5/15/25, 8:58 AM Sudanese civil war (2023–present) - Wikipedia

Sudanese civil war (2023–present)

A civil war between two major rival factions of the military government of Sudan began
during Ramadan on 15 April 2023. The two opponent factions consist of the Sudanese Armed Sudanese civil war (2023–present)
Forces (SAF) under Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) Part of the Sudanese Civil Wars
and its allies (collectively the Janjaweed coalition) under the Janjaweed leader Hemedti.
Minor factions have also participated in the fighting, allying with either major combatant or
remaining opposed to both; these include the Darfur Joint Protection Force; the SLM (al-
Nur) under Abdul Wahid al-Nur; and the SPLM-N under Abdelaziz al-Hilu. Fighting has been
concentrated around the capital city of Khartoum (the largest and initial battle of the war)
and the Darfur region.[27][28][29]

As of 14 November 2024, at least 61,000 people have died in Khartoum State alone, of which
26,000 were a direct result of the violence.[30] As of 5 February 2025, over 8.8 million were
internally displaced and more than 3.5 million others had fled the country as refugees,[26]
and many civilians in Darfur have been reported dead as part of the Masalit massacres.[31]

The war began with attacks by the RSF on government sites as airstrikes, artillery, and
gunfire were reported across Sudan. The cities of Khartoum and Omdurman were divided
between the two warring factions, with al-Burhan relocating his government to Port Sudan as
RSF forces captured most of Khartoum's government buildings. Attempts by international
powers to negotiate a ceasefire culminated in the Treaty of Jeddah in May 2023, which failed
to stop the fighting and was ultimately abandoned.[32] Military situation as of 14 May 2025[10][11]
Controlled by Sudanese Armed Forces and allies
Over the next few months, a stalemate occurred, during which the two sides were joined by Controlled by Rapid Support Forces
rebel groups who had previously fought against Sudan's government. By mid-November, the Controlled by SPLM-N (al-Hilu)
Minni Minnawi and Mustafa Tambour factions of the Sudan Liberation Movement officially Controlled by allied Rapid Support Forces and SPLM-N (al-
joined the war in support of the SAF, alongside the Justice and Equality Movement Hilu)
(JEM).[5][4] In contrast, the Tamazuj movement joined forces with the RSF, while the Controlled by SLM (al-Nur)
Abdelaziz al-Hilu faction of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement–North attacked SAF
(Detailed map)
positions in the south of the country.[7][33][34]
(Engagements)
In October 2023, momentum began to swing toward the RSF, as the paramilitary defeated
army forces in Darfur and made gains in Khartoum State, Kordofan, and Gezira State. Since Date 15 April 2023 – present
The Sudan Liberation
February 2024, the SAF has made gains in Omdurman. Since June 2024, the RSF has made (2 years and 1 month)
Movement/Army is a
gains in Sennar State. Further negotiations between the warring sides have produced no Location Sudan (with spillovers
Sudanese rebel into Ethiopia,
group Chad, South
active
significant results, while many countries have provided military or political support for either Sudan,
in and CentralSudan.
Darfur, African It was
al-Burhan or Hemedti.[35][36] In February 2025, the SAF made notable gains in Khartoum Republic) [12][13][14][15][16]
founded as the Darfur
and Khartoum North (alternatively referred to as Bahri).[37] In March 2025, the SAF retook
Status Liberation
Ongoing Front by
Khartoum, including the Presidential Palace and the airport, from the RSF.[38][39]
Territorial members of three indigenous
Rapid
ethnicSupport
groups Forces occupy most
in Darfur: the of Darfur,
In August 2024, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) Famine Review changes
and
F parts h of Z Khartoum
h State,d White
h Nile and
Committee (FRC) confirmed famine conditions in parts of North Darfur.[40]
Kordofan.[17][18]
SPLM-N (al-Hilu) occupies parts of South
Kordofan.[19][20][21]
Background
SLM (al-Nur) control parts of Darfur
Since gaining independence in 1956, Sudan has experienced 20 military coup attempts, the Since 26 September 2024, the RSF loses
most of any African nation.[41] Sudan has usually been ruled by the military, interspersed much of its areas in the Butana to the SAF
with short periods of democratic parliamentary rule.[42][43] Sudanese Armed Forces retake Khartoum on
26 March 2025
Two civil wars – the first from 1955 to 1972 and the second, 1983 to 2005 – between the
central government and the southern regions, which led to the independence of South Sudan Belligerents
in 2011, killed 1.5 million people, and a conflict in the western region of Darfur displaced two Transitional Government of SLM (al-
million people and killed more than 200,000 others.[44] Sovereignty Peace and Unity (from Nur)[9]
Council April 2025)[6] SPLM-N
Sudanese Rapid Support (al-Hilu) (June
War in Darfur and the formation of the RSF Armed Forces Forces 2023 – February
By the turn of the 21st century, Sudan's western Darfur region had endured prolonged PDF[1] Non-RSF 2025)
instability and social strife due to racial and ethnic tensions and disputes over land and water. Popular Janjaweed militias
In 2003, this situation erupted into a full-scale rebellion against government rule, against Resistance SPLM-N (al-Hilu)
which president and military strongman Omar al-Bashir vowed to use forceful action. The Al-Bara (from February 2025)[7][8]
resulting War in Darfur was marked by widespread state-sponsored acts of violence, leading Battalion Tamazuj (from August
AWB 2023)

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to charges of war crimes and genocide against al-Bashir.[45] The initial phase of the conflict SPLM-N
left approximately 300,000 dead and 2.7 million forcibly displaced; even though the intensity (Agar)[2]
of the violence later declined, the situation in the region remained far from peaceful.[46] JEM[3]
SLM
To crush uprisings by non-Arab tribes in the Nuba Mountains, al-Bashir relied upon the (Minnawi)[4]
Janjaweed, a collection of Arab militias that were drawn from camel-trading tribes which SLM
were active in Darfur and portions of Chad. In 2013, al-Bashir announced that the Janjaweed (Tambour) (from
would be reorganised as the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and he also announced that the RSF August 2023)
[5]
would be placed under the command of the Janjaweed's commander Mohamed Hamdan Joint Darfur
Dagalo, more commonly known as Hemedti.[47][48][49][50] The RSF perpetrated mass killings, Force (from
mass rapes, pillage, torture, and destruction of villages. They were accused of committing November 2023)
ethnic cleansing against the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa peoples.[49] Leaders of the RSF have
Commanders and leaders
been indicted for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity by the International
Criminal Court (ICC),[51] but Hemedti was not personally implicated in the 2003–2004 Abdel Fattah al- Hemedti Abdul
atrocities.[46] Burhan Abdelrahim Dagalo Wahid al-Nur
Yasser al-Atta Abdel Rahman
In 2017, a new law gave the RSF the status of an "independent security force".[49] Hemedti Shams al-Din Jumma
received several gold mines in Darfur as patronage from al-Bashir, and his personal wealth Khabbashi Abdelaziz al-Hilu[7]
grew substantially.[50][51] Bashir sent RSF forces to quash a 2013 uprising in South Darfur
Malik Agar
and deployed RSF units to fight in Yemen and Libya.[48] During this time, the RSF developed
Mustafa
a working relationship with the Russian private military outfit Wagner Group.[52] These
Tambour
developments ensured that RSF forces grew into the tens of thousands and came to possess
thousands of armed pickup trucks which regularly patrolled the streets of Khartoum.[52] The Minni Minnawi
Bashir regime allowed the RSF and other armed groups to proliferate to prevent threats to its Gibril
security from within the armed forces, a practice known as "coup-proofing".[53] Ibrahim[22]
Strength
Political transition ~300,000[23] 120,000 total fighters Unknown
In December 2018, protests against al-Bashir's regime began, starting the first phase of the (14 April 2023, per
Sudanese Revolution. Eight months of sustained civil disobedience were met with violent SAF)[24]
repression.[54] In April 2019, the military (including the RSF) ousted al-Bashir in a coup
d'état, ending his three decades of rule; the army established the Transitional Military 67,135 fighters

Council, a junta.[50][51][54] Bashir was imprisoned in Khartoum; he was not turned over to the 39,490 recruits
ICC, which had issued warrants for his arrest on charges of war crimes.[55] Protests calling for 2,950 vehicles
civilian rule continued; in June 2019, the TMC's security forces, which included both the RSF 104 armored personnel
and the SAF, perpetrated the Khartoum massacre, in which more than a hundred carriers
demonstrators were killed[56][48][50][54] and dozens were raped.[48] Hemedti denied 171 vehicles with
orchestrating the attack.[50] machine guns
Casualties and losses
In August 2019, in response to international pressure and mediation by the African Union
Likely significantly more than 150,000 total killed[25]
and Ethiopia, the military agreed to share power in an interim joint civilian-military unity
government (the Transitional Sovereignty Council), headed by a civilian Prime Minister, 8,856,313 internally displaced
Abdalla Hamdok, with elections to be held in 2023.[45][54] In October 2021, the military 3,506,383 refugees[26]
seized power in a coup led by Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan
and Hemedti. The Transitional Sovereignty Council was reconstituted as a new military junta led by al-
Burhan, monopolizing power and halting Sudan's transition to democracy.[55][57]

Origins of the SPLM-N and the SLM

The Sudan Liberation Movement (or Army; SLM, SLA, or SLM/A) is a rebel group active in Darfur,
primarily composed of members of non-Arab ethnic groups[58] and established in response to their
marginalization by the Bashir regime.[59][60] Since 2006, the movement has split into several factions
due to disagreements over the Darfur Peace Agreement, with some factions joining the government in
Khartoum.[61][62][63] By 2023 the three most prominent factions were the SLM-Minnawi under Minni
Minnawi, the SLM-al-Nur under Abdul Wahid al-Nur, and the SLM-Tambour under Mustafa Tambour.
Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Mohamed Hamdan
The SLM-Minnawi and SLM-Tambour signed the 2020 Juba Peace Agreement, ceasing hostilities and
Chairman of the Dagalo, better known as
receiving political appointments, but the SLM-al-Nur refused to sign and kept fighting.[64][65] Transitional Sovereignty Hemedti, Commander of
Council the Rapid Support
The SPLM-N was founded by units of the predominantly South Sudanese Sudan People's Liberation Forces
Movement/Army stationed in areas that remained in Sudan following the South Sudanese vote for
independence in 2011. These forces then led a rebellion in the southern states of South Kordofan and
Blue Nile a few months later.[66] In 2017, the SPLM-N split between a faction led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu and one led by Malik Agar, with al-Hilu demanding
secularism as a condition for peace while Agar did not agree with this.[67] During the Sudanese Revolution, al-Hilu's faction declared an indefinite
unilateral ceasefire.[68] In 2020, a peace agreement was signed between the Sudanese government and Agar's faction,[63] with Agar later joining the
Transitional Sovereignty Council in Khartoum. Al-Hilu held out until he agreed to sign a separate peace agreement with the Sudanese government a few
months later.[69] Further steps to consolidate the agreement stalled following the 2021 coup, and the al-Hilu faction instead signed an agreement with the
SLM-al-Nur and the Sudanese Communist Party, agreeing to co-operate to draft a 'revolutionary charter' and remove the military from power.[70]

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Prelude
In the months after the 2021 coup the already weak Sudanese economy steeply declined, fueling wide protests demanding that the junta return power to
civilian authorities.[71] Tensions arose between al-Burhan and Hemedti over al-Burhan's restoration to the office of old-guard Islamist officials who had
dominated the Omar al-Bashir government. Hemedti saw the appointment of these officials as a signal that al-Burhan was attempting to maintain the
dominance of Khartoum's traditional elite over Sudanese politics. This was a danger to the RSF's political position, as said elites were hostile to Hemedti
due to his ethnic background as a Darfuri Arab.[72] Hemedti's expression of regret over the October 2021 coup signalled a widening divide between him
and al-Burhan.[57]

Tensions between the RSF and the SAF began to escalate in February 2023, as the RSF began to recruit members across Sudan.[71] Throughout February
and early March the RSF built up in the Sudanese capital of Khartoum, until a deal was brokered on 11 March and the RSF withdrew.[71][73] As part of this
deal negotiations were conducted between the SAF, RSF, and civilian leaders, but these negotiations were delayed and halted by political
disagreements.[74] Chief among the disputes was the integration of the RSF into the military: the RSF insisted on a 10-year timetable for its integration
into the regular army, while the army demanded integration within two years.[75][76] Other contested issues included the status given to RSF officers in the
future hierarchy, and whether RSF forces should be under the command of the army chief rather than Sudan's commander-in-chief, al-Burhan.[77]

On 11 April 2023, RSF forces deployed near the city of Merowe as well as in Khartoum.[78] Government forces ordered them to leave and were refused.
This led to clashes when RSF forces took control of the Soba military base south of Khartoum.[78] On 13 April, RSF forces began their mobilization, raising
fears of a potential rebellion against the junta. The SAF declared the mobilization illegal.[79]

Course of the war

April–May 2023

Battle of Khartoum
On 15 April 2023, the RSF attacked SAF bases across Sudan, including Khartoum and its airport.[75][80] There were clashes at the headquarters of the state
broadcaster, Sudan TV, which was later captured by RSF forces.[81] Bridges and roads in Khartoum and its hinterland were closed by RSF command.[82]
The next day saw a SAF counteroffensive, with the army retaking Merowe Airport alongside the headquarters of Sudan TV and the state radio.[81]

The Sudan Civil Aviation Authority closed the country's airspace as fighting began.[83] Telecommunications provider MTN shut down Internet services,
and by 23 April there was a near-total Internet outage attributed to attacks on the electricity grid.[84][85] Sudanese international trade began to break
down, with Maersk, one of the largest shipping companies in the world, announcing a pause on new shipments to the country.[86]

Hemedti directed his forces to capture or kill al-Burhan, and RSF units engaged in pitched and bloody combat with
the Republican Guard. Ultimately al-Burhan managed to evade capture or assassination, but his base at the
Sudanese Armed Forces Headquarters was placed under RSF siege, rendering him unable to leave
Khartoum.[64][87] In an interview with Al Jazeera, Hemedti accused al-Burhan and his commanders of forcing the
RSF to start the war by scheming to bring deposed leader Omar al-Bashir back to power.[82] He called for the
international community to intervene against al-Burhan, claiming that the RSF was fighting against radical Islamic
militants.[88]

Following the first few days of war the SAF brought in reinforcements from the Ethiopian border.[89] Although a
ceasefire was announced for Eid al-Fitr, fighting continued across the country.[90][91] Combat was described as
particularly intense along the highway from Khartoum to Port Sudan and in the industrial zone of al-Bagair.[92]
Intercommunal clashes were reported in Blue Nile State and in Geneina.[93][94]

By the beginning of May the SAF claimed to have weakened the RSF's combat capabilities and repelled its
advances in multiple regions.[95] The Sudanese police deployed its Central Reserve Forces in the streets of
Khartoum in support of the SAF, claiming to have arrested several hundred RSF fighters.[96] The SAF announced
With al-Burhan trapped in Khartoum, his
it was launching an all-out attack on RSF in Khartoum using air strikes and artillery.[97] Air strikes and ground deputy Malik Agar became de facto
offensives against the RSF over the next few days caused significant damage to infrastructure, but failed to leader of the Sudanese government.[64]
dislodge RSF forces from their positions.[98][99]

Following further threats to his life from Hemedti, al-Burhan gave a public video address from his besieged base at the Army Headquarters, vowing to
continue fighting.[100][101] On 19 May, al-Burhan officially removed Hemedti as his deputy in the Transitional Sovereignty Council and replaced him with
former rebel leader and council member Malik Agar.[102] With al-Burhan trapped in Khartoum, Agar became de facto leader of the Sudanese government,
assuming responsibility for peace negotiations, international visits and the day-to-day running of the country.[64]

Treaty of Jeddah
International attention to the conflict resulted in the United Nations Human Rights Council calling a special session to address the violence, voting to
increase monitoring of human rights abuses.[103] On 6 May, delegates from the SAF and the RSF met directly for the first time in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, for
what was described by Saudi Arabia and the United States as "pre-negotiation talks".[104] After diplomatic lobbying from the Saudis and Americans the
warring sides signed the Treaty of Jeddah on 20 May, vowing to ensure the safe passage of civilians, protect relief workers, and prohibit the use of civilians
as human shields.[105] The agreement did not include a ceasefire, and clashes resumed in Geneina, causing more casualties.[105] The United Nations
Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Martin Griffiths expressed frustration at the lack of commitment from both sides to end the
fighting.[106]

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The situation remained volatile, with both sides trading blame for attacks on churches, hospitals, and embassies.[107][108][109] Casualties mounted,
particularly in Geneina, where Arab militias loyal to the RSF were accused of atrocities against non-Arab residents.[110] A temporary ceasefire was signed
and faced challenges as fighting persisted in Khartoum, and the agreed-upon ceasefire time saw further violence.[111] Between 28 and 97 people were
reportedly killed by the RSF and Arab militias when they attacked the predominantly Masalit town of Misterei in West Darfur on 28 May.[112]

June–September 2023

Continued fighting in Khartoum

As June began, Khartoum witnessed tank battles resulting in casualties.[113][114] The RSF took control of several
important cultural and government buildings, including the National Museum of Sudan and the Yarmouk Military
Industrial Complex.[115][116] Acute food insecurity affected a significant portion of Sudan's population.[117][118]

By July, al-Burhan was still trapped at the Army Headquarters and unable to leave, and to break him out the SAF
elected to send a column of troops to lift the siege of the base. This force was ambushed by the RSF and defeated,
with the paramilitary claiming it had killed hundreds of soldiers and captured 90 vehicles, along with the column's
commander.[119] The RSF took control of the National
Museum of Sudan in June.
In response to the escalating violence in Khartoum, the SAF increased the intensity of their airstrikes and artillery
bombardment, leading to heightened civilian casualties often numbering in the dozens per strike.[120][121][122]
Shelling by the RSF also increased in intensity, leading to many civilian casualties in turn.[123][124]

Heavy fighting continued in Khartoum throughout August, with clashes breaking out across the city. The RSF laid siege to the SAF's Armoured Corps base,
breaching its defences and taking control of surrounding neighbourhoods.[125][126] The SAF also made offensives, with the RSF-controlled Republican
Palace and Yarmouk Complex coming under SAF air bombardment. An offensive was launched against Yarmouk, but this was beaten back after the RSF
shipped in reinforcements.[127] One of the few remaining bridges between Khartoum and Khartoum North was also destroyed by the SAF, in an attempt to
deny the RSF freedom of movement.[128]

On 24 August an SAF operation successfully rescued al-Burhan from his besieged base at the Army Headquarters, allowing him to head to Port Sudan and
hold a cabinet meeting there.[129][130]

Diplomatic efforts
Ceasefires between the warring parties were announced but often violated, leading to further clashes. The SAF and RSF engaged in mutual blame for
incidents, while the Sudanese government took action against international envoys.[131] The Saudi embassy in Khartoum was attacked and evacuations
from an orphanage were carried out amid the chaos.[132] Amidst the turmoil, Sudan faced diplomatic strains with Egypt, leading to challenges for
Sudanese refugees seeking entry.[133][134]

With al-Burhan out of Khartoum for the first time since the start of the war, he was able to fly to Egypt and hold a meeting with the Egyptian President
Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.[135] Following this visit al-Burhan went on a tour of numerous countries, heading to South Sudan, Qatar, Eritrea, Turkey, and
Uganda.[136] He then proceeded to New York City as head of the Sudanese delegation to the 78th United Nations General Assembly, where he urged the
international community to declare the RSF a terrorist organization.[137][138]

SPLM-N (Al-Hilu) involvement

The Abdelaziz al-Hilu faction of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement–North (SPLM-N) broke a long-standing ceasefire agreement in June, attacking
SAF units in Kadugli, Kurmuk and Dalang, the latter coinciding with an attack by the RSF. The SAF claimed to have repelled the attacks,[33][7] while the
rebels claimed to have attacked in retaliation for the death of one of their soldiers at the hands of the SAF and vowed to free the region from "military
occupation".[68] More than 35,000 were displaced by the fighting.[68] Speculation arose as to whether the attacks were part of an unofficial alliance
between al-Hilu and the RSF or an attempt by al-Hilu to strengthen his position in future negotiations concerning his group.[139] Civil society
organizations supporting the SPLM-N claimed its operations sought to protect civilians from possible attacks by the RSF.[140]

Al-Hilu's faction launched further offensives in July, moving into South Kordofan and gaining control of several SAF bases.[141][142] In response the SAF
brought in artillery and heavily bombarded SPLM-N positions.[141] Further attacks by the group largely petered out after this, with an assault on Kadugli in
September being pushed back by the SAF.[143]

In February 2025, the SPLM-N (Al-Hilu) signed the Sudan Founding Charter drafted by the RSF-led Government of Peace and Unity, officially allying
itself with the RSF.[144]

Darfur front
In Darfur, fighting and bloodshed were particularly fierce around the city of Geneina, where hundreds died and extensive destruction occurred.[145] RSF
forces engaged in frequent acts of violence against the Masalit population of Geneina, leading to accusations of ethnic cleansing.[146] On 4 August the RSF
claimed that it had taken full control over all of Central Darfur.[147]

A United Nations investigation discovered numerous mass graves in Darfur that contained Masalit civilians.[148] The RSF and Arab militias were
additionally accused of having killed lawyers, human rights monitors, doctors and non-Arab tribal leaders.[149] The governor of West Darfur, Khamis
Abakar, was abducted and killed by armed men in June, hours after accusing the RSF of genocide and calling for international intervention in a TV
interview.[150] The SAF, for their part, conducted indiscriminate airstrikes against Darfur that killed many civilians, especially in Nyala,Sudan.[151]

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Tribal and rebel groups in Darfur began to declare allegiance to one or the other of the warring parties. A faction of the Darfur-based Sudan Liberation
Movement led by Mustafa Tambour (SLM-T) joined the conflict in support of the SAF.[5] In contrast the controversial Tamazuj rebel group formally
declared its alliance with the RSF, joined by the leaders of seven Arab tribes, including that of Hemedti's.[34][152]

As September arrived both sides made offensives in Darfur. The RSF took control of several towns in West Darfur and also attacked the market of Al-
Fashir, the capital of North Darfur.[153] SAF offensives saw success in Central Darfur, with the army retaking parts of Zalingei from the RSF.[154] Fighting
in Darfur also began to increasingly spill over into North Kordofan, with the SAF attacking RSF positions in the state capital of El-Obeid and clashes over
the town of Um Rawaba.[155] Both sides made withdrawals to end the month, with the RSF retreating from Um Rawaba while the SAF withdrew from
Tawila.[156][157]

October–December 2023

SAF collapse in Darfur

By October 2023, the SAF in Darfur was experiencing acute shortages in supplies due to RSF-imposed sieges and
had failed to utilize its air superiority to stem RSF advances.[158] On 26 October, the RSF captured Nyala, Sudan's
fourth-largest city, after seizing control of the SAF's 16th Infantry Division headquarters.[159] The fall of Nyala, a
strategic city with an international airport and border connections to Central Africa, allowed the RSF to receive
international supplies more easily and concentrate its forces on other Sudanese cities.[160] After Nyala's fall, RSF
fighters turned their focus to Zalingei, the capital of Central Darfur. The SAF's 21st Infantry Division, stationed in
Zalingei, fled the city without a fight and allowed the RSF to take it over.[161]

In Geneina, reports emerged that tribal elders were attempting to broker the surrender of the SAF garrison in the By the end of November, Al-Fashir was
city to prevent bloodshed.[162] The army rejected the proposal, raising fears of an imminent RSF assault on the city the last of the five state capitals in Darfur
and causing civilians to flee across the border into Chad.[163] The RSF besieged the headquarters of the SAF's 15th under SAF control.
Infantry Division in Geneina, giving the garrison a six-hour ultimatum to surrender.[164] The base was captured
two days later when the 15th withdrew from the area before fleeing to Chad.[165] Those left behind, numbering in
the hundreds, were taken prisoner and paraded in RSF media with signs of abuse.[165] Witnesses later reported mass atrocities perpetrated by the RSF in
the city shortly after its seizure, with a local rebel group claiming up to 2,000 people were massacred in Geneina's satellite town of Ardamata.[166] With
Geneina's fall, Ed Daein and Al-Fashir were the last remaining capitals in Darfur under government control, with both cities under heavy RSF
pressure.[162][165]

The RSF stormed and plundered the town of Umm Keddada, east of Al-Fashir, after the SAF garrison withdrew.[166] SAF troops in Al-Fashir itself were
reported to be running low on food, water, and medicine due to the city being under siege, and external forces noted the SAF seemed incapable of stopping
the RSF advance.[167][168] Ed Daein fell in the early hours of 21 November, with RSF forces taking control of the city after seizing the headquarters of the
SAF's 20th Infantry Division.[169] SAF garrisons in East Darfur subsequently abandoned their positions and withdrew, allowing the RSF to occupy the
area.[170] In response to RSF gains in Darfur and subsequent abuses, the Justice and Equality Movement, Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (Minnawi),
and other smaller rebel factions renounced their neutrality and declared war on the RSF.[4]

Peace negotiations stall

Attempts by other nations and international organisations to negotiate peace had largely been dormant since the failure of the Treaty of Jeddah, but in late
October the RSF and SAF met once more in Jeddah to attempt to negotiate peace.[171] This new round of talks was a failure, with neither side willing to
commit to a ceasefire. Instead, the warring factions agreed to open channels for humanitarian aid.[172] On 3 December negotiations were indefinitely
suspended due to the failure of both the SAF and the RSF to open up aid channels.[173]

With the failure of the talks in Jeddah, the East African Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) hosted a peace summit in early December.
Earlier attempts by IGAD to open negotiations had floundered after the SAF had accused Kenyan President William Ruto of supporting the RSF.[174]
IGAD's talks appeared to make more progress than the Jeddah negotiations, with Hemedti and al-Burhan agreeing to meet in person at some point in the
future.[175]

RSF crossing of the Nile

The RSF attacked the town of Wad Ashana in North Kordofan on 1 October along a key commercial route.[176][177] In West Kordofan, an uptick in fighting
was reported, with the RSF assaulting a "vital" oil field in Baleela, south of Al-Fulah.[178] Geolocated footage showed RSF fighters celebrating around
Baleela Airport after allegedly capturing it.[179] The Battle of Khartoum continued with the RSF seizing the town of al-Aylafoun, southeast of the capital, on
6 October. In the process, the paramilitary gained control of key oil infrastructure.[180][181] By late October the RSF controlled most of Khartoum but had
failed to seize key military bases, while al-Burhan's government had largely relocated to Port Sudan.[182]

The RSF sought to capitalize on its gains by stepping up attacks on SAF positions in Khartoum and Omdurman.
Days of fighting culminated in the destruction of the Shambat Bridge, which connected Khartoum North to
Omdurman over the Nile; the bridge's destruction severed a critical RSF supply chain.[183] This effectively cut the
RSF off from its forces in Omdurman, giving the SAF a strategic advantage.[184] In an attempt to gain a new
crossing over the Nile and supply its forces in Omdurman, the RSF launched an assault on the Jebel Aulia Dam in
the village of Jabal Awliya.[185] As Jebel Aulia could not be destroyed without flooding Khartoum, its capture
would give the RSF a path over the Nile the SAF could not easily remove. A week-long battle commenced over the The Shambat Bridge in Khartoum was

dam and its surrounding village, which ended in an RSF victory. The force captured the dam on 20 November, and destroyed on 11 November.[183]

all SAF resistance ceased in the village the following day.[186][187]

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On 5 December, local militias along with RSF soldiers attacked SPLM-N (al-Hilu) forces in the village of Tukma, southeast of Dalang in South Kordofan,
resulting in the deaths of 4 people and the destruction of the village.[8] The RSF leadership, not wanting hostilities with the then-neutral al-Hilu faction to
escalate, issued a statement condemning this attack and denouncing it as "tribal violence".[188] On 8 December, the RSF entered Gedaref State for the first
time.[188]

Pushing south from their gains around Jebel Aulia and Khartoum, RSF forces began to move into Gezira State on 15 December, advancing toward its
capital Wad Madani.[189][190] Elsewhere in Gezira the RSF made major gains, taking control of the city of Rufaa in the state's east and entering the Butana
region.[191] After several days of fighting the RSF seized the Hantoob Bridge on Wad Madani's eastern outskirts, crossing the Blue Nile and entering the
city.[191] The army put up little resistance in Wad Madani itself, the 1st Division withdrawing from the city as the RSF took over.[192]

The fall of Wad Madani was viewed as a major blow to the SAF, as it dramatically widened the frontline and opened up large parts of the country to
potential RSF offensives.[192] The city's fall allowed the RSF to capture most of Gezira and to make inroads in White Nile State, capturing the town of El
Geteina.[193] Within a few days RSF fighters had advanced to within 25 km of Sennar, the largest city in Sennar State.[193] Over the next few weeks RSF
forces ventured into rural areas of Al Qadarif State and River Nile State, without establishing a significant presence. In Sennar State the RSF made some
further minor advances but had not attacked Sennar City by the year's end.[194]

Amid the deteriorating situation, the SAF was reported to be arming civilians while government officials in the east called on the population to
mobilize.[195] Al-Burhan gave a widely promoted public speech to soldiers in Red Sea State, promising to arm civilian militias to fight the RSF and to fight
against 'colonialism', which was viewed by observers as a reference to the United Arab Emirates support of the RSF.[196]

January–April 2024

Hemedti travels abroad

Following the fall of Wad Madani efforts by IGAD to negotiate a ceasefire made progress, as the SAF's weakened
position made them more eager to enter talks. Whereas previously opposition from Islamist political groups to
negotiation had prevented al-Burhan from committing to a specific date, now both he and Hemedti agreed to meet
on 28 December.[192][197] A day before the meeting was due, it was cancelled as Hemedti recanted his desire to
attend.[198]

Instead the RSF leader went on a diplomatic tour, travelling on a chartered Emirati jet and meeting with several
African national leaders.[199] One visit that was particularly promoted was his visit to Rwanda, where he met with
Rwandan President Paul Kagame and visited the Kigali Genocide Memorial.[196] On the tour Hemedti also met
Map of the Sudanese Civil War in March
with former Prime Minister Hamdok and his Taqaddum organisation in Addis Ababa, with the RSF agreeing in a 2024
declaration negotiated with the Taqaddum to release political prisoners, open up humanitarian aid corridors and
negotiate further with the SAF.[200] This tour was regarded by observers as an attempt by Hemedti to portray
himself as the leader of Sudan and improve his international image, as his reputation had been severely damaged since the fall of Wad Madani due to
large-scale looting by RSF fighters.[199]

On 5 January, al-Burhan vowed to continue the war against the RSF and rejected the latest peace efforts, declaring that war crimes committed by the RSF
precluded negotiation.[201] On 14 January, both Hemedti and Burhan received official invitations from IGAD to attend its upcoming summit on 18
January. Hemedti agreed to attend, but Burhan refused to do so. On 16 January, the Sudanese government suspended its ties with IGAD, accusing the
body of violating Sudanese sovereignty.This effectively marked the end of IGAD's attempts to mediate peace talks.[202]

Fighting in Kordofan and Gezira

As 2024 began the RSF made attacks into South Kordofan, defeating SAF forces in the town of Habila in the Nuba Mountains and pushing toward
Dalang.[203] On 7 January the RSF attacked SAF positions in Dalang, meeting fierce resistance from the army and civilian militias.[196][204] During the
fighting the SPLM-N (al-Hilu) entered the city, taking control of several neighbourhoods. SPLM-N forces proceeded to attack the RSF, and the
paramilitary retreated from the city.[205] RSF fighters withdrawing from Dalang entered the city of Muglad in West Kordofan, easily taking control as the
city had no organised SAF presence. West Kordofan had been relatively free of fighting for several months due to a local truce brokered by leaders of the
Messiria tribe, but as tensions escalated rumours spread that the RSF was planning an attack on the encircled city of Babanusa and the SAF 22nd Infantry
Division garrisoning it.[205]

In January 2024, the RSF focused on consolidating its gains in Gezira State. Fighting was reported on 17 January east of El Manaqil, the last major town
not under RSF control. The SAF delivered weapons to the city by helicopter, including selectively distributing them among civilians in the town,
attempting to bolster its defences. Sudan's National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) selectively recruited and armed civilians based on perceived
loyalty.[206] On 24 January 2024, the RSF launched an attack on Babanusa after encircling the city for months. By 25 January, the RSF gained control of
the city centre and entered the headquarters of the 22nd infantry division.[207]

Until March 2024, the RSF maintained its position in Gezira State but was unable to break through.[208] The RSF is recruiting in Gezira State to try to
capture territory in El-Gadarif from the SAF.[209] The JEM, which has allied with the SAF, helped the SAF build up its forces in El-Gadarif for a
counteroffensive to try to retake Wad Madani. In April 2024, the SAF and its allies began the counteroffensive, attacking from the east and west of Wad
Madani in an attempt to retake it.[210] Clashes were reported in Al-Madina Arab on 15 April.[211]

In December 2024, the SAF launched an offensive in southern Gezira. The SAF was able to make small progress, which involved recapturing the town of
Wad el-Haddad, a town on the border of Sennar State. It also was able to recapture Um al-Qura, but the RSF reoccupied the village.[212]

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In January 2025, the SAF made the first major military operation of 2025. The army was able to make large gains in Gezira and some gains in North
Kordofan. On 8 January, the SAF had recaptured Haj-Abdallah after a tense battle that inflicted losses on the RSF. The SAF stated that seven RSF vehicles
were destroyed.[213] A day later, the SAF attacked RSF positions in Al-Shabarga in the southeastern part of the state, led by field commander Bassam Abu
Satour, leading to the RSF's withdrawal and the SAF recapturing the city, while in the western part of the state, the SAF took control of the villages Mahla,
Tahla, and Al-Kumar Al-Jaaliyeen.[214] On 10 January, the SAF recaptured Um al-Qura while the Sudan Shield Forces took Wad al-Abyad.[215] These
successful offensives led to the SAF retaking control of Wad Madani on 11 January from three fronts.

After advancing in Gezira and Khartoum, the SAF launched a military operation in North Kordofan for the first time, after
being on the defensive in Darfur and Kordofan from the start of the war. The SAF's "Sayyad Force", captured the entirety
of the Umm Ruwaba district.[216]

By the start of February, the SAF had recaptured Al-Hasaheisa, Tambul, and Rufa'a. This left the RSF in control of only
northwestern Gezira.[216]

The SAF then liberated the town of Er Rahad on 19 February, and by 23 February, the SAF lifted the almost two-year siege
of El Obeid.[217][218]

SAF gains in Omdurman

The SAF gained ground in Omdurman in February 2024, linking up their forces in the northern part of the city and A sketch map of Omdurman with
Khartoum and Khartoum North.
relieving a 10-month siege of their forces in the city centre. The SAF also took control of the Al-Hilal Stadium.[219] As of
The White Nile flowing from the
February 2024, the Omdurman front is the only area in Sudan where the SAF has carried out a sustained offensive
south is joined by the Blue Nile
operation and represents the first breakthrough for the SAF.[219] flowing from the east.

On 12 March, the SAF defeated an attempted RSF counteroffensive in Omdurman and took control of the headquarters of
the Sudan National Broadcasting Corporation.[220] The RSF maintains its control of Khartoum and continues to threaten Khartoum North.[221]

As of April 2024, fighting in Khartoum State is ongoing, with the RSF in control of the southern and western parts of Omdurman and the SAF in control of
the northern and eastern parts of Omdurman, with the RSF controlling the majority of Khartoum and Khartoum North. The SAF continued to prepare an
offensive to relieve its surrounded bases in Khartoum North.[222]

As of March 2025, SAF controls majority of the city. On 29 March, SAF forces announced the control of the Libya Market in Omdurman and seized
weapons and equipment left behind by the RSF.[223] On the same day, SAF launched new offensives into the city of Ombada, west of Omdurman.[224]

April 2024–present

Fighting in Darfur
On 15 April, during the Battle of El Fasher, at least nine civilians were killed in a renewed offensive by the RSF on the city of Al-Fashir in North
Darfur.[225] The Joint Darfur Force declared war on the RSF and allied with the SAF.[226][227]

The fighting in El Fasher has diverted SAF resources from other areas, hampering planned counter-offensives to retake Khartoum and Wad Madani. In
particular, the SAF has been using its limited aviation resources to carry out airstrikes in North Darfur and resupply El Fasher using airdrops.[228]

Since April 2024, the conflict had been escalating in El Fasher, while the civilians remained trapped with no safety or food. In a June 2024 report, the
International Crisis Group said the intensifying battle could lead to mass slaughter, and that there was a need for all sides to de-escalate. The report said
the UN and the US should broker the de-escalation and must put pressure on the RSF and its main supporters, including the United Arab Emirates and
Egypt. Crisis Group said the UAE should push the RSF to stand down, and urged all parties to allow the civilians to flee, open the region for aid delivery
and resume national peace talks.[229]

On 14 June 2024, the SAF announced that it had killed Ali Yaqoub Gibril, a top RSF commander, in El Fasher. The United States had sanctioned Yagoub
in May 2024 for endangering civilians in Darfur.[230] In June 2024, The New York Times reported that more than 40 villages had been burned in El
Fasher since April 2024.[231]

Fighting is ongoing in El Fasher, which remains the SAF's last holdout in Darfur.[232] As of September 2024, the RSF has advanced into central areas of El
Fasher, with the SAF's territorial control at its lowest point since intense fighting began in May 2024.[233]

Fighting in Kordofan
As of May 2024, fighting is ongoing in Babanusa, West Kordofan. The RSF is conducting an offensive to attempt to take control of West Kordofan.[234]
Fighting was also reported in North Kordofan.[235]

On 20 June 2024, the RSF captured Al-Fulah, the capital of West Kordofan, after the SAF withdrew from the city after several hours of fighting. The SAF
retreated to Babanusa, its one remaining base in Kordofan.[236]

Fighting along the Nile

In May 2024, the RSF launched attacks against the SAF between Khartoum State and River Nile State, as well as in White Nile State near the border with
Gezira State. The SAF prepared its forces in River Nile State, ahead of a potential invasion of Khartoum Bahri.[237] In June 2024, the RSF was still in
control of Khartoum and Khartoum North, though the SAF controlled one enclave in each that it supplies by airdrop.[238]

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In late June 2024, the RSF began an assault in the areas surrounding the city of Sennar. RSF forces struck out to
the west of the city, causing the SAF to bring in reinforcements in anticipation of an attack on Sennar itself.[239]
Instead RSF forces avoided Sennar and attacked south towards Singa, the capital of Sennar State, capturing the
lightly defended town on 29 June.[239][240] This prevented the SAF from reinforcing Sennar from the south,
placing the city under increased pressure.[239]

Following the fall of Singa, SAF resistance collapsed across much of southern Sennar, which led to the RSF
occupying the towns of Dinder, Mazmoun and Wad an-Nail with minimal SAF resistance.[241] A united force
consisting of the Gedaref-based 2nd SAF Infantry Division and a battalion of the JEM assaulted and retook Dinder
on 1 July, but were driven out again by the RSF over the next few days.[242]

On 20 July, the RSF announced the death of Brigadier General Abdel Rahman Al-Bishi, its head of operations in Map of the Blue Nile and White Nile
Sennar and Blue Nile States, with Sudanese media reporting that he had been killed in a SAF airstrike.[243] rivers

On 3 August, the RSF launched its first attack on Blue Nile State since the beginning of the war, with the group and
the SAF contesting control over Al-Tadamun.[244] On 15 August 2024, the Galgani massacre was carried out by the RSF, which killed at least 108
people,[245] including at least 24 women and children.[246]

SAF offensives
As September 2024 came, for the first time since the start of the war the balance of power seemed to be tipping towards the SAF. On 26 September, the
SAF launched a major offensive against RSF positions in Khartoum.[247] The attack on the city came from three fronts striking from the south, east and
west of the capital.[248] SAF airstrikes, which killed four and wounded 14, began at dawn followed by clashes within the city. The SAF reportedly captured
three key bridges connecting Khartoum to other nearby cities, including the Omdurman Bridge which had previously acted as a line of separation between
government and RSF control.[249][250] Faced with an elusive enemy, the SAF became bogged down in urban fighting, with RSF snipers routinely
paralyzing infantry advances.[248]

October 2024 was the deadliest month for Sudanese civilians since the war began. In Khartoum, the RSF have relentlessly shelled areas controlled by the
SAF, which has amounted to daily indiscriminate bombardments of civilian areas. Escalating SAF airstrikes on RSF positions have caused dozens of
civilian deaths.[248] In October 2024, the SAF also launched counteroffensives in the states of Sennar and Gezira, which were successfully recaptured from
the RSF.[251] Starting on 20 October 2024, the RSF carried out the 2024 eastern Gezira State massacres, which killed at least 300 people and wounded at
least 200 more.[252]

According to a report by the French newspaper Le Monde, as of November 2024 the war in Sudan has possibly entered its most dangerous phase since it
began in April 2023. Both the SAF and RSF have officially ruled out settling the civil war through negotiations, with the only option on the table being total
war. During the recent rainy season which brought a lull in the fighting, each side rearmed and restructured their forces.[248] Many ordinary Sudanese,
extending to the most serious critics of the SAF, have increasingly supported the SAF in response to RSF war crimes and atrocities. The SAF has become
increasingly dependent on Islamist networks, as these movements have mobilized many civilians from popular resistance brigades. The Al-Bara' ibn Malik
Battalion in particular is presently fighting on the Khartoum front lines against the RSF and has consequently gained popularity.[253] On 23 November, the
SAF retook Singa following an offensive.[254][255]

The SAF retook Wad Madani, the capital of Gezira State on 11 January 2025.[256] On 8 February 2025, the SAF regained control of nearly all of Khartoum
North as it intensified its offensive, and was preparing to retake the capital of Khartoum itself.[257]

On 24 February 2025, the RSF claimed responsibility for downing a Russian-made Ilyushin aircraft in Nyala. Meanwhile, the RSF declared a rival
government in Nairobi, the capital of Kenya, which the SAF-aligned administration refused to recognize.[258][259]

On 20 March 2025, the SAF announced it was within 500 metres of the Presidential Palace[260] and captured it on the next day.[261] On 22 March, the SAF
also recaptured the headquarters of the Central Bank of Sudan and the General Intelligence Service in Khartoum.[262] It also retook Tuti Island, situated at
the confluence of the Blue Nile and the White Nile, after advancing through the Tuti Bridge.[263] On 26 March, they retook Khartoum International
Airport and Jebel Aulia, regarded as the RSF's last stronghold in the capital,[264] with al-Burhan proclaiming the liberation of Khartoum later in the
day.[265]

April 2025 offensive in Darfur

In April 2025, the RSF launched a major offensive in North Darfur, aiming to capture El Fasher, the last state capital in the region under SAF control.
Beginning on 11 April, RSF ground and aerial assaults struck El Fasher and surrounding displacement camps, including Zamzam and Abu Shouk. By 13
April, the RSF claimed control of Zamzam camp after intense fighting that left over 200 civilians dead, including children and aid workers.[266][267] The
SAF denied RSF accusations of militarizing the camp, while rights groups documented widespread abuses by RSF fighters, including targeted killings and
sexual violence.[266][268]

May 2025 offensives in Kordofan

On 1 May 2025, the RSF announced that they had taken control of En Nahud, a strategic city in West Kordofan that was previously used by the SAF to
send forces to Darfur.[269] On 5 May, the RSF attacked Port Sudan for the first time using drones.[270]

Despite initial setbacks, Al-Khawi in West Kordofan was retaken by the SAF on 11 May,[271] and on 13 May, the town of Al-Hamadi in South Kordofan, an
administrative hub for the Hawazma tribe, was also retaken by the SAF, alongside some strongholds in southern Omdurman previously held by the RSF,
such as the Al-Jami’a neighbourhood and all of the Al-Shaqla neighbourhood.[272] On the same day, the previously RSF-occupied town of Al-Khuwayy was
also recaptured.[273]

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Casualties and war crimes

According to a report published by Le Monde in November 2024, the war may have killed over 150,000 civilians through the combined tolls of
bombardments, massacres, starvation and disease.[248] A November 2024 report from the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine estimated more
than 61,000 deaths in Khartoum State alone, for the period between April 2023 and June 2024.[274]

Early in the conflict, doctors on the ground warned that reported figures did not include all casualties as people could not reach hospitals due to difficulties
in movement.[275] Soon after the war broke out, a spokesperson for the Sudanese Red Crescent was quoted as saying that the number of casualties "was
not small".[82] The Sultanate of Dar Masalit claimed on 20 June 2023 that more than 5,000 people were killed and about 8,000 were wounded in fighting
in West Darfur alone,[276] while a Masalit tribal leader told the Sudanese news outlet Ayin Network on 22 July 2023 that more than 10,000 people had
been killed in the state.[277] Sudanese prosecutors recorded over 500 missing persons cases across the country, some of which were enforced
disappearances, and were mostly blamed on the RSF.[278] On 2 May 2024, a US Senate hearing on the war estimated that between 15,000 and 30,000
people had died, but considered that to be an underestimation by a factor of 10 to 15 times, saying the real death toll could be as high as 150,000.[279] As of
27 May 2024, Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project data reported 17,044 fatalities.[280]

On 29 March 2025, the Sudanese Group for Defending Rights and Freedoms said that it had recorded 50,000 missing persons cases since the beginning of
the war.[281]

Darfur
In Geneina, West Darfur, ethnic clashes that began in the last week of April 2023 had killed at least 1,100 people,[282] while the Sultanate of Dar Masalit
claimed that more than 5,000 people were killed and about 8,000 were wounded in the city.[276] In July 2023, a Masalit tribal leader claimed that more
than 10,000 people had been killed in West Darfur alone, and that 80% of Geneina's residents had fled.[277]

Massacres were recorded in towns such as Tawila[283] and Misterei,[112] while a mass grave was discovered in Geneina containing the bodies of 87 people
killed in clashes.[148] Several intellectuals, politicians, professionals and nobility were assassinated. Most of these atrocities were blamed on the RSF and
allied Arab militias. The UK government,[284] witnesses and other observers described the violence in the region as tantamount to ethnic cleansing or even
genocide, with non-Arab groups such as the Masalit being the primary victims.[283] Mujeebelrahman Yagoub, Assistant Commissioner for Refugees in
West Darfur called the violence worse than the War in Darfur in 2003 and the Rwandan genocide in 1994.[285]

Foreign casualties
Civilians, including 15 Syrians,[287] 15 Ethiopians[286] and nine Eritreans[289] have been killed across Foreign casualties in the Sudanese civil war
the country. An Indian national working in Khartoum died after being hit by a stray bullet on 15 Country Deaths Ref.
April.[291] Two Americans were killed, including a professor working in the University of Khartoum Ethiopia 15 [286]
who was stabbed to death while evacuating.[290][293] A two-year-old girl from Turkey was killed while
Syria 15 [287]
her parents were injured after their house was struck by a rocket on 18 April.[292] Ten students from
the Democratic Republic of the Congo were killed in an SAF airstrike on the International University Democratic Republic of the Congo 10 [288]

of Africa in Khartoum on 4 June.[288] The SAF claimed that the Egyptian assistant military attaché [289]
Eritrea 9
was killed by RSF fire while driving his car in Khartoum, which was denied by the Egyptian
[290]
ambassador.[294] United States 2

India 1 [291]
Two Greek nationals trapped in a church on 15 April sustained leg injuries when caught in crossfire
Turkey 1 [292]
while trying to leave.[295][296] A Filipino migrant worker[297] and an Indonesian student at a school in
Khartoum were injured by stray bullets. [298] On 17 April, the European Union Ambassador to Sudan,
Aidan O'Hara of Ireland, was assaulted by unidentified "armed men wearing military fatigues" in his home, he suffered minor injuries and was able to
resume working on 19 April.[299][300] On 23 April, a French evacuation convoy was shot at, injuring one person.[301] The French government later
confirmed the casualty to be a French soldier.[302] An employee of the Egyptian embassy was shot and injured during an evacuation mission.[303][304]

Evacuation of foreign nationals

The outbreak of violence has led foreign governments to monitor the situation in Sudan and move toward the
evacuation and repatriation of their nationals. Among some countries with several expatriates in Sudan are Egypt,
which has more than 10,000 citizens in the country,[305] and the United States, which has more than 16,000
citizens, most of whom are dual nationals.[306] Efforts at extraction were hampered by the fighting within the
capital Khartoum, particularly in and around the airport. This has forced evacuations to be undertaken by road via
Port Sudan on the Red Sea, which lies about 650 km (400 miles) northeast of Khartoum.[307] from where they
were airlifted or ferried directly to their home countries or third ones. Other evacuations were undertaken through
overland border crossings or airlifts from diplomatic missions and other designated locations with direct
involvement of the militaries of some home countries. Some transit hubs used during the evacuation include the
Repatriations through the European
port of Jeddah in Saudi Arabia and Djibouti, which hosts military bases of the United States, China, Japan, France,
Union Civil Protection Mechanism
and other European countries.[308]

War crimes
The conflict was marked by heavy indiscriminate shelling, gunfire, and airstrikes on markets and populated residential neighbourhoods, causing a high
number of fatalities. Hospitals were targeted during aerial bombings and artillery fire, and medical supplies were looted. These attacks severely impacted
Sudan's healthcare system, disrupting medical services and leaving the majority of the hospitals in conflict-affected states out of service. The UN declared

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Sudan the most dangerous country for humanitarian workers after South Sudan.[309]

In Geneina, West Darfur, the RSF and Arab militias killed more than 15,000 non-Arab people.[310] On 22 July, a Masalit tribal leader claimed that more
than 10,000 people had been killed in West Darfur alone, and that 80% of Geneina's residents had fled. Massacres against the Masalit were recorded in
towns such as Tawila, Sirba, Ardamata, Kutum, and Misterei, while a mass graves were discovered around Geneina. The UK[311][312] and US[313][314]
governments, witnesses, and other observers described the violence in the region as tantamount to ethnic cleansing[312][315] or even
genocide,[316][317][318][319] with non-Arab groups such as the Masalit being the primary victims. The RSF and Arab militias are also accused of widespread
robberies, looting food meant to feed 4.4 million people, and sexual violence against Sudanese and foreign women, particularly Masalit and non-Arab
women. NGOs estimate that the actual figure of sexual violence victims could be as high as 4,400.[320] The UN was urged to start an inquiry, and
governments were encouraged to allocate resources to aid survivors.

The RSF and Arab militias in Sudan are also accused of targeted torture and killings of intellectuals, politicians, professionals, and tribal leaders. Notable
victims include Adam Zakaria Is'haq, a physician and human rights advocate, and Khamis Abakar, the governor of West Darfur, who was kidnapped,
tortured, and executed.[321] The RSF also targeted the families of their opponents, such as Mustafa Tambour's family. The SAF and RSF are accused of
threatening, attacking, and killing journalists and activists during the conflict. The Sudanese Journalists Syndicate documented over 40 violations in May
2023 alone. Several journalists were injured or killed, and 13 newspapers ceased operations. Humanitarian workers were also targeted, with 18 killed and
many others detained.

The International Criminal Court[322][323] and Amnesty International[324] are investigating war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during
the war. The SAF accused the RSF of perpetrating these crimes. General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (SAF commander) established a committee to investigate
these allegations. Several countries proposed a motion to the UN Human Rights Council for an investigation into the atrocities. The UN Human Rights
Council voted to adopt a resolution creating a fact-finding committee on these crimes. Human Rights Watch and the United Nations Integrated Transition
Assistance Mission in Sudan have called for measures to protect civilians.

Foreign involvement
In July 2024 Amnesty International reported that large numbers of recently manufactured weapons and ammunition were being transported into Sudan
from China, Russia, Turkey, Yemen, the UAE and Serbia.[325][326]

Chad
On 7 June 2023, Hissein Alamine Tchaw-tchaw, a Chadian dissident who belongs to the same ethnic group as Hemedti and claims to be the leader of the
Movement for the Fight of the Oppressed in Chad (MFOC), which is fighting the government of President Mahamat Déby, posted a video showing his
participation in an RSF attack on the Yarmouk munitions factory in Khartoum.[327]

On 17 November 2023, the SLM-Minnawi and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) accused the Chadian government of supporting the RSF, and
"supplying it with military equipment and mercenaries by opening its territory and airspace".[328] A report from Africa Analyst alleged that Chadian
soldiers belonging to a joint Chadian-Sudanese command under Osman Bahr intercepted a shipment of military equipment intended for the RSF on its
way from N'Djamena and gave it instead to the JEM, which the latter denied.[329] The Economist linked Chad's junta receiving financial support from the
UAE in exchange for allowing it to support the RSF through Amdjarass airport.[330][331]

Following accusations by SAF deputy commander Yasser al-Atta of Chadian government support for the RSF, the Chadian government unsuccessfully
demanded an apology from the Sudanese ambassador and expelled four Sudanese diplomats from the country on 17 December.[332]

On 5 November 2024, the government of Sudan filed a complaint with the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights demanding reparations
from Chad for their support of the RSF, accusing Chad of violating international law.[333]

China
On 9 January 2025 China donated emergency food aid (1,250 tonnes) to be allocated to all states.[334] Amnesty International's 2024 report highlighted
China as a supplier of weapons fueling the conflict, breaching the Darfur arms embargo. Recently-manufactured Chinese arms have been traced to both
the SAF and the RSF, although China's official stance avoids acknowledging direct support to either faction.[335] China initially adhered to non-
interference, evacuating citizens and calling for peace without taking sides. This mirrored its approach in past conflicts, prioritizing stability to protect
economic interests.[336] China's Sudan strategy ties into the Belt and Road Initiative, aiming to secure Red Sea trade routes and infrastructure links. The
civil war delayed these ambitions, reinforcing China's preference for a stable, cooperative government in Khartoum. Unlike Russia, which has militarily
backed the RSF, or the US, which pursues sanctions and mediation, China prioritizes economic continuity over ideological alignment.[337]

Egypt
On 15 April, RSF forces claimed, via Twitter, to have taken Egyptian troops prisoner near Merowe,[338][339] and a military plane carrying markings of the
Egyptian Air Force.[340] Initially, no official explanation was given for the Egyptian soldiers' presence, while Egypt and Sudan have had military
cooperation due to diplomatic tensions with Ethiopia.[341] Later on, the Egyptian Armed Forces stated that around 200 of its soldiers were in Sudan to
conduct exercises with the Sudanese military.[75] Around that time, the SAF reportedly encircled RSF forces in Merowe airbase. As a result, the Egyptian
Armed Forces announced that it was following the situation as a precaution for the safety of its personnel.[82] The RSF later stated that it would cooperate
in repatriating the soldiers to Egypt.[340] On 19 April, the RSF stated that it had moved the soldiers to Khartoum and would hand them over when the
"appropriate opportunity" arose.[342] Of the captured Egyptian troops, 177 were released and flown back to Egypt aboard three Egyptian military planes
that took off from Khartoum airport later in the day. The remaining 27 soldiers, who were from the Egyptian Air Force, were sheltered at the Egyptian
embassy and later evacuated.[343][344]

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On 16 April 2023, the RSF claimed that its troops in Port Sudan were attacked by foreign aircraft and issued a warning against any foreign
interference.[345] According to former CIA analyst Cameron Hudson, Egyptian fighter jets were a part of these bombing campaigns against the RSF, and
Egyptian special forces units have been deployed and are providing intelligence and tactical support to the SAF.[346] The Wall Street Journal said that
Egypt had sent fighter jets and pilots to support the Sudanese military.[347] On 17 April, satellite imagery obtained by The War Zone revealed that one
Egyptian Air Force MiG-29M2 fighter jet had been destroyed and two others had been damaged or destroyed at Merowe Airbase. A Sudanese Air Force
Guizhou JL-9 was among the destroyed aircraft.[348] After initial confusion, the RSF accepted the explanation that Egyptian combat and support
personnel were conducting exercises with the Sudanese military before the outbreak of hostilities.[75]

Eritrea
Eritrea is seen as an ally of the SAF, providing military support in Sudan's eastern borders. During a state visit to Asmara in November 2024, al-Burhan
thanked President Isaias Afwerki for Eritrea's support to the SAF. Eritrea's support is seen as a counterbalance to Eritrean opposition groups and their
possibility of growing in influence under the advance of the RSF in Sudan's eastern border. President Afwerki has implied Eritrea's military readiness to
respond in the case of an RSF advance to its borders.[349][350]

Ethiopia
Ethiopia initially supported the RSF, which was seen as an ally who helped Ethiopia fight against the Tigray People's Liberation Front in the Tigray
War.[351] Ethiopia was also supportive of the RSF to counter Egyptian influence in Sudan.[352] However, in July 2024, Primer Minister Abiy Ahmed visited
Port Sudan and met with al-Burhan, signaling a shifting position on the conflict.[352] RSF's Hemedti had previously paid a visit to Ethiopia in December
2023 to push for talks with the SAF.[353]

Iran
A June 2024 BBC investigation revealed that Iran violated the UN arms embargo by supplying drones to both sides.[354] Analysts see this move as part of
Iran's strategy to counter UAE influence in Sudan and secure access to the Red Sea.[355][356] Although Sudanese officials denied receiving Iranian aid,[355]
multiple sources—including Reuters—confirmed its impact on the battlefield.[357]

Kenya
The SAF rejected Kenya's mediation role in July 2023, accusing President William Ruto of having ties to RSF leader Hemedti and offering refuge to RSF
members.[358][359] SAF Lt. Gen. Yasir Alatta escalated tensions by calling Ruto a mercenary and challenging him to deploy troops.[360] Sudan later
threatened to quit IGAD unless Ruto was removed as head of its mediation committee.[361] Kenya denied the accusations, calling them baseless and
reaffirming its neutrality.[362][363] In retaliation, Anonymous Sudan attacked Kenyan websites in late July.[364]

Tensions deepened in February 2025 when Kenya hosted a meeting in Nairobi where the RSF and its allies signed a charter to form a parallel Sudanese
government without the SAF's participation. Sudan condemned the move, accusing Kenya of undermining its sovereignty. Analysts noted a shift in
Kenya's stance following Ruto's January 2025 UAE visit and economic agreement, suggesting a possible Emirati influence behind Kenya's actions.[365][366]

Libyan National Army

The Egypt-backed Libyan National Army, under the command of Khalifa Haftar, dispatched aircraft to fly military supplies to the RSF before the outbreak
of hostilities.[367][347] Haftar and the LNA collaborated with the Wagner Group, a Russian private military company, to conduct these flights.[367]

Haftar's support for a different faction in Sudan than the Egyptian government was commented on by The New Arab, which viewed it as a sign of Egyptian
weakness due to economic malaise and reliance on Haftar to police Eastern Libya, which constitutes a security concern for the Egyptian government. The
New Arab also viewed the LNA's role in the conflict as signifying a shift in its diplomatic orientation, from being primarily backed by Egypt to being
primarily backed by the United Arab Emirates.[368]

Russia
For much of the Sudanese civil war Russia has sent weapons to both the RSF and SAF. This began to shift during mid-2024, with the Russian government
beginning to favour the SAF, concurrent with Russia–SAF discussions around the construction of a Russian naval base north of Port Sudan.[369][370]

Wagner Group
According to CNN, Wagner supplied surface-to-air missiles to the RSF, picking up the items from Syria and delivering some of them by plane to Haftar-
controlled bases in Libya to be then delivered to the RSF, while dropping other items directly to RSF positions in northwestern Sudan.[371] American
officials said that Wagner was offering to supply additional weapons to the RSF from its existing stocks in the Central African Republic.[372] On 6
September, Wagner reportedly deployed a convoy of more than 100 vehicles carrying weapons to the RSF garrison in al-Zurug from Chad.[373] SAF
Lieutenant General Yasser al-Atta also accused the Wagner Group of bringing in mercenaries from several African nations to fight alongside the RSF.[374]

The head of the Wagner Group, Yevgeny Prigozhin,[375] and the RSF denied the allegations.[376]

As relations between the Russian government and the SAF improved during mid-2024, the latter publicly claimed that the Wagner Group was no longer
operating in Sudan. This claim was contradicted by a diplomatic source and eyewitnesses speaking to Middle East Eye.[369]

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Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia has provided military support and financial aid (though it officially denies it)[377] to the SAF, as it seeks to counterbalance the UAE's
influence in Sudan, which supports the RSF.[378] In response, Sudan has provided military support for the Saudi coalition in Yemen.[378] In March 2025,
al-Burhan visited Saudi Arabia in his first trip outside Sudan since the SAF retook Khartoum. There, he thanked Saudi support for Sudanese unity and the
fight against the RSF.[379]

South Sudan
Since the outbreak of renewed violence in Sudan in 2023, South Sudan has adopted a mediatory role, urging peace and engaging with IGAD and the AU,
though with limited success due to the conflict's complexity and multiple factions. South Sudan is deeply concerned about spillover effects—such as
refugee flows and economic instability—and recognizes that its own fragile stability is tied to Sudan's fate.[380][381] Tensions escalated further with a
February 2025 alliance between Sudan's RSF and the SPLM-N, a rebel group near the South Sudanese border. Experts warn this could pull South Sudan
into the conflict, especially if the Sudanese army supports rival South Sudanese militias in response. With shared borders, historical ties, and existing
political tensions between South Sudan's leaders (President Salva Kiir Mayardit and Vice President Riek Machar), the risk of both wars merging is high.
The strategic location of the RSF-SPLM-N alliance also boosts smuggling and military operations, weakening Sudan's army and increasing regional
instability. If unchecked, experts fear the two conflicts could become indistinguishable, worsening humanitarian crises in both countries.[382][383]

Turkey
Turkey appears to be engaging with both sides, notably through Baykar, owned by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's son-in-law, selling $120 million
worth of weapons, 6 TB2 UCAV's , 3 ground control stations, 600 warheads to the SAF in 2023, violating US and EU sanctions.[384][385] Meanwhile, Arca
Defense, another Turkish company, had extensive contact with RSF's procurement officer, though it denies selling weapons, adding complexity to Turkey's
role.[386] Turkey's interests include expanding military and diplomatic ties in the Horn of Africa, offering to mediate between Sudan and the UAE in
December 2024.[387]

In January 2025, the Somali government agreed to host SAF troops at Camp TURKSOM for training, as part of a Turkish-led effort to bolster military
support to the SAF.[388][389]

Ukraine
On 19 September 2023, CNN reported that it was "likely" that Ukrainian special forces were behind a series of drone strikes and a ground operation
directed against the Wagner Group-backed RSF near Khartoum on 8 September.[373] Kyrylo Budanov, the chief of the Ukrainian Main Directorate of
Intelligence, stated in an interview on 22 September that he could neither confirm or deny Ukraine's involvement in the conflict,[390] but said that Ukraine
"will be seeking and hunting down Russian military criminals ... sooner or later".[391]

On 6 November 2023, the Kyiv Post released drone footage of what it claimed was Ukrainian special forces attacking Wagner Group personnel in an
unidentified urban area in Sudan with an explosive projectile, which was believed to have been taken about two weeks before its publication.[392] Two
months later on 30 January 2024, the Kyiv Post reported that Ukrainian special forces had launched three drone strikes targeting the Wagner Group and
other Russian organisations in Sudan as well as their Sudanese partners in the preceding weeks.[393] The Kyiv Post released a report on 5 February 2024
with a video showing the aftermath of an attack allegedly by Ukrainian special forces on a Wagner Group unit which had purportedly suffered several
deaths and the capture of at least one member of the unit who was seen being interrogated on camera.[394]

United Arab Emirates

The UAE has faced mounting accusations of providing military support to RSF,[374][395] including covert arms transfers, drone supply, and logistics routed
through Chad, Libya, CAR,[396] and South Sudan.[397][398] Reports by major outlets like the Wall Street Journal,[399] New York Times,[330] and BBC,[354]
along with diplomatic sources and satellite evidence, suggest Emirati cargo planes delivered weapons disguised as aid, with operations coordinated
through Amdjarass airport in Chad.[400] UAE denied the accusations.[401][402][403]

Sudan expelled Emirati diplomats,[404] accused the UAE at the UN of aiding genocide,[405][406] and submitted complaints to the International Criminal
Court and the International Court of Justice.[407][408] The UAE ambassador to Sudan residence in Khartoum was also attacked on September 29,
2024.[409] The UAE is accused of using humanitarian cover such as Red Crescent hospitals for military purposes, including drone operations and weapon
bunkers near the border.[410][411][412] Sudan claims these actions aim to maintain Emirati influence and gold interests in Sudan, backed by historical
investments and ongoing port and agriculture projects.[413][414][415]

The UAE's ties to the RSF date back to the Yemen war in 2018. Its involvement is said to include cooperation with the Wagner Group for arms deliveries
and financing RSF logistics from within the Emirates.[416][417] Identity documents recovered from a 2024 plane crash in Sudan included a Russian
passport and an ID that linked to a UAE-based company.[418][419]

The US and the UK have called on the UAE to halt support,[420][421] with US lawmakers introducing multiple bills to block arms sales to Abu
Dhabi.[422][423] The EU[424][425][426] and Human Rights Watch[427] also demanded accountability. Emirati diplomatic initiatives toward Sudan continued,
such as hosting a humanitarian conference and pledging $200 million aid—actions seen by Sudan as attempts by UAE to improve its image.[428][429]

On 30 April 2025 UAE authorities said they had intercepted millions of rounds of ammunition at an airport in the UAE which was being illegally
transferred to the SAF, which the latter denied.[430]

Sudan opened a case at the International Court of Justice alleging that the UAE was complicit in genocide against the Masalit. The court hearings began on
10 April 2025.[431] On 5 May, the court dismissed the case, stating it "manifestly lacks" authority.[432]

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United Kingdom
In June 2024, The Guardian reported that according to multiple sources, UK government officials "attempted to suppress criticism" of the United Arab
Emirates and its alleged role in supplying arms to the RSF.[433] Furthermore, the UK is the UN Security Council's "penholder"[434] for Sudan.[433] In early
2023, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office initiated secret talks between the RSF and the UK.[435]

Sudan's Deputy Chairman of the Sovereign Council Malik Agar criticized the British government during a December 2024 meeting with the Head of the
UK Office for Sudan. Agar said that "If Britain wants to end the suffering of the Sudanese people, it must communicate with the UAE to stop the logistical
support it provides to the militia". Agar also denounced the UK's penholder status for Sudan on the United Nations Security Council, and demanded a
change in the UK's foreign policy towards Sudan as a prerequisite for improving bilateral ties.[436]

United States
On 20 January 2025, the Trump administration froze USAID payments for 90 days, redirecting most funds to military aid.[437][438] This resulted in the
closure of hundreds of soup kitchens, and increased deaths from starvation.[439] A court ordered the freeze lifted on 13 February, but the administration
cancelled nearly 10,000 aid contracts instead. The judge later demanded payments by 26 February, but Chief Justice John G. Roberts paused the order
pending a Supreme Court ruling by 28 February.[440]

Humanitarian impact

Humanitarian crisis
The humanitarian crisis following the fighting was further exacerbated by the violence occurring during a period of high temperatures, and drought
starting during the fasting month of Ramadan. Civilians were unable to venture outside of their homes to obtain food and supplies for fear of getting
caught in the crossfire. A doctors' group said that hospitals remained understaffed and were running low on supplies as wounded people streamed in.[441]
The World Health Organization (WHO) recorded around 26 attacks on healthcare facilities, some of which resulted in casualties among medical workers
and civilians.[442] The WHO said 80% of hospitals in conflict areas were out of service[443] with 32 forcibly evacuated by soldiers or caught in the
crossfire.[444] This included about half of Khartoum's 130 medical facilities and all hospitals in West Darfur.[445] Outbreaks of diseases such as measles,
cholera and diarrhea were reported across the country.[446] In August 2024 cholera was declared an epidemic in the country and as of 8 September 2024,
there were 5,692 cases of cholera including 185 deaths.[447]

In April 2023, the United Nations reported that shortages of basic goods, such as food, water, medicines and fuel have become "extremely acute".[448] The
delivery of badly-needed remittances from overseas migrant workers was also halted after Western Union announced in the same month that it was
closing all operations in Sudan until further notice.[449] The World Food Programme said that more than $13 million worth of food aid destined for Sudan
had been looted in the twenty days since the fighting broke out.[450] The looting of the WFP's warehouses in El-Obeid on 1 June led to the loss of food aid
meant to feed 4.4 million people.[451] An estimated 25 million people, equivalent to more than half of Sudan's population, were said to be in need of aid in
June 2023.[452] On 25 July, Humanitarian Coordinator Clementine Nkweta-Salami said attacks on humanitarian facilities had led to more than 50
warehouses looted, 82 offices ransacked, and over 200 vehicles stolen.[453]

In September 2023, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said that 1,200 children had died from disease outbreaks in refugee camps
in White Nile State since May.[454] In Central Darfur, the head of the Hamidiya refugee camp said at least 43 children had died in the camp since July.[455]
UNICEF also estimated that the conflict had led to the number of children being out of school in Sudan to rise from seven million prior to the fighting to 19
million in October 2023.[456] By 2024, the war's economic costs had surpassed all prior armed conflicts since Sudanese independence in 1956 due to
extensive destruction of infrastructure, particularly in urban areas such as the capital city of Khartoum.[457]

The dramatic decrease in agricultural activity ("cereal production in 2023 was nearly halved") caused increases in food prices, and the conflict led to
infrequent aid convoys. According to an army official cited by Al Jazeera, as of 29 March 2024, "70 aid trucks have been stuck in North Kordofan since
October". The UN estimated that 25 million people still needed aid, with 5 million facing famine and 18 million enduring "acute food insecurity". Mobile
networks being cut for nearly two months compounded the problems for those being helped by remittances from relatives abroad.[458] According to the
United Nations, both the SAF and RSF are posing obstacles to food aid because they want to prevent food from getting to areas controlled by the
other.[458]

In June 2024, Amnesty International's report, "New Weapons Fuelling the Sudan Conflict", stated that the constant flow of foreign weapons is fueling the
war and breaching the Darfur arms embargo. The organization found that the recently manufactured or transferred weapons and ammunition were being
imported in large quantities into Sudan from China, the UAE, Russia and Turkey. The weapons supply has impacted the war by causing massive civilian
displacement and a humanitarian crisis in Sudan. Both warring sides were using Chinese-manufactured advanced drone jammers, mortars and anti-
material rifles. The RSF was also reported to be using recently manufactured armoured personnel carriers from the UAE.[326]

Famine
Nearly 25 million people, half of Sudan's population, face extreme famine, according to the World Food Program, in April 2025.[459]

On 1 August 2024, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) Famine Review Committee (FRC) concluded that IPC Phase 5 famine
conditions are prevalent and ongoing in parts of North Darfur, including the Zamzam camp south of El Fashe and that there was a high risk of similar
conditions throughout internally displaced persons (IDP) camps.[40][460]

In late January 2025, the new administration of US President Donald Trump froze foreign aid for 90 days with waivers supposed to be available for urgent
and life-saving aid. However, the waiver process has been slow to get rolling.[461]

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By February 2025, famine had taken hold in at least five regions, with over 600,000 people at risk of starvation. The World Food Programme reported
that 80% of emergency food kitchens had shut down due to U.S. aid cuts. In North Darfur, MSF and WFP suspended operations at Zamzam camp, which
houses around 500,000 people. Cholera outbreaks have surged due to the collapse of Sudan's healthcare infrastructure.[437][462][438][463]

Sudanese factions were accused of using famine as a weapon of war, by attacking the country's most fertile states, displacing farmers, preventing
humanitarian assisting and arresting volunteers. Both parties have also imposed food and aid sieges on areas they do not control. Observers call for the
establishment of safe aid distribution zones, that rely on local initiatives, as well as accountability for perpetrators.[464][465]

Refugees
As of February 2025, over 12.3 million residents of Sudan have been displaced due to the fighting. The United
Nations said that the conflict had produced more than 8.8 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), while more
than 3.5 million had fled the country.[26] This makes Sudan the largest host of IDPs globally.[466] The
International Organization for Migration estimated that 31% of IDPs originated from Khartoum state, followed by
18% from South Darfur state and 15% from North Darfur state.[26] In November 2023, the UN said the conflict
created the largest child displacement crisis in the world.[467] 53% of people who have been internally displaced
due to the conflict are children.[26]

Of those who fled abroad, more than 160,000 were Masalit who fled to Chad to escape ethnically based attacks by
Sudanese refugee camp in Chad, 16
the RSF and allied militias.[468] Fighting between the SAF and the SPLM-N (al-Hilu) reportedly displaced more May 2023.
than 35,000 people in Blue Nile State alone, with 3,000 fleeing to Ethiopia,[68] while more than 83,000 were
displaced in South Kordofan.[469] As of August, more than 400,000 people had fled to Chad, making it the largest
single destination of refugees from the conflict, while others fled to other neighboring countries such as the Central African Republic, Egypt, and South
Sudan.[470]

Criticism was levelled at diplomatic missions operating in Sudan for their slow response in helping Sudanese visa applicants whose passports were left
behind in embassies following their closure during evacuation efforts, preventing them from leaving the country.[471]

The UN estimated that economic activity in Sudan fell by more than a third during the first three weeks of the conflict.[472] In July, Sudanese economists
estimated the total amount of damage brought by the conflict at $9 billion, or an average of $100 million per day, while the value of property and goods
looted was estimated at another $40 billion, with the most affected areas being Khartoum and South Darfur.[473] The exchange rate of the US dollar
against the Sudanese pound in the black market rose to SDG730 in September, while it reached SDG625 at the official rate. This later reached SDG1250 in
February 2024. The formal economy was described as being in a "near standstill".[474][472] Gold production was also reduced to just 2 tons from the
previous year's output of 18 tons.[475] Sudanese minister for minerals Mohamed Bashir Abu Nammu accused the RSF of looting around 15 tons of silver
and 1,273 kilograms of gold from the Sudan Gold Refinery at the start of the conflict.[476]

In February 2024, finance minister Gibril Ibrahim said that the Sudanese economy had contracted by 40 per cent in 2023 due to the fighting, with an
additional decline of 28 per cent expected in 2024. He added that state revenues had also decreased by 80 per cent.[477] Sudanese port authorities
estimated that international trade had fallen by 23 per cent in 2023. The Sudanese finance ministry was unable to set a national budget for 2023 or 2024
and stopped issuing quarterly reports. It also raised the exchange rate for imports and exports from SDG650 to SDG950. The fighting also rendered more
than 60 per cent of Sudan's agricultural land out of service, according to Fikra for Studies and Development.[474]

In May 2024, The Wall Street Journal reported that both the RSF and SAF were using revenue from the sale of gum arabic, which is primarily grown in
Sudan, to finance their operations.[478]

The suspension of USAID funding in 2025 significantly reduced cash assistance, which grassroots emergency response groups relied on to sustain food
kitchens. The crisis also impacted neighboring countries, with over two million Sudanese refugees facing deteriorating conditions.[437][462]

International reactions
Sudan was declared as the "world's worst humanitarian crisis,"[459] but is deemed under-reported in mainstream media[479] Observers call for an increase
of humanitarian aid, the enforcement of international law to protect humanitarian workers, the establishment of clear pathways for refugees to seek safety,
as well as halting the delivery of weapons to the RSF by the United Arab Emirates.[480]

Disinformation
Throughout the Sudan conflict, both the SAF and RSF waged aggressive disinformation campaigns, using social media to manipulate public opinion,
spread false narratives, and bolster their own images.[481][482] The RSF ran digital propaganda teams from Khartoum and Dubai, using verified social
media accounts to distribute misleading content.[483] The SAF used Twitter for morale-boosting and to counter RSF claims, though some of its posts were
proven false.[484][485]

Widespread disinformation included recycled footage from video games, past conflicts like Ukraine and Libya, and even archaeological props
misrepresented as war crimes.[486] For instance, SAF posted a video allegedly showing recent air operations, which was actually from the video game
Arma 3.[487] The SAF also circulated altered images, including a fabricated photo of Hemedti hospitalized in Nairobi.[488][489]

The RSF shared footage of a SAF and Egyptian Air Force warplane reportedly shot down by the RSF found to be that of an Su-25 fighter jet that crashed in
Mali,[490] and the other of a Libyan aircraft taken outside Sudan in 2020.[491]

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The RSF also sent bulletins to UK politicians with the help of Dubai-based Capital Tap Holdings, aiming to counter what it called "disproportionate"
disinformation.[492] Facebook removed RSF pages in August 2024, citing policy violations. The RSF blamed SAF for instigating the ban and said it was
negotiating with Meta to restore its accounts.[493]

The conflict's information space has been further destabilized by false claims against organizations like the Sudanese Doctors Syndicate[494] and by
deepfake-like imagery. Disinformation experts, including Kyle Walter of Logically, warned that generative AI may be fueling the sophistication of fake
content, undermining trust in all sources of information.[492]

Sanctions

United States
In response to ceasefire violations and human rights abuses in Sudan, U.S. President Joe Biden issued an executive order on 4 May 2023 authorizing
sanctions against actors destabilizing the country.[495] The first sanctions followed in June, targeting companies linked to both the SAF and RSF, along
with visa restrictions on unnamed individuals.[496]

Subsequent rounds of sanctions included RSF leaders Abdelrahim Dagalo and Abdel Rahman Jumma (accused of killing West Darfur's governor), Islamist
leader Ali Karti,[497] firms in Sudan and Russia, and former Bashir regime officials involved in RSF support or coup plots.[498] In May 2024, more RSF
commanders were sanctioned for violence in North and Central Darfur.[499][500]

Facing growing pressure from U.S. lawmakers, the Biden administration considered declaring RSF atrocities as genocide and tightening sanctions—
especially due to the UAE's alleged role in smuggling Sudanese gold to fund the RSF.[501][502][503] On 7 January 2025, the U.S. officially labeled RSF
actions as genocide and imposed sanctions on Hemedti, seven RSF-linked companies, and UAE-based Capital Tab Holding LLC. However, critics said the
measures came too late and would have limited impact.[504][505] According to Watan, in response, the UAE began lobbying in Washington to avoid direct
sanctions.[506] The UAE launched an investigation into the entities and reported that none of these seven companies hold a valid commercial license in the
UAE or conduct any business activities within the country.[507]

Other countries
On 12 July 2023, the United Kingdom announced sanctions on firms linked to the SAF and the RSF for providing funds and weapons in the conflict.[508]
On 15 April 2024, Canada imposed sanctions on two individuals and four entities linked to the SAF and the RSF.[509] On 23 June 2024, the European
Union imposed sanctions on six entities for manufacturing and procuring weapons for the SAF and the RSF.[510]

On 6 March 2025, Canada imposed sanctions on al-Burhan and Hemedti, due to "an unwillingness on the part of the leaders to negotiate an end to the
war".[511]

In popular culture
The Root Causes of Sudan's Civil Wars, a 2003 book by Douglas H. Johnson.[512] The book provides insights into the historical roots of the conflict
and the ongoing struggles in South Sudan, including the reasons for the continued fighting.
Sudan's Unfinished Democracy: The Promise and Betrayal of a People's Revolution, a 2022 book by Willow Berridge, Justin Lynch, Raga Makawi,
and Alex de Waal.[513] It examines the 2019 uprising that ousted long-time dictator Omar al-Bashir, the subsequent fragile regime, and the events
leading to the 2021 military coup and the current conflict.
Sudan, Remember Us, a 2024 documentary film directed by Hind Meddeb[514]
Khartoum, a 2025 documentary film by several Sudanese filmmakers[515]

See also
Sudanese Civil War, an index of three major civil wars that Timeline of the Sudanese civil war (2024)
occurred in Sudan's history, as well as other separate conflicts Africa portal
Timeline of the Sudanese civil war (2025)
in Sudan. Genocide of Indigenous peoples § Darfur
New Sudan
Genocides in history (21st century) § Darfur
Janjaweed (Janjaweed Coalition)
List of civil wars
Democracy in Africa List of conflicts in Africa
Human rights in Sudan
List of ethnic cleansing campaigns
War in Darfur
List of genocides
Darfur genocide
List of ongoing armed conflicts
2021 Sudan coup d'état
List of wars: 2003–present
Timeline of the Sudanese civil war (2023)
Sudanese National Forces Coordination

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External links
Media related to Sudanese civil war (2023–present) at Wikimedia Commons

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