ‘If they won’t eat, let them drink.’ The story
was well known: see Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.6, Livy, Per. 19,
and Valerius Maximus 1.4.3.
322 explanatory notes
21 a suffect consul . . . hold the elections: a suffect consul was one appointed
part-way through the year to fill a vacancy. Because of the gap in the text
it is not known what procedure was used to elect the consuls for 175.
22 what sort of man he was: Livy’s judgement is based on the assumption that
a man’s behaviour should be consistent with his status. Polybius, Livy’s
source for this passage, gives more details about Antiochus’ preference for
low company and unusual gifts (see the fragments of Polybius, 26).
23 this kind of show: traditional Greek entertainment consisted of athletic,
musical, and theatrical competitions. The Romans adopted gladiatorial
games from the Etruscans in the third century bce, and they gradually
spread throughout the empire.
24 quartan fever: a kind of flu with a fever that recurred every fourth day.
Many Roman authors mention it as a common illness.
public priests: see Glossary for these different kinds of priests.
22: the text of chap. 22 is incomplete because the edge of the manuscript
page is missing. As translated here, the first two and last three sentences of
the chapter are affected by the gap. See Appendix for individual problems.
the envoys returned from Africa: as noted above, the extant text does not
record the sending of these envoys.
the senate: Livy has substituted the Roman equivalent (senate) for the
Carthaginians’ own word for their governmental council. This is his practice
in general; chief magistrates and generals of other peoples are often referred
to as ‘praetors’ though this is a Roman name for Roman magistrates.
25 Only this people . . . and the Athenians: the background to this animosity is
lost. The Achaeans probably imposed the ban in 198 (cf. Archo’s speech
below); and the Athenians may have done so in 200 (Livy 31.44).
<. . .> a letter: at least a verb such as ‘sent’ is missing here.
26 the Gauls: Callicrates refers here to an incursion of Gauls into Asia Minor
in the third century that eventually led to Roman intervention and the
successful campaign of Gnaeus Manlius, consul in 189 (see 38.12–27).
28 side with the Romans or Philip: in the two previous wars between the
Romans and the Macedonians, the Achaeans were allied with Philip. But
during the second of these conflicts, the Achaeans switched allegiance;
despite Archo’s claim, the motivation was probably the proximity of the
Roman fleet. On these events of 198, see 32.19–25.
29 the history of the Roman people: this sentence is typical of Livy’s approach
to his subject: he prefers to keep his focus on the Romans and, as Luce
observes, to give a full narrative of what he chooses to record, not simply
to provide a brief summary (T. J. Luce, Livy: The Composition of his
History (Princeton, 1977), p. 208). For similar statements acknowledging
the way he delimits his subject matter, see 33.20, 35.40, and 39.48.
30 the second hour: the Romans divided every day into twelve hours of dark
(night) and twelve hours of light (day). The hours were grouped into
 explanatory notes 323
watches, of which there were eight altogether: two daytime watches before
noon and two after, two night-time watches before midnight and two
after. The length of an individual hour (and thus of the watches) shrank
and expanded according to the actual amount of light and dark at any
point in the year (though the difference in the Mediterranean is less
extreme than for those of us who live farther from the equator). So the
exact length and timing of ‘the second hour’ depend on when the sun
rose. The emphasis here is on the brevity of the battle.
Valerius Antias: the first time we have seen Livy referring to one of his
sources. The specific mention of Antias probably means that he was the
only one who included the information.
Marcus Aemilius: an error. He was consul the preceding year. Livy might
have mistaken the year or the consul’s name; or the copyist of the manu-
script might have written the wrong name.
the people of Patavium: an example of an allied community ceding internal
autonomy and seeking Roman intervention. Presumably it worked to the
advantage of those who sought it. Livy may have a particular interest here
since he came from Patavium (modern Padua).
egg-shaped markers: they served as lap-counters; one was moved every
time a lap was completed.
for enumerating . . . <. . . .>: because a page of the manuscript has a torn
corner, the descriptions of the censors’ additions to the Circus here and
the construction projects at Pisaurum and Sinuessa in the next paragraph
are based on editors’ conjectures. It is not possible to reconstruct what
was done on the Alban Mount. See Appendix for the Latin.
31 the senaculum: a place where the Senate gathered before meetings were
convened in the Curia.
from the temple of Saturn . . . Curia: this route does not make sense since
these buildings were not on the Capitoline; the text is probably corrupt.
but Fulvius Flaccus: Fulvius seems to have been an extremely ambitious
politician: in 184 he tried to run for the praetorship while he was still an
aedile (39.39), and in 179 the Senate limited his expenditure on public
entertainments, generally a way of gaining popularity as is this generous
building programme (40.44). His ill-fated attempt to build an unusually
stupendous temple in Rome features early in Book 42.

BOOK FORTY-TWO
33 treating it as their own: the task assigned to Postumius reflects the Senate’s
awareness of a problem that manifested itself in different ways through-
out Republican history: the administration of defeated territory. The
Romans tended not to ‘micro-manage’ their conquests. One result in Italy
was that large landowners could squeeze out their less prosperous neigh-
bours. In this particular case, Capua’s punishment for siding with Hannibal
324 explanatory notes
in the Second Punic War had been the loss of its territory, Campania,
which was then designated the property of the Roman people. The land,
however, was never officially distributed, hence the disorder facing
Postumius some forty years later.
33 a grudge against the citizens of Praeneste: Praeneste (modern Palestrina)
was an old and important city in Latium, just over twenty miles south-east
of Rome. It is not on the most direct route to Campania, so it looks as
if Postumius went out of his way to use his magistracy to punish the
Praenestini (Map 2).
no one was ever . . . in any way: probably an overstatement. There is evi-
dence from Livy himself that Roman magistrates used their position to
take advantage of people under their control. For example, he notes that
when Cato the Elder, who was notorious for parsimony and moral recti-
tude, was praetor of Sardinia in 198, he eliminated or reduced the various
expenses his predecessors had placed on that island’s inhabitants (32.27).
Here Livy may have in mind a distinction between allies in Italy and
provincials. In any case the episode fits with the theme of abuse towards
the allies that he weaves throughout Books 41–5.
on the road: this sentence refers to what is called guest-friendship, a well-
established custom of reciprocal hospitality. For another example, note
Perseus’ guest-friend Praxo at Delphi (42.15).
34 the ambassadors who had been sent to Aetolia and Macedonia: see 41.25 and
27 for the former and 41.22 for the latter.
a temple for Fortuna Equestris that he had vowed: in order to ensure success
in battle, Roman generals regularly sought to obtain divine favour by
promising a deity a temple or sacrifices or games in the event of victory.
In a battle against the Celtiberi in 180 (which Fulvius won by a cavalry
manoeuvre), he swore to build a temple to Fortuna Equestris (the goddess
of good luck for cavalry) and to celebrate games in honour of Jupiter
Optimus Maximus (40.40). The Senate attempted to circumvent aristo-
cratic competition by limiting the amount that could be expended on the
games but apparently did not anticipate that Fulvius might lavish his
attention on the temple instead (40.44).
35 neither Pyrrhus nor Hannibal: Pyrrhus was a king from Epirus in the early
third century. He was invited by Tarentum (originally a Greek city) to
Italy, to help the Tarentines combat Roman expansion. Between 280 and
275 he won three major battles against the Romans, but in each he
suffered such heavy casualties, without inducing the Romans to surren-
der, that he is said to have commented after the second one that ‘One
more victory like that will cost us the war’ (Plutarch, Pyrrhus 21). Hannibal
was the Carthaginian general who invaded Italy in 218 and waged war on
the Italian peninsula for fifteen years before he was forced to return to
Africa and was ultimately defeated in 202. Both Pyrrhus and Hannibal
pillaged southern Italy, but while Hannibal stayed away from the temple
of Proserpina at Locri, Pyrrhus stole the temple treasures. A storm at sea
carried them back ashore (29.28).
 explanatory notes 325
36 his wife . . . . Apelles: Livy is the only surviving source for Perseus’ murder
of his wife; his second marriage is mentioned at 42.12. For Apelles’
involvement in Demetrius’ murder, see 40.20, 54, and 55.
scorned the newly created kingdom: although Eumenes’ ancestors had con-
trolled the fortress of Pergamum since the beginning of the third century,
it had become a powerful state only under his father (Attalus I). The latter
consistently sided with the Romans and in 188 received a large amount of
the territory that the Romans took from Antiochus after the battle of
Magnesia.
The Aetolians . . . the Thessalians: very little is known or understood about
these financial troubles in Aetolia and northern Greece. The Aetolians
had sided with this Antiochus’ father, also named Antiochus, in his war
with Rome. In their treaty, they agreed to pay indemnity over six years,
so the Roman peace demands may underlie the debt there. The same
explanation, however, cannot hold for Perrhaebia and Thessaly. Our
ignorance here results from the sources’ focus on Rome.
37 tardy payment of tribute: apparently the rest of the indemnity Antiochus’
father agreed to in 188 after being defeated by the Romans; the payments
were originally scheduled to be made within twelve years. For the terms
of the peace settlement (known as the treaty of Apamea), see Polybius
21.42 and Livy 38.38.
Antiochus’ stay in Rome: Antiochus had been kept in Rome as a condition
of the treaty of Apamea for twelve or thirteen years before a nephew took
his place. His reign began in 175.
38 a gift of 100,000 asses: the as (plural asses) was a bronze coin. In this period
the Senate regularly gave some money to each member of an embassy;
unusual here are the size of the amount and the fact that it all went to
Apollonius. Perhaps he was expected to share it or, as the next sentence
implies, perhaps the Senate was aware of his unusual value for good rela-
tions between Rome and Antiochus (see Loeb edn., trans. E. Sage and
A. C. Schlesinger (Cambridge, Mass., 1938), 310).
Corsica: the Romans seized Corsica from the Carthaginians in 259; it was
administered as a province together with Sardinia. According to a his-
torian contemporary with Livy, the Corsicans paid an annual tribute of
honey, resin, and wax (Diodorus Siculus 5.13.4). Beeswax was used for
candles.
39 abuse of the crushed: the last time Livy reported on Roman–Ligurian fighting
(41.17–18), the Ligures were cast as the barbarians in their savage treat-
ment of Roman colonists. Here the Ligures are the victims, and Livy uses
some of the same vocabulary to describe the way Popillius abuses them.
This reversal is typical of his willingness to criticize Romans and of the
subtlety with which he constructs his narrative. A careful reader of the
Latin would see that here the consul is the barbarian and the barbarians
are civilized.
40 in accordance with Gaius Claudius’ decree: see 41.8–9.
326 explanatory notes
40 The census . . . the common good: a puzzling sentence that seems to gloss
over some obvious tensions between the two men. When Livy first dis-
cusses their censorship, he focuses on public works and makes it explicit
that the men diverged in their attitudes towards spending public money
(41.27). Livy notes also in that initial discussion that nine men were
expelled from the Senate. This is a large number, and one of the victims
was Fulvius’ own brother. So it is hard to believe that the censors shared
their duties in complete harmony, even though Livy says here that their
decisions were unanimous. As a class, aerarii are somewhat obscure, but
the demotion is significant.
41 most historians: this passage is a good example of the tendency among
ancient historical writers to discuss sources only when they conflict.
Having indicated the discrepancy, Livy then uses the version he wants to
endorse. As will become obvious from Eumenes’ speech, Livy, like his
source Polybius, favoured Eumenes’ version of events, which represents
the Roman interpretation. The charges Eumenes makes correspond to
what was apparently an official litany of complaints since they appear in a
contemporary inscription found at Delphi. (For the text, with translation
and commentary, see R. K. Sherk, Roman Documents from the Greek East
(Baltimore, 1969), 233–41).
43 Abrupolis: the leader of a Thracian tribe who apparently tried to seize the
mines of Mount Pangaeus, a major source of Macedonian wealth. Traces
of the story can be found in ancient sources going back to Polybius (22.18).
Arthetaurus: an otherwise unknown Illyrian leader.
44 Eversa and Callicritus: also otherwise unknown. In chap. 41 below, Livy
has Perseus ascribe their death to a shipwreck.
45 a curule chair and an ivory staff: the symbols of the highest Roman
magistracies.
46 the plot: this episode joined the rest of the charges conventionally made
against Perseus and can be found in the inscription at Delphi. Scholars
have argued, however, that Eumenes invented the attempt on his life
from an entirely coincidental landslide. Many of the details Livy pro-
vides, including the nature of the terrain, the use of boulders as weapons,
the subsequent cascading of rocks, and the disappearance of the assassins,
support this interpretation. For a sceptical account of the episode, see
N. G. L. Hammond and F. W. Walbank, A History of Macedonia, vol. 3
(Oxford, 1988; repr. 2001), p.499.
dragged across the neck of the Isthmus: in antiquity, ships could be hauled
across the Isthmus on a special track. Although various attempts were
made (from Periander in the sixth century bce to Nero in the first cen-
tury ce) to put in a canal, the idea was not realized until the end of the
nineteenth century.
Aegina: an island in the middle of the Saronic Gulf (Map 3). At the time
of these events it was under the control of Pergamum and so a safe place
to take the injured Eumenes.
 explanatory notes 327
courting his wife with unseemly speed: Livy has chosen to give a condensed
version of a story other authors found rather juicy. According to Plutarch
(Moralia 184 b and 489 e–f), Eumenes’ ‘widow’ Stratonice and Attalus
actually married. Despite indications of rivalry between the brothers,
which Livy develops, they reigned as co-monarchs. Attalus succeeded
Eumenes in 158 and married Stratonice upon his brother’s actual death.
Eumenes’ son (Attalus III) succeeded his uncle in turn in 138.
48 King Ariarathes: king of Cappadocia and father-in-law of Eumenes; he
became a Roman ally after the war with Antiochus.
a ward of the state: this brief notice about Ariarathes illustrates Livy’s pro-
Roman bias and sources. By contrast, the account found in the Greek
historian Diodorus Siculus makes the Romans into incidental pawns
rather than world leaders. According to Diodorus, the boy (also named
Ariarathes) was not the biological child of his parents, but one of two
pseudo-heirs Ariarathes’ wife procured when she could not have children
of her own. When she subsequently produced two daughters and a son
(originally named Mithridates), she had the first two boys shipped off to
Rome and Ionia respectively to make way for Mithridates. In fact, the son
sent to Ionia turned out so well that he ultimately won his ‘father’s’ heart
and inherited the kingdom (Diodorus Siculus 31.19). Prusias of Bithynia
also sent a son to Rome, ostensibly for the upbringing he would receive
but more probably to eliminate him as a rival. (See 45.44 and Appian,
Mithridatic Wars 4.) A comparison with other sources thus reveals the
many sides of Hellenistic diplomacy.
49 columna rostrata: this victory monument was a column decorated with the
prows (Latin rostra) of ships taken in a battle off the coast of Sicily in 255.
Shortly after this signal victory, almost the entire Roman fleet was destroyed
in a storm (Polybius 1.36–7).
50 the consulship of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius: 179.
51 the treaty established by Publius Scipio: the peace settlement at the end of
the Second Punic War in 201.
53 having met with . . . on their departure: there seems to be a pointed contrast
here with the Romans’ generous and even-handed treatment of the
embassies from the Carthaginians and Gulussa as described at the end of
the previous chapter. For Livy, one of Perseus’ ‘barbaric’ characteristics
is ignoring the rules of hospitality. Note also the interaction between the
Senate and the Illyrians in the next chapter.
54 worthy of record: Livy’s curt dismissal of the consuls’ diplomatic achieve-
ments in this year epitomizes the Roman attitude towards ‘foreign affairs’.
Consuls earned recognition from military success and conquest, not
responsible diplomacy.
envoys from Issa: Issa is an island off the coast of Illyricum (Map 2); the
Greek city there was under Roman protection.
56 at least 150 senators . . . at the time: the Republican Senate traditionally
consisted of 300 men, but the actual size at any point in time may have
328 explanatory notes
been smaller, and full attendance was in any case unlikely, given the occu-
pations and duties of the senatorial class. The general silence in the ancient
sources suggests that there was no fixed quorum. The only two explicit
references to a quorum in the second century occur here and in the regu-
lations governing the worship of Bacchus, in which the Senate chose to
interfere rather aggressively in 186: people seeking exemptions had to do so
at meetings attended by at least 100 senators (39.8–19, confirmed by an
inscription of 186 containing the text of the decree, the Senatus Consultum
de Bacchanalibus, now in the Kunsthistorische Museum in Vienna).
56 a shameful end: Roman attitudes towards suicide varied with the circum-
stances: hanging was an ignoble route.
57 Coele Syria: in the Hellenistic period Coele (the Greek word for ‘hollow’)
Syria comprised the valley running south-east from Tripolis (in modern
Lebanon) to Damascus (in modern Syria). The area was a source of dis-
pute between the Ptolemaic and Seleucid kings for centuries. This particu-
lar campaign (of Antiochus IV against Ptolemy VI) is known as the Sixth
Syrian War (171–168).
58 for the better part of the year: the lectisternium is most frequently referred
to as a discrete ceremony. From this passage and one other in Livy (36.1),
however, it appears that some divinities were worshipped with semi-
permanent lectisternia.
comitia centuriata: in origin, the military assembly of the Roman people,
which alone had the power to declare war.
59 in his absence: see 41.15.
60 in order of arrival rather than by experience: in this period, centurions were
officers selected from and by the ranks and received their positions
according to their abilities. (For the different levels of centurions, see the
note to p. 61 on the divisions of the army.) The objection here is that the
military tribunes are not distinguishing among the different ranks of cen-
turions when in fact—as will be illustrated in Spurius Ligustinus’ speech
in chap. 34—a centurion’s position reflected his experience, skill, and
achievement.
the official seats of the tribunes: in the Forum, near the Curia.
61 of the Crustuminian tribe: Roman tribes were voting districts, and to state
one’s tribe was a way of identifying oneself as a Roman citizen. The use
of the word ‘tribe’ to translate Latin tribus is unfortunate since the English
derivative connotes a political and social entity based on ethnicity. This
meaning is anachronistic for Rome.
toga virilis . . . toga praetexta: see Glossary. By identifying which kind of
toga his sons wear, Spurius Ligustinus is indicating their ages.
in the consulship of Publius Sulpicius and Gaius Aurelius: 200.
hastati: one of the main divisions of the Roman legion. In his history
of Rome’s conquest of the Mediterranean, Polybius describes in detail
the army’s organization. In ascending order of age, experience, and
 explanatory notes 329
importance were the hastati, the principes, and the triarii. Each of these was
subdivided into ten companies or maniples, each of which had two centur-
ions. A centurion of the tenth company of the hastati was thus the least
prestigious, and the first centurion of the first company of the triarii the
most important in that tier of the legion. Spurius eventually became the
highest-ranking centurion of all, the primus pilus (or chief centurion), who
commanded the company of the triarii that stood on the right end of the
line. For a longer account, see Book 6 of Polybius and L. Keppie, The
Making of the Roman Army, rev. edn. (London, 1998), chap. 1.
the consul Marcus Porcius: in 195.
the praetor Quintus Fulvius Flaccus . . . the praetor Tiberius Sempronius
Gracchus: Fulvius was governor of Nearer Spain in 182–180. (In 180 he
vowed the temple to Juno that was subsequently his undoing.) Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus held the position for 180–178.
62 six civic crowns: a civic crown was the reward for saving a Roman citizen’s
life in battle.
four soldiers to take my place: i.e. his four sons.
The Latin Festival . . . earlier for their provinces: the Latin Festival did not
have a predetermined date, but was set each year by the consuls. As they
were the main participants, the ceremony normally took place before they
left Rome for the campaigning season.
city legions: reserve troops.
63 envoys from King Perseus arrived: Livy describes this embassy again in
chap. 48 below. Here his source is annalistic; there it is Polybius. The
Polybian version is more reliable.
He brought forward as accusations . . . setting into motion: this is a pro-
Roman version of events. Perseus’ invasion of Perrhaebia, in northern
Thessaly, is described as taking place only later (chaps. 53 and 54), and in
the previous account of his trip through Thessaly (41.22 and 23), there
was no mention of any towns being taken. Further, in chaps. 42 and 67
below Perseus appears to have alliances with three towns in Thessaly.
64 as spoils of war: in the first third of the second century, the Achaean
League was the dominant political force in the Peloponnese. The
Messenians and the Eleans became members in 191, after Antiochus III
was defeated at Thermopylae.
the Orestae: these people lived on the borders of Epirus and Macedonia
and had been under Macedonian control. They were granted autonomy
by the Romans in 196, in the wake of the war against Philip; their free-
dom was a reward for having been the first to rebel against him (Polybius
18.47 and Livy 33.34). It is quite possible that the Romans wanted to
hamper the Macedonians by supporting neighbours likely to be hostile
to them.
65 the Acarnanians: they had sided with first Philip and then Antiochus
against the Romans.
330 explanatory notes
65 Boeotian exiles: Livy gives the background of these men in chap. 43. They
and Ismenias, mentioned below, represent two different factions at Thebes.
to grant each city autonomy: Boeotia comprised multiple distinct city-states.
These had been in a league of one kind or another almost continuously
since the sixth century. Thebes was the largest and frequently most dom-
inant city-state. In fostering autonomy among the cities, Marcius’ desire
was not to promote the liberty of the smaller ones, but to dissolve the
league. The date of the formation of the alliance with Perseus is uncer-
tain, but it was probably during the magistracy of Ismenias.
the gift of their freedom: in 196, after the war with Philip, the Thessalians
were among the people declared free by the Romans.
the bond of amity and of the guest-friendship with Philip: there is almost cer-
tainly some confusion here. The guest-friendship was probably estab-
lished between Philip and Marcius himself, not his father (as just noted).
68 to go into exile: neither the Greeks nor the Romans used long prison sen-
tences to punish criminals. Exile or death served to remove wrongdoers
from their community.
Grant that I was justified in fighting: according to Appian’s summary of the
events leading up to the war, the Romans renewed their treaty with
Perseus after he defeated Abrupolis, so it appears that previously they had
not regarded Perseus’ behaviour as a violation of the treaty (Appian,
Macedonian Wars 11.6).
70 had been made public: a reference back to chap. 38, where the Romans told
the representatives of the Boeotian exiles that the cities in their league
would soon be able to act independently and thus it would be clear
whether they had supported the making of a treaty with Perseus.
a different factional quarrel: Livy gives a compressed and almost unintel-
ligible account of a complicated political battle at Thebes that had conse-
quences for the entire Boeotian League. There appear to have been
pro-Macedonian and anti-Macedonian factions in the city. At the elec-
tions for the leading magistracies (the ‘praetor’ and the ‘boeotarchs’ or
magistrates of the Boeotian League), the pro-Macedonians won. Some of
their opponents managed to convince an assembly of the voters to pass a
measure banning the victorious contestants from entering any population
centre (effectively a vote of exile). Then public opinion swung back, and
the newly elected officials were recalled. They retaliated by exiling the
men responsible for driving them out. Consequently the Romans had two
groups of Boeotians to deal with: Ismenias and his party, who supported
a united Boeotia and the alliance with Perseus, and the ‘exiles’, who had
initially resisted the election of Ismenias and who did not favour the
alliance. The Romans backed the latter group.
71 Coronaei and Haliarti: Coronea and Haliartus are cities in Boeotia (Map 3).
72 tainted with the suspicion of having taken bribes from the Illyrian kings: unfor-
tunately, there is no other evidence pertaining to Decimius’ conduct.
 explanatory notes 331
73 Thebes: here a misreading for Thisbe, another Boeotian city; the mistake
goes back to the text of Polybius (27.5).
74 they could not recognize Roman practices in this embassy: the passage that
follows has interested students both of Roman history and of Livy’s inter-
pretation of it. To see the episode as marking a literal turning point is prob-
ably simplistic, but both Livy and Polybius (the source here) traced what
they saw as the decline of Roman national character. Philippus’ behaviour
presents an excellent opportunity to moralize about that decline.
even to announce . . . to fight: Polybius praises the Romans for their hon-
ourable conduct in war (13.3). Traditional phalanx warfare generally
required the opponents to determine when and where they would fight.
Starting with the Peloponnesian War, Greek armies made increasing use
of light-armed infantry, with its greater ability to manoeuvre. From Paris’
archery in the Iliad on, however, men whose equipment (such as bows and
arrows or the javelin) allowed them to fight from a distance were regarded
as cowardly. It is possible that the style of warfare attributed to the Romans
of ‘the good old days’ is simply a way of reinforcing the moral commen-
tary and is not a literal account of tactics. (On the moral implications of
Greek land warfare, see chapter 2 of Victor Hanson’s The Western Way of
War: Infantry Battle in Classical Greece, second edn., Berkeley, 2000.)
Pyrrhus’ doctor . . . the Falisci: for Pyrrhus, see the note to p. 35. The
attempt to betray him to the Romans was famous. Livy’s fullest version
occurs in one of the now lost books (Book 13). In the story of the Faliscan
schoolmaster, as told by Livy, the teacher leads his pupils to the Romans
and offers them as bargaining chips in the Romans’ war against the neigh-
bouring city of Falerii. Under the leadership of Camillus, the Romans
nobly reject his offer and return the children to their families; the Falisci
are so impressed that they surrender their city (5.27). See also 24.24.
artifice: Livy uses the word ars three times in this passage: Marcius boasts
of breaking up the Boeotian League arte (skilfully); the old men reply that
they cannot recognize Roman artes (practices) in his double-dealing; then
they conclude that a true victory cannot be won arte (by artifice). Like its
English cognate ‘art’, the Latin word has both positive and negative con-
notations, and Livy seems to be playing with them here.
Perseus’ envoys: another version of the embassy Livy describes in chap. 36.
Here he follows Polybius.
76 a more belligerent cast of mind: the paragraph that follows is an excellent
example of Livy’s ability to present events from a non-Roman perspec-
tive. The Macedonian war party is critical of Rome, regarding it as too
oppressive and pointing out its vulnerability. Yet, at the same time, this
anti-Roman view ends up revealing Rome’s greatness: Macedonia is the
last major power within striking distance of Rome, and it too will fall.
77 Samothrace: an instance of foreshadowing; this island became Perseus’
last refuge. See the beginning of Book 45.
332 explanatory notes
77 attempt to take over the kingdom: Perseus’ rivalry with his younger brother
Demetrius is related in Book 40. Philip used his second son as an ambassa-
dor in his dealings with the Romans. Demetrius, however, became a Roman
sympathizer and apparently wanted to supplant his brother as their father’s
heir. With Philip’s connivance, Perseus had Demetrius killed in 180.
Alcidemos: an epithet meaning ‘strength of the people’. Athena (Roman
Minerva) appears as a warrior on Macedonian coinage.
courtiers: the Latin word is purpurati, or ‘men dressed in purple’. Because
the colour is hard to produce with natural dyes, it was expensive and asso-
ciated with wealth and monarchy.
all the soldiers in a plain: the following list of forces is considered accurate
and authoritative, deriving ultimately from Macedonian sources,
specifically the so-called ‘King’s Journal’, a daily record of what the
Macedonian king said and did. (See Hammond and Walbank, History of
Macedonia, vol. 3, pp. 18 and 515.) There are two types of infantry: the
phalanx, consisting of heavily armed foot soldiers with long spears that
could be wielded from a distance, and ‘peltasts’, who had lighter armour
and were consequently more mobile.
‘agema’: a Macedonian king’s bodyguard.
Eulyestae: this name is almost certainly wrong (since it is otherwise
unknown). Editors and translators have suggested and sometimes printed
other names.
the young Demetrius: for Didas’ role in Demetrius’ death, see 40.21–4; Livy
sets up the rivalry between Perseus and his brother in Book 40 partly as
an introduction to the Romans’ war against Perseus.
78 a misleading conference: Livy again gives a foreigner’s perspective on
Roman behaviour. Perseus’ characterization of the negotiators reinforces
the view of the older senators and so reminds Livy’s audience of the
theme of Roman degeneracy.
79 the Red Sea: this is the usual term in Roman sources for the Persian Gulf
and the modern Red Sea; but it could be applied, as here, to bodies of
water even farther east.
80 Larisa: it had a Roman garrison at this point (chap. 47).
81 a major reverse: although Polybius’ text for this period survives in frag-
ments only, there is enough to show that he is Livy’s main source for the
campaign that follows. Livy chooses to represent the consul, Publius
Licinius Crassus, and Perseus as foils for one another. Here the Roman
avoids a major defeat through Perseus’ lack of initiative; in chap. 66 he
shies away from inflicting one on the king. Crassus is about to go on the
offensive because he hears that the Macedonians are raiding fields in
Thessaly; in chap. 64 Perseus reacts in a similar fashion upon learning of
Roman foraging. Throughout, the men’s responses to success and failure
constitute an underlying message about the essential strength of the
Roman character and the corresponding weakness of the Macedonian.
 explanatory notes 333
82 with his ships: in chap. 47 Quintus Marcius Philippus was sent to Greece
with a contingent of ships and a vaguely worded remit to do what ‘seemed
to him to be in the best interests of the state’.
‘Hanging’ Larisa: Larisa ‘Cremaste’ overlooks the northern shore of the
entrance to the Euripus, the strait between Euboea and the mainland; it
should not be confused with Larisa, one of the main Thessalian cities,
which features elsewhere in the narrative.
83 the enemy cavalry came into view: i.e. the Romans.
84 a small hill called Callinicus: in modern treatments of the war, the ensuing
cavalry battle is generally referred to as Callicinus, in accordance with the
name that appears in V; Callinicus was conjectured by the nineteenth-
century editor Madvig.
the Sacred Squadron: the men wore heavy armour and fought in formation
with spears or lances, as opposed to the regular Macedonian cavalry
which had lighter equipment and weaponry.
85 with his first assault: the apparently abrupt shift to Perseus’ decisive cavalry
charge results from the partially illegible condition of this section of the
manuscript.
86 the Aetolians: according to Polybius, the Roman-backed leader of the
Aetolians (see chap. 38) engineered the downfall of at least three of these
men to enhance his position with the Romans (Polybius 27.15).
87 the king went . . . camp there: in contrast to this rousing speech that Livy
has Perseus deliver, the king does not attack the Roman camp. The gap
between word and deed implicitly undermines Perseus’ credibility.
88 spread through Greece: almost all of the previous chapter and the first part
of chap. 63 correspond closely to Polybius (27.8–9). The variations, how-
ever, add up to significantly different presentations. Livy, for example,
intuits Perseus’ motivation, saying that he was always receptive to advice
and that he continued to negotiate with Crassus out of fear. These motives
do not appear in Polybius. Together they portray Perseus as weak. Further,
while Livy has adopted Polybius’ explanation of the general reaction
to the Romans’ defeat, his version is considerably condensed. Polybius
goes on to describe exactly how spectators respond at a boxing match
and gives a particular example involving two famous boxers. Their names
and the competition would have meant nothing to Livy’s audience, and
he omits them.
90 the fields lay untouched: as this section of the narrative makes evident,
maintaining a food supply in hostile territory was a major undertaking for
the Romans.
92 The cestrosphondene . . . like a missile: Livy’s description is abbreviated
and not easy to follow. According to Polybius (27.11), the firing device
and the missile were each two hands (c.12 inches) long. The missile was, as
Livy describes it, armed with three spines of wood like feathers on an
arrow, and the main shaft had two straps, which held the missile in place.
334 explanatory notes
They were twisted taut, and then one was released sending the missile to
its target. A Thessalian coin from the period has been identified as repre-
senting the cestrosphondene. (See J. Warren, ‘Two Notes on Thessalian
Coins’, Numismatic Chronicle (1961), 1–8 and plate 1.)
94 Pteleum: Roman spelling of Pteleon, mentioned at chap. 42.

BOOK FORTY-THREE
95 The Senate . . . to so many peoples: the Senate’s reaction here sheds light
on Roman governance. Magistrates had wide discretionary power while
away from Rome, and no written provision precluded Cassius’ action. His
senatorial peers, however, clearly perceive his conduct as an abuse of his
position and dereliction of duty.
96 Marcus Porcius Cato . . . Gaius Sulpicius Galus: at least three of these men
had significant experience in Spain and may have been known personally
to the members of the embassies. Cato was consul there in 195 and pro-
consul the following year. This Scipio was praetor for Farther Spain in
194, but in addition, his father, uncle, and famous cousin Africanus had
all commanded Roman armies there. Paullus was praetor for Farther
Spain in 191, and a promagistrate there the two subsequent years.
Although there has been conjecture about a connection between Galus
and Spain, it cannot be documented.
the consulship of Aulus Manlius and Marcus Junius: 178.
the consulship of Spurius Postumius and Quintus Mucius: 174.
the consulship of Lucius Postumius and Marcus Popillius: 173.
97 to exact money: an interesting episode in Roman provincial relations. On
the face of it, Canuleius colluded with the accused, and they got off
lightly: Praeneste and Tibur are both only about twenty miles outside
Rome. At the same time, the public careers of both men came to an abrupt
halt, and the Senate instituted measures to protect the Spaniards in the
future. The passage epitomizes Livy’s advantages and disadvantages as a
historical source from a modern perspective. This is the first explicit ref-
erence to the fact that the Spaniards were required to sell 5 per cent of
their grain to the Romans, but the practice almost certainly goes back to
the 190s. Livy, however, mentions it only because he is tracing the
increasingly corrupt behaviour of the Romans. This interest in morality,
rather than the modern desire to understand provincial administration,
accounts for his inclusion of the episode.
marriages recognized by Roman law: a critical point. The women, as for-
eigners by birth, did not have what the Romans termed conubium, the
right to make a marriage whose offspring automatically received Roman
citizenship.
a Latin colony: i.e. the inhabitants have the juridical status of Latins. They
were partially enfranchised Roman allies with the right to make contracts
 explanatory notes 335
under Roman law, the right to form a Roman law marriage (such as was
unavailable to their parents), and possibly the right to move to Rome and
be registered as Roman citizens in the census. The last component was
problematic, as is apparent in 41.8–9. The creation of Carteia was a revo-
lutionary step in Roman legal and constitutional history. For the first time
the concept of Latinity was transported overseas. In addition, it appears
from this passage that any former slaves of the colonists (the freedmen
referred to) and current occupants of the city also could enrol as Latins
and receive land and rights. Carteia was a unique foundation. (See
J. S. Richardson, The Romans in Spain (Oxford, 1996).)
some Carthaginians: Livy here picks up a narrative thread last treated in
42.23 and 24.
99 Antium: modern Anzio, less than thirty-five miles from Rome, on the
western coast of Italy (Map 2).
the same decree: in practical terms, this response probably means that the
pro-Roman faction was put in charge of Abdera. Coronea was one of the
three Boeotian cities not to cooperate with the Romans in this period.
Somewhere in the lost section of Book 43 is the description of how
Licinius attacked and took it. The Senate then issued a decree about its
reorganization. A copy of part of this has been found. As an editor of the
decree suggests, the Senate gave control of the city to Roman sympathizers
(Sherk, Roman Documents, 32–3).
100 he gave satisfaction: there is no evidence Cassius ever had to face these
accusations; he went directly from his consulship to service as a military
tribune under Hostilius, the consul assigned to Macedonia for the follow-
ing year (as noted at the beginning of this chapter and at 44.31).
101 that divinity: Alabanda, modern Arabhisar, in western Asia Minor (Map 4).
This is the second earliest example (after Smyrna in 195, as noted in Tacitus,
Annals 4.65) of a Greek community honouring Rome by recognizing the
personified spirit of the state as a deity. Cults for individuals, cities, and
abstractions were a regular part of Hellenistic religious practice. For
Alabanda to honour Rome in this way does not mean that the inhabitants
thought Rome was an actual goddess, but rather that it was important
enough to be celebrated with a temple and a festival. In the Hellenistic world,
establishing cults was a way of creating a bond with another community.
102 his request had been denied: any kind of severe physical handicap was
considered an acceptable explanation for not undertaking public service.
103 for the freedom of Greece: by this point in Greek and Roman history, it was
commonplace to claim freeing others as an explanation for war. The lib-
eration of a people usually meant simply the exchange of one overlord for
another. The liberation of the Greeks became a rallying cry in the late
fifth century, but the idea probably goes back to the Ionian Revolt a cen-
tury earlier. The Romans’ use of the slogan illustrates their familiarity
with the language of Greek diplomacy.
104 Uscana: about thirty miles north of Lychnidus (Map 3).
336 explanatory notes
104 the fourth watch: the last quarter of the night, presumably here just as day
broke.
106 the Terminalia: a festival for Terminus, the god of boundaries and thus of
ends. He signified permanence and stability for the Romans because,
according to a tradition reported by Livy (1.55), when the last king of
Rome, Tarquinius Superbus, wanted to deconsecrate the Tarpeian
Mount in order to dedicate it to Jupiter alone, Terminus’ shrine was the
only one which the auguries would not allow to be relocated. His festival
took place on 23 February.
the augur, died <. . .>: there is no indication of his successor, and editors
have posited that the manuscript is missing some text.
107 meritorious of public attention: one of the more famous passages in Livy. It
has generally been cited to illustrate his traditional outlook and empathic
(rather than analytical) attitude towards his subject. Levene has argued,
however, that the passage must be read in its context, not as applying to
the entire text. It introduces an unusually long and developed prodigy list
at a time when Roman public morality was deeply flawed. Since Livy’s
stated intention is to trace the rise and fall of the Romans’ greatness as
expressed in their character and conduct, it makes sense that he dwells on
signs of divine disapproval when the Romans are behaving deplorably. As
Levene concludes, Livy relates the momentary moral decline in this
period to the worse and more intractable collapse to come (D. S. Levene,
Religion in Livy (Leiden, 1993), 113–16).
impluvium: a large basin set in the middle of the atrium (the central room
of a Roman house); the atrium was open to the sky, and the impluvium was
designed to catch and store rainwater. As this passage suggests, the word
may sometimes refer not just to the basin itself, but also to the central area
of the atrium.
wreaths: an extra measure, presumably to communicate to the gods just
how seriously the Romans regard the prodigies. For example, at a two-day
supplication in 180 the people wore wreaths and carried laurel branches
(40.37).
108 their censors: here begins the first of three descriptions of these censors’
activities (43.14–16, 44.16, and 45.15). This one concerns their efforts to
promote conscription and the severity with which they handled the let-
ting of contracts; the latter subject leads to their own trial for treason. The
second is a more conventional summary of their actions. The third deals
with the shifting of freedmen into a single urban voting district. Livy’s
decision to distribute the material in this manner is indicative of the free
manner in which he treats so-called ‘annalistic material’. The censors’
term lasted one and a half years; Livy weaves their activities in at the
relevant points in his narrative.
the younger men: (iuniores) those between 17 and 46. Ordinarily, they were the
ones to perform military service. In this war, however, those over 46, the
‘older men’ (seniores), also served (see 42.31 and 32).
 explanatory notes 337
the consulship of Publius Aelius and Gaius Popillius: 172.
father or grandfather: a reference to the institution of patria potestas (paternal
power). The paterfamilias or ‘head of household’ was the only person fully
recognized by Roman law. He represented anyone under his power, ordin-
arily his children and their issue, and sometimes his wife (depending on
the type of marriage). It is difficult to draw firm general conclusions about
the evidence for the age at which most children, male and female, were
likely to become legally independent, either by a formal ceremony or by the
death of their paterfamilias. An adult male might well still be under his father’s
power; if so, the grandchildren were represented by the grandfather.
109 Caepio: Gnaeus Servilius Caepio, the consul just mentioned.
princeps senatus: leader of the Senate. It was an honorary title, with sym-
bolic rather than constitutional significance. The censors conferred it on
the man whom they listed first on the roll of the Senate.
the equestrians: for this class, see the Glossary. It is not known why the
censors of 169 wanted to exclude men who had held contracts under their
predecessors.
110 Tiberius Sempronius: up to this point Livy mostly calls the censor Tiberius
Sempronius. His full name, however, was Tiberius Sempronius
Gracchus, and in the following episode he is referred to as Gracchus and
Tiberius Gracchus as well.
111 suppliants: presumably members of the Senate, whose rings and tunics
with broad purple stripes distinguished them from ordinary citizens. By
removing the visible signs of their status, they are putting themselves on
the same level as the people whose mercy they seek.
114 Conquerors: Livy’s word is ‘Nicatores’; it apparently refers to an elite
corps.
115 for <. . . > days: one, two, and three days have been conjectured.

BOOK FORTY-FOUR
118 a single day’s march for someone lightly equipped: Livy consistently treats
thirty or thirty-five miles as the distance that can be covered in one
day by someone travelling light. As he describes Marcius’ campaign in
Book 44, it is useful to keep this figure in mind as a comparison point;
the regular army can advance about seven miles a day, depending on the
terrain, while lighter-armed troops can cover twice that distance.
treated the allies . . . maltreatment: a favourable version of Hostilius’ con-
sulship. Because of the incomplete state of Book 43, he is relatively obscure
for a consul. The information in Livy mostly concerns his dealings with the
allies (e.g. 43.4, 9, and 17). Other sources record significant episodes of
his consulship: Perseus’ failed attempt to have him kidnapped, Perseus’
victory over him at Elimea, and a subsequent challenge to combat that
Hostilius declined.
338 explanatory notes
118 the gods smiled on dutifulness and constancy: while Livy himself rarely
invokes the gods as agents in human affairs, his characters do, and the gods
certainly have a place in his world view and his understanding of historical
explanation. It is always important to have the gods’ favour. Here, since
Livy is showing the war beginning to swing in the Romans’ direction, it is
appropriate to have an explicit reminder that the gods are on their side.
119 which way each of them would take: Marcius begins in southern Thessaly
and must either cross mountains or go a long way to the west to reach
Macedonia (Map 3). Geography favours Perseus, except that he cannot
know the Romans’ route in advance and must prepare for as many even-
tualities as possible.
a base between Azorus and Doliche: at this point Marcius was joined by
Polybius, who came as part of an embassy from the Achaean League and
ended up participating in the Roman invasion of Macedonia (Polybius
28.13). Thus the details of the invasion are based on an eyewitness
account, but Livy was highly selective in his use of Polybius, omitting the
diplomatic activity recorded by the Greek historian. For example, accord-
ing to Polybius, in this period Rhodian envoys approached Marcius and
were encouraged by him, on the sly, to continue their attempts to end the
war between Perseus and Rome (Polybius 28.17). Livy says nothing about
the episode, and scholars continue to debate whether it happened.
around Dium: Asclepiodotus is protecting a major pass through the
Cambunian Mountains; Hippias is guarding the south side of Mount
Olympus; and Perseus is blocking the coastal path.
before returning to Dium by the same route: Livy depicts Perseus as irra-
tional but, as has been noted, Perseus may have been making systematic
sweeps with the cavalry in order to intercept the Romans whenever and
wherever they reached the coast (see Loeb edn., trans. A. C. Schlesinger
(Cambridge, Mass., 1951), 97).
120 where one of Perseus’ generals had established his camp: the Lake Ascuris
route, monitored by Hippias.
121 a course of action . . . in the end: as Livy’s language here and in subsequent
passages reveals, Marcius’ decision was not necessarily the most prudent
one. He was in a difficult position since retreating would presumably have
damaged his reputation and given him no tactical advantage. It is worth
noting that a similarly rash campaign in his previous consulship resulted
in defeat and 4,000 casualties (39.20). Apparently, Marcius did not learn
enough from that experience. Livy, however, chooses to describe Marcius’
decision in positive terms as part of his larger agenda of showing improve-
ment in Rome’s fortunes.
had boldly undertaken: Livy’s analysis of the two leaders is moral rather
than strategic. Philippus’ advance has been considered both courageous
and foolhardy; it was at least more effective than Hostilius’ cautious
approach the year before. As for Perseus, he simply did not foresee that
the Romans would attempt such a difficult route.
 explanatory notes 339
122 the more horizontal terrain of the valley floor: although some of the mechan-
ical details have been omitted or garbled, this feat of engineering is apparently
factual. Scullard notes that elephants cannot bend their legs sufficiently to
descend at steep angles, and Polybius, Livy’s source, was with the
Romans on this march. As remarkable as it sounds, the Romans forced
their way over the shoulder of Mount Olympus and brought more than
thirty elephants down to the Macedonian coast (see H. H. Scullard, The
Elephant in the Greek and Roman World (Ithaca, NY, 1974), 182–4).
the enemy was nearby: the Romans were within thirty miles of Perseus, and
their desperate push across the mountains must have been quite a shock.
123 through Tempe . . . into Macedonia: in other words, barring a retreat back
over the mountains, the Romans would have met Macedonian forces
whether they attempted to continue to invade north along the coast or
decided to withdraw to the south through Tempe.
stolen the king’s wits: another reference to the gods to indicate that the
Romans again enjoy divine favour.
124 any violation of its sacred area: Marcius’ instructions emphasize Roman
piety.
Pieria: the district of Macedonia between the mountains to the south and
the Thermaic Gulf to the east (Map 3). Marcius advances through it at a
rate of approximately ten miles a day.
no safe way to proceed far beyond it: the emphasis on Marcius’ difficulties
with supplies probably reflects Polybius’ first-hand experience. Here
Marcius makes what appears to be a sound choice: he cannot guarantee a
supply of food, and the penetration of Macedonia does not seem to bring
him any strategic or military advantage.
125 in extremely short supply: Livy is not concerned with noting the duration
of the invasion, but the narrative has enough references to the passage of
time for a rough count to show that the troops must have nearly con-
sumed the rations they were originally directed to bring.
126 arms, siege-works, and machines: Livy specifies three kinds of weaponry
here. One type (arma) seems to be hand-held while the other two are larger
artillery (machinae and opera). The latter two, however, are regularly
paired in his narrative and are apparently used generically rather than to
refer to particular siege engines. Equipment of this kind was highly spe-
cialized in ancient warfare, and technical treatises were written on the
subject. See, for example, the discussion in Livy’s contemporary
Vitruvius, who concludes his 10-volume work on architecture with seven
chapters on offensive and defensive machines (Vitruvius, On Architecture
10.10–16).
testudo: a Latin word meaning turtle or tortoise in particular and shell in
general. To assault walls, troops of Roman soldiers encased themselves in
their shields, thus forming a protective shell. Part of Polybius’ description
of the manoeuvre here survives (28.11). Where the Greek historian
340 explanatory notes
regards the testudo as a curiosity, Livy adapts its deployment on this occa-
sion to fit into his tracing of the historical contours of Roman morality.
127 Gaius Marcius: a cousin of the consul (Quintus Marcius Philippus) and
the praetor in charge of the fleet. Livy now turns to naval operations, and
in chaps. 10–12, ‘Marcius’ refers to the praetor, not the consul.
128 Cassandrea: a city on the site of archaic and classical Potidaea, which was
originally founded by Corinthians. In Thucydides’ account of the
Peloponnesian War, the city was a major source of friction. In the gener-
ation after Alexander the Great, the Macedonian king Cassander
refounded it and named it after himself. The site is strategically located at
the neck of the peninsula of Pallene (Map 3).
King Eumenes: he last appeared in the narrative when the Romans won their
minor victory at Phalanna in 171 (42.65–7). He then returned to Pergamum.
Elaea, on the coast of Asia Minor, was the port of Pergamum (Map 4).
decked vessels: warships; the term indicates that Livy has a Greek source
(Polybius); when the source is Roman, this type of craft is called a ‘long
ship’.
Archways were pointed out to him: the relationship between the missing dirt
and the archways—and between the praetor’s question and the answer
given—is unclear. Apparently the soil was made into bricks, and the
arches were constructed from them.
129 set out for Demetrias: a radical change of direction. The fleet is returning
to the Gulf of Pagasae in Thessaly (Map 3).
at the first assault: a striking and no doubt intentional contrast with
Perseus’ reaction to the Romans’ arrival. Livy uses some of the same lan-
guage to describe Perseus’ fear and that of the Meliboeans. The Romans’
siege of the city fails, thereby implicitly showing the rewards of fortitude
(as opposed to Perseus’ cowardice).
130 did withdraw from the city: Livy does not explore the question of whether
or not Eumenes attempted negotiations. Polybius, on the other hand,
discusses at length the relationship and motives of Perseus and Eumenes
(29.5–9). Livy evidently still wants to maintain Eumenes’ reputation (as
is apparent in the following paragraph; see the next note) while Polybius
thinks it is essential to understand the consequential actions of leaders,
even if information about those actions is incomplete.
completely different stories about King Eumenes: an effective use of a variant
tradition to influence the way the audience perceives events. After three
chapters where Eumenes and Marcius Figulus have been coordinating
efforts, Livy draws attention to a version where Eumenes was uncooper-
ative and his brother Attalus assisted the Romans. This alternative version
probably reflects the fact that Eumenes eventually lost the Romans’
favour while Attalus remained a loyal ally. By mentioning it, Livy main-
tains the favourable presentation of Eumenes which is central to the
attack on Perseus’ character, but also prefigures his loss of popularity.
 explanatory notes 341
131 philippei: valuable coins introduced by Philip II of Macedon in the fourth
century.
from the Rhodians: the Roman annalistic version of an embassy to Rome in
167. Livy relays Polybius’ version at 45.3 below. Given the stunning con-
clusion here, it seems that Livy found the patriotic version too good to
omit. It is also possible that he failed to recognize and/or reconcile infor-
mation in two different sources.
132 the liberation of the Carians and the Lycians: Livy twice notes the Lycians’
resentment of their position (41.6 and 42.14), but the Senate’s action,
which actually happened after the war (Livy 45.25 and Polybius 30.4),
was designed to punish the Rhodians and to demonstrate the Romans’
power over them, not to redress wrongs done to the Carians and Lycians.
133 Publius Rutilius . . . in his capacity as tribune of the plebs: see 43.16 and note
to p. 109.
Publius Africanus: Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, the Romans’ vic-
torious general in the war against Hannibal a generation earlier; Tiberius
Sempronius married his daughter after Africanus’ death.
the statue of Vortumnus: an Etruscan god whom the Romans associated
with trade; the general area referred to is south of the Forum (Map 1).
135 which allies seemed faithful to us: unlike the other major Roman historians,
Livy rarely aligns himself verbally with the Romans and tends to refer to
them in the third person. The switch to the first person here makes the
summary of Paullus’ request more vivid.
the twelfth of April: in chap. 22, Livy reports that the Latin Festival was
celebrated on 31 March. That is the day before the Kalends of April; 12
April is the day before the Ides of April. There is no way to judge the
source of the error.
136 clutching olive branches: the untidy garments, the unkempt hair, and the
olive branch all indicate suppliant status. In Livy’s time defendants rou-
tinely tried to look as shabby as possible. At 29.16, the carrying of olive
branches is referred to as a Greek practice.
the Quinquatrus: a festival lasting from 19 to 23 March. It celebrated both
Mars and Minerva. See H. H. Scullard, Festivals and Ceremonies of the
Roman Republic (Ithaca, NY, 1981), 92–4.
137 our side . . . to force an engagement: here again Livy switches from the third
to the first person to convey the perspective of the commissioners as they
address the Senate.
Eumenes . . . Attalus’ resolute constancy was remarkable: earlier, when Livy
narrated the campaigning in 169, Eumenes was depicted as a full partici-
pant in the naval war (chaps. 10–13); here, the historian has shifted to
endorsing Attalus over Eumenes; see note to p. 130.
138 nourish rumours . . . responsibility: here Livy has Paullus introduce expli-
citly a theme that runs throughout Books 44 and 45, the misleading nature
342 explanatory notes
of rumour and talk as opposed to solid information and actions. The idea
is already implicit in Paullus’ insistence on getting a field report before
deciding how to conduct his campaign. Throughout his consulship, the
ability to evaluate accurately words and deeds distinguishes sensible and
admirable figures from fools.
139 as Quintus Fabius did: an early hero of the Second Punic War. He pursued
the unpopular but successful strategy of avoiding a major engagement
with Hannibal after the Carthaginian general had defeated the Romans
multiple times. In the traditional version, the Roman people voted to give
equal power to Fabius’ second-in-command, Marcus Minucius Rufus.
Minucius was lured into a trap by Hannibal and rescued by Fabius. At
that point Minucius surrendered the power he had been voted and
resumed his position as Fabius’ subordinate. See Book 22. Livy uses
Fabius as a model for Paullus in the campaign of 168, mostly tacitly; but
the episode with Minucius is invoked explicitly again at 45.37.
140 Meanwhile, because Perseus . . . king of the Illyrians: this sentence intro-
duces a lengthy section (chaps. 23–7) on Perseus’ diplomatic manoeuvres
in the second half of 169 and early 168 when he was actively pursuing allies.
According to Livy, these were the Illyrians under Gentius, Eumenes,
Antiochus, and a group of Gauls (the Bastarnae, cf. Perseus’ previous
dealings with them at 41.19). These chapters are organized thematically
rather than chronologically: Livy uses the ultimate failure of all of
Perseus’ initiatives to illustrate his avarice.
the Romans had entered the pass: a reference to Marcius’ surprise invasion
in 169.
a reciprocal exchange of hostages: the first time Livy refers to Hippias’ suc-
cessful embassy to Gentius. Perseus’ dealings with Gentius in this chap-
ter are a selective version of Polybius (29.3–4). Perseus had been trying
to win the Illyrian king’s support for at least a year, but previously had
been unwilling to pay for it (43.20 and 23).
oaths, hostages, and money: the ancient sources offer little insight into
Pantauchus’ influence over Gentius. Gentius was apparently willing to
throw in his lot with the Macedonians, but his motivation is never made
clear. He was cautious enough to want to wait until Perseus had fulfilled
his part of the bargain: hence the Illyrian king’s instructions to his men to
delay their departure for Rhodes until after Perseus had complied with
the agreement.
Metrodorus . . . from Rhodes: a Rhodian representing the pro-Macedonian
faction in that city. His arrival in Thessalonica indicates prior communi-
cation between Perseus and the Rhodians.
141 greater regard for Prusias than for Eumenes: apparently a reference to the
fact that Prusias had provided the Romans with at least minimal support
in the war (the five ships mentioned at the end of chap. 10).
openly to Antiochus: nothing is known about Antiochus’ response, if there
was any. Presumably he was occupied with his attempt to take over Egypt.
 explanatory notes 343
a rivalry of trickery and greed: here Livy embarks on the history of the alleged
negotiations between Eumenes and Perseus. This section is particularly
difficult to follow because Livy groups all of Perseus’ diplomatic efforts
together. Although the focus at Rome has already shifted to Paullus and
the imminent campaign of 168, Perseus and Eumenes’ intermediaries
started meeting while Eumenes was still with the Romans the year before.
Cydas: mentioned previously at chap. 13. He is introduced here as a key
figure in Perseus and Eumenes’ dealings.
142 generated nothing but disrepute: the material covered in the previous three
paragraphs is a condensed version of Polybius (29.6–9). There are disad-
vantages and advantages to Livy’s brevity. Without Polybius, it would be
harder to understand that Cydas, Menecrates, and Antimachus are agents
for Eumenes and Perseus. At the same time, since Polybius is interested
in the relationship between the two kings, he pauses to analyse it at some
length. Livy prunes away Polybius’ commentary to summarize the kings’
interactions and to highlight their weaknesses, especially Perseus’ avarice.
Here he follows Polybius in seeing it as a decisive factor in the Macedonian’s
downfall. Modern scholars, on the contrary, have pointed out that Perseus
may have been wise not to waste precious resources on unreliable allies
(Hammond and Walbank, History of Macedonia, vol. 3, p. 535). Ancient
historians, however, invoked moral explanations, not economic ones.
Perseus’ fatal flaw is his character. The problem of whether Eumenes
really did try to sell his loyalty has been a matter of longstanding scholarly
debate. Livy does not question the story; for him it meshes with Eumenes’
loss of favour at Rome.
Gallic auxiliaries, who had streamed down through Illyricum: Plutarch
identifies these Gauls as the Bastarnae (Aemilius Paullus 12). Livy has not
mentioned the alliance previously, but there must have been negotiations
since both parties acknowledge the validity of the Gauls’ demand to be
paid for their services.
144 Marcus Perperna and Lucius Petillius, who happened to have come to him in
that period: according to Appian, Petillius and Perperna were sent to Gentius
after he made an incursion into the part of Illyricum under Roman con-
trol (Macedonian Wars, 18.2).
the person who was transporting the money: just above Livy refers to mul-
tiple bearers of the money; here he may mean the person in charge. The
reason for the inconsistency is unclear.
145 cutters: smaller ships, with pointed prows; the term is Greek and was used
for various kinds of large marine life with sharp noses. Chaps. 28 and 29
concern the war at sea.
Antenor promptly sailed around the island: with this sentence, Livy switches
to the singular, and although Antenor’s name does not appear here, he
subsequently seems to be the officer giving the commands.
Sigeum: in Asia Minor, at the southern end of the Hellespont, and less
than forty miles from the island of Tenedos (Map 4).
344 explanatory notes
146 protected them from one another: Delos had a long history as holy ground.
The sanctuary of Apollo was the most important, but there were shrines
to many divinities.
147 a favourable response was given to the kings: Polybius (29.11) reports that
there was a vigorous debate at Rhodes between the pro-Macedonian and
the pro-Roman factions. Apparent indications of Perseus’ success—the
galleys, Roman cavalry losses, and the alliance with Gentius—wore down
the pro-Roman group, and the ruling council decided to intervene to stop
the war. The contrast between Polybius’ and Livy’s accounts suggests at
least two of Livy’s objectives. First, the Romans punished the Rhodians
severely after the war, and the suppression of any debate here makes the
Rhodians look more culpable. Secondly, Livy substitutes the story of
the Gauls’ arrival for the cavalry losses to which Polybius refers. Since the
Gauls’ help never materialized, the story is effectively a rumour, and
the Rhodians’ ill-fated choice can be seen as another example of the unre-
liability of hearsay.
Gentius: Livy now narrates Anicius’ campaign against Gentius to dispose
of it before his more extended treatment of the confrontation between
Paullus and Perseus, which dominates the end of Book 44 and most of
Book 45.
150 before word reached Rome that it had begun: the residual operations were
administrative (45.26); the capture of Gentius effectively ended the cam-
paign in Illyricum.
153 the Illyrian hostages: an obscure sentence. It seems more likely that the
hostages referred to are the Macedonians left with Gentius, rather than
the Illyrians handed over to Perseus; but this interpretation stretches the
meaning of ‘Illyrian’ hostages.
the garrulity of the king’s underlings: with this comment, Livy points again
to the danger of loose talk.
occupied by strong garrisons: Livy has not previously indicated that Roman
troops successfully assailed any Macedonian fortifications in 169. The
claim may be intended merely to illustrate the character of the younger
men (see the edn. by W. Weissenborn and H. J. Müller (Berlin, repr.
1967), ad loc.). Their combination of eagerness and poor judgement stands
in implicit contrast to Paullus’ deliberate approach to warfare.
154 his own son, Quintus Fabius Maximus: Paullus married twice and had four
sons and two daughters. The sons from the first marriage were both
adopted into important families: the son mentioned here, Quintus Fabius
Maximus Aemilianus, was adopted by a son or grandson of the great dic-
tator in the war against Hannibal; the younger of the two, Publius
Cornelius Scipio, was adopted by a son of Scipio Africanus, who ulti-
mately defeated Hannibal. Both of Paullus’ older sons fought at Pydna
and feature later in the narrative (chaps. 44 and 45). Adoption for dynas-
tic purposes was not uncommon among the Roman elite, nor do Paullus’
family connections end here: his sister (Aemilia) married Scipio
 explanatory notes 345
Africanus; one of his daughters married the son of Cato the Elder, and the
other married Quintus Aelius Tubero (mentioned at 45.7), whom Plutarch
praises for his noble character (Aemilius Paullus 5). Paullus’ niece Cornelia,
who was the oldest daughter of Scipio Africanus and Aemilia, was mar-
ried to Scipio Nasica Corculum. Livy generally does not give biograph-
ical details, but the fate of the two younger sons is an important part
of his characterization of Paullus and is foreshadowed by the attention
paid to the older sons during the campaign. (For the younger sons, see
45.40–1.)
155 lightweight shields or the Ligurian type: the first kind of shield is the
parma, which was small and round and usually used by cavalry and light
infantry. The Ligurian shield was a four-foot oblong that covered nearly
the whole body.
after the summer solstice: in fact, the Romans arrived at Pydna just before
the summer solstice. The battle itself took place on 22 June; the date is
established by the lunar eclipse described in the next chapter. Since
Livy’s date for the eclipse is 3 September, the official calendar was more
than ten weeks ahead of the natural year in 168.
156 the consul needed no less skill outwitting his own men than his opponent: Livy’s
description of this scene reflects his own positive view of Paullus, which
is shared by almost all ancient sources. What Livy depicts here as shrewd
procrastination was probably absolute necessity: as Hammond points out,
the Romans were not expecting to come upon the Macedonians and were
totally unprepared for battle (Hammond and Walbank, History of Macedonia,
vol. 3, pp. 549–51).
157 from the second to the fourth hour: see the note to p. 30
160 Fortune . . . precipitated the battle: the first reference to Fortune in this sec-
tion of the text. Although no corresponding passage survives from
Polybius, Livy was probably influenced by the Greek historian, who was
interested in the role of chance and fate in history. The motif resurfaces
in Book 45 as part of Livy’s portrayal of Paullus.
a mule . . . towards the far bank: the sources are not consistent about
whether a horse or a pack animal started the battle or just how it did so.
Plutarch reports the tradition that Paullus precipitated the battle by
having a horse driven towards the enemy so that when the Romans pur-
sued it, fighting necessarily began (Aemilius Paullus 18). After his victory,
Paullus erected a monument at Delphi with a frieze of scenes from Pydna;
one includes a stray horse that has been taken to represent the animal
Plutarch refers to. Plutarch says also that Paullus sacrificed twenty-one
oxen to Hercules before receiving a favourable omen; it indicated, how-
ever, that the side that started the fighting would lose.
161 Paullus: I have supplied his name from the context.
more than sixty years old: Paullus’ energy in spite of his advanced years
makes him similar to Marcius Philippus, the most successful commander
to date in the war against Perseus (see chap. 4).
346 explanatory notes
161 the phalanxes: the core of the Macedonian infantry. Designed to fight as a
tight unit, a phalanx’s main offensive power consisted of the sarissa, a pike
with a standard length of twenty-one feet at the time of Pydna. A well-
trained and well-drilled phalanx on level ground was nearly invincible
since the sarissas prevented close combat. At the same time, the strengths
of the phalanx were also its weaknesses, as the battle at Pydna shows. An
insufficiency of even terrain and any disruption to the phalanx’s forma-
tion rendered it inoperable and vulnerable. Polybius discusses the advan-
tages and disadvantages of the Macedonian phalanx and the Roman
legion in the context of the battle of Cynoscephelae in 197, the most
recent occasion when the two forces met (Polybius 18.28–32).
the ‘Bronze Shields’: simple description of the colour of the unit’s equip-
ment, as with the ‘White Shields’ in the next sentence.
useless—a mere name: the moralizing about novelties is translated and
adapted from Polybius (29.17). Although Livy does not mention it, other
sources report that Perseus tried to train his men to face the elephants.
These ‘elephant-fighters’ had helmets and shields with special studs on
them. Further, Perseus attempted to accustom horses to fight around ele-
phants by constructing artificial ones imbued with an unpleasant odour
(see Scullard, The Elephant, 184).
the force of a phalanx is irresistible: both Polybius (29.17) and Plutarch
(Aemilius Paullus 19) report that in later years Paullus spoke of how terri-
fying he found the sight of the Macedonian phalanx. The passage in
Polybius is preserved out of context but according to Plutarch, Paullus
hid his fear and tried to inspire courage in his men by riding in front
of them without his helmet and breastplate. There are so many textual
gaps in Livy’s description of the battle that it cannot be determined
whether he included this apparently well-known story and if so, how he
handled it.
162 by far the majority of them were Paeligni: while the astounding difference
in the number of Macedonian and Roman casualties may seem implaus-
ible, there are parallels in ancient warfare, as Hammond has pointed out
(N. G. L. Hammond, ‘The Battle of Pydna’, Journal of Hellenic Studies,
104 (1984), 41 n. 32). Based on the accounts of the battle in Livy and
Plutarch, the circumstances were right for slaughter: once the phalanx
was broken apart, the individual fighters were vulnerable to the Romans’
training and style of weapons.
163 Euctus and Eulaeus: according to Plutarch, fair-weather friends who criti-
cized Perseus so much after Pydna that Perseus stabbed them himself
(Moralia 70 a).
Royal Pages: Livy explains who they are at 45.6.
the women rushed to the temple of Diana (whom they call Tauropolos) to
implore her aid: the appearance of women in public is generally for Livy a
sign of disorder: for example, the women of Rome pour into the streets after
the defeats at Trasimene and Cannae in the early years of the war against
 explanatory notes 347
Hannibal (22.7 and 55), and Cato the Elder points to their demonstrating
against a sumptuary law as an indication of moral decay (34.2–4).
The Roman Diana was assimilated to the Greek Artemis, who was wor-
shipped widely among the Macedonians. The epithet Tauropolos has been
interpreted as having to do with Tauris the place or tauros the animal (the
bull). According to the first-century Greek historian Diodorus Siculus,
when Alexander the Great died in 323, among his plans was the construc-
tion of a temple to Artemis Tauropolos at Amphipolis, but none of the
plans were carried out (18.4). The temple Livy refers to has not been
identified in excavations.
165 the stronghold of Phacus rises like an island: the storehouse for Perseus’
treasury, a small fortification on a hill just south-west of the main city.
The topography of the region around Pella has changed considerably
since antiquity: the city now sits in a low plain while in Livy’s day it could
still be reached by water (Map 3).

BOOK FORTY-FIVE
167 its presentiment in their minds: this dramatic opening has clear thematic
connections with Paullus’ admonition to the Romans not to trust infor-
mation from anyone but himself (44.22).
an equal appearance of truth: this phrase reflects a crucial standard of
ancient historical writing: plausibility. As it remains today, the subject
matter of history was past events. The historian’s job was to explain the
past so that it made sense. While historians were not supposed to lie or
fabricate, their modes of explanation could be inventive and still regarded
as valid. This sentence also indicates that Livy was treating his sources
selectively here, and indeed comparison with other authors (such as
Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.6, and Valerius Maximus 1.8.1b)
reveals that he is suppressing the version where immortal beings, some-
times specified as Castor and Pollux, brought word of the victory. For
Livy, the theme of reliable information is more important than the indi-
cation of divine favour.
summoned the Senate there: ordinarily the Senate met in the Curia or a
temple; this impromptu gathering appears to take place outside.
168 men who had taken the oath of loyalty: their identity is uncertain; the con-
text makes clear that they are a different category from forces that were
part of regular conscription.
169 Illyricum was under the control of the Roman people: at the conclusion of the
Illyrian campaign, Livy says that Marcus Perperna brought the news to
Rome (44.32). While the statement here may contradict the earlier notice
and indicate that Livy was using two sources and repeated both of them,
it is also possible that this is a second, fuller, and official communication
from the praetor to the Senate.
348 explanatory notes
169 Some sources report: Polybius’ version (29.19) of the Rhodians’ embassy
described at 44.14–15. Polybius is regarded as the more reliable source;
the previous, annalistic account has more patriotic appeal.
as was noted above: this information must have been reported in the lost
text at the end of Book 44.
a letter from Perseus: with this letter begins Livy’s use of Perseus as a direct
foil for Paullus. Throughout Book 45, each of Perseus’ shortcomings—e.g.
vanity, lack of self-knowledge, absence of dignity—is matched by a
strength in Paullus’ character.
172 Quintus Aelius Tubero: Paullus’ son-in-law. Characteristically, Livy does
not mention the family connection.
King Syphax: a Numidian king who supported first Rome, then the
Carthaginians in the Second Punic War. For his arrival at the camp of
Scipio Africanus, see 30.13.
173 in Greek: as seems to have been the case with most educated Romans by
the first half of the second century, Paullus was functionally bilingual.
The shift here from Greek to Latin is pointed. It shows Paullus’ erudition
and his ability to choose the appropriate language, based on the audience
and content of his remarks.
174 winter quarters: at this point it was probably August and so on the surface
early to send the army into winter quarters, but the fighting was over for
the year, and there was no reason to perpetuate the expense and logistical
challenges of keeping forces in the field.
in the consulship of . . . and Aulus Manlius: Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and
Lucius Manlius Acidinus were consuls in 179; Marcus Junius Brutus and
Aulus Manlius Vulso were consuls in 178.
its ultimate demise: in this account of the rise and fall of Macedonia Livy
is following Polybius, who found the subject a striking illustration of a
treatise on Fortune written by Demetrius of Phaleron, an Athenian states-
man (Polybius 29.21).
Antenor: Perseus’ admiral (44.28).
When Gaius Popillius: it is generally agreed that Popillius’ timing is not
coincidental and that Roman intervention in the warring between the
Seleucid and Ptolemaic dynasties was postponed until after the Macedonian
defeat at Pydna.
175 a capital sentence: either exile or death.
176 taken over the rest of Egypt: Antiochus’ Egyptian campaign was based on
his alliance with his nephew Ptolemy VI. At the time of the alliance, this
Ptolemy had been sharing power with his sister/wife Cleopatra and his
younger brother, Ptolemy VIII. They were both in Alexandria. What
prompted the older brother to ally with his uncle against his siblings is
uncertain. The alliance lasted less than a year. All three siblings were in
their teens at the time.
 explanatory notes 349
177 ‘I will do as the Senate decrees’: the confrontation between Popillius and
Antiochus is a famous moment in Roman history. Now known as the ‘Day
of Eleusis’, the episode was recounted for centuries afterwards. While
Popillius seems to have had a strong personality, more noteworthy are the
extent and power of the Roman Senate’s authority. In comparison with
other versions, Livy’s is fairly understated. Though he is careful to depict
Popillius’ character consistently, the episode is narrated in context and
without much commentary or judgement, except for the summary in the
final sentence.
178 without having taken the auspices: as we have seen, the consuls had rituals
to follow before they left on campaign. Compare Gaius Claudius at 41.10.
Licinius seems to have committed the error inadvertently. It is, however,
a mark of the Romans’ renewed piety that the augurs are consulted and
their opinion followed.
179 Pisa and Luna: Pisa was an old and formerly independent city. Luna was
founded as a Roman colony (i.e. the inhabitants retained Roman citizen-
ship) in 177 (41.13).
the people who conferred it on him: Roman law distinguishes between own-
ership and possession: Masgaba is saying that Masinissa recognizes that
he has some kind of usufruct or lifetime-interest in property that technic-
ally belongs to the Roman people. Since it is highly unlikely that Masinissa
was familiar with Roman law, Masgaba’s speech is an easy example of
Livy’s Romanocentric perspective. It is more interesting, however, as a
reflection of what the historian could assume about his audience’s know-
ledge of civil law.
180 asked that . . . in place of <. . .>: any reconstruction of this sentence
requires considerable speculation.
181 the four urban tribes: traditionally, when slaves were manumitted, they
were assigned to one of the four ‘urban’ voting districts as opposed to one
of the thirty-one ‘rural’ districts. Votes in the rural districts were more
valuable because there were fewer people in them than in the urban ones.
As this passage suggests, recent censors had, in some cases, departed from
established practice. Because of the missing text at the beginning and the
lacuna at the end of this sentence, there is no way to ascertain exactly what
happened. For further discussion, see S. Treggiari, Roman Freedmen
during the Late Republic (Oxford, 1969), 43–7.
The Esquilina was chosen by lot: from other sources it is clear that freed-
men were assigned to all four urban tribes. Livy or his source may be
wrong, or the procedure may have undergone further discussion and
change.
The censors . . . previous censors had: Livy describes this part of the census
earlier, at 43.15 and 16 and 44.16.
184 the Macedonian mines . . . the rural estates: these belonged to the
Macedonian kings. Since the Roman settlement eliminated the monarchy,
350 explanatory notes
some provision had to be made for these sources of income. This initial
plan, subsequently modified, shut down these resources entirely.
184 revenue-collector: the Latin word is publicanus, which became the English
word ‘publican’ (meaning both tax-collector, as in Latin, and the operator
of a public house, or pub for short). The Romans’ original mechanisms for
managing conquered territory were minimal, and the most powerful Roman
presence in a province was often that of the publicans, who had govern-
ment contracts to collect taxes.
a federal council of the people: although the text in the manuscript does not
contain the necessary negative, most scholars believe that the Romans did
not install a federal council linking all four regions. The translation fol-
lows that interpretation.
185 the son who subsequently ruled: see 42.16 with the note to p. 46 on the com-
plex domestic relations of Eumenes and Attalus after the supposed
attempt to assassinate Eumenes at Delphi.
186 impious brothers, as handed down by myth: e.g. Polynices and Eteocles, the
sons and brothers of Oedipus, and Atreus and Thyestes, the father and
uncle of Agamemnon. Livy rarely refers to Greek myth and history, but
the allusion is appropriate here because, as Macedonians, Stratius and
Attalus are heirs to Greek culture.
(if there were any): an observation not found in Polybius’ summary of
Attalus’ speech (30.2). The addition contributes to the doubts about
Eumenes’ role in the war. Livy started qualifying the portrayal of
Eumenes back at the beginning of Book 44 (chap. 13, with note to p. 130).
when he left: Polybius’ version of Attalus’ trip is rather different. Most
notably, he claims that the Senate expected Attalus to return to ask for
more; in addition, the Senate promised him the two cities he requested, but
then did not confer them when he failed to return (30.3). Livy’s stream-
lined version makes both Attalus and the Senate appear more noble.
188 rendered the Carthaginians your foes: reference to the trigger for the First
Punic War (264 – 241). Initially, three parties were involved: the
Carthaginians, who controlled south-western Sicily, a group of mercenar-
ies who had taken over Messana, directly across the straits from Italy, and
the king of Syracuse. The Romans allowed themselves to be drawn in
when the mercenaries requested their help. Because of that request, they
could claim that they were not the aggressors in the war that resulted. For
a fuller account, see Polybius 1.7–12.
made Philip your enemy: here the speaker refers to the ostensible causes for
the Romans’ war with Philip (the Second Macedonian War, 200–196).
Livy gives a detailed account in Book 31.
he attempted to dislodge you from control of your empire: the war against
Antiochus (192–189).
189 as it approached from Syria: the battles near Samos and Pamphylia are
highlights of the Rhodians’ contribution to the naval component of the
 explanatory notes 351
war against Antiochus. Hannibal commanded part of Antiochus’ fleet in
the second battle (Livy 37.8–24).
190 that the Republic was not under your control: in the Roman historical tradi-
tion, the plebeians seceded three times (494, 449, and 287), physically
removing themselves from the city in their struggles with the patricians.
(See Livy 2.32–3, 3.50–4, and Per. 11).
The Athenian people . . . total confidence: Astymedes is paraphrasing a
famous passage in Thucydides, where the Corinthians sketch the respec-
tive natures of the Athenians and the Spartans (Thucydides 1.70).
our manner of speaking is inflated: Livy may be alluding here to a mid-
first-century bce literary debate over ‘Attic’ speech, which was associated
with the best of fifth- and fourth-century Athenian prose, and ‘Asiatic’
speech, which was loosely connected to the more elaborate style used by
the Greeks in Asia Minor during the Hellenistic period. Cicero, who was
engaged in the debate (Orator 25), and Quintilian, who offers a later
overview (Institutes 12.10.16–18), classify the Rhodians as using a rhetor-
ical style in between the two perceived extremes.
192 a man of harsh temperament: the same phrase Livy used for Popillius
earlier (chap. 10).
his Origines: comprising seven books, Cato’s Origines was the first work of
history written in Latin. Only fragments remain. Livy’s refusal to repro-
duce Cato’s speech is interesting. The only time he composed a speech
for Cato is the lex Oppia debate at the beginning of Book 34. In that case,
no trace of the original survives, and it looks as if Livy composed speeches
only when the original (or a version of it) could not be known. The author
of the Periochae notes when speeches of Cato do or do not survive. Passages
from Cato’s defence of the Rhodians are preserved in Aulus Gellius (Attic
Nights 6.3.1–55); his style differs markedly from Livy’s.
193 treaty of alliance: Livy here uses two terms (amicitia, or ‘position of friend-
ship’, signifying an unofficial, mutually beneficial relationship, and foedus, or
‘treaty of alliance’, a more technical term for a treaty) that are often regarded
as significant for understanding Rome’s relations with other states.
In the same period: the following paragraph refers to cities and territories
that Rhodes, for over a century an Aegean powerhouse, controlled in Asia
Minor.
194 the Illyrians should be free: there is of course a paradox in ordering people
to be free. In practical terms the Romans preferred not to create an
administration for conquered peoples, but to leave them to look after
themselves, provided that they did not interact with other states inde-
pendently of Rome.
195 victory statues of himself instead: traces of Paullus’ victory have survived at
Delphi. In addition to a series of scenes from a frieze depicting the battle
of Pydna, there is an inscription stating ‘Lucius Aemilius, son of Lucius,
general, took [this] from King Perseus and the Macedonians’. For the Latin,
352 explanatory notes
see H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, vol. 3, pt. 2 (Berlin, 1954),
no. 8884.
195 whose shrine is there: the second-century ce Greek travel writer Pausanias
gives a detailed description of the shrine, its history, and the procedure
for consulting Trophonius. After an elaborate sacrifice and ritual purification,
the supplicant descends into a twenty-foot pit and then is sucked feet first
through a hole from which he emerges feet first also. Pausanias states that
he consulted the oracle and went through this process (9.39).
the Euripus and the island of Euboea: Artemisium, the beach on the north-
ern tip of Euboea, at the end of the Euripus (the strait between Euboea
and the mainland), was the site of a naval battle between the Persians and
the Greeks in 480.
his daughter . . . as an offering: a reference to Agamemnon’s sacrifice of his
daughter Iphigenia.
the ancient prophet is worshipped as a god: Amphiaraus, a seer from Argos.
He was one of the ‘seven against Thebes’ in the Argive campaign against
that city. After the expedition was defeated, Amphiaraus was swallowed
up by the earth, near Thebes. Enquirers at his shrine sacrificed a ram,
slept in its hide, and were supposed to have a dream revealing the future.
The shrine has been excavated and can be visited.
the walls linking Piraeus to the city: the famous Long Walls, originally built
in the fifth century so that Athens would be connected by defensible walls
to its port, Piraeus.
196 before its destruction: Corinth was destroyed by the Romans in 146 to
punish the Achaean League for the revolt it staged against Rome that year.
The punishment was also supposed to warn others against attempting to
rebel. Carthage was razed that same year. Although there is no evidence
to suggest a direct connection, the orders given by Lucius Mummius, the
Roman commander at Corinth, and Scipio Aemilianus, the Roman com-
mander at Carthage (and Paullus’ companion on this trip), are often viewed
together and regarded as emblematic of a new level of brutality in Rome’s
relations with others in the Mediterranean. It is interesting that Livy
mentions the city’s destruction, because he rarely adumbrates future events.
memorable . . . for its educational system and its institutions: apparently
another echo of Thucydides. He contrasts the material grandeur of Athens
with the paucity of monumental buildings at Sparta and comments that if
one were to judge from the physical remains, it would not be possible to
tell how powerful Sparta was (Thucydides 1.10).
as if the god were present: the statue of Zeus ( Jupiter) at Olympia was one
of the Seven Wonders of the World.
197 the tiles to be returned and the exposed areas to be repaired: this episode is
not found in other sources, but its appeal to Livy is clear. Earlier in the
pentad (42.3), Fulvius Flaccus stole the roof-tiles from the temple of Juno
Lacinia. The Senate censured the act, but no one could reaffix the tiles.
 explanatory notes 353
Paullus, by directing the soldiers to undo the damage to the walls of
Amphipolis, and thus looking out for the local community, is a counter-
example to Fulvius, showing how a Roman commander should behave.
translated Paullus’ words into Greek and repeated them: the fact that Paullus
announced the policy in Latin and then had Octavius translate it when
Paullus himself could have used Greek shows the complexity of Roman
attitudes towards Greek culture in this period. This episode seems to be
a display of power: official discourse, as opposed to the private interroga-
tion of Perseus, takes place in Latin to remind the Macedonians that they
are now subject to Roman policy.
198 Pelagonia: almost certainly shorthand for the region of the Pelagones,
according to N. G. L. Hammond, A History of Macedonia, vol. 1 (Oxford,
1972, repr. New York, 1981), 74–5.
199 the Aetolians were called in: see chap. 28.
200 Callicrates . . . would be endangered: Callicrates was last mentioned in Book 41,
where he speaks in favour of respecting the Achaeans’ alliance with the
Romans (chap. 23). From Polybius it is clear that Callicrates maintained
his pro-Roman stance during the war. Since Polybius was one of the 1,000
Achaeans sent to Rome, an unintended consequence of this witch-hunt
was his monumental history.
203 There was so much plunder: this one-day assault on Epirus resulted in the
pillaging of seventy towns and 150,000 captives being sold into slavery.
Livy minimizes its brutality and emphasizes Paullus’ efficiency and the
amount of booty. The latter point is important for subsequent events.
There is a noteworthy contrast with Plutarch: he deplores the extent of
the devastation, especially relative to the amount each soldier garnered
(Aemilius Paullus 29); Livy offers considerably higher totals and indicates
that the soldiers should have been satisfied.
204 the law was to be presented: while the text in the manuscript is continuous,
editors concur that words have been omitted; the relationship between
the troops’ anger and their attitude towards the voting is not entirely
clear. The idea seems to be that the soldiers were too exasperated to
bother casting their votes for Paullus’ triumph, which the Senate had
already approved.
205 consul: his consulship was in 202, so he was presumably in his seventies
in 167.
206 shed his apprenticeship and to put his eloquence on display: according to
Polybius, in this period a Roman had to serve in the army for ten years
before he was eligible for political office, and military tribunes (such as
Galba was at Pydna) had to have at least five years of military service (6.19).
Thus at the time of this debate Galba occupied the Roman equivalent of an
entry-level position in public life. He went on to become praetor (151) and
consul (144) and to achieve fame as an orator. Cicero identifies him as the
first to draw on the full range of oratorical tricks (Brutus 82).
354 explanatory notes
206 he led you immediately in pursuit of the enemy: while it is possible that Livy
somehow forgot how he presented the sequence of events in Book 44, this
seems unlikely since he makes rather a lot of the soldiers’ eagerness to
fight, Paullus’ restraint, and the explanation the general offers. It seems
more likely that Livy is making Servilius undermine Galba’s credibility
by repeating his misrepresentations; note that Servilius goes on to say that
Paullus made the soldiers go directly from the battle to pursuing the
enemy, while in Book 44 the Romans do not chase the survivors because
it is dark and they are not familiar with the territory. I think we are sup-
posed to remember Livy’s presentation of events in Book 44 and see that
the soldiers and/or Galba—as represented by Servilius—are lying.
207 in the most recent Punic war: see the note to p. 139.
208 imitate the Athenian people, who make accusations against their leading men
out of spite: Servilius is probably referring to the fifth-century Athenian
practice of ostracism, a publicly voted exile for ten years. The purpose
seems to have been to limit the influence of outstanding individuals in the
democracy, but the procedure was easily manipulated and was used for
less than a century. As noted previously (note to p. 186), references to
Greek history are rare in Livy. He may be adopting material from Polybius,
who did not admire the Athenian democracy (e.g. 6.44), but it is not known
whether or not Polybius gave Servilius a speech here.
Camillus . . . rescued our city from the Gauls: Camillus directed the success-
ful conclusion of the Romans’ campaign against Veii in the 390s. He was
subsequently accused of distributing the booty inappropriately and went
into exile. Nonetheless, when the Gauls occupied Rome, Camillus mus-
tered an army and rescued the city. See 5.19–55.
it is Liternum where his grave is to be seen: Scipio Africanus was respons-
ible for defeating Hannibal, but an alleged financial scandal compromised
his reputation towards the end of his life, and he retired to Liternum.
(Scipio’s involvement in the Second Punic War is spread throughout Books
21–30; Livy covers the so-called ‘Trials of the Scipios’ at 38.50–60.)
209 we preordained them for him: see the end of 44.22.
210 his swollen testicles provoked laughter in those closest to him: Servius presum-
ably had a herniated scrotum. As this passage suggests, generally speak-
ing, public nudity was not acceptable in the first half of the second
century. There was, however, also a long tradition of displaying wounds
as proof of one’s valour.
211 when the amount was announced: in fact, the bonuses Paullus distributed
were extremely large by the standards of recent campaigns. As Scullard
notes, in 194 Titus Quinctius Flamininus gave the infantry twenty-five
denarii apiece, as did Lucius Scipio Asiaticus in 188 and Marcus Fulvius
Nobilior in 187. Subsequent generals raised the stakes somewhat: in 186
Gnaeus Manlius Vulso distributed forty-two denarii per man, and in 180
Quintus Fulvius Flaccus gave out fifty denarii each. In each case the centur-
ions and cavalry received higher amounts on the same scale proportionally
 explanatory notes 355
(see 34.52, 37.59, 39.5, 39.7, and 40.43, and H. H. Scullard, Roman Politics,
220–150 B.C. (Oxford, 1951), 218 n. 2). Thus Paullus’ troops got twice
as much as their most immediate predecessors. The bonuses were also
larger than those given to the men serving under Octavius (chap. 42) and
Anicius (chap. 43) in the same campaign.
213 King Perseus with his son Alexander to Alba for safekeeping: there is no trace
of Perseus’ subsequent fate in Livy, but other sources provide more infor-
mation. The king and his family were initially imprisoned in a dungeon,
and Perseus was encouraged to commit suicide (with first a sword and
then a rope lowered to him). Eventually either Paullus or another Aemilius
(the sources are not consistent) put pressure on the Senate to improve the
king’s situation, and he was relocated. He died two years later, reputedly
because his guards grew angry with him and tortured him to death by
keeping him awake (Diodorus 31.9). Plutarch notes this version but says
that Perseus starved himself (Aemilius Paullus 37).
Bithys . . . the hostages: Livy has not mentioned Bithys or these Thracian
hostages before, at least not in the extant text. The editorial supplement
of his name here depends on the reference at the very end of this chapter.
Cotys was Perseus’ ally from early on and fought with him both at
Callinicus (42.56–8) and at Pydna (44.42).
214 Lucius Anicius . . . on the festival of Quirinus: according to an inscribed list
of triumphs surviving from the Augustan period, Paullus’ triumph
occurred on 27, 28, and 29 November. The festival of Quirinus fell in the
middle of February, two and a half months later. Regardless of whether
Livy knew the actual dates, his interest is in juxtaposing the triumphs to
highlight Paullus’. (The celebration for Octavius, which did occur imme-
diately after Paullus’ triumph, was too small to serve the same purpose.)
216 care . . . over the sons of allied kings: the reference is to the current Ptolemy,
whose interests the Senate had protected against Antiochus with the
famous embassy of Gaius Popillius.
the total given to Masgaba: 100 pounds of silver; see chap. 14 above.
217 degrade him: see Polybius 30.18–19. By including Polybius’ unflattering
description here, Livy may be laying the groundwork for his own subse-
quent (apparently) critical depiction of Prusias. Nicomedes eventually
overthrew his father, and according to Appian, Prusias’ motive for deposit-
ing Nicomedes with the Roman Senate was his preference for his other sons
(Mithridatic Wars 4). From the Periocha for Book 50, it appears that Livy’s
ultimate appraisal of Prusias was close to Polybius’ view as reported here.

THE PERIOCHAE
221 1a: there are two summaries for Book 1. This first one is noticeably more
telegraphic; the second one begins with the reign of Ancus Marcius,
Rome’s fourth king (1.33).
356 explanatory notes
spolia opima: the spoils taken by a Roman general who defeats the enemy
leader in single combat. This happened only a handful of times: see
Per. 4 and Per. 20. The precise qualifications for achieving the honour came
under debate in 29 bce. when Marcus Licinius Crassus killed the leader
of the Bastarnae; Octavian blocked his attempt to dedicate the spoils,
probably wanting to deny him the concomitant glory of such an unusual
distinction. One of the rare references to Octavian/Augustus in the extant
books occurs when Livy discusses the dedication of the spolia opima by
Aulus Cornelius Cossus (4.20).
221 Ancus Marcius: name supplied from context.
223 vindicta: a rod used in the ceremony for manumission.
225 In the three hundred and second year after Rome was founded: 448; the stan-
dard modern date is 451, but the epitomator uses 750 bce instead of 753
for Rome’s foundation.
this type of magistrate: the military tribunes with consular power, who,
according to the tradition represented in Livy, replaced consuls as the
chief magistrates for the years 448–368 bce.
226 the dictator Quintus Cincinnatus: a mistake; this is Lucius Quinctius
Cincinnatus.
227 thrown from the Rock: the Rock is the Tarpeian Rock, a steep cliff on the
Capitoline Hill; being thrown from it was an ancient form of execution at
Rome.
228 the name of Corvus: corvus is the Latin word for crow.
229 devoted himself: Decius offered himself and the enemy to the gods of the
underworld and entered the battle intending to kill as many men as pos-
sible before dying himself, in exchange for a Roman victory.
231 the Forum claque: a derogatory way of referring to freedmen.
232 Triumviri capitales: a board of three men in charge of prisons and
executions.
236 watched the games in his toga praetexta: i.e. he appeared at a public event
in the garb of the office from which he had been compelled to step down.
238 a sacred spring: the practice of sacrificing everything born in the spring of one
year; this dedication was limited to animals (though the full ritual involved
exiling the human offspring of that year once they reached adulthood).
241 Marcian verses: prophecies attributed to one Marcius; see 25.12.
242 Archimedes: the great mathematician, a native of Syracuse, born around
287, and killed when the Romans took the city.
247 the initiation rites: the ceremony during which new members were
inducted into the cult of Demeter (Roman Ceres) and Persephone at
Eleusis, about thirteen miles from Athens in north-western Attica.
250 before all the rest: the dialogue is reproduced virtually verbatim from
Book 35; it must have caught the epitomator’s attention since it is just one
passage in Livy, but roughly half the Periocha for 35.
 explanatory notes 357
the praetor of the Achaeans: here, as in Livy’s text, the epitomator uses a
Roman term for a foreign leader. The Greek title is strategos, or general.
the Mother of the Gods: another name for the Idaean Mother (Per. 29) and
the Magna Mater.
254 The books of Numa Pompilius: Numa was Rome’s second king; these books
supposedly contained his sacred and philosophical writings.
256 against his household instead: in Livy, this sentiment is not expressed
until 45.41.
258 In the five hundred and ninety-eighth year from the founding of the city:
153 bce, i.e. 157 by standard modern reckoning.
259 funeral masks: elite Romans made masks of family members when they
died; these masks were worn at subsequent family funerals to show the
relationship between the deceased and his ancestors.
261 in the six hundred and second year from the founding of the city: 150; 149 is
the usual date.
judged the best by the Senate: the epitomator has confused this Scipio Nasica
with his father, the consul of 191; for the arrival of the Magna Mater in
Rome, see 29.14.
Following an indication from the books: i.e. the Sibylline books.
games for Father Dis were held at the Tarentum: these are known as the ‘Secular
Games’ because they were supposed to take place once in a saeculum (one
hundred years). In Roman religion, Dis rules the underworld; the
Tarentum referred to here is in the Campus Martius.
in the five hundred and second year from the founding of the city: 249 bce by
modern counting.
267 the cognomen ‘Serapio’: according to Valerius Maximus (9.14.3), this name
derived from Nasica’s physical resemblance to a sacrificial attendant of
that name.
placed under a furca: a Y-shaped piece of wood; it sat on the condemned
man’s neck, and his arms were bound to its arms.
270 the optimates: in the late Republic, people were identified as populares
(populists) and optimates (the best men); the latter group overlapped with
the Senate for the most part. These groups were not organized political
parties; the terms indicate rather public stances, whether in favour of the
privileged or of the general population.
271 marriage among the orders: ‘orders’ are similar to classes; in Augustus’ time
these included senatorial families, equestrians, Roman citizens in general,
freedmen, and slaves. Legislation passed under Augustus regulated mar-
riage between members of different orders. Other initiatives concerned
raising the birth rate and punishing adultery. Augustus’ social legislation
was controversial during his lifetime and has greatly interested historians
of his reign.
358 explanatory notes
272 whom the Greeks call the Gymnesians: gymnos is the Greek word for naked;
since Greek athletes trained naked, the original meaning of ‘gymnasium’
was a place where people exercised in the nude.
the trajectory of a missile: the Greek verb ballo means throw, and the
related noun belos means something thrown.
273 Aquae Sextiae: modern Aix-en-Provence.
276 a new man: generally, someone who was the first in his family to become
a member of the Senate, and, more narrowly, the first in a family to be
elected consul.
the shields: twelve shields with a figure-of-eight shape. According to tra-
dition, Mars sent the first one to Numa Pompilius. They were guarded
and used by the Salii, special priests of Mars.
277 forbade him water and fire: an interdiction accompanying voluntary exile.
278 the Social War: the name given to the conflict between Rome and most of
the rest of the Italian peninsula between 91 and 88 bce. The Latin word
socius means ally and is cognate with the English word ‘social’. By the
ancient meaning, however, a ‘social’ war is a war with allies.
282 nobiles: not a hereditary aristocracy per se, but individuals whose ancestors
had held an important magistracy (typically the consulship).
284 the city of Ilium: this city claimed to be Troy and traded on its august
heritage.
285 Gnaeus Pompeius: generally referred to in English as Pompey.
286 the Civic Villa: the oldest public structure in the Campus Martius, used
for various activities (such as taking the census).
proscription list: Sulla invented the practice of proscriptions: a form of
bounty-hunting where a magistrate posted a list of people who could be
killed with impunity; their property was then at the disposal of the
magistrate.
290 Marcus: from other sources we know that the epitomator must mean
Marcus Perperna and not Marcus Antonius.
294 the Senate changed its attire: i.e. wore mourning, to protest the use of the
tribunician veto to prevent the functioning of a Republican institution.
295 Gnaeus Pompeius: I have departed from Jal’s text here by not translating the
word legato.
<happened>: Jal uses this conjecture in his translation, but not in his text
of the Latin.
298 Pompeius Magnus: one of two instances where the epitomator refers to
Pompey with his honorific cognomen ‘the Great’.
Marcus Antonius: generally known as Mark Antony.
299 his own client: a pervasive Roman social structure was the relationship
between a patron (a more powerful, influential, and wealthy person) and
his clients (people of lesser importance). Reciprocity was assumed, so
there is an implication of betrayal here.
 explanatory notes 359
300 sacrosanct: inviolability of person was traditionally a right of the tribunes
of the plebs.
running with the Luperci: priests who celebrated the Lupercalia, a fertility
festival that involved nearly naked young men running around the
Palatine Hill.
he assumed the name of Caesar: a crucial step for Octavius/Caesar/
Augustus. As is apparent in this Periocha, Octavius’ adoption of his great-
uncle’s name had outstanding tactical consequences. He conflated his
identity with that of his great-uncle, and the resonance of the name gave
him the backing of Caesar’s army. The author of the Periochae refers to
him as Caesar until the summary for Book 134, where he receives the
name Augustus.
 GLOSSARY

aedile four aediles (two ‘curule’ and two ‘plebeian’, without much dis-
tinction in this period) were elected annually to oversee public matters
in Rome such as games, markets, the water supply, maintenance of
roads, and fire prevention; they had some judicial powers, but their
authority was less than that of praetors and consuls.
as, asses bronze coins, the least valuable denomination.
augur one of a board of nine priests responsible for divination, i.e. deter-
mining the gods’ disposition either towards a particular event or over a
longer period; the augurs interpreted the movements of birds, celestial
activity, the sacred chickens (see note to p. 20), four-legged animals,
and any unusual, ominous event.
boeotarch/boeotarchs title of the chief magistrates of the Boeotians.
Campus Martius an area outside the pomerium, originally with enough
open space for elections, the census, and the mustering of troops (Map 1).
Capitol/Capitoline the Capitoline is the lowest of Rome’s hills; the
southern summit is the Capitol and the site of the temple of Jupiter
Optimus Maximus.
censor two censors, elected every five years for an eighteen-month term,
had several general areas of responsibility: taking the census, revising
the membership of the Senate, reviewing the equestrians, regulating
morals, and collecting revenue from state-owned property for activities
such as building roads; revenue-collection extended to responsibility for
taxes, the gathering of which they contracted out.
century the basic voting unit when the Romans assembled to elect their
chief magistrates; despite the name, centuries were not uniformly com-
prised of 100 men each, but varied in size based on property
qualification.
cognomen the third and usually most distinctive part of the tripartite name
of a Roman citizen. Romans typically had a praenomen (of which there
are only about a dozen for men: e.g. Gaius, Marcus, Titus), a nomen (the
clan name, such as Cornelius or Aemilius), and then a cognomen; cog-
nomina could arise from anything from a great accomplishment to a
physical characteristic. Livy uses the term cognomen also for epithets
that foreigners received, such as Ptolemy Apion.
college a board of a particular kind of priest: the four major priesthoods
(augurs, decemvirs for sacred rites, fetiales, and pontifices, with the priests
( flamines) of individual gods included in this last college) were all organized
into colleges, and matters were referred to each college as a collective.
 glossary 361
Comitium the open area next to the Roman Forum where public meet-
ings were held (Map 1).
consul the two annually elected consuls were both the leading generals
and the top magistrates; they had imperium, or the right to lead an army,
they could convene the Senate to conduct public business, and they
could veto each other; if a consul died in office, his replacement for the
remainder of the year was known as a suffect consul.
crown in the Hellenistic world, ceremonial crowns (a diadem or head-
band) originally were a means of expressing honour or gratitude and
came with gifts of cash. Romans awarded crowns for military accom-
plishments, such as saving a soldier’s life in battle (the civic crown) and
being the first to scale the wall of an enemy city under siege (the mural
crown).
Curia the building where the Senate ordinarily met (Map 1).
curio maximus chief priest of the curiones, thirty men, each of whom
was in turn the chief magistrate for one of the thirty divisions (curiae,
sometimes translated as wards) in which the Romans originally voted.
decemvir literally a ‘ten-man’; when Romans assigned a task to a team of
officials, the team often took its name from the number of members; so
a decemvirate is a board of ten (cf. duumvir and triumvir); the ‘decemvirs
for sacred rites’ were responsible for consulting the Sibylline oracles
and advising the Senate based on the prophecies they contained.
denarius, denarii the standard unit of silver coinage, introduced during
the Second Punic War; one denarius was worth ten asses.
dictator originally a magistrate for emergencies, in whom all power was
vested for a maximum of six months; the office was temporarily revived
during the Second Punic War; the office as Sulla and Caesar used it in
the first century resembled the original office only in the absolute power
they wielded.
duumvir plural duumviri; a team of two men (cf. decemvir and triumvir);
in this period there are duumviri navales responsible for patrolling the
Adriatic.
equestrians exactly who comprised this order changed considerably
over the history of the Republic. In the period covered by Books 41–5,
they came from the top property class, and the status was a coveted
one. By the last century of the Republic, as is evident from the Periochae,
the equestrians were more important for their political identity and
interests. In the second century many equestrians engaged in business,
including Rome’s crude system of taxation. The censors took bids on
contracts for the collection of taxes, which was done by members of the
equestrian class; they made their profit by swindling provincials beyond
the official rate.
362 glossary
flamen Dialis, Martialis, Quirinalis these three priests were dedicated
to Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus respectively.
freedman/freedmen former slaves. The Romans were unusually liberal
in the regularity with which they manumitted slaves and in the open
manner in which they subsequently included them in public life.
Freedmen could not hold office, but they could vote, and their children
were full Roman citizens (provided that they were born free).
haruspices a type of priests, traditionally of Etruscan origin, whose expert-
ise lay in reading entrails; they also interpreted prodigies and advised
the Senate how to expiate them.
imperium a Latin word for power, specifically the power to command an
army; normally held by consuls and praetors, it was invalid within the
pomerium, and thus a consul needed special permission from the Senate
to bring his army into Rome for a triumph.
intercalation the insertion of an extra month or days to bring the official
calendar in line with the rhythm of the solar year. During the
Republican period, the Roman civic calendar had twelve months total-
ing 355 days (the length of a lunar year). Since this was more than ten
days shorter than the solar calendar, it was regularly necessary to add an
extra month. (Even so, at this time the calendar was ten weeks ahead of
the seasons.)
iugerum/iugera a iugerum was the standard unit of measurement for land;
it is slightly less than two-thirds of an acre.
lictors public servants who accompanied magistrates with imperium; they
carried the fasces (bundles of rods and axes that symbolized the magis-
trate’s power; also the origin of the modern term Fascism).
lustrum in general a ritual purification; more particularly, the ceremony
that closed the census taken every five years. The censors’ lustrum
purified the city and drove out evil; it consisted of a procession around
the pomerium and ended with the sacrifice of animals. Livy describes the
first one in Book 1 (chap. 44). The word can also mean simply the five-
year period from census to census, e.g. at 41.8, 45.15, and Per. 5.
master of the horse traditionally the dictator’s second-in-command and
the general for the cavalry.
ovation a smaller version of the triumph; for example, the general
entered Rome on foot or on horseback instead of in a chariot.
pomerium the sacred boundary of the city of Rome.
pontifex plural pontifices; the least specialized college of priests, the
pontifices had responsibility for general religious matters such as public
sacrifices, most festivals, and sacred law; the college included the
flamines and was headed by the pontifex maximus (chief pontiff ), by
this period an elected official and the highest religious authority.
 glossary 363
praetor (peregrine and urban) the second highest magistracy. In this
period there were six praetors elected annually for a one-year term: the
urban praetor (or praetor with urban jurisdiction) was in effect the
mayor of Rome, running the city while the consuls were on campaign
and overseeing the administration of civil law; the peregrine praetor (or
praetor with peregrine jurisdiction) has traditionally been understood to
have had responsibility for legal affairs that involved Romans and non-
citizens ( peregrinus is the Latin word for foreign and designates a person
who does not have Roman citizenship); the other praetors received areas
of responsibility that required a high-ranking Roman official and often
an army but which were not considered as important as the commands
allotted to the consuls.
proconsul a general who had previously been a consul (usually in the
year just past) whose imperium was extended, to increase the number of
generals available and/or to ensure continuity of command; promagis-
trates might also be private citizens specially empowered by the Roman
citizen assembly or the Senate.
province area of responsibility; although the word tends to connote geo-
graphical territory, in any given year a province could be a task such as
eliminating brigands or expelling pirates or, as routinely in the case of
praetors, the administration of Rome and civil law.
quinquereme the standard warship of the Roman Republican navy.
Quirites formal name of Roman citizens.
Senate a council of approximately 300 men who had held at least one
magistracy and who were officially selected by the censors; membership
was ordinarily for life although individuals could be removed by the
censors for egregious conduct; while technically the Senate’s role was
advisory, in this period it was in effect the standing government, as is
clear from Books 41–5. See also the note to p. 16 for the use of ‘fathers’
and ‘conscript fathers’ as synonyms for senators.
sesterces (plural); the sestertius was a silver coin worth 21⁄2 asses or a
quarter of a denarius.
Sibylline oracles a collection of writings supposedly recording the say-
ings of the Sibyl, a prophetess near Cumae; according to tradition, they
were acquired during the reign of Rome’s last king. A special board of
priests, the decemvirs, consulted them in public emergencies.
spolia opima the ‘finest spoils’, the booty stripped from an enemy leader
when killed in single combat by the Romans’ general; see note to p. 221.
toga the dress of the Roman citizen. Magistrates and males under 16 were
entitled to wear the toga praetexta, which had a purple border. At the
age of 16 or 17 the toga virilis (lit. toga of manhood) was assumed; it was
a plain, undyed garment.
364 glossary
togate wearing a toga, i.e. formally dressed as a Roman citizen.
tribune/tribune of the plebs ten officers elected each year by the ple-
beians to protect their interests; although there are a few episodes in
Books 41–5 where tribunes are called on as a college to act in this cap-
acity, in this period they tended to be aligned more with the interests of
the senatorial class than those of the general public, and the office was
used as another stepping-stone to higher positions; in the last century of
the Republic the tribunes became associated again with popular con-
cerns rather than those of the elite. Military tribunes are junior officers.
triumph a victory parade, normally awarded by the Senate at the request
of a general returning from campaigning. If the Senate granted a tri-
umph, the general would be allowed to lead his army in a parade
through the city. He wore a special costume, and booty from the cam-
paign was displayed in the parade. The procession culminated on the
Capitoline where the general paid tribute to Jupiter. The triumph was
thus a source of honour for both the general and the gods. If the Senate
refused the general’s request, he could hold a parade outside Rome and
offer the spoils to Jupiter on the Alban Mount. Because this form of the
triumph was held outside the city and the Senate did not finance it, it
was essentially a private celebration. The location also limited attend-
ance, so it was altogether less prestigious.
triumvir plural triumviri; literally a ‘three-man’, but more importantly,
the title given to Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Marcus Antonius, and
Gaius Octavius/Gaius Julius Caesar (Octavianus) Augustus in 43 bc e
when they were constituted as a board of three (triumvirate) to re-
establish the state.
Vestal priestess of Vesta; there were six at a time, and they lived in seclu-
sion starting from childhood for at least thirty years; their chief duty
was tending the fire in the shrine of Vesta, the Roman goddess of the
hearth.
victoriatus a silver coin older than the denarius, struck outside Rome to
Greek standards of three-quarters of a denarius in weight (though not in
metal content).
 INDEX

The index is comprised primarily of names of peoples and places. In cases of very similar
or identical names, supplementary information is given in parentheses if possible.
Prominent Romans are identified by the first year of the highest office they held and, in
cases where they feature extensively in the narrative of Books 41–5, by offices held in
that period. The dates provided are based on T. R. Broughton’s The Magistrates of the
Roman Republic (vols. i–ii, New York; vol. iii, Athens, Ga., 1951–86).

Abdera, Abderites xix, 98–9, 197 Aelius Ligus, Publius (consul 172) 40–1,
Abrupolis 43, 67–8 108, 183
Aburius, Gaius 63 Aelius Paetus, Publius (consul 201) 24
Aburius, Marcus 16 Aelius Paetus, Quintus (consul 167)
Abydus 247 24, 182–3
Acanthus 199 Aelius Paetus, Sextus (censor 194) 249
Acarnania, Acarnanians 65, 111, 118, Aelius Tubero, Publius
200, 203, 243, 247–8 (praetor 201, 177) 10, 15
Achaea, Achaean League, Achaeans Aelius Tubero, Quintus 172, 174
xiii–xiv, 25–9, 37, 42–3, 64, 71, 74, Aemilia (Vestal) 274
78, 82, 94, 111, 200, 243, 248, 250, Aemilian colonnade 31
253, 263, 265 Aemilius, Mamercus (dictator 434) 226
Achillas (assassin of Pompey Aemilius Lepidus, Mamercus
the Great) 298 (consul 77) 280
Acilius, Gaius (the historian) 266 Aemilius Lepidus, Marcus (consul 187)
Acilius Glabrio, Manius (consul 191) 15, 30, 36, 56, 100, 109, 252, 255,
61, 250–1 257–9
Acruvium 195 Aemilius Lepidus, Marcus (consul 78)
Actium 118, 306–7 287–8
Adaeus 114 Aemilius Lepidus, Marcus (triumvir)
Adherbal (Carthaginian cavalry xxii, 300–2, 304–5, 307
commander) 238 Aemilius Lepidus, Marcus (son of the
Adherbal (son of Micipsa) 273–4 triumvir) 307
Adriatic 3, 148, 168, 180 Aemilius Lepidus Porcina, Marcus
Aebutius, Marcus (military tribune 178) 4 (consul 137) 268
Aebutius Helva, Marcus (praetor 168) 134 Aemilius Papus, Lucius (praetor 205) 56
Aebutius Parrus, Titus (praetor 178) Aemilius Paullus, Lucius (consul 219) 239
8, 17, 36 Aemilius Paullus, Lucius (consul 182, 168)
Aedui 273, 293, 308 xvii, xx, xxii, xxiv, 96, 134–5, 137–9,
Aegates (islands) 237 147, 150–70, 172–4, 180, 182–3,
Aegean Sea xiii, 146 195–8, 201–14, 256–8, 260, 265, 273
Aegina 46, 48, 54 Aemilius Paullus, Lucius (consul 50;
Aeginienses, Aeginium 165, 195 brother of the triumvir) 302
Aegium 37, 111 Aemilius Paullus, Marcus (consul 255) 49
Aelius, Gaius and Titus (military Aemilius Regillus, Lucius (praetor 190)
tribunes 178) 4, 6 189, 251
Aelius, Quintus (tribune of Aenea 127, 150, 199
the plebs 177) 8 Aeneas x, 221
366 Index
Aenus, Aenii 102, 186, 195, 197 Amyntas 174
Aepulo 3, 13 Anagnia 107, 182
Aequi 224, 227, 231 Ancona 3
Aesculapius, temples of 24, 52, 196, 232 Ancus Martius 221–2
Aesernia 160, 235, 278–9 Ancyra 114
Aetolia, Aetolian League, Aetolians xiii, Andriscus xvi, 259, 263, 265
27–30, 34, 36–7, 43, 46, 53, 61, 64, Androcles 150
67, 69, 78, 82, 86, 111, 115–16, 163, Andronicus (Aetolian) 200
188, 196, 199–200, 243–4, 248, 250–1 Andronicus (Macedonian) 127
Afranius, Gaius 113 Anicius, Gnaeus 165
Afranius, Lucius 296, 298–9 Anicius Gallus, Lucius (consul 160;
Africa 24, 57, 97, 101, 180, 208, 235, praetor 168) 134, 137–8, 147–9, 169,
241, 244–8, 260–2, 265, 272, 281–2, 182, 193–5, 202–4, 208–9, 214, 256
284–5, 287, 297–9, 303, 305 Aniensis (tribe) 231
Agamemnon 195 Anio (river) 242
Agassae 124, 195 Annius (praetor of the Latins) 229
Agepolis 169 Annius Luscus, Titus 52, 111
Agesilochus 72 Annius Luscus, Titus (consul 153) 270
Agrianes 77, 128–9 Annius Milo, Titus (praetor 55) 293,
Agrippa, see Vipsanius Agrippa 295, 297
Alabanda, Alabandenses 101, 193 Antenor 145–6, 174, 200
Alba (Fucens) 213, 231, 273, 278 Antigonea, Antigonians 84, 116–17,
Alba (Longa) 221 127–8, 150
Alban Lake 226 Antigonus (friend of Philip V) 254
Alban Mount 17, 30, 50, 181, 207 Antigonus (son of Demetrius I) 264
Albani 292 Antigonus (courtier of Perseus) 143–4
Albingaunum 245 Antimachus (leader of Sacred Cavalry) 92
Alesia 295 Antimachus (Perseus’ commander)
Alexander (king of Syria) 266, 268 130, 141
Alexander (son of Cleopatra) 306 Antinous 193–4
Alexander (son of Perseus) 78, 197, Antioch 23, 254
209, 212 Antiochus III (the Great) 8, 45, 60–1,
Alexander (the Great) xiii, 78, 173–4, 64–5, 69, 71–2, 76, 119, 131, 140,
231, 249–50 182, 188–9, 191, 208, 248–53
Alexandria, Alexandrians 37, 54, 136, Antiochus IV Epiphanes (son of previous)
174–7, 202, 256, 298, 306–7 22–3, 37, 54, 57, 136, 140–1, 174,
Algalsus 148 176–8, 190, 203, 254, 256–7
Allia 227 Antiochus V Eupator (son of
Allobroges 273, 293 previous) 257
Almana 143 Antiochus VII Euergetes 269, 271
Alpine peoples, Alps 18, 99–100, 238, Antipater 93
243, 275–6 Antiphilus 77
Ambiani 293 Antipolis 258
Ambiorix 294–5 Antissa 200
Ambracia, Ambracians 94, 112, 116, Antium 99, 102, 282
118, 251 Antonius, Aulus 170
Ambracia, Gulf of 115 Antonius, Gaius (brother of the triumvir;
Ambrones 276 praetor 44) 297, 301, 303
Amphipolis, Amphipolitani 68, 102, 141, Antonius, Lucius (brother of the
161–6, 172, 174, 196–8, 201–2 triumvir; consul 41) 304
Amullius 221 Antonius, Marcus (consul 99) 276–7, 282
 Index 367
Antonius, Marcus (lieutenant of Ariminum 7–8, 234, 252
Sertorius) 290 Ariobarzanes (king of Cappadocia)
Antonius, Marcus (tribune of 277, 279–80
the plebs 167) 187, 212 Ariovistus 293
Antonius, Marcus (triumvir) xxii, 290, Aristo 249
298, 300‒7 Aristonicus 270–1
Antonius Balbus, Quintus Armenia, Armenians 290–2, 306
(praetor 82) 285 Arniensis (tribe) 227
Antonius Creticus, Marcus Arrius, Quintus (praetor 73) 289–90
(praetor 74) 290 Arsaces (king of Parthia) 277
Antonius Hybrida, Gaius (consul 63) 293 Artatus (river) 113
Antron 69, 94 Artavasdes 306
Apelles 36 Artemon 84
Apennines 21, 238, 252 Arthetaurus 43, 67–8
Aperanti, Aperantia 116 Arverni 273, 295
Apollo, temple of 18 Ascanius 221
Apollonia, Apollonites 47, 63, 76, 82, Asclepiodotus 77, 119, 123–4
115, 147–8, 196, 215, 234, 241 Ascordus (river) 124
Apollonius 37 Asculum 278, 280, 285
Appian Way 231, 295 Ascuris (lake) 119–20
Appuleius, Quintus 36 Asia xiii, 25–6, 42–6, 49, 53–4, 56,
Appuleius Saturninus, Gaius 179 60, 69, 71–2, 78–9, 100, 130, 141,
Appuleius Saturninus, Lucius 174, 176, 186, 188–90, 200–3, 217,
(praetor 166) 36, 215 244–5, 251–2, 255, 270, 277, 281,
Appuleius Saturninus, Lucius (tribune of 283–4, 286–7, 301, 306
the plebs 100) 276–7 Asinius Pollio (the historian) ix n., 302
Apuleius, Lucius (tribune of Astymedes 188–92
the plebs 391) 227 Atesis (river) 276
Apuli, Apulia 40, 55, 231 Athamanes, Athamania 81, 248
Aquae Cumanae 17 Athenaeus 82, 179, 195
Aquae Sextiae 273, 276 Athenagoras 150
Aquileia 3–4, 7–8, 12–13, 95–6, 111, 253 Athenians, Athens xiii, 23, 25, 100, 188,
Aquillius, Manius (consul 101) 277, 281 190, 195, 208, 225, 254, 281, 283, 299;
Aquillius Gallus, Lucius (praetor 176) see also Attica
16–17 Athos (mountain) 128, 145, 199
Arabia, Arabians 174, 177 Atilius, Lucius 170
Arar (river) 308 Atilius, Marcus (praetor 174) 23, 33
Aratthus (river) 115 Atilius Calatinus, Aulus (consul 258)
Arausio 275 235–6
Arcadia 22 Atilius Regulus, Gaius (consul 257)
Archelaus (king of Egypt) 294 235–6
Archelaus (Mithridates’ general) 281, 283 Atilius Serranus, Aulus (consul 170)
Archidamus 115–16, 163 31, 33, 36, 38–40, 55, 64, 69,
Archimedes 242 71–4, 105
Archo 27‒8 Atinius Labeo, Gaius (tribune of
Arcobarzanes (grandson of Syphax) 259 the plebs 131) 271
Ardeates 225 Atintania 199
Argos 71, 196, 249 Atius, Lucius 6
Ariarathes IV 48, 57, 251, 257 Atrebates 293
Ariarathes V (son of previous) 257–8 Atreius, Lucius 107
Aricia, Aricini 225, 282 Attalus I 141, 244–5, 247–8, 251
368 Index
Attalus II 41, 46, 82–3, 85, 92, 94, 121, Bellus 149
130, 137, 145, 156, 174, 179, 184–6, Beneventum 234, 241
203, 263 Bermium (mountain) 198
Attalus III 270 Beroea 77, 84, 114, 164, 198–9
Attica 195; see also Athenians, Athens Bibulus, see Calpurnius Bibulus
Attius, Varus, Publius (praetor 53) 297 Bisaltae, Bisaltia 164, 197–8
Attus Navius 221 Bithynia 56, 253, 257, 263, 279–81, 284,
Audena (river) 21 288–9
Aufidius, Gnaeus (tribune of Bithys 213–14
the plebs 170) 103 Bitocus 292
Augustus ix–x, xxii–xxiii, 271, 300–8 Bituitus 273
Aulis 195 Bituriges 295
Aurelius Cotta, Gaius 61 Bocchus 275
Aurelius Cotta, Lucius (Marcus in text; Boeotia, Boeotians 42, 44, 64–5, 67,
consul 65) 290 69–71, 73–4, 78, 82, 89–90, 94, 118,
Aurelius Cotta, Marcus (consul 74) 289 163, 199–200, 265
Aurelius Orestes, Lucius (consul 126) 272 Boii 248–50
Aurelius Scaurus, Marcus (suffect Boiorix 275
consul 108) 275 Bononia 251
Aurunculeius Cotta, Lucius 294 Bosporus 290, 292
Ausones 229 Bottiaei 199
Autlesbis 93 Bovillae 295
Auximum 24, 31, 49 Brennus 251
Avaricum 295 Briniates 21
Avectius 308 Britain 294
Aventine (hill) 31, 221–2, 225, 273 Brundisium 47, 55, 59, 62–3, 67, 76,
Axius (river) 143, 163, 197–8 103–4, 118, 135, 168, 180, 212, 216, 236
Azorus 80, 119 Bruttii, Bruttium 34, 233–4, 245
Brutus, see Junius Brutus
Bacchanalia 252 Bullini 147
Baebius, Aulus 196, 199 Bylazora 143
Baebius, Lucius 135 Byzantines, Byzantium 44, 67, 69, 72
Baebius Sulca, Quintus 20, 37
Baebius Tamphilus, Gnaeus 134, 183 Caecilius, Lucius (praetor 283) 232–3
Baecula 243 Caecilius, Marcus 36, 55
Baeculonius, Aulus 6 Caecilius Bassus 299
Balanus 131 Caecilius Denter, Marcus 37
Balari 8, 14 Caecilius Metellus, Lucius
Baleares, Balearic Islands 244, 272 (consul 251) 236–7
Ballista (mountain) 19–20 Caecilius Metellus, Lucius
Baphyrus (river) 124 (consul 68) 291
Barbanna (river) 148–9 Caecilius Metellus Balearicus, Quintus
Barca faction 240 (consul 123) 272
Basilica Sempronia 133 Caecilius Metellus Creticus, Quintus
Bassania 147–8 (consul 69) 291, 293
Bastarnae 20–2, 26, 42, 170, 307 Caecilius Metellus Delmaticus, Lucius
Bastia 287 (consul 119) 273
Begorritis (lake) 80 Caecilius Metellus Diadematus, Lucius
Belgium 294 (consul 117) 273
Bellona, temple of 8, 39, 50, 55, 63 Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, Quintus
Bellovaci 296, 299 (consul 143) 164, 167, 264–6, 271
 Index 369
Caecilius Metellus Numidicus, Quintus Cappadocia, Cappadocians 57, 251,
(consul 109) 274, 277 257–8, 277, 279–81, 284
Caecilius Metellus Pius, Quintus Capua 11, 48, 216, 229, 241–2, 289
(consul 80) 280, 284, 288–90 Caranus 174
Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio Nasica, Caravandis 147
Quintus (Publius in text; consul 52) Caravantius 147, 149, 194, 214
295, 298–9 Caria, Carians 132, 188, 192–3
Caelius, Gaius (praetor 90) 279 Carni, Canus 95, 100
Caelius Rufus, Marcus (praetor 48) 297 Carseoli 213–14, 231
Caerites 24 Carteia 97
Caesar, see Julius Caesar Carthage, Carthaginians xiv, 24,
Caesetius Flavus (tribune of 51–2, 57, 63, 74, 76, 82, 97, 101,
the plebs 44) 300 163, 179, 188, 208, 228, 233–8,
Calabria 55, 75 240–9, 252, 254–5, 258–62, 264–5,
Calagurris 289 270, 272; see also Punic War, First,
Calatia 31, 49, 182 Second, Third
Cales 229 Carvilius, Spurius 63
Callicrates 25, 27–8, 200 Carvilius Spoletinus,
Callicritus 44, 67 Gaius 113
Callicula (mountain) 239 Carystus (in Liguria) 38
Callinicus 84 Casilinum 239–40
Callipeuce 122 Cassander 128
Callippus 145 Cassandrea, Cassandreans 117, 128, 145,
Calpurnius Bestia, Lucius 174, 199
(consul 111) 274 Cassignatus 83
Calpurnius Bibulus, Marcus (consul 59) Cassius Longinus, Gaius (consul 171)
293, 296 7, 36, 55–6, 59–60, 95,
Calpurnius Flamma, Marcus 235 99–100, 149
Calpurnius Piso Frugi, Lucius Cassius Longinus, Gaius
(consul 15) 308 (consul 73) 290
Cambunian Mountains 80, 119 Cassius Longinus, Gaius (praetor 44)
Campania, Campanian territory, 295, 300, 302–3
Campanians 15, 24, 33, 39, 48–9, Cassius Longinus, Lucius
228–9, 233–4, 239–40, 242 (consul 107) 275
Campi Macri 19, 178 Cassius Longinus, Quintus (consul 164)
Campus Martius 214, 223, 231, 287, 182, 204, 213, 215
294, 300–1 Cassius Longinus, Quintus (tribune of
Canastraeum (cape) 128 the plebs 49) 296–7
Caninius Rebilus, Gaius (praetor 171) Cassius Vicellinus, Spurius
56, 59 (consul 486) 224
Caninius Rebilus, Marcus 105, 214 Castrum 232
Cannae 239–41 Castus 290
Cantabri 260 Catilina, see Sergius Catilina
Canuleius Dives, Lucius (praetor 171) Catmelus 4
29, 56, 59, 96–7 Cato, see Porcius Cato
Capena Gate 242 Caudine Forks 230
Capenus 302 Caunii 193
Capitol, Capitoline Hill 13, 30–1, 49, 56, Cavii 147
73, 75, 101, 110, 131, 179, 188, 196, Celtiberi, Celtiberia 9, 29–31, 34, 40,
204–5, 208–10, 213, 216, 221–4, 227, 241, 248, 253–4, 260, 266,
229, 234, 242, 252, 254, 270, 291, 300 276–7
370 Index
Cenchreae 28 Claudius Centho, Appius (praetor 175)
censor(s), censorial activities xii, xviii, 10, 20, 29, 31, 52, 104–5, 115–17, 137, 147
12, 30–1, 34–5, 38, 40, 48, 108–11, Claudius Crassinus, Appius (consul 471)
133, 180–1, 183, 225–6, 231, 249, 251, 223–5
255, 260, 290; see also next entry Claudius Glicia, Marcus (dictator 249) 236
census, census figures xxiii, 10–11,40, Claudius Marcellus, Marcus
108–9, 181, 222, 224, 232–7, 243, (consul 222) 237, 240–1, 243
246, 251, 254–5, 257–9, 267–8, 271–4, Claudius Marcellus, Marcus
290, 299, 307–8; see also previous entry (consul 196) 12, 15, 248
Centenius Paenula 241 Claudius Marcellus, Marcus (consul 183)
Cephallania 64, 75, 82, 251 37; 120, 135 (or next)
Cephalus 112, 194 Claudius Marcellus, Marcus (praetor
Ceremia 95 185) 120, 135 (or previous)
Ceres, Liber, and Libera, temple of 31 Claudius Marcellus, Marcus (consul 166)
cestrosphondene 91–2 15, 60, 105, 108–9, 169, 215, 257,
Cethegus, see Cornelius Cethegus 260, 264
Chaeronea 70 Claudius Marcellus, Marcus 279
Chalcedon 82, 289 Claudius Marcellus, Marcus (consul 51)
Chalcidians, Chalcis 47, 70–1, 82, 102–3, 296, 299
118–19, 146, 188, 195, 250, 265 Claudius Marcellus, Marcus (son of
Chamates 300 Octavia) 308
Chaonians 115, 117 Claudius Nero, Tiberius (consul 207)
Charax 123 243–4, 246
Chauci 308 Claudius Nero, Tiberius (consul 202, or
Cherusci 308 praetor 181, or praetor 178) 49, 71
Chimarus 141 Claudius Nero, Tiberius (praetor 178)
Chios 145–6 7, 14–16
Chumstinctus 308 Claudius Nero, Tiberius (praetor 167) 182
Chyretiae 80 Claudius Nero Caesar, Tiberius
Cibyratae 193 (the emperor) 307–8
Cicereius, Gaius (praetor 173) 31, 33, Claudius Pulcher, Appius (consul 212)
38, 50, 54, 181, 183 241–2
Cicero, see Tullius Cicero Claudius Pulcher, Appius (consul 185)
Cilicia, Cilicians 276, 288, 291–2 29, 37, 182
Cimbri 274–6 Claudius Pulcher, Appius (consul 143)
Cincibilus 99 266, 270
Cineas 233 Claudius Pulcher, Appius (consul 79)
Cinna, see Cornelius Cinna 282, 288
Circus Flaminius 210, 237 Claudius Pulcher, Appius (actually Gaius
Circus Maximus 30, 40, 167, 221–2 Claudius Gaber, praetor 73) 289
Cirrha 45 Claudius Pulcher, Gaius (consul 177)
Cirta 274 xviii–xix, xxi–xxii, 10–16, 18–19, 40,
Citium 77 76, 108–10, 181, 183, 200, 215
Citium (mountain) 115 Claudius Pulcher, Publius
citizenship (Roman) 10, 11, 15, 97, 230, (consul 249) 236
278, 281–2, 285, 297 Claudius Quadrigarius, Quintus (the
Claudia 236–7 historian) xiv, 132
Claudian tribe 223 Clausal (river) 148
Claudius, Lucius (praetor 174) 23 Cleon 269
Claudius Caecus, Appius (consul 307) Cleopatra II 136, 178, 256
231, 233 Cleopatra VII 297–8, 305–7
 Index 371
Cleopatra Thea (sister of Cleopatra III) Cornelius Lentulus, Publius (suffect
266, 271–2 consul 162) 64, 76, 82, 135, 168, 170
Cleuas 115–17 Cornelius Lentulus, Servius (praetor
Clitae 128 169) 64, 71, 105, 109
Clodius, Publius (tribune of the plebs 58) Cornelius Lentulus Batiatus,
293, 295 Gnaeus 289
Cloelia 223 Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus, Gnaeus
Clondicus 143–4 (consul 72) 289–90
Clunia 288 Cornelius Lentulus Crus, Lucius
Clusini, Clusium 223, 227, 286 (Publius in text; consul 49) 296
Cluvius, Spurius (praetor 172) 40–1 Cornelius Lentulus Sura, Lucius
Cluvius Saxula, Gaius (praetor 173) (consul 71) 292
31, 33, 160 (possibly) Cornelius Maluginensis, Marcus (suffect
Cnidus 266 consul 393) 226
Coele Syria 57, 176 Cornelius Mammula, Marcus 37
Coelius, Lucius 114–15 Cornelius Rufinus, Publius
Coenus 154 (consul 290) 234
Colchians 292 Cornelius Scipio, Lucius
Collina (tribe) 237 (consul 259) 235
Colline Gate 11, 286 Cornelius Scipio, Lucius (praetor 174)
Condylum 123 23, 30
Congonnetiacus 273 Cornelius Scipio, Lucius (quaestor 167)
Corcyra 64, 66, 75, 118, 168, 212, 215 215–16
Corduba 297 Cornelius Scipio, Publius (consul 218)
Corfinium 296 238, 240–2
Corinth 37, 46, 196, 221, 265 Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus,
Corinth, Gulf of 82, 118 Publius (consul 147) 163, 211, 213,
Corioli 224 260, 262, 264–5, 268–70
Cornelia 298 Cornelius Scipio Africanus, Publius
Cornelian family 213 (consul 205) 51, 133, 163, 207–8,
Cornelius, Gnaeus 32 238–9, 241–6, 249–53, 260
Cornelius Blasio, Publius 100, 179 Cornelius Scipio Asiagenes, Lucius
Cornelius Cethegus, Gaius (consul 197) (consul 83) 285
248–9 Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, Lucius
Cornelius Cethegus, Gaius 292 (consul 190) 8, 250–2
Cornelius Cethegus, Lucius 262 Cornelius Scipio Asina, Gnaeus
Cornelius Cethegus, Marcus (consul 160) (consul 260) 235
95, 111, 258 Cornelius Scipio Calvus, Gnaeus
Cornelius Cethegus, Publius (consul 222) 238, 240–2, 245
(consul 181) 36 Cornelius Scipio Hispallus, Gnaeus
Cornelius Cinna, Lucius (consul 86–84) (consul 176) 10, 15–17
280, 282–4 Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis,
Cornelius Cossus, Aulus (consul 428) 226 Marcus (praetor 176) 16–17, 30
Cornelius Cossus, Aulus (consul 343) 229 Cornelius Scipio Nasica, Publius
Cornelius Dolabella, Lucius (duumvir (consul 191) 96, 245, 250
navalis 180–178) 3 Cornelius Scipio Nasica, Publius
Cornelius Dolabella, Publius (suffect (consul 162) 135, 154, 156, 158, 165,
consul 44) 298, 301–3 202–3, 258–60
Cornelius Lentulus, Lucius (praetor 211 Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio, Publius
or consul 199) 40 (consul 138) 267, 270
Cornelius Lentulus, Lucius 164, 167 Cornelius Sulla, Faustus 299
372 Index
Cornelius Sulla, Lucius (consul 88) 275, Dassarenses 194
277, 280–1, 283–7 Dassaretii 63, 104, 194
Cornelius Sulla, Servius 183 decemvirate 225
Corniculum 222 Decidius Saxa 304
Cornificius, Quintus 303 Decimius, Gaius (praetor 169) 63, 105,
Coronaei, Coronea xix, 71, 73, 89, 94, 98–9 109, 133, 136, 146, 175–6
Corragus 93 Decimius, Lucius 64, 72
Corsica, Corsicans 23, 33, 38, 50, 235, Decimius, Marcus 49
237, 255, 257 Decius, Publius (Quintus in text; tribune
Coruncanius, Tiberius 236 of the plebs 120) 273
Cosa 234 Decius Mus, Publius (consul 340)
Cosconius 280 229, 231
Cosconius, Marcus (praetor 135) 268 Decius Mus, Publius (consul 312) 231
Cossyra 286 Decius Subolo, Publius 111, 168
Cotta, see Aurelius Cotta; Aurunculeius Decius Vibullius 233
Cotta Deiotarus 289
Cotys 57, 78, 83–4, 93, 112, 162, 171, Delos 23, 146, 174
213–14 Delphi xiii, 25–7, 29, 37, 42, 45, 47, 56,
Crannon 90–1 67, 69, 86, 170–1, 195, 212, 222, 226
Crassus, see Licinius Crassus Demaratus 221
Cremera 224 Demetrias 94, 129–30, 141, 188, 196
Cremona 160, 237 Demetrium 171
Creon 150 Demetrius (son of Philip) 26–7, 41, 77,
Cretans, Crete 29, 45, 49, 63, 77, 82–4, 253–4
86, 91, 102, 104, 130, 141–2, 163, 165, Demetrius I (king of Syria) 257–8, 261,
171–2, 263, 290–2 263–4, 266
Creusa 82, 118 Demetrius II (king of Syria) 266, 272
Critolaus 265 Desudaba 143
Crixus 289 Diaeus 265
Croton 246 Didas 77, 84
Crustumine territory/tribe 11, 15, 61 Didius, Titus (consul 98) 277
Cumae 17, 107 Dierus 120
Curiatius, Gaius (tribune of Digitius, Sextus (praetor 194) 25, 55, 105
the plebs 138) 267 Dinarchus 116
Curius Dentatus, Manius (consul 290) Dinon 140, 147, 188
208, 232, 234 Diodorus 164
Curtius 228 Diodotus (Tryphon) 266, 268
Cydas 130, 141 Dium 42, 65, 119–21, 123–6, 140
Cydonia 291 Dolabella, see Cornelius Dolabella
Cynoscephalae 248 Doliche 80, 119
Cyprus 176–7, 266, 271, 294, 298 Dolopes, Dolopia 25–7, 44, 67–8, 84
Cyrene 258 Domitius Ahenobarbus, Gnaeus
Cyrtii 85 (consul 192) 250
Cyzicus 22, 289 Domitius Ahenobarbus, Gnaeus (suffect
consul 162) 56, 135, 183, 200
Dalmatae 258, 273, 306, 308 Domitius Ahenobarbus, Gnaeus
Damius 145 (consul 122) 273, 276, 287
Danube (river) 144 Domitius Ahenobarbus, Lucius
Daorsi 194 (consul 54) 296
Dardani, Dardania 20–2, 26, 112, 114, Domitius Calvinus, Gnaeus
147–8, 169, 198, 255, 288–9 (consul 53) 298
 Index 373
Domitius Calvinus, Marcus Eudamus 145
(praetor 80) 288 Eulaeus 163
Domitius Calvinus Maximus, Gnaeus Eulyestae 77
(consul 283) 233 Eumenes 25, 36–7, 41–8, 53–4, 56–7,
Doris 44 67, 69, 72, 74, 79, 82–3, 85–6, 92–4,
Draudacum 113 118, 128–30, 137, 140–2, 145–6, 150,
Drilo (river) 148 170–1, 179, 184–6, 195, 203, 217, 251,
Duillius, Gaius (consul 260) 235 255–7, 263, 270
Durnium 147 Eunus 268
Dyrrachini, Dyrrachium 75, 115, 135, Euphranor (Dolopian commander) 69
148, 194, 215, 297 Euphranor 130
Euphrates (river) 295
Ebro (river) 238 Eupolemus 29
Eburones 294–5 Euripus 195
Edessa 77, 198–9 Euromenses 193
Egypt xiii, 57, 141, 174, 176–8, 216, Europe 56, 79, 174, 202
234, 256–8, 266, 271, 277, 294, 297–9 Eurydice 147
Elaea 128, 145 Evander 45, 86, 163, 165, 170–1
Elatia (in Phocis) 28 Eversa 44, 67
Elatia (in Thessaly) 81
Eleans 64 Fabian family 213, 224
elephants 57, 63, 87, 92, 101, 121–2, Fabius Buteo, Numerius (praetor 173)
135, 161–2, 179, 233, 236 31, 33, 35
Eleusis (in Egypt) 177 Fabius Buteo, Quintus
Elimea 80, 115 (praetor 181) 179
Elimiotis 199 Fabius Hadrianus, Gaius 284–5
Elpeus (river) 125–6, 137, 140, 143–4, Fabius Labeo, Quintus (consul 183)
150, 153–5, 160 183, 200
Emathia 102, 164 Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, Quintus
Emporiae 249 (consul 145) 154, 164, 167, 195,
Eordaea, Eordaei 80, 199 202–3, 211, 213
Ephesus 249 Fabius Maximus Allobroges, Quintus
Epicadus (Illyrian) 147 (consul 121) 273
Epicadus (Parthinian) 148 Fabius Maximus Gurges, Quintus
Epidamnus 115; see also Dyrrachium (consul 292) 232
Epidaurus 196, 232 Fabius Maximus Rullianus, Quintus
Epidius Marullus 300 (consul 322) 230–2
Epirotae, Epirus xiii, 28, 47, 63–4, 81, Fabius Maximus Servilianus, Quintus
98, 112, 115–17, 132–3, 193–5, 198, (consul 142) 266–7
200, 202–3, 208, 233, 248, 251, Fabius Maximus Verrucosus Cunctator,
300–1, 303, 306 Quintus (consul 233) xx–xxi, 139,
Erythrae 145–6 207, 238–9, 243–4
Esquilina (tribe) 181, 237 Fabius Pictor, Quintus (praetor 189) 215
Esquiline Gate 11 Fabricius Luscinus, Gaius (consul 282)
Esquiline (hill) 222 233–4
Etleua 147, 149 Falerna (tribe) 231
Etruria, Etruscans 15, 221, 223, 231, Falisci 74, 226, 237
233, 238, 279, 292 Father Dis 261
Ettritus 147 Faventia 286
Euboea 64, 130, 195, 199, 248, 250 Faveria 14
Euctus 163 Fidenae, Fidenates 221, 226
374 Index
Fidentia 286 Furius Crassipes, Marcus (praetor 187)
Fimbria, see Flavius Fimbria 31, 33
Firmum 160 Furius Philus, Lucius (praetor 171)
Flaminian Circus, see Circus Flaminius 56, 59, 106
Flaminian Way 237, 252 Furius Philus, Publius (praetor 174)
Flaminius, Gaius (consul 223) 237–8 23, 35, 96
Flavius, Gnaeus (curule aedile 304) 231 Furius Purpurio, Lucius (consul 196)
Flavius Fimbria, Gaius 283–4 247–8
Florentia (Vestal) 239
Fonteius, Marcus (praetor 166) 215 Gabii 18, 221–2
Fonteius Balbus, Publius Gabinius 193
(praetor 168) 134 Gabinius, Aulus 280
Fonteius Capito, Publius (praetor 169) Gabinius, Aulus (consul 58) 294
105, 109 Gades 241, 244, 297
Fonteius Capito, Titus (praetor 178) 17 Gala (father of Masinissa) 245
Fortuna Equestris, temple of Galatia, Galatians 83, 130, 145–6,
xviii, 34, 40 184–6, 203, 216–17, 251, 289
Fortuna Primigenia, shrine of 107 Galepsus 165
Fregellae, Fregellani 10, 107, 115, Gallaeci 268
229, 272 games 23, 32, 56, 101, 126, 135, 167,
Fregenae 236 201, 222, 236, 241, 265
Fulvia (wife of Marcus Antonius) 304 Gannicus 290
Fulvius, Gnaeus (praetor 167) 182 Garuli 21
Fulvius, Lucius 30 Gaul, Gauls xv, xvii, 4, 6–10, 16, 19, 21,
Fulvius, Marcus 96 26, 34, 36, 77, 79, 95, 99–100, 104, 109,
Fulvius Centumalus, Gaius 131, 137, 143–4, 147, 178, 182–3, 199,
(consul 211) 243 204, 208, 226–9, 231–2, 237–8, 240,
Fulvius Flaccus, Gaius (consul 134) 268 247, 252–3, 257, 262, 273, 276, 279,
Fulvius Flaccus, Gnaeus 281, 288–90, 293–6, 299, 301, 307
(praetor 212) 241 Gavillius, Novellus Gnaeus and Lucius 7
Fulvius Flaccus, Marcus (consul 125) Gellius Publicola, Lucius (consul 72) 290
271–3 Gellius Publicola, Lucius
Fulvius Flaccus, Marcus 105 (consul 36) 303
Fulvius Flaccus, Quintus (consul 237) Gentius 54, 57, 64, 75, 104, 112–14,
241–2 117, 140, 142, 144, 147–9, 166, 169,
Fulvius Flaccus, Quintus (consul 179) 172, 182, 193–4, 203, 209, 214–15,
xviii–xix, xxii, 30–1, 34–5, 40, 50, 56, 255–6
61, 109, 174, 255 Genusus (river) 147–8
Fulvius Nobilior, Marcus Gergovia 295
(consul 189) 251 Germania, Germans 290, 293–5, 307–8
Fulvius Nobilior, Marcus (consul 159) 60 Geryon 272
Fulvius Nobilior, Quintus Gisgo (father of Hasdrubal) 244–6
(consul 153) 262 Gisgo (son of Hamilcar) 259
Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior, Servius Gisia 244
(consul 255) 49 Gitana 64
Fundi 31 Glaucias 114
Furius, Gaius (duumvir navalis 178) Gnossus 78, 291
3, 104 Gomphi 81
Furius Camillus, Marcus (dictator 390) Gonnus 81, 87, 93, 123
208, 226–8 Gracchuris 254
 Index 375
Graviscae 18 Hiertas 287
Greece, Greeks xiii–xiv, 23, 25–6, 28, Hippias (Macedonian) 66, 77, 85,
36, 42–4, 46, 63–4, 69, 71, 73–4, 119–20, 123–4, 140, 164
77–9, 82, 85–6, 88, 94, 99–100, 103, Hippias (Thessalian) 81
111, 115, 169–70, 186, 188, 195–7, Hirpini 280
199, 201, 203, 209, 248, 252, 254–5, Hirtius, Aulus (consul 43) 301
264, 266, 272, 281, 297, 301–3 Hirtuleius, Lucius 288
Gulussa 51–2, 97, 259–61, 264 Histiaeces 150
Gymnesians 272 Homolium 65
Gyrton 81 Horatius Cocles 223
Horreum 193–4
Hadria 232 Hortensius, Lucius (praetor 170) xix,
Haliacmon (river) 80 xxii, 99, 102–3
Haliartus 71, 73, 82, 89 Hortensius, Quintus (dictator 287) 232
Hamilcar (Carthaginian commander in Hortensius, Quintus (son of
the Second Punic War) 243–5, 247 the orator) 304
Hamilcar (father of Gisgo) 259 Hostilius, Gaius 136, 146
Hamilcar (father of Hanno) 180 Hostilius Mancinus, Aulus (consul 170)
Hammonius 264 99, 101–2, 104, 112, 118–19
Hannibal (commander of Carthaginian Hostilius Mancinus, Gaius (consul 137)
fleet) 235 267–8
Hannibal xv–xvi, xx, 35, 77, 188–9, Hostilius Mancinus, Lucius
208, 238–43, 245–6, 248–50, 253 (consul 145) 265
Hanno (Carthaginian commander in the Hydramitis 263
First Punic War) 235 Hypata 29
Hanno (Carthaginian commander in the
Second Punic War) 240–1, 245 Iapydes 100, 272, 306
Hanno 180 Idaean Mother 245, 250
Harpalus 44–5 Iguvium 215
Hasdrubal (son of Hamilcar) 240, 243 Ilerda 296
Hasdrubal (son of Gisgo) 244–6 Ilienses 8, 14
Hasdrubal (Carthaginian commander in Ilium 284; see also Troy
the Third Punic War) 262, 264–5 Illyrians, Illyricum xiii, 3, 20, 43, 54,
Hasdrubal (grandson of Masinissa) 264 56–7, 63–4, 67, 72, 95, 98, 104,
Hellespont 199 112–15, 117, 128–9, 137, 140, 142,
Helvetii 275, 293 144, 146–9, 153, 168–9, 174, 182–4,
Heniochi 292 188, 193–5, 198–9, 202, 209, 214–15,
Heraclea Pontus 82 237, 255–6, 258, 268, 274, 297, 306–7
Heraclea Sintice 77, 165, 197 Inachus (river) 115
Heracleum 119, 122, 125–7, 154 India xiii, 79, 174
Hercules 272 Indibilis 245
Herdonea 243 Insubres 237, 247–9
Hergates 21 Intercatia 260
Hernici 224, 229 Iolcus 129–30
Herophon 141, 145 Ion 84, 172
Hiberi 292 Ionian Sea 75
Hiempsal 273 Isauri 288
Hierius Asinius 279 Ismenias 65, 70–1
Hiero 235, 240 Issa, Issaei 54, 75, 104, 194
Hieronymus 240 Isthmus 46, 196, 265
376 Index
Istria, Istrians xviii, 3–16, 95, 100, Juventius Thalna, Manius (consul 163)
237, 254 103, 182, 187
Italian allies 7, 11, 16–17, 23, 33, 55–6, Juventius Thalna, Publius
62, 85, 104, 106, 117, 137, 161, 178, (praetor 149) 264
214, 237, 278, 280, 285–6 Juventius Thalna, Titus (praetor 194) 55

Janiculum (hill) 223, 232, 254, 282 Knossos, see Gnossus

Jerusalem 292
Jews 292, 305 Labeatae, Labeatis (territory and lake)
Juba 297–9 113, 140, 148–9, 194
Jugurtha 273–5 Labienus, Quintus 304–5
Julia 294 Lacedaemonia, Lacedaemonians 78, 190,
Julius, Gaius (military tribune with 196, 236, 248–50
consular power 387) 226 Laelius, Gaius (consul 190) 25, 100, 244,
Julius, Lucius (praetor 166) 215 246, 251
Julius Caesar, Gaius (dictator) ix, xxii, Lagid dynasty xiii
293–300, 302, 307–8 Lampsaceni, Lampsacus 101
Julius Caesar, Lucius (consul 90) Lanuvium 17, 24, 34, 182, 282
279, 282–3 Laodice 264
Julius Caesar, Lucius (consul 64) 302 Laodicia 303
Julius Caesar, Sextus (consul 157) 99 Lapathus 119, 123
Julius Caesar, Sextus 299 Lapicini 21
Julius Caesar Octavius, Gaius (the Larinum 168
emperor Augustus), see Augustus Larisa 65–6, 69–70, 74, 80–1, 87, 94,
Julius Caesar Strabo, Gaius 282–3 112, 124
Julius Vercondaridubnus, Gaius 308 Larisa Cremaste (‘Hanging’ Larisa) 82
Junius, Lucius 183 Latin allies, Latins 7, 10–11, 16–17, 23,
Junius Brutus, Decimus 235 33, 36, 40, 55, 62, 97, 104, 106, 137,
Junius Brutus, Lucius (consul 509) 161, 178, 214, 221–3, 229, 237, 278
222–3 Latin Festival xi, 17–18, 41, 62, 109,
Junius Brutus, Marcus (consul 178) 7, 9, 134–5, 137, 139
12–13, 71, 96, 108, 174 Latinius, Titus 224
Junius Brutus, Marcus (praetor 88) Lebadia 195
286–7 Lentulus, see Cornelius Lentulus
Junius Brutus, Marcus 288 Leonides 78
Junius Brutus, Marcus (praetor 44) Leonnatus 77, 85
300–3 Lepidus, see Aenilius Lepidus
Junius Brutus Albinus, Decimus (consul Lesbos 200
designate 42) 296, 299–302 Letum 19–20
Junius Brutus Callaicus, Decimus Leucas 200, 248
(consul 138) 267–8, 272 Leucate (cape) 118
Junius Brutus Damasippus, Lucius lex Oppia 249
(praetor 82) 285 lex Sempronia 270
Junius Pennus, Marcus (consul 167) Liberty, Hall of 110, 181
40–1, 48, 182–3, 186 Libethrum 122
Junius Silanus, Decimus Licinia 259
(praetor 141) 267 Licinia (Vestal) 274
Junius Silanus, Marcus (praetor 212) 243 Licinius, Gaius 193
Junius Silanus, Marcus (consul 109) 274 Licinius Crassus, Gaius (consul 168)
Juno Lacinia, temple of xviii, 34, 56 40–1, 50–1, 54–5, 84, 134–5, 137–8,
Juno Moneta, temple of 38, 181 167–8, 177–8, 183
 Index 377
Licinius Crassus, Marcus (son of the Lucretius, Gallus Gaius (praetor 171)
consul of 97) 283 56, 59, 62, 75, 82, 89, 99–100, 102–3
Licinius Crassus, Marcus (consul 30) 307 Lucretius Gallus, Marcus (tribune of the
Licinius Crassus, Publius (consul 171) plebs 172) 48, 75, 82
xix, 16–17, 55–6, 59–60, 62–3, 75, Lucretius Ofella, Quintus 286–7
81, 83–6, 88, 92–4, 99–100, 102, 255 Lucretius Tricipitinus 222
Licinius Crassus, Publius (consul 131) 270 Lucumo 221
Licinius Crassus, Sextus (or Sextus Luna 15, 21, 104, 179
Lucilius, tribune of the plebs 87) 283 Lusitani, Lusitania 9, 254, 257, 260, 262,
Licinius Crassus Dives, Marcus 266, 268, 272, 293
(consul 70) 290, 293–6, 308 Lutatius Catulus, Gaius (consul 242)
Licinius Lucullus, Lucius 207, 237
(consul 151) 260 Lutatius Catulus, Quintus (consul 102) 276
Licinius Lucullus, Lucius (consul 74) Lutatius Catulus, Quintus (consul 78)
289–90 288, 291
Licinius Murena, Gaius (actually Marcus Lutatius Cerco, Gaius (probably
Valerius Corvus, consul 348) 231 praetor 175) 20, 37
Licinius Murena, Lucius (praetor 88) 286 Lychnidus 104–5, 115, 137
Licinius Nerva, Aulus (praetor 166) 8–9 Lycia, Lycians 8–9, 29, 45, 132, 188,
(or next), 63, 135, 215 192–3
Licinius Nerva, Gaius (praetor 167) 8–9 Lyciscus 64, 196
(or previous), 182 Lycon 78
Licinius Nerva, Gaius 168, 214 Lyctus 291
Licinius Stolo, Gaius (consul 364 Lydians 79
or 361) 228 Lyncestae 199
Licinius Strabo, Marcus 5 Lysias (tutor of Antiochus V) 257
Ligures, Liguria 7, 14–16, 18–21, 33,
36, 38–40, 41, 49–51, 54–5, 62, 103, Macedonia, Macedonians xiii–xvii,
215, 237, 245, 250, 252–5, 257–8, 272 xx, xxii–xxiv, 20, 21, 24–8, 34,
Ligustinus, Spurius 61–2 36–7, 41–3, 45–8, 52, 54–61,
Lilybaeum 286 63–4, 67–9, 72–3, 75–81, 83–4,
Lissus 114, 147 87–90, 92–5, 97–102, 104–9,
Liternum 208, 252–3 112–19, 121, 123–4, 127–48, 150,
Livius Drusus, Marcus 153–7, 159–62, 164, 167–9,
(consul 112) 274 172–4, 178–9, 182–4, 188–9,
Livius Drusus, Marcus (tribune of the 192–3, 17–207, 209–212, 214–16,
plebs 91) 278 240–1, 243–4, 247–9, 253–9,
Livius Drusus Nero Claudius, Marcus 263–7, 279–80, 283, 300
(Augustus’ stepson) x, 307–8 Macedonia, Gulf of 128
Livius Salinator, Gaius (consul 188) Machares 290
106, 189 Maedica 143
Livius Salinator, Marcus (consul 219) Maelius, Spurius 226
243–4, 246 Maenius, Quintus (praetor 170)
Locri 75, 245 99, 101, 103
Loracina (river) 99 Magius, Gnaeus 299
Loryma 174 Magnesia 81, 93–4, 125, 128, 283
Lucani 232–4, 241, 278, 280 Mago 238, 240–1, 244–5, 247
Lucanus 280 Malea (cape) 82
Lucretia 221–2 Malian territory 67
Lucretius, Spurius (praetor 172) 40–1, Malloea 94
48, 124–5 Mamertines 235
378 Index
Mamilius Atellus, Gaius (praetor 207) 24 Marcius Scylla, Quintus (tribune
Mandonius 245 of the plebs 172) 50
Manilius, Gaius (tribune of Marcius Sermo, Marcus (tribune of the
the plebs 66) 291 plebs 172) 50
Manilius, Manius (consul 149) 261, 264 Marcolica 169
Manilius, Publius 183 Marene 93
Manlian family 227 Marius, Gaius (consul 107) 275–7,
Manlius, Acidinus Lucius (quaestor 168) 279–83, 285, 300
76, 179 Marius, Gaius (consul 82) 281, 285–6
Manlius, Gnaeus (praetor 72) 290 Marius Egnatius 279
Manlius, Lucius (praetor 79) 288 Marius Gratidianus 286
Manlius Acidinus, Manius 76 Maronea 102, 186, 197
Manlius Acidinus Fulvianus, Lucius Marrucini 160, 278–80
(consul 179) 50, 76, 174 Marsi 231, 278–80
Manlius Capitolinus, Marcus 227 Masgaba 179–80, 216
Manlius Capitolinus Imperiosus, Lucius Masinissa 24, 51–2, 57, 63, 79, 97, 101,
(dictator 363) 228 179–80, 216, 241, 243–6, 255,
Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus, Titus 258–61, 264
(consul 347) 228–9 Massilia, Massilians 35, 258, 272, 296–7
Manlius, Manius 76 Massiva 274
Manlius (Mallius) Maximus, Gnaeus Massylii 241, 244–5
(consul 105) 275 Mastanabal 264
Manlius Torquatus, Aulus Mater Matuta, temple of 32
(consul 164) 182 Matienius, Gaius (or Marcus,
Manlius Torquatus, Titus praetor 173) 31, 33, 96
(consul 235) 240 Matienius, Gaius 267
Manlius Torquatus, Titus (consul 165) Mauretania 297
106, 267 Media 305
Manlius Vulso, Aulus (consul 178) Megalopolis, Megalopolitans 22, 29, 196
xvii–xviii, 8–10, 12–13, 96, 174 Meleon 116
Manlius Vulso, Gnaeus (consul 189) 251 Meliboea 129–30, 165
Marcia (Vestal) 274 Memmius, Gaius (praetor 172)
Marcian verses 241 29, 40–1, 55
Marcius, Lucius 242 Memmius, Gaius (tribune of
Marcius Censorinus, Lucius the plebs 111) 277
(consul 149) 261 Memmius, Titus 100
Marcius Coriolanus, Gnaeus 224 Memphis 176–7
Marcius Figulus, Gaius (consul 156) Menecrates 141
105, 109, 118–19, 127–30, 258 Menenius Agrippa 223
Marcius Figulus, Titus 107 Meno 84
Marcius Philippus, Lucius Menophilus 154
(consul 91) 285 Messana 188, 303
Marcius Philippus, Quintus (consul 186, Messenians 64, 253
169) xix–xx, xxii, 24, 64–74, 82, 105, Meteon 140, 149
109, 118–21, 124–7, 129–130, 132, Methymna 200
195, 255 Metrodorus 140
Marcius Philippus, Quintus (son of Metellus, see Caecilius Metellus
previous) 120 Mettius Fufetius 221
Marcius Rex, Publius 96 Micipsa 264, 273
Marcius Rex, Quintus (consul 118) 273 Micythio 102–3
 Index 379
Midon 84, 150, 164 Nepheris 265
Milesians 101 Nervii 294, 308
Minerva (promontory) 49 Nesactium 13
Minervium 182 Nessus (river) 197–8
Minturnae, Minturnians 107, 281 New Carthage 242, 244
Minucia 229 Nicaea 258
Minucius, Lucius 226 Nicias 127
Minucius, Quintus 29 Nicomedes II (king of Bithynia) 215–16,
Minucius Rufus, Marcus (consul 221) 257, 263
207, 239 Nicomedes IV Philopator (king of
Minucius Rufus, Marcus (consul 110) 275 Bithynia) 279–80, 288
Minucius Rufus, Titus 81 Nile (river) 136, 177, 298
Minucius Thermus, Lucius 10 Nitiobroges 275
Misacenes 57, 87, 92, 94, 121, 180 Nola 240, 279, 287
Mithridates 280–1, 283–4, 286–7, Norbanus, Gaius (consul 83) 285, 287
289–93, 298 Numa Pompilius 221, 253–4
Mitys (river) 124 Numantia, Numantines 266–70
Moesi 307 Numidia, Numidians 51–2, 63, 79, 87,
Molossis 193 92, 94, 132, 241, 244–6, 259, 264,
Monunius 147 273–5, 287
Moors 275 Numisius, Gaius (praetor 177) 10
Mopselus 87, 91, 93 Numisius Tarquiniensis, Titus 183
Morcus 140 Numistro 243
Mucius Scaevola 223 Numitor 221
Mucius Scaevola, Publius (consul 175) Nunnius, Aulus (elected tribune of the
20–1, 108 plebs for 100) 276
Mucius Scaevola, Quintus (consul 174) Nymphaeum 63, 76, 80
76, 85, 94, 96
Mucius Scaevola, Quintus (consul 95) Oaeneum 113
277, 285 Oblivion (river) 268
Mummius, Lucius (praetor 177) 10, 12 Octavia 304, 306, 308
Mummius, Lucius (consul 146) 265–6 Octavius, Gnaeus (consul 165) 111–12,
Munatius, Gaius 36 134–5, 137, 139, 147, 150, 153–4, 165,
Munatius Plancus, Lucius (consul 42) 302 170, 172, 196–7, 202, 204, 208–9, 213
Munda 299 Octavius, Gnaeus (consul 87) 282
Mutila 14 Octavius, Marcus (tribune of
Mutina 15, 18–19, 253, 301–2 the plebs 133) 270
Mylassenses 193 Odomantian territory 169
Myonnesus 251 Odrysae 57, 78, 162
Mysians 83 Oeta, Oetaei (mountains) 25–6
Mytilene 287 Olcinium 193–5
Olonicus 98, 255
Nabis 248–50 Olympia 196
Naevius, Marcus (tribune of Olympio 140
the plebs 184) 252 Olympus (mountain) 123, 125
Naevius Balbus, Lucius 179 Onesimus 133
Naples 75, 230 Opillia (Vestal) 224
Narbo 307 Opimia (Vestal) 239
Narbonnensis 293 Opimius, Lucius (consul 121) 272–3
Neon 163, 200 Opimius, Quintus (consul 154) 258
380 Index
Opitergini 297 Patavium (Padua) ix, 30
Oppius, Gaius (tribune of Patrocles 84
the plebs 215) 249 Pelagones, Pelagonia 198–9
Oppius, Quintus (praetor 89) 281 Pelium 202
Orestae 64 Pella 68, 77, 93, 122, 127, 140, 142, 144,
Oreus 98, 130, 147 162–6, 198–9, 202
Oricum 202–3 Peloponnese 27, 37, 64, 71, 111, 199
Oroandes 171–2 Pelusium 136, 176–7
Oropus 195 Penestae 112–15, 117, 128
Orthobula 29 Peneus (river) 65, 82, 86–7, 123, 123, 198
Orthosia 193 Pergamum xiii, 48, 69, 82, 130, 145, 184,
Ossa (mountain) 81, 129 203, 248, 251, 256, 263, 270, 284
Ostia 221, 282 Perperna, Marcus (consul 130) 271
Otolobus 119 Perperna, Marcus (envoy to Genetius)
Oufentina (tribe) 231 144, 149
ovation 31 Perperna Vento, Marcus (praetor 82)
288, 290
Paeligni 10, 160, 162, 231, 278–80 Perrhaebia, Perrhaebians 37, 44, 63, 80,
Paeones, Paeonia 77, 84, 143, 197–8 94, 119, 144, 154–5
Palaepharsalus 118 Perseus xiii–xiv, xvi–xvii, xix–xx, xxiv,
Palatina (tribe) 237 3, 20–1, 24–8, 34, 36–7, 41–9, 52–4,
Palatine (hill) 250 56–8, 60, 63–6, 70–2, 74, 76–85,
Pallene 128, 199 88–93, 101–5, 112–24, 127–33,
Pamphylia, Pamphylians 131, 189 136–7, 139–47, 150, 153, 155,
Pannonii 306, 308 157–65, 167, 169–75, 178, 180, 182,
Pantaleon 46 184, 186, 188–91, 193, 195–8, 200,
Pantauchus 66, 140, 144, 148, 153, 164 202–3, 207–15, 253–9, 263
Papinus (mountain) 178 Persian empire 174
Papirius, Lucius 230 Perusia 304
Papirius Carbo, Gaius (praetor 168) Pessinus 245
134, 178 Petillius, Lucius 254
Papirius Carbo, Gaius (consul 120) 271 Petillius, Lucius (envoy to Gentius)
Papirius Carbo, Gnaeus (consul 113) 274 144, 149
Papirius Carbo, Gnaeus (consul 85) Petillius, Quintus (tribune of
282, 284, 286–7 the plebs 187) 252
Papirius Cursor, Lucius (consul 326) Petillius Spurinus, Quintus (consul 176)
230–1 16–20
Papirius Maso, Lucius (praetor 176) 16 Petitarus (river) 116
Papirius Turdus, Gaius (tribune of the Petra 150, 212
plebs 177) 8–9 Petreius, Marcus (praetor 64) 296, 298–9
Papius Mutilus, Gaius 287 Phacus 123, 127, 165–6
Parma 19, 253 Phalanna 81, 91
Parmenio 140 Phalasarna 78
Parnassus (mountain) 46 Phameas Himilco 264
Paroria 77 Phanae 145, 174
Parstrymonia 77 Phanote 115–16, 193
Parthians 271, 277, 292, 294–6, Pharnaces 292, 298
304–6, 308 Pharsalia 297
Parthini 115, 117, 148 Pherae 83
Passaron 193, 195, 202 Phila 93, 119–20, 125, 153
 Index 381
Philadelphus 306 Pompeius, Gnaeus (son of Pompey
Philetaurus 82 the Great) 298–9
Philip II xiii, 172, 174 Pompeius, Lucius (military
Philip V xvi, 26–8, 36, 41–2, 53, tribune 171) 91
58, 61, 64–6, 71–2, 76, 78, 88, Pompeius, Quintus (consul 141) 266, 271
101, 103, 119, 133, 141, 189, 191, Pompeius, Quintus (son of the
208, 211, 240–1, 243–5, 247–50, consul of 88) 281
253–4, 265 Pompeius, Sextus (son of Pompey the
Philip (Carthaginian gigolo) 252 Great) 298–9, 303, 305–6
Philip (Perseus’ son) 78, 164, 172–3, Pompeius Bithynicus (praetor 45) 303
197, 209 Pompeius Magnus, Gnaeus (Pompey the
Philip (pretender), see Andriscus Great, consul 70) ix, 285–98, 300, 303
Philip (second pretender) 266 Pompeius Rufus, Quintus (consul 88) 281
Philippi 303 Pompeius Strabo, Gnaeus (consul 89)
Philippus (commander at Cassandrea) 129 279–81, 285
Philocrates 192 Pomponius, Marcus (tribune of
Philopoemen 250, 253 the plebs 362) 228
Philostratus 116–17 Pomponius, Marcus (tribune of
Phoenicia 292 the plebs 167) 187
Phraates 271, 292 Pomptina (tribe) 228
Phrygia, Phrygians 79, 245, 281, 289 Pomptine marshes 258
Phthiotic Achaea 25, 94 Pomptine territory 34
Phthiotic Alope 82 Pontia 231
Phylace 193 Pontinus, Gaius (praetor 63) 293
Picentes, Picentum 234, 278–9 Pontius, Gaius, 232
Pieria 124–5, 127, 136, 163 Pontus 280–1, 289–90, 292, 298–9
Piraeus 195 Popillius 302
Pirustae 194 Popillius Laenas, Gaius (consul 172)
Pisa, Pisani 7, 14, 16, 19, 21, 39, 104, 40–1, 50, 55–6, 108, 111, 116, 136,
179, 182–3 146, 174–8, 190, 256
Pisaurum 31, 253 Popillius Laenas, Marcus (consul 173)
Piso, see Calpurnius Piso 16, 17, 29, 31, 33, 38–41, 49–51, 60,
Placentia 4, 160, 237, 252–3 96, 118, 121–2, 124–6, 129
Plaetorius, Gaius 54 Popillius Laenas, Marcus (consul 139) 267
Plator 147 Popillius Sabellus, Gaius 7
Plautius Hypsaeus, Gaius Poppaedius Silo 280
(praetor 146) 266 Porcius Cato, Gaius (consul 114) 274
Plautius Hypsaeus, Publius Porcius Cato, Gaius (tribune of
(praetor 55) 295 the plebs 56) 294
Plautius Silvanus, Marcus (tribune of the Porcius Cato, Lucius (consul 89) 279–80
plebs 89) 282 Porcius Cato, Marcus (consul 195)
Pleminius 245 xv, xxiv, 61, 96, 192, 249, 252–4,
Pleuratus (exile staying with Perseus) 259–62, 264
114, 128 Porcius Cato, Marcus (praetor 54)
Pleuratus (Gentius’ father) 147 294–6, 298–9
Pleuratus (Gentius’ son) 149 Porcius Licinus, Lucius 55
Plotius, Aulus 279 Porsenna 223
Po (river) 50, 237, 297 Posideum (cape) 128
Polyaratus 140, 147, 188 Posidonia 234
Polybius xiii–xv, 217 Postumius, Gaius 172
382 Index
Postumius, Lucius (praetor 90) 279 Ptolemy Apion (king of Cyrene) 277
Postumius Albinus, Aulus Publicius (street) 31
(consul 242) 237 Publicius Malleolus 276
Postumius Albinus, Aulus (consul 151) Publilia 259
170, 197, 260 Publilia (tribe) 228
Postumius Albinus, Aulus (consul 99) Publilius, Gaius 230
274, 280 Publilius Philo, Quintus
Postumius Albinus, Lucius (consul 339) 230
(consul 234) 240 Punic War, First 49, 207, 261; Second
Postumius Albinus, Lucius (consul 173) 172, 180, 207, 209, 238, 249; Third
8, 9, 31, 33, 39–40, 48, 63, 96, 108, 259, 261
161, 195, 254 Puteoli 11, 179–80
Postumius Albinus, Lucius Pydna xiv, xvii, 123–4, 127, 162,
(consul 154) 181 164–5, 212
Postumius Albinus, Spurius Pyrenees (mountains) 238, 276
(consul 334) 230 Pyrrhus 35, 74, 208, 233–4, 250
Postumius Albinus, Spurius (consul 174) Pythium 80, 119, 150, 154
71, 96 Pytho (commander of
Postumius Albinus Luscus, Aulus Cassandrea) 129
(consul 180) 30–1, 40, 63, 109, 183 Pytho (father of Onesimus) 133
Postumius Albinus Regillensis, Aulus
(consul 496) 223 Quinctilius Varus, Publius
Postumius Albinus Regillensis, Publius (praetor 203) 135
(military tribune with consular Quinctilius Varus, Publius
power 414) 226 (praetor 166) 215
Postumius Megellus, Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, Lucius
(consul 305) 232 (dictator 458) 224, 226
Potentia 31, 253 Quinctius Crispinus, Titus
Pothinus 298 (consul 208) 243
Praeneste, Praenestini 33–4, 96, 216, Quinctius Flamininus, Gaius
227, 286 (praetor 177) 10
Praxo 45, 47 Quinctius Flamininus, Lucius
Privernates, Privernum 34, 229–30 (consul 192) 106, 248, 252–3
prodigies xii, xxi–xxii, 11, 15–16, 18, Quinctius Flamininus, Titus (consul 198)
34, 49, 107, 135, 182, 234, 12, 32, 61, 88, 248–9, 253
248, 250 Quinctius Flamininus, Titus (consul 150)
Proxenus 29 32, 214–15
Prusias 42, 56, 128, 131, 141, 215–17, Quirina (tribe) 237
253, 257, 263–4 Quirinal (hill) 107, 222
pseudo-Philip, see Andriscus
Pteleon/um 69, 94 Raecius, Manlius (praetor 170) 104–5
Ptolemaic dynasty xiii Raeti 307
Ptolemy II (Philadelphus) 234 Rammius 47, 67
Ptolemy VI (Philometor) and VII 37, 54, Reate 107
57, 136, 176–8, 190, 203, 216, Red Sea 79, 174
256–8, 266 Remus 221
Ptolemy VIII Physcon (Euergetes II) Rhegini, Rhegium 75, 233–4
266, 271 Rhine (river) 294, 307–8
Ptolemy XII (Auletes) 294 Rhinocolura 176
Ptolemy XIII 297–8 Rhizon 193–5
 Index 383
Rhodes, Rhodians xiii, 8–9, 22, 29, 45, Scribonius Libo, Lucius (tribune of
49, 54, 72–3, 82, 131–2, 140, 145–7, the plebs 149) 262
153, 169, 174–5, 186–93, 247–8, 251, Scultenna (river) 14, 19
255–7, 277, 281, 287 Selepitani 194
Rhône (river) 276, 308 Seleucia 266
Romulus 221 Seleucid dynasty xiii
Roscius, Lucius 291 Seleucus IV Philopator (king of Syria)
Rupilius, Publius (consul 132) 270 42, 254, 257
Rutilius, Publius (tribune of Seleucus V, son of Demetrius II 272
the plebs 169) 110, 133 Sempronia 271
Rutilius Calvus, Publius Sempronius, Tiberius (tribune of the
(praetor 166) 215 plebs 167) 204
Rutilius Lupus, Publius Sempronius Asellio, Aulus (praetor 89)
(consul 90) 279 279
Rutilius Rufus, Publius (consul 105) 277 Sempronius Blaesus, Gaius 99
Sempronius Gracchus, Gaius (tribune of
Sabatina (tribe) 227 the plebs 123) 270–2
Sabines 31, 61, 221, 223, 225, 232 Sempronius Gracchus, Tiberius
Sacriportus 286 (consul 215) 240–1
Saguntines, Saguntum 238, 247 Sempronius Gracchus, Tiberius
Salassi 266, 307 (consul 177) 8–11, 14, 18, 29, 32, 61,
Sallentine territory, Sallentines 234, 236 108–10, 133, 181, 252, 254
Salluvii 272–3, 279 Sempronius Gracchus, Tiberius
Salonius, Gaius 36 (augur, d. 174) 24
Salvidienus, Quintus 303–4 Sempronius Gracchus, Tiberius
Samnites, Samnium 10, 160, 229–34, (tribune of the plebs 133)
278–80, 282, 286–7 269–72
Samos 82, 189 Sempronius Longus, Gaius 24
Samothrace, Samothracians 53, 77, Sempronius Longus, Tiberius
142, 165–6, 168, 170–2, 186, 197, (consul 194) 24
211–12, 256 Sempronius Longus, Tiberius
Sardinia, Sardinians xvii, 8, 10–11, 14, (father of the consul 194) 24
17–18, 23, 32–3, 38, 41, 56, 59, 105, Sempronius Musca, Tiberius 179
109, 134, 178, 182, 215, 235, 237, 254, Sempronius Sophus, Publius
272, 285 (consul 268) 236
Sardis 203 Sempronius Tuditanus, Gaius
Saturn, temple of 24, 31 (praetor 197) 248
Saturnia 49 Sempronius Tuditanus, Gaius
Scerdilaedus 149 (consul 129) 272
Sciathus 130 Sempronius Tuditanus, Marcus
Scipio, see Cornelius Scipio (consul 185) 24, 182
Scordisci 21, 268, 274 Sempronius Tuditanus, Publius
Scodra 114, 148–9, 153, 193–4 (consul 204) 246
Scordus (mountain) 114, 148 Sena 232
Scribonius Curio, Gaius Senones 227, 232
(praetor 193) 24 Sentius, Gaius (praetor 94) 277
Scribonius Curio, Gaius (consul 76) Sequani 293, 302
288–9 Sergius Catilina, Lucius (praetor 68)
Scribonius Curio, Gaius (tribune 292–3
of the plebs 50) 296–7 Sergius Silus, Marcus 160
384 Index
Sertorius, Quintus (praetor 83) Spain, Spanish xvii–xviii, 8–9, 11, 17,
282, 288–90 23, 29–31, 33–5, 40–1, 48, 56, 59,
Servilius, Marcus 106 61, 96–8, 105, 107, 109, 134, 169,
Servilius, Quintus (praetor 91) 278 182, 205, 208, 215, 238–45, 249,
Servilius Ahala, Gaius (master of 253–5, 258, 260, 266–8, 276,
horse 439) 226 288–90, 294, 297–9
Servilius Caepio, Gnaeus (consul 203) 24 Spartacus 289–90
Servilius Caepio, Gnaeus (consul 169) Spoletini, Spoletium 113, 215, 237
23, 35, 52, 105–6, 109, 133, 135, 137 Statellates, Statellatian territory 38–9,
Servilius Caepio, Quintus (consul 140) 267 49–50
Servilius Caepio, Quintus (consul 106) 275 Stellatina (tribe) 227
Servilius Caepio, Quintus Stertinius, Lucius (quaestor 168) 180
(praetor 91) 279 Stobi 198
Servilius Glaucia, Gaius Stratius 185–6
(praetor 100) 277 Strato 303
Servilius Pulex Geminus, Marcus Stratus 115–16
(consul 202) xxi, 205–10 Strymon (river) 164–5, 197–8, 202
Servilius Vatia Isauricus, Publius Stuberra 112–14
(consul 79) 288 Styni 273
Servius Tullius 221–2 Sublician bridge 223
Seuthes 78 Subota (island) 145
Sextilia (Vestal) 234 Suburana (tribe) 237
Sextilis (month) 307 Suessa, Suessiones 231, 293
Sextius, Titus (praetor 45) 303 Sulla, see Cornelius Sulla
Sextius Calvinus, Gaius (consul 124) 273 Sulpicius Galba, Gaius (praetor 171)
Sextius Sextinus Lateranus, Lucius 24, 56, 59, 62, 95
(consul 366) 228 Sulpicius Galba, Publius (consul 211)
Sibylline books/oracles 24, 238, 245 61, 243–4, 247
Sicilians, Sicily 10, 17, 23, 33, 41, 55–6, Sulpicius Galba, Servius (consul 144)
59, 75, 105, 107, 109, 134, 137, 182, 204–6, 210, 257, 260, 262
188, 215, 234, 240–1, 243–5, 265, Sulpicius Galba, Servius (praetor 91)
268, 270, 277, 287–8, 291, 278–80
303, 305 Sulpicius Galus, Gaius (consul 166) 96,
Sicimina (mountain) 178 105, 108–10, 133, 157, 195, 197, 215,
Sicinius, Gnaeus (praetor 183, 172) 15, 257, 262
40–1, 47–8, 50, 55, 59, 63, Sulpicius Rufus, Publius (tribune of the
74, 100 plebs 88) 280–1
Sicyon 196 Sulpicius Rufus, Servius
Sigeum 145 (consul 51) 296
Silvii 221 Surenas 295
Sintice, see Heraclea Sintice Susus 78
Sinuessa 24, 31 Sycurium 81–3, 88, 90–1
Sirae 169 Syllus 78
Smyrna 303 Synnada 203
Solo 293 Syphax 172, 209, 241, 244–6, 259
Solon 164 Syracusans, Syracuse 15, 235, 240–1, 245
Solouettius 203 Syria 38, 54, 136, 141, 176, 178, 189,
Sopater 93 248, 250, 254, 256–8, 261, 263–4, 266,
Sophonisba 246 268–9, 271–3, 276, 278, 292, 294,
Sora 231 296, 299, 303–5; see also Coele Syria
 Index 385
Tarentine territory, Tarentini, Tarentum Thessalians, Thessaly 25–7, 36–7, 44,
3, 133, 233–4, 241, 243 53, 63–5, 67, 74, 81, 85, 87, 93–5,
Tarentum (in Rome) 261 112, 118–19, 123–4, 127, 129–30,
Tarquinii (Etruscan city) 221 144, 166, 169, 195, 199, 248, 255, 263,
Tarquinii (family) 223 283, 297
Tarquinienses 223, 229 Thessalonica 84, 93, 127, 129, 140, 146,
Tarquinius, Arruns 223 150, 153, 164, 172, 198–9
Tarquinius, Sextus 221–2 Thrace, Thracians 21, 28, 43, 48, 57,
Tarquinius Collatinus, Lucius 222–3 77–9, 83, 85–6, 93, 112, 144, 160,
Tarquinius Priscus, Lucius 221–2 163–5, 171, 174, 213–14, 253, 255,
Tarquinius Superbus, Lucius 221–3, 275 268, 274–5, 277, 279–80, 283–4,
Tarraco 244 288–90, 293, 303, 307–8
Taulantii 194 Thrasippus 77
Taurus Mountains 69, 76, 251 Thurii 232
Tecmon 193–4 Thyrrheum 111
Tectosagi 251 Tiber (river) 31, 168, 204, 223, 232
Tegea 22 Tibur, Tiburtes 96, 229
Telesinus 286 Ticinus (river) 238
Tempe 81, 87, 93, 123–5 Tigranes (king of Armenia) 290–2
temples, listed by deity Tigranes (son of above) 292–3
Tencteri 308 Tigurini (Gallic) 275
Tenedos 145 Timavus (lake) 3–4
Terentina (tribe) 231 Timotheus 93
Terentius Culleo, Quintus Tisippus 196
(praetor 187) 63 Titinius, Marcus (praetor 178) 7–8, 11,
Terentius Culleo, Quintus 246 17, 29, 96
Terentius Tuscivicanus, Publius 183 Titurius Sabinus, Quintus 294
Terentius Varro, Aulus (praetor 184) Tolostobogi 251
54, 183 Tolumnius 226
Terentius Varro, Gaius Torone 128–9, 199
(consul 216) 239 Torone, Gulf of 128
Terentius Varro, Marcus 296–7 Toutomotulus 273
Terentius Varro Lucullus, Marcus Trasimene (lake) 238
(consul 73) 290 Trebellius Fregellanus, Marcus 115
Termestini 266 Trebia (river) 238
Teuticus 149 Trebonius, Gaius (suffect consul 45)
Teutoni 276 294, 296, 300–1
Thapsus 299 Tremellius, Gaius 36
Theaedetus 192 Tremellius, Gnaeus (praetor 159) 181, 258
Thebans, Thebes 42, 44, 67–8, Tremellius Scrofa, Lucius
70–1, 73–4, 90, 94, 111, 200, (quaestor 143) 266
248, 265 Treveri 295
Theodotus (of Passaron) 193–4 Trigemina Gate 31
Theodotus (tutor of Ptolemy XIII) 298 Tripolis (Perrhaebia) 80, 94
Theogenes 150 Tripolis Scaea 82
Theondas 170–1 triumph xviii, xxi, 9, 15–16, 32, 50, 58,
Theoxena 253 62, 75, 139, 204–14, 230, 232, 235–6,
Thermopylae 188, 250, 265 244, 246–51, 254, 257, 265–6, 270,
Thespiae 70 275–6, 287, 293, 299, 302, 307
Thesprotians 115, 117 Trocmi 251
386 Index
Trojan War x Vatinius, Publius (consul 47) 294, 301
Tromentina (tribe) 227 Veientes, Veientine territory, Veii 24,
Troy 195 34, 135, 221, 223–4, 226–7
Tuccia (Vestal) 237 Velia 182
Tullia 221–2 Velina (tribe) 237
Tullius Cicero, Marcus (consul 63) Veliocasses 276
x, 277, 292–3, 297, 302 Veneti, Venetia 30, 294
Tullius Cicero, Quintus 295 Ventidius, Publius 304–5
Tullus Hostilius 221 Venus, temples of 31, 300
Turnus Herdonius 221 Vercingetorix 295
Tusculum 18 Vertomarus 237
Tymphaea 199 Vesta, Vestals 224, 229, 234, 237, 239,
244, 254, 274, 285
Umbrians 231, 234, 279 Vestini 160, 278, 280
Uria 75 Vetilius, Marcus 266
Uscana 104, 112–15 Veturia 224
Utica, Uticans 246, 261, 298–9 Veturius, Titus 230
Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus,
Vaccaei 254, 260, 268–9 Tiberius 24
Valentia 267 Vibius Pansa, Gaius (consul 43) 301
Valerius, Marcus 182 Villius Annalis, Lucius (praetor 171)
Valerius Antias (the historian) xiv, 30, 56, 59
41, 130, 211, 215, 275 Viminal (hill) 222
Valerius Corvus, Marcus (consul 348) Vindalium 273
228–9 Vindicius 223
Valerius Flaccus, Lucius Vipsanius Agrippa, Marcus 305, 307
(consul 195) 252 Virginia 225
Valerius Flaccus, Lucius Virginius 225
(consul 100) 284 Viriathus 266–7
Valerius Flaccus, Lucius (suffect Viruomandui 293
consul 86) 283 Voconius Saxa, Quintus 254
Valerius Laevinus, Gaius (suffect consul Volaterra 287
176) 10, 18–20, 29, 37, 46–7, 108 Volcae 238
Valerius Laevinus, Lucius Volsci 221–2, 224–7, 229
(consul 280) 233 Volturnus (river) 240
Valerius Laevinus, Marcus Volumnia 224
(consul 220) 241 Volustana 119
Valerius Laevinus, Marcus Vortumnus, statue of 133
(praetor 182) 85 Vulsinienses, Vulsinii 232, 235
Valerius Maximus Messalla, Manius
(consul 263) 236 Xanthippus 236
Valerius Messalla, Marcus (consul 188) Xenarchus 25–8
25, 56
Valerius Messalla Corvinus, Marcus
(suffect consul 31) 303
Valerius Publicola, Publius (suffect
consul 509, consul 507) 223
Valerius Triarius, Gaius 291
Vardaei 268
Varenus, Publius 289