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Learning Go Web Development
Nathan Kozyra
BIRMINGHAM - MUMBAI
Learning Go Web Development
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[i]
Table of Contents
[ ii ]
Table of Contents
[ iii ]
Preface
Thank you for purchasing this book. We hope that through the examples and
projects in this book, you'll move from being a Go web development neophyte to
someone who's able to take on serious projects intended for production. As such,
this book tackles a lot of web development topics at a relatively high level. By
the end of the book, you should be able to implement a very simple blog that
accommodates display, authentication, and commenting with an eye towards
performance and security.
Chapter 2, Serving and Routing, talks about producing responsive servers that react
to certain web endpoints. We'll explore the virtues of various URL routing options
beyond net/http.
Chapter 4, Using Templates, covers the template packages to show how we can present
the data that we're using and modifying to the end user.
Chapter 5, Frontend Integration with Restful APIs, takes a detailed look at how to create
an underlying API to drive both the presentation and the functionality.
Chapter 6, Sessions and Cookies, maintains state with our end users, thus allowing
them to retain information, such as authentication, from page to page.
[v]
Preface
Chapter 8, Logging and Testing, talks about how a mature application will require
both testing and extensive logging to debug and catch issues before they make it
to production.
Chapter 9, Security, will focus on the best practices for web development in general
and review what Go provides for the developer in this space.
Chapter 10, Caching, Proxies, and Improved Performance, reviews the best options
for ensuring that there are no bottlenecks or other issues that could negatively
impact performance.
Conventions
In this book, you will find a number of text styles that distinguish between different
kinds of information. Here are some examples of these styles and an explanation of
their meaning.
Code words in text, database table names, folder names, filenames, file extensions,
pathnames, dummy URLs, user input, and Twitter handles are shown as follows:
"For example, to get started as quickly as possible, you can create a simple hello.go
file anywhere you like and compile without issue."
[ vi ]
Preface
if (n == 0) {
return 0
} else {
return n * 2
}
}
When we wish to draw your attention to a particular part of a code block, the
relevant lines or items are set in bold:
routes := mux.NewRouter()
routes.HandleFunc("/page/{guid:[0-9a-zA\\-]+}", ServePage)
routes.HandleFunc("/", RedirIndex)
routes.HandleFunc("/home", ServeIndex)
http.Handle("/", routes)
New terms and important words are shown in bold. Words that you see on the
screen, for example, in menus or dialog boxes, appear in the text like this: "The first
time you hit your URL and endpoint, you'll see We just set the value!, as shown in
the following screenshot."
Reader feedback
Feedback from our readers is always welcome. Let us know what you think about
this book—what you liked or disliked. Reader feedback is important for us as it helps
us develop titles that you will really get the most out of.
[ vii ]
Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:
the rate of infant mortality reaches 40, and even 45, per mille. In
corresponding English districts it does not rise above 20.
For the last twenty-five years individual thinkers have proclaimed the
importance of organizing German colonies to carry off this surplus
population regularly, of preventing its absorption into foreign
peoples, and of utilizing it for the common weal. For years their
exhortations remained like the voice of one crying in the wilderness.
The country was engaged in consolidating its national existence; a
superficial glance revealed the fact that the more desirable spaces of
the earth’s surface were filled up, and the official classes looked
upon the proposal askance. Proud of the great work its industry and
intelligence had already achieved, the Beamtenstand was confident
of its ability to solve the newer problems by re-adjusting the
relations of labor and capital, and by modifying the social
organization.
The task has proved more formidable than was anticipated, and the
attitude of the Socialists has disabused the bureaucracy of its
confidence. In opposition even to the enticing schemes of the Iron
Chancellor they show themselves determined to insist on their own
inadmissible scheme of social re-construction. Nor do they manifest
more favor towards the colonial panacea; some of their leaders,
indeed, have denounced it in the bitterest terms, both as
impracticable and as an ignis fatuus likely to lead the nation astray
from the true path of salvation. On the other hand, the commercial
classes are warm in its support, and German conservatism generally
hopes for the effect which a Greater Germany may possibly exercise
in diverting the imagination of the working classes from internal
Utopias.
But the difficulties in the way of establishing transmarine agricultural
colonies, and this is the central aim of German aspirations, are very
great. Germany has to make up the lee-way of two centuries, to
recover the start which England obtained while she was torn and
exhausted by recurring war. The suitable zones of the world are
apparently already occupied, and neither the acquisition of islands in
the Pacific, nor placing barren coasts or fever-swamps in Africa
under the Imperial ægis, will serve her purpose. Popular aspirations,
indeed, point to a South African Empire, incorporating the Transvaal
and Cape Colony at our expense, and influential papers do not
hesitate to air these aspirations. But neither these suggestions nor
the more practicable demand for a Germany in South America have
yet received the imprimatur of responsible politicians.
IV.
A like necessity for making up lost lee-way dominates the
simultaneous movement towards commercial extension. Germany
entered the commercial arena long after England had covered the
globe with the network of her shipping routes and her credit system.
To reduce the advantage gained, and to bring up their own lines to a
level, a subvention is to be paid out of the national revenues. An
examination of the four subsidized lines originally proposed, to
China, Australia, Bombay, and South Africa, shows that they were
meant to compete directly with existing English routes. In the same
way the projected Transmarine Bank is to contend with the
ubiquitous English banking and credit organization, of which the
Germans are forced to avail themselves. Indeed, the Cologne
Gazette has lately computed that by the use of English carrying
ships, and by the payment of bank commissions, &c., Germany
contributes a tax of £25,000 a day to the wealth of this country.
Handicapped, however, as German commerce has been, it has lately
made great strides over-seas, thanks to its distinguishing qualities of
thrift and industry. German competition is felt severely in the Far
East, and has cut down profits at Hongkong to a minimum. And
though the bulk of the foreign trade of China remains with the
English, the coasting trade is rapidly passing into German hands. In
South America they have secured a still larger share of her trade;
their agents are active in the Pacific; and, besides the new territory
of Lüderitzland, more than sixty factories have recently been
established along the African coast, from Sierra Leone to Ambriz,
while German influence had apparently gained a temporary
advantage in Zanzibar. The demand for new markets is the more
urgent now in Germany because the largest of her previous markets,
Russia, is being closed against her. Not content with having
sheltered themselves already behind an almost prohibitive tariff, the
Moscow manufacturers, alarmed at the success with which their
German rivals have transferred their plant into Russian Poland, in
spite of the difficulties and expense, now clamor for a Customs line
to be drawn between the Polish provinces and inner Russia.
The loud demand for new markets is not, however, really so urgent,
or sustained by such pressing causes, as the cry for colonial
settlements. It may be doubted whether Germany’s penurious soil
possesses in itself sufficient mineral and other resources ever to
allow her to contend with this country as the great manufacturer of
the raw products of the world.
It is rather England who must seek new outlets for her commerce,
as her old markets are exhausted or shared among new competitors,
while the amount of human energy she supplies, and its more than
proportionate productiveness, steadily increase, owing to acquired
skill and improved machinery. Germany’s first need, on the other
hand, is for habitable and agricultural colonies, where her surplus
population may be planted, and may not be lost to her. There is,
therefore, no immediate cause of hostile rivalry; and German
expansion, with its orderly and commercial instinct, may be regarded
as a valuable influence in the spread of civilization.
V.
In discussing German movements, however, it is impossible, at the
present time, to omit reckoning with the views of the great
statesman who controls her destinies. Prince Bismarck has been
variously represented as reluctantly putting himself at the head of a
colonial agitation which he really deprecates, and as using it merely
in order to discomfit domestic opponents, or to make foreign
Governments feel his weight abroad. No doubt these last two
reasons have had some effect in shaping the Chancellor’s actual
policy. But Prince Bismarck appears to have needed no prompting for
appreciating the necessity of colonial expansion, and to have given it
his serious reflection long before the present Colonization Society
met at Eisenach. In the days of the North German Confederacy, the
rising Minister lent all his influence to the proposals of the firm of
Godeffroys Bros. for the annexation of the Samoa group. A scheme
was drawn up, dividing the land among military settlers, grants of
arms were made from the Royal Arsenals, and the Hertha the first
continental iron-clad which steamed through the Suez Canal, was
despatched to give a vigorous support. Before the last
arrangements, however, were completed, the Franco-German war
intervened, with the internal consolidation and the diplomatic
struggles which succeeded it.
But Prince Bismarck had not abandoned his early ideas; he was
waiting till the time was ripe. In 1875 he made a tentative effort,
without success, to wring a guarantee from the Reichstag for a new
South Sea Company. Next year he was pressed to give his support to
a proposed railway from Pretoria to the sea. He refused, but in
private made the following significant statement to the intermediate
agent:—
“The colonial question is one I have studied for years. I am
convinced Germany cannot go on for ever without colonies, but as
yet I fail to perceive deep traces of such a movement in the country.”
Those deep traces have now been revealed, and it remains to be
seen whether the Iron Chancellor will not be able, in spite of the
apparently insuperable objects in his way, to give practical effect to
the aspirations of the German nation, and to his own earnest
conviction.—National Review.
GEORGE SAND.
On the 8th June, 1876, George Sand, the great French novelist, died
at her château of Nohant in Berri. The strong right hand that for
forty years had been used in the service of her countrymen,
sometimes to delight, sometimes to admonish, had dropped the pen
in death; the noble heart that, with all its faults and all its deviations
from the strict line of social conventionality, had yet ever sided with
the weak against the strong, the oppressed against the oppressor,
had ceased to beat, and even in the frivolous, heartless capital
where she had lived, men went about knowing they had sustained
an irreparable loss and that a blank had been made in their lives that
would never be filled.
She was the last of that illustrious fraternity of chosen spirits that
flourished fifty years ago in France, of whom Victor Hugo is the sole
survivor. Lamartine, Théophile Gautier, Michelet, Alfred de Musset,
Balzac, George Sand, were the names that then resounded in the
literary world of Paris, while now Emile Zola and Alexandre Dumas
fils are its principal adornments. George Sand and Balzac’s novels
form as it were the connecting link between the world of romance of
the eighteenth century and our own. She has carried the idealism of
Jean Jacques’ “Nouvelle Héloïse,” and the poetry of Chateaubriand’s
“Renée” into our prosaic nineteenth century, while Balzac presented
to his contemporaries as vivid reflections of life as any to be found in
the pages of “Manon Lescaut” or “Gil Blas.” The authoress of
“Indiana” is the high-priestess of the romantic school; the author of
“Le Père Goriot” the exponent of the realistic.
Balzac, her fellow-worker, used to say: “You seek men as they ought
to be; I take them as they are. I idealise and exaggerate their vices;
you their virtues.”
By further study of her life and correspondence, we shall know how
true this observation is, and how this striving after ideal perfection
not only influenced her literary work, but caused so much of that
eccentricity and rebellion against social laws which shocked her
contemporaries and has made her name a by-word in the mouths of
those who could not appreciate her genius, or realise the tenderness
and nobility of soul that were hidden under her unfeminine exterior.
The publication of her letters (looked forward to with so much
impatience) has recently taken place, and the veil has been still
further torn from those domestic relations well known to have been
unhappy. Were they written by any one but the authoress of “Elle et
Lui,” we should have regretted their appearance as indiscreet, and
wanting in loyalty towards one no longer able to protest against the
secrets of her life being dragged forth to amuse the crowd. A
frequent charge however brought against George Sand is the want
of delicacy she has shown in taking the world into her confidence.
“Charity towards others, dignity towards myself, sincerity before
God,” is the motto prefixed to the “Histoire de ma Vie.” She certainly
is both charitable and sincere, but we must agree with her enemies
in thinking it an open question whether, so far as concerns herself,
she has observed a dignified reserve. Indeed, on various occasions
she defiantly proclaimed, “That all hypocrisy was distasteful to her,
and that it would have been the recognition of those acts as
irregularities which were but the legitimate exercise of her liberty,
had she been ashamed of them or endeavored to keep them secret.”
The autobiography was unfortunately revised and corrected in 1869,
and considerably spoilt in the process. These letters are the more
interesting, therefore, as throwing sudden lights on varying moods,
and showing the rejection of many heterodox opinions at first, which
were afterwards accepted without hesitation.
“La vie ressemble bien plutôt à un roman, qu’un roman à la vie,” she
says, and certainly no heroine of one of her own romances could be
more interesting as a study than she is, with her gentleness and
“bavardages de mère” one moment, and her violent casting off of all
domestic duties the next. Touching appeals are made to Jules
Boucoiran, the tutor, to tell her whether her children ever mention
her name, and directly after there is the following exultant
declaration:
“Ainsi, à l’heure qu’il est, à une lieue d’ici, quatre mille bêtes me
croient à genoux dans le sac, et dans la cendre, pleurant mes
péchés comme Madeleine. Le réveil sera terrible. Le lendemain
de ma victoire, je jette ma béquille, je passe au galop de mon
cheval aux quatre coins de la ville.”
Comfort was soon found however in her work, and in the schoolgirl
friendships that she formed, some of which lasted her lifetime.
In 1820, when sixteen, she returned to Nohant. Her grandmother
died in the following year; and then, although often suffering from
her mother’s irritable and capricious temper, she seems to have
enjoyed perfect liberty: riding, walking, and reading; devouring
everything that came into her hands, from Thomas à Kempis to Jean
Jacques Rousseau. On one occasion, kneeling before the altar in the
chapel, she was seized with a paroxysm of devotion and talked of
becoming a nun. To this succeeded complete emancipation in her
religious opinions, and a refusal even to conform to the observances
of her Church. A quarrel with her confessor accomplished the
separation from orthodoxy. She became a deist, and remained so for
the rest of her life, making art her religion, and passing through all
the phases of pessimism and Saint-Simonianism that prevailed in her
day.
In 1822, to escape the solicitations of her mother, she consented to
marry Monsieur Dudevant, son of one of the barons of the Empire.
She describes in her autobiography how one evening, when sitting
outside Tortoni’s eating ices after the theatre, she heard a friend
(Madame Duplessis) say to her husband: “See, there is Casimir!”
Whereupon a slight, elegant young man of military bearing came up
to salute them. Her fate was sealed from that day. They were
married in September 1822, she being only eighteen. After paying a
few visits they returned to live at Nohant. The letters begin
consecutively after the birth of her first child, and are written at odd
times, and from different places—sometimes in the middle of the
night, while all the household were asleep, the lightning flashing and
the thunder rolling; sometimes in a garret overlooking a narrow little
street of the town of Châtre, at six o’clock in the morning, the
nightingales singing outside and the scent of a lilac-tree pervading
the air; sometimes at her grandmother’s old bureau in the hall at
Nohant, with all her family round her.
The portion of the “Correspondence” which will take readers most by
surprise is that describing the first years of her married life. There is
no desire here “to lose her identity in the great conscience of
humanity!” her heart seems perfectly satisfied bending over her
cradle, and her mind entirely occupied with the “concrete duties” of
manufacturing soothing syrups and amusing her children.
“My son is splendidly fat and fresh,” she writes to her mother.
“He has a bright complexion and determined expression, which
I must say is borne out by his character. He has six teeth which
he uses with great vigor, and he stands beautifully on his feet,
though too young to run alone.”
Meantime the artistic leaven was working within her. On one of her
flying visits to Paris she entered the Louvre and felt singularly “taken
possession of” by the beautiful pictures around her.
“You know my home life, and how intolerable it is! You yourself
have often been astonished to see me raise my head the day
after I had been crushed to the earth. But there is a term to
everything. Events latterly have hastened the resolution which
otherwise I should not have been strong enough to take. No
one suspects anything; there has been no open quarrel. When
seeking for something in my husband’s desk I found a packet
addressed to myself. On it were written these words: ‘To be
opened after my death.’ I opened it however at once. What did I
find? imprecations, anathemas, insulting accusations, and the
word ‘perversity.’”
“Happy he who plants cabbages,” says she. “He has one foot on
the earth, and the other is only raised off it the height of the
spade. Unfortunately for me, I fear if I did plant cabbages I
should ask for a logical justification for my activity, and some
reason for the necessity of planting cabbages.”
Hers is not a nature that must be judged coldly. What right have we
to say that she was to clip the wings of her genius, pass her years in
the service of conventionality, and never seek the full development
of her artistic nature? When she left the home of her childhood with
pilgrim’s staff and scrip to start along the thorny path that led to the
shrine of art, she was not actuated by any weak and wayward desire
of change, but by the vehement and passionate desire to give forth
to the world what was locked within her breast.
The beginning of her life in Paris was one of considerable poverty
and privation. She lived au cinquième in a lodging, which cost her a
yearly rent of £12; she had no servant, and got in her food from an
eating-house close by for the sum of two francs a day. Her washing
and needlework she did herself. Notwithstanding this rigid economy,
it was impossible to keep within the limits of her husband’s
allowance of £10 a year, especially as far as her dress was
concerned.
After some hesitation therefore she took the resolution, which
caused so much scandal then and afterwards, of adopting male
attire.
“My thin boots wore out in a few days,” she tells us in the
autobiography. “I forgot to hold up my dress, and covered my
petticoats with mud. My bonnets were spoilt one after another
by the rain. I generally returned from the expeditions I took,
dirty, weary, and cold. Whereas my young men acquaintances—
some of whom had been the companions of my childhood in
Berri—had none of these inconveniences to submit to. I
therefore had a long gray cloth coat made with a waistcoat and
trousers to match. When this costume was completed by a gray
felt hat and a loose woollen cravat, no one could have guessed
that I was not a young student in my first year. My boots were
my particular delight. I should like to have gone to bed with
them. On their little iron heels I wandered from one end of Paris
to the other; no one took any notice of me, or suspected my
disguise.”
Still her destiny urged her forward, and she was more than ever
resolved, in spite of the difficulty, to follow a literary career:
“My life is restricted here, but I feel that I now have an object. I
am devoted to one task, and indeed to one passion. The love of
writing is a violent, almost an indestructible one; when once it
has taken possession of an unfortunate brain it never leaves it
again.... I have had no success: my work has been found
unnatural by people whose opinion I have asked.... Better
known names must take precedence of mine, that is only fair:
patience, patience.... Meantime I must live on. I am not above
any work. I write even articles for Figaro. I wish you knew what
that meant; but at least they pay me seven francs a column;
and with that I can eat, drink, and go to the play, which is an
opportunity for me to make the most useful and amusing
observations.
“If one wishes to write, one must see everything, know
everything, laugh at everything. Ah, ma foi, vive la vie d’artiste!
notre devise est liberté.”
She thus describes her mornings spent in the editorial offices of the
Figaro:
She painted the most vivid portraits of the various eminent men
whose aid she sought, and who invariably tried to dissuade her from
embarking on a literary career. Balzac, when she first knew him,
lived in an “entresol” in the Rue de Cassini.
“Indiana” was signed for the first time by her nom de plume George
Sand.
Her former romance, “Rose et Blanche,” had been written in
collaboration with M. Jules Sandeau. It appeared under the name of
Jules Sand. When “Indiana” was finished Delatouche, who undertook
to publish it, advised its authoress to change the name of Jules to
George. She did so, and henceforth in literature and society was
known by no other name but George Sand.
“Indiana” was a genuine success, and made a considerable stir in
Paris. The imperfections of its construction were forgiven for the
eloquence of its passion and the beauty of its style; and the only
words on every one’s lips for some days after its appearance, were,
“Have you read ‘Indiana’? You must read ‘Indiana.’”
Even her severe friend Delatouche was stirred out of his critical
frame of mind. She describes his clambering up to her garret, and
finding a copy of “Indiana” lying on the table.
The following extract from one of her letters written after the
publication of “Indiana” shows how modest she remained in the
midst of her success:
In spite of her literary success the year 1833 was one of the most
unhappy of George Sand’s life. We know the lines addressed to her
by Mrs. Browning:
“True genius, but true woman! dost deny The woman’s nature
with a manly scorn, And break away the gauds and armlets
worn By weaker women in captivity? Ah, vain denial! That
revolted cry Is sobbed in by a woman’s voice forlorn,— Thy
woman’s hair, my sister! all unshorn, Floats back dishevelled,
strength in agony, Disproving thy man’s name: And while before
The world thou burnest in a poet-fire, We see thy woman’s
heart beat evermore Through the large flame.”
“I ought to be able to enjoy this independence bought at so
dear a price,” she writes to her friend M. François Rollinat, “but I
am no longer able to do so. My heart has become twenty years
older, and nothing in life seems bright or gay. I can never feel
anything acutely again, either sorrow or joy. I have gone
through everything and rounded the cape; not like those easy-
going nabobs who repose in silken hammocks under the
cedarwood ceilings of their palaces, but like those poor pilots
who, crushed by fatigue, and burnt by the sun, come to anchor,
not daring to expose their fragile bark to the stormy seas.
Formerly they led a happy life, full of adventure and love. They
long to begin it again, but their vessel is dismasted, and the
cargo lost.”
Alas! the “fragile bark” was tempted once more to put to sea, this
time freighted with the rich cargo of all the love and all the hope of
her passionate woman’s heart.
In the “Histoire de ma Vie” she touches very slightly on the episode
of her journey to Venice with Alfred de Musset, and in the
“Correspondence” we only read the following significant words,
written to M. Jules Boucoiran from Venice on April 6, 1834:
“Alfred has left for Paris. I shall remain here some time. We
have separated, for months, perhaps for ever. God knows what
will become of me now. I feel still, however, full of strength to
live, work, and endure.”
He suffered more than she. After lying six weeks in a brain fever
hovering between life and death, he returned to his family broken
down in health and spirits—“I bring you,” he writes to his brother, “a
sick body, a grieving soul, and a bleeding heart, but one that still
loves you.”
He declared later, when the anguish had passed, that,
“Your letter is as good and true as your heart; but I send you
back this page of it, which is absurd and quite out of place. No
one must write in such terms to me. If you criticise my costume,
let it be on other grounds. It is really better you should not
interfere at all. Read the parts I have underlined, they are
astoundingly impertinent. I don’t think you were quite
responsible when you wrote them. I am not angry and am not
less attached to you, but I must beg you not to be so foolish
again. It does not suit you....
“My friends will respect me just as much, I hope, in a coat as in
a dress. I do not go out in male habiliments without a stick, so
do not be afraid ... and be assured I do not aspire to the dignity
of a man. It seems to me too ridiculous a position to be
preferable to the servitude of a woman. I only wish to possess
to-day, and for ever, that delightful and complete independence
which you seem to imagine is your prerogative alone. You can
tell your friends and acquaintances that it is absolutely useless
to attempt to presume on my attire or my black eyes, for I do
not allow any impertinence, however I may be dressed.”
She became Republican, almost Communistic in her views, founded
a paper, the Cause du Peuple, and contributed to another, the
Commune de Paris.
“It seems to me,” she writes to her son, “that the earth belongs
to God, who made it and has given it to man as a haven of
refuge. It cannot therefore be His intention that some should
suffer from repletion, while others die of hunger. All that any
one can say on the subject will not prevent me from feeling
miserable and angry when I see a beggar man moaning at a
rich man’s door.
“If I say all this to you, however, you must not repeat it or show
my letter. You know your father’s opinions are different. You
must listen to him with respect, but your conscience is free, and
you can choose between his ideas and mine. I will teach you
many things if you and I ever live together. If we are not fated
to enjoy this happiness (the greatest I can imagine, and the
only thing that would make me wish to stop on earth), you will
pray God for me, and from the bosom of death, if anything
remains of me in the Universe, my spirit will watch over you.”
“You wish to write,” she says to her lovely young friend, the
Comtesse d’Agoult. “Then do so by all means. You are young, in
the full force of your intelligence and powers. Write quickly and
don’t think too much. If you reflect, you will cease to have any
particular bent, and will write from habit. Work while you have
genius, while the gods dictate to you. I think you will have a
great success, and may you be spared the thorns which
surround the blessed flowers of the crown of glory. Why should
the thorns pierce your flesh? You have not wandered through
the desert.”
When death came, she met it simply and bravely, like the great soul
that she was. “Laissez la verdure” were the last words she spoke. No
one at first understood what she meant, and thought she was
delirious, but afterwards they remembered that she had always
expressed a dislike to slabs and crosses on the graves of those she
loved, so they left a mound of grass to mark her resting-place.
As we read the works of the two great female novelists of the
century, George Eliot and George Sand, a comparison inevitably
suggests itself to our minds. They both had the same passionate
sympathy with the trials and sufferings of humanity, the same love
and reverence for all that was weak and lowly. No intellectual
aristocracy existed for them; they loved the crowd, and tried to
influence the crowd. It is curious they should both have made the
same observation, the one on hearing Liszt, the other on hearing
Mendelssohn play: “Had I any genius, that is the form I should have
wished to take, for then I could have spoken to all my fellow-men.”
George Sand was ever seeking ideal perfection, and in that search
often lost the right road and “wandered in the desert.” George Eliot
accepted life with that calm resignation that was part of her nature;
she was more restrained and less passionate than her French sister.
The one, while at school, reproaches herself for her coldness and
inability to feel any enthusiasm about the prayer-meetings in vogue
among her companions. The other cast herself on her knees one day
in a fit of devotion, and for weeks declared that she would become a
nun.
There is as much divergence in the artistic work they produced as in
their characters. George Sand, without having the perfection of
construction and finish that distinguish George Eliot, far surpasses
her in the delineation of her female characters. George Eliot never
described a woman of genius, while George Sand has written
Consuelo and the Comtesse Rudolstadt, both of them types of the
femme artiste, with all her weakness and all her greatness.
In the painting of human love, also, the French novelist is infinitely
stronger than the English one. We linger with absorbing interest over
the suffering and passion of Indiana and Valentine, while we yawn
over the conversations between Dorothea and Will Ladislaw, or
Deronda and Myra. George Eliot herself has said, “That for
eloquence and depth of feeling no man approaches George Sand.”
We have seen a photograph done of George Sand shortly before she
died. The face is massive, but lit up by the wonderful eyes through
which the soul still shines. An expression of tenderness and gentle
philosophy hovers round the lips, and we feel almost as though they
would break into a smile as we gaze. She became latterly like one of
those grand old trees of her own “Vallée Noire,” lopped and maimed
by the storms and struggles of life, but ever to the last putting forth
tender shoots and expanding into fresh foliage, through which the
soft winds of heaven whisper, making music in the ears of those
weary wayfarers who pause to rest beneath their shade.—Temple
Bar.
SOME INTERESTING WORDS.
One of the most interesting results of the study of language is the
elucidation which it affords of the history of mankind. In the larger
sphere of comparative philology, important discoveries regarding the
relations of various races have been made. In some cases a common
origin has been proved for the widely dissimilar languages of
different nations; in others, the influence of one people upon its less
civilised neighbors is clearly shown. If, on the other hand, we confine
our inquiries to our own language, the historical associations which it
presents are no less interesting. The successive races which
predominated in the early days of the history of Great Britain, have
each left its impress upon our language, in which Celtic, Latin,
Saxon, Danish, and Norman elements are strangely intermingled.
Even now, our commercial intercourse with the inhabitants of every
quarter of the globe is ever enriching our vocabulary with borrowed
terms and phrases. Hence, it is hardly to be wondered that such a
composite language affords an ample field for research. We may
trace in it the gradual progress of civilisation, and follow the changes
of national ideas and feelings, the elevation of some words, the
debasement of many others. We may recognise the half-forgotten
names of men once famous for their characters and achievements,
and of places once renowned for their produce and manufactures.
Finally, we may recall states of society which have long since passed
away, and find in modern phrases vestiges of the manners and
customs of other days.
It is to these records of the minor details of life that we would briefly
call attention, as an investigation possessing the double interest of
investing with greater reality the history of the past, and of throwing
a new light on the bearing of words otherwise inexplicable. This
class of words has undoubtedly been increased by startling
derivations, due more to the imagination and ingenuity of their
inventors, than to any certain foundation in fact. But even those
which are universally recognised form a considerable category, from
which we may select a few of the more interesting specimens.
We would first remind our readers of the derivations of two words
applied to a peculiar form of wealth—the substantive fee and the
adjective pecuniary, which, though so widely different in form, recall
to us the same idea through the vehicle of different languages. They
are both taken from words—the one Saxon, the other Latin—
signifying “cattle,” and thus take us back to the times when flocks
and herds were the chief property of our ancestors, the evidence as
well as the source of their wealth. It is curious how, from this first
signification, the words came to be considered applicable to wealth
of any kind, and have now become almost limited in meaning to
property in the form of money. To the same days of primitive
simplicity we may also undoubtedly attribute the word rivals, when
the pastoral dwellers by the same stream (Latin rivus) would not
unfrequently be brought into unfriendly competition with each other.
Some words and expressions are derived from the time when but
few persons could boast of what we should consider the most
elementary education. The word signature, for example, had a more
literal application in the days when the art of writing was known but
to a few monks and scholars, and when kings and barons, no less
than their humbler followers, affixed their cross or sign to any
document requiring their assent. Again, when we speak of abstruse
calculations, we make unthinking reference to the primitive method
of counting by means of pebbles (calculi), resorted to by the
Romans.
It is remarkable how many of the terms relating to books and the
external materials of literature refer primarily to the simple materials
made use of by our ancestors to preserve their thoughts and the
records of their lives. In book itself, it is generally acknowledged we
have a proof of how a primitive race, generally believed to have
been the Goths, employed the durable wood of the boc or beech-
tree on which to inscribe their records. Library and kindred words in
our own and other modern languages indicate the use of the liber or
inner bark of a tree as a writing material; while code, from caudex,
the trunk of a tree, points to the wooden tablets smeared with wax
on which the ancients originally wrote. The thin wooden leaves or
tablets were not like the volumina, rolled within one another, but,
like those of our books, lay over one another. The stilus, or iron-
pointed implement used for writing on these tablets, has its modern
form in our style, which has come to be applied less to the manner
of writing than to the mode of expression. Hence its significance has
been extended so as to apply to arts other than that of composition.
As advancing civilisation brought to the Western world the art of
making a writing material from strips of the inner rind of the
Egyptian papyrus glued together transversely, the word paper was
introduced, to be applied as time went on to textures made of
various substances. The Greek name of the same plant (byblos)
gives us a word used with reference to books in the composite forms
of bibliographer, bibliomania, and so forth. It is worthy of remark
that in England, as well as in France, Germany, and other European
countries, the simple form of this Greek word for book, our Bible,
has come to be restricted to One Book, to the exclusion of all others.
From scheda, a Latin word for a strip of papyrus rind, has also
descended our schedule.
The transition from tablets to paper as a writing material has also a
monument in volume, which, in spite of its significance as a roll of
paper, is applied to the neatly folded books which have taken the
place of that cumbrous form of literature. More than one instance of
a similar retention of a word the actual signification of which is
completely obsolete, might easily be adduced. The word indenture
refers to an ancient precaution against forgery resorted to in the
case of important contracts. The duplicate documents, of which each
party retained one, were irregularly indented in precisely the same
manner, so that upon comparison they might exactly tally. A vignette
portrait has also lost the accompaniment which alone made the
name appropriate, namely, the vine-leaves and tendrils which in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries usually formed its ornamental
border. The directions in the English Prayer-book, again, are still
known as rubrics (Latin ruber, red), although it is now the exception
rather than the rule to see them printed as originally, in red letters.
Once more, we apply without any sense of incongruity the name of
pen (from Latin penna, a feather) to all those modern appliances
which rival, if they have not yet superseded, the quill, to which alone
the word is really appropriate.
Several words come down to us derived from customs connected
with election to public offices. The word candidate (from Latin
candidus, white), is one of these. It was customary among the
Romans for any suitor for office to appear in a peculiar dress
denoting his position. His toga was loose, so that he might show the
people the scars of the wounds received in the cause of the
commonwealth, and artificially whitened in token of fidelity and
humility. Again, ambition—a word of which the significance has been
widened to embrace the most overpowering of all the passions of
the human heart—refers primarily to the practice of these same
candidates of repairing to the forum and other places of public
resort, and their “going round” (Latin ambientes) among the people,
endeavoring to ingratiate themselves by friendly words and
greetings. From the ancient practice of secret voting by means of
“balls,” we have the word ballot, which is erroneously applied to all
secret voting, even when, as in the case of our parliamentary
elections, voting-papers, and not balls, are employed. Nor must we
omit another word of similar origin—that is, ostracism. This word
signified among the Greeks the temporary banishment which might
be inflicted by six thousand votes of the Athenian people upon any
person suspected of designs against the liberty of the state. The
name arose from the votes being recorded upon a bit of burnt clay
or an earthenware tile shaped like a shell (Gr. ostrakon, a shell). It is
closely allied to the Greek ostreon, or Latin ostrea, an oyster. A
somewhat similar practice existed among the Syracusans, where it
went by the name of petalism, from the leaf (Gr. petalon) on which
the name of the offender was written. With the caprice of language,
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