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bindex.indd 05:47:54:PM 07/10/2013 Page 602
 Essential Algorithms
A Practical Approach to Computer
Algorithms

Rod Stephens

ffirs.indd 05:53:16:PM 07/10/2013 Page i

Essential Algorithms: A Practical Approach to Computer Algorithms

Published by
John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
10475 Crosspoint Boulevard
Indianapolis, IN 46256
www.wiley.com
Copyright © 2013 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Indianapolis, Indiana
Published simultaneously in Canada

ISBN: 978-1-118-61210-1
ISBN: 978-1-118-61276-7 (ebk)
ISBN: 978-1-118-79729-7 (ebk)

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ffirs.indd 05:53:16:PM 07/10/2013 Page ii

 About the Author

Rod Stephens started out as a mathematician, but while studying at MIT, he

discovered how much fun algorithms are. He took every algorithms course MIT
offered and has been writing complex algorithms ever since.
During his career, Rod has worked on an eclectic assortment of applications
in such fields as telephone switching, billing, repair dispatching, tax process-
ing, wastewater treatment, concert ticket sales, cartography, and training for
professional football players.
Rod is a Microsoft Visual Basic Most Valuable Professional (MVP) and has
taught introductory programming at ITT Technical Institute. He has written
more than 2 dozen books that have been translated into languages from all over
the world. He has also written more than 250 magazine articles covering C#,
Visual Basic, Visual Basic for Applications, Delphi, and Java.
Rod’s popular VB Helper website (www.vb-helper.com) receives several mil-
lion hits per month and contains tips, tricks, and example programs for Visual
Basic programmers. His C# Helper website (www.csharphelper.com) contains
similar material for C# programmers.
You can contact Rod at [email protected] or
[email protected].

iii

ffirs.indd 05:53:16:PM 07/10/2013 Page iii

 Credits

Executive Editor Business Manager

Robert Elliott Amy Knies
Project Editor Production Manager
Tom Dinse Tim Tate
Technical Editors Vice President and Executive
David Coleman Group Publisher
Jack Jianxiu Hao Richard Swadley
George Kocur
Vice President and Executive
Production Editor Publisher
Daniel Scribner Neil Edde
Copy Editor Associate Publisher
Gayle Johnson Jim Minatel
Editorial Manager Project Coordinator, Cover
Mary Beth Wakefield Katie Crocker
Freelancer Editorial Manager Proofreader
Rosemarie Graham Josh Chase, Word One
Associate Director of Marketing Indexer
David Mayhew Robert Swanson
Marketing Manager Cover Designer
Ashley Zurcher Ryan Sneed

iv

ffirs.indd 05:53:16:PM 07/10/2013 Page iv

 Acknowledgments

Thanks to Bob Elliott, Tom Dinse, Gayle Johnson, and Daniel Scribner for all
of their hard work in making this book possible. Thanks also to technical edi-
tors George Kocur, Dave Colman, and Jack Jianxiu Hao for helping ensure the
information in this book is as accurate as possible. (Any remaining mistakes
are mine not theirs.)

ffirs.indd 05:53:16:PM 07/10/2013 Page v

 Contents at a Glance

Introduction xv

Chapter 1 Algorithm Basics 1

Chapter 2 Numerical Algorithms 25
Chapter 3 Linked Lists 55
Chapter 4 Arrays 83
Chapter 5 Stacks and Queues 111
Chapter 6 Sorting 131
Chapter 7 Searching 163
Chapter 8 Hash Tables 169
Chapter 9 Recursion 185
Chapter 10 Trees 227
Chapter 11 Balanced Trees 277
Chapter 12 Decision Trees 297
Chapter 13 Basic Network Algorithms 325
Chapter 14 More Network Algorithms 355
Chapter 15 String Algorithms 377
Chapter 16 Cryptography 397
Chapter 17 Complexity Theory 419
Chapter 18 Distributed Algorithms 435
Chapter 19 Interview Puzzles 465
Appendix A Summary of Algorithmic Concepts 477
Appendix B Solutions to Exercises 487

Glossary 559
Index 573

vi

ffirs.indd 05:53:16:PM 07/10/2013 Page vi

 Contents

Introduction xv
Chapter 1 Algorithm Basics 1
Approach 2
Algorithms and Data Structures 3
Pseudocode 3
Algorithm Features 6
Big O Notation 7
Common Runtime Functions 11
Visualizing Functions 17
Practical Considerations 17
Summary 19
Exercises 20
Chapter 2 Numerical Algorithms 25
Randomizing Data 25
Generating Random Values 25
Randomizing Arrays 31
Generating Nonuniform Distributions 33
Finding Greatest Common Divisors 33
Performing Exponentiation 35
Working with Prime Numbers 36
Finding Prime Factors 37
Finding Primes 39
Testing for Primality 40
Performing Numerical Integration 42
The Rectangle Rule 42
The Trapezoid Rule 43

vii

ftoc.indd 05:53:41:PM 07/10/2013 Page vii

viii Contents

Adaptive Quadrature 44
Monte Carlo Integration 48
Finding Zeros 49
Summary 51
Exercises 52
Chapter 3 Linked Lists 55
Basic Concepts 55
Singly Linked Lists 56
Iterating Over the List 57
Finding Cells 57
Using Sentinels 58
Adding Cells at the Beginning 59
Adding Cells at the End 60
Inserting Cells After Other Cells 61
Deleting Cells 62
Doubly Linked Lists 63
Sorted Linked Lists 65
Linked-List Algorithms 66
Copying Lists 67
Sorting with Insertionsort 68
Linked List Selectionsort 69
Multithreaded Linked Lists 70
Linked Lists with Loops 71
Marking Cells 72
Using Hash Tables 74
List Retracing 75
List Reversal 76
Tortoise and Hare 78
Loops in Doubly Linked Lists 80
Summary 81
Exercises 81
Chapter 4 Arrays 83
Basic Concepts 83
One-dimensional Arrays 86
Finding Items 86
Finding Minimum, Maximum, and Average 86
Inserting Items 88
Removing Items 89
Nonzero Lower Bounds 89
Two Dimensions 90
Higher Dimensions 91
Triangular Arrays 94
Sparse Arrays 97

ftoc.indd 05:53:41:PM 07/10/2013 Page viii

 Contents ix

Find a Row or Column 100

Get a Value 101
Set a Value 101
Delete a Value 104
Matrices 105
Summary 108
Exercises 108
Chapter 5 Stacks and Queues 111
Stacks 111
Linked-List Stacks 112
Array Stacks 113
Double Stacks 115
Stack Algorithms 117
Queues 123
Linked-List Queues 123
Array Queues 124
Specialized Queues 127
Summary 128
Exercises 128
Chapter 6 Sorting 131
O(N2) Algorithms 132
Insertionsort in Arrays 132
Selectionsort in Arrays 134
Bubblesort 135
O(N log N) Algorithms 138
Heapsort 139
Quicksort 145
Mergesort 153
Sub O(N log N) Algorithms 156
Countingsort 156
Bucketsort 157
Summary 159
Exercises 160
Chapter 7 Searching 163
Linear Search 164
Binary Search 165
Interpolation Search 166
Summary 167
Exercises 168
Chapter 8 Hash Tables 169
Hash Table Fundamentals 170
Chaining 171

ftoc.indd 05:53:41:PM 07/10/2013 Page ix

x Contents

Open Addressing 172

Removing Items 174
Liner Probing 174
Quadratic Probing 176
Pseudorandom Probing 178
Double Hashing 178
Ordered Hashing 179
Summary 181
Exercises 182
Chapter 9 Recursion 185
Basic Algorithms 186
Factorial 186
Fibonacci Numbers 188
Tower of Hanoi 189
Graphical Algorithms 193
Koch Curves 193
Hilbert Curve 196
Sierpiń ski Curve 197
Gaskets 200
Backtracking Algorithms 201
Eight Queens Problem 203
Knight’s Tour 206
Selections and Permutations 209
Selections with Loops 210
Selections with Duplicates 211
Selections Without Duplicates 213
Permutations with Duplicates 214
Permutations Without Duplicates 215
Recursion Removal 216
Tail Recursion Removal 216
Storing Intermediate Values 218
General Recursion Removal 220
Summary 222
Exercises 223
Chapter 10 Trees 227
Tree Terminology 227
Binary Tree Properties 231
Tree Representations 234
Building Trees in General 234
Building Complete Trees 236
Tree Traversal 237
Preorder Traversal 238
Inorder Traversal 240
Postorder Traversal 242

ftoc.indd 05:53:41:PM 07/10/2013 Page x

 Contents xi

Depth-first Traversal 243

Traversal Run Times 244
Sorted Trees 245
Adding Nodes 245
Finding Nodes 247
Deleting Nodes 248
Threaded Trees 250
Building Threaded Trees 251
Using Threaded Trees 254
Specialized Tree Algorithms 256
The Animal Game 256
Expression Evaluation 258
Quadtrees 260
Tries 266
Summary 270
Exercises 271
Chapter 11 Balanced Trees 277
AVL Trees 278
Adding Values 278
Deleting Values 281
2-3 Trees 282
Adding Values 283
Deleting Values 284
B-Trees 287
Adding Values 288
Deleting Values 289
Balanced Tree Variations 291
Top-down B-trees 291
B+trees 291
Summary 293
Exercises 293
Chapter 12 Decision Trees 297
Searching Game Trees 298
Minimax 298
Initial Moves and Responses 302
Game Tree Heuristics 303
Searching General Decision Trees 305
Optimization Problems 306
Exhaustive Search 307
Branch and Bound 309
Decision Tree Heuristics 310
Other Decision Tree Problems 316
Summary 322
Exercises 322

ftoc.indd 05:53:41:PM 07/10/2013 Page xi

xii Contents

Chapter 13 Basic Network Algorithms 325

Network Terminology 325
Network Representations 328
Traversals 331
Depth-first Traversal 331
Breadth-first Traversal 334
Connectivity Testing 335
Spanning Trees 337
Minimal Spanning Trees 338
Finding Paths 339
Finding Any Path 339
Label-Setting Shortest Paths 340
Label-Correcting Shortest Paths 344
All-Pairs Shortest Paths 345
Summary 350
Exercises 351
Chapter 14 More Network Algorithms 355
Topological Sorting 355
Cycle Detection 359
Map Coloring 359
Two-coloring 360
Three-coloring 362
Four-coloring 362
Five-coloring 363
Other Map-coloring Algorithms 367
Maximal Flow 368
Work Assignment 370
Minimal Flow Cut 372
Summary 374
Exercises 375
Chapter 15 String Algorithms 377
Matching Parentheses 378
Evaluating Arithmetic Expressions 379
Building Parse Trees 380
Pattern Matching 381
DFAs 381
Building DFAs for Regular Expressions 383
NFAs 386
String Searching 387
Calculating Edit Distance 391
Summary 394
Exercises 394
Chapter 16 Cryptography 397
Terminology 398
Transposition Ciphers 399

ftoc.indd 05:53:41:PM 07/10/2013 Page xii

 Contents xiii

Row/column Transposition 399

Column Transposition 401
Route Ciphers 403
Substitution Ciphers 404
Caesar Substitution 404
Vigenère Cipher 405
Simple Substitution 407
One-Time Pads 408
Block Ciphers 408
Substitution-Permutation Networks 409
Feistel Ciphers 410
Public-Key Encryption and RSA 412
Euler’s Totient Function 413
Multiplicative Inverses 413
An RSA Example 414
Practical Considerations 414
Other Uses for Cryptography 415
Summary 416
Exercises 417
Chapter 17 Complexity Theory 419
Notation 420
Complexity Classes 421
Reductions 424
3SAT 425
Bipartite Matching 426
NP-Hardness 426
Detection, Reporting, and Optimization Problems 427
Detection ≤p Reporting 427
Reporting ≤p Optimization 428
Reporting ≤p Detection 428
Optimization ≤p Reporting 429
NP-Complete Problems 429
Summary 431
Exercises 432
Chapter 18 Distributed Algorithms 435
Types of Parallelism 436
Systolic Arrays 436
Distributed Computing 438
Multi-CPU Processing 440
Race Conditions 440
Deadlock 444
Quantum Computing 445
Distributed Algorithms 446
Debugging Distributed Algorithms 446
Embarrassingly Parallel Algorithms 447
Mergesort 449

ftoc.indd 05:53:41:PM 07/10/2013 Page xiii

xiv Contents

Dining Philosophers 449

The Two Generals Problem 452
Byzantine Generals 453
Consensus 455
Leader Election 458
Snapshot 459
Clock Synchronization 460
Summary 462
Exercises 462
Chapter 19 Interview Puzzles 465
Asking Interview Puzzle Questions 467
Answering Interview Puzzle Questions 468
Summary 472
Exercises 474
Appendix A Summary of Algorithmic Concepts 477
Appendix B Solutions to Exercises 487

Glossary 559
Index 573

ftoc.indd 05:53:41:PM 07/10/2013 Page xiv

 Introduction

Algorithms are the recipes that make efficient programming possible. They
explain how to sort records, search for items, calculate numeric values such as
prime factors, find the shortest path between two points in a street network, and
determine the maximum flow of information possible through a communica-
tions network. The difference between using a good algorithm and a bad one
can mean the difference between solving a problem in seconds, hours, or never.
Studying algorithms lets you build a useful toolkit of methods for solving
specific problems. It lets you understand which algorithms are most effective
under different circumstances so that you can pick the one best suited for a
particular program. An algorithm that provides excellent performance with
one set of data may perform terribly with other data, so it is important that
you know how to pick the algorithm that is the best match for your scenario.
Even more important, by studying algorithms you can learn general problem-
solving techniques that you can apply to other problems even if none of the
algorithms you already know is a perfect fit for your current situation. These
techniques let you look at new problems in different ways so that you can create
and analyze your own algorithms to solve your problems and meet unantici-
pated needs.
In addition to helping you solve problems while on the job, these techniques
may even help you land the job where you can use them! Many large tech-
nology companies, such as Microsoft, Google, Yahoo!, IBM, and others, want
their programmers to understand algorithms and the related problem-solving
techniques. Some of these companies are notorious for making job applicants
work through algorithmic programming and logic puzzles during interviews.
The better interviewers don’t necessarily expect you to solve every puzzle.
In fact, they will probably learn more when you don’t solve a puzzle. Rather

xv
xvi Introduction

than wanting to know the answer, the best interviewers want to see how you
approach an unfamiliar problem. They want to see whether you throw up your
hands and say the problem is unreasonable in a job interview. Or perhaps you
analyze the problem and come up with a promising line of reasoning for using
algorithmic approaches to attack the problem. “Gosh, I don’t know. Maybe I’d
search the Internet,” would be a bad answer. “It seems like a recursive divide-
and-conquer approach might work” would be a much better answer.
This book is an easy-to-read introduction to computer algorithms. It describes
a number of important classical algorithms and tells when each is appropri-
ate. It explains how to analyze algorithms to understand their behavior. Most
importantly, it teaches techniques that you can use to create new algorithms
on your own.
Here are some of the useful algorithms this book describes:
■ Numerical algorithms such as randomization, factoring, working with
prime numbers, and numeric integration
■ Methods for manipulating common data structures such as arrays, linked
lists, trees, and networks
■ Using more-advanced data structures such as heaps, trees, balanced trees,
and B-trees
■ Sorting and searching
■ Network algorithms such as shortest path, spanning tree, topological
sorting, and flow calculations
Here are some of the general problem-solving techniques this book explains:
■ Brute-force or exhaustive search
■ Divide and conquer
■ Backtracking
■ Recursion
■ Branch and bound
■ Greedy algorithms and hill climbing
■ Least-cost algorithms
■ Constricting bounds
■ Heuristics
To help you master the algorithms, this book provides exercises that you
can use to explore ways you can modify the algorithms to apply them to new
situations. This also helps solidify the main techniques demonstrated by the
algorithms.
 Introduction xvii

Finally, this book includes some tips for approaching algorithmic questions
that you might encounter in a job interview. Algorithmic techniques let you
solve many interview puzzles. Even if you can’t use algorithmic techniques
to solve every puzzle, you will at least demonstrate that you are familiar with
approaches that you can use to solve other problems.

Algorithm Selection
Each of the algorithms in this book was included for one or more of the fol-
lowing reasons:
■ The algorithm is useful, and a seasoned programmer should be expected
to understand how it works and use it in programs.
■ The algorithm demonstrates important algorithmic programming tech-
niques you can apply to other problems.
■ The algorithm is commonly studied by computer science students, so the
algorithm or the techniques it uses could appear in a technical interview.
After reading this book and working through the exercises, you will have a
good foundation in algorithms and techniques you can use to solve your own
programming problems.

Who This Book Is For

This book is intended primarily for three kinds of readers: professional program-
mers, programmers preparing for job interviews, and programming students.
Professional programmers will find the algorithms and techniques described
in this book useful for solving problems they face on the job. Even when you
encounter a problem that isn’t directly addressed by an algorithm in this book,
reading about these algorithms will give you new perspectives from which to
view problems so that you can find new solutions.
Programmers preparing for job interviews can use this book to hone their
algorithmic skills. Your interviews may not include any of the problems described
in this book, but they may contain questions that are similar enough that you
can use the techniques you learned in this book to solve them.
Programming students should be required to study algorithms. Many of
the approaches described in this book are simple, elegant, and powerful, but
they’re not all obvious, so you won’t necessarily stumble across them on your
own. Techniques such as recursion, divide and conquer, branch and bound, and
using well-known data structures are essential to anyone who has an interest
in programming.
xviii Introduction

NOTE Personally, I think algorithms are just plain fun! They’re my equivalent of
crossword puzzles or Sudoku. I love the feeling of putting together a complicated
algorithm, dumping some data into it, and seeing a beautiful three-dimensional
image, a curve matching a set of points, or some other elegant result appear!

Getting the Most Out of This Book

You can learn some new algorithms and techniques just by reading this book,
but to really master the methods demonstrated by the algorithms, you need to
work with them. You need to implement them in some programming language.
You also need to experiment, modify the algorithms, and try new variations on
old problems. The book’s exercises and interview questions can give you ideas
for new ways to use the techniques demonstrated by the algorithms.
To get the greatest benefit from the book, I highly recommend that you imple-
ment as many of the algorithms as possible in your favorite programming
language or even in more than one language to see how different languages
affect implementation issues. You should study the exercises and at least write
down outlines for solving them. Ideally you should implement them, too. Often
there’s a reason why an exercise is included, and you may not discover it until
you take a hard look at the problem.
Finally, look over some of the interview questions available on the Internet,
and figure out how you would approach them. In many interviews you won’t
be required to implement a solution, but you should be able to sketch out solu-
tions. And if you have time to implement solutions, you will learn even more.
Understanding algorithms is a hands-on activity. Don’t be afraid to put down
the book, break out a compiler, and write some actual code!

This Book’s Websites

Actually, this book has two websites: Wiley’s version and my version. Both sites
contain the book’s source code.
The Wiley web page for this book is http://www.wiley.com/go/essential
algorithms. You also can go to http://www.wiley.com and search for the book
by title or ISBN. Once you’ve found the book, click the Downloads tab to obtain
all the source code for the book. Once you download the code, just decompress it
with your favorite compression tool.

NOTE At the Wiley web site, you may find it easiest to search by ISBN. This
book’s ISBN is 978-1-118-61210-1.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
"We then presented the King with two arzies (petitions), desiring he
would grant to Nujm-u-Dowlah the Nizamut of Bengal, Bahar, and
Orissa, and to the Company, the Dewanny of the same provinces; to
both of which His Majesty has signed his fiat, and the proper
instruments for both are now drawing out."
The King, at the same time, granted firmans confirming to the
Company for ever all the lands round Madras and elsewhere
assigned to them by the Nabob of Arcot; as well as a free gift of the
five northern Circars. This was the first formal grant or confirmation
by the King to the Company, of these territories. The grant of Lord
Clive's jaghire, to the Company, was likewise confirmed.
The King was eager to induce Clive to march to Delhi and replace
him on the throne. But this was steadily refused. Clive's policy was
to interpose a friendly native power between our territories and the
Afghans, and as far as possible the Mahrattas. He saw that the King,
from his weak character and large pretensions was quite unfit for
such a purpose; and that none was so proper, both from character
and power, as Sujah-u-Dowlah. This was one cause why he was
anxious to have strengthened him, by restoring Corah. He wished to
induce the King to reside quietly in the Company's territories; but
finding this impracticable, gave him to understand that the Company
could not join him as a party in any of his ambitious enterprises,
beyond the limits of their own territories.
Such was the conclusion of these important negotiations, by which
the English East India Company became the real sovereigns of
Bengal, Bahar, Orissa, and other extensive territories. In these
provinces they now stood in the place of the Nabobs, and had
gained a right to levy and dispose of the whole revenues under
some very moderate burthens. They were no longer dependent on
the regularity of native princes for the payment of their troops, or
support of their establishments. The Nabob of Bengal was become a
puppet in their hands, of little use, but as a cover to their dealings
with European powers. Clive estimates the annual clear gain to the
Company, including their former possessions of Burdwan, &c., and
after paying the King, the Nabob, and all other expenses, as not
short of 122 lacs, or 1,650,000l.[94]
Clive had received from the King, in 1758, a sunnud appointing him
to the high rank of a munsubdar of six thousand foot, and of five
thousand horse, with the title of Zubdit-al-mulk, Nazir-ed-Dowla,
Sabat Jung, Behader.[95] The title of Sabat Jung he had originally, as
already mentioned, received from the Nabob of Arcot, for his gallant
exploits in that prince's service, and by that title he always continued
to be known in Bengal. He now received some augmentation of
sounding titles, but what they were does not appear.
While Clive was engaged in these public duties he did not intermit in
the regularity of his correspondence with his friends in England.
Some extracts from his letters will show the light in which he
considered his own situation and transactions.
[96][The following letter[97] to Mr. Salvadore, whom he employed as
a man of business, merits to be preserved as a proof of Clive's
disinterested conduct during this his last period of service in India:—
"I return you many thanks for your obliging letter, and for the very
favourable opinion you are pleased to entertain of my abilities, as
well as disposition to do my duty to the Company. It must be my
own fault if I do not answer the expectations of all the real and
disinterested proprietors; as for the occasional ones, and those who
act from resentment and selfish principles, I hold them in too much
contempt to cast away one thought about them.
"If I was to dwell upon the situation of the Company's affairs in
Bengal, both civil and military, a volume would not be sufficient.
However, I have the satisfaction of informing you, that I have
already made a great progress towards reforming those enormous
abuses of power, which cry aloud for redress. The inhabitants have
been laid under contribution by both civil and military, their goods
taken from them at an under price, and presents of money have
either been extorted from them, or given for interfering in the affairs
of government by insisting on men of high employments being
turned out, and others appointed in their room. The gentlemen
having the revenues of the country, amounting to upwards of
3,000,000l. per annum at their command, were making such hasty
strides towards independency, that in two years' time I am
persuaded the Company would not have had one servant upon this
establishment above the rank of a writer. In short, if the Directors do
not behave with spirit and integrity, and the Proprietors lay aside
their animosities, they will become answerable to the nation and to
Parliament, for being the cause of losing the greatest advantages
which ever have happened to England since it has been a nation.
"As for myself, although tempted on all sides by offers of riches
without bounds, I have refused every thing; and I am the greatest
villain upon earth, if either I or any one dependent upon or
belonging to me, with my knowledge, either directly or indirectly,
benefit ourselves the value of one farthing, except what shall be
specified in an account current which I intend laying before the
Directors, upon my arrival in England. Indeed, if I suffered myself to
be corrupted, I could not with any face undertake (in conjunction
with the Committee who have heartily and unanimously joined me)
the reformations which are essentially necessary for the Company's
welfare.
"The King has granted to the Company for ever, with the
approbation and consent of the Nabob, all the revenues which shall
remain after paying him a certain tribute, and allowing a sum
sufficient for the dignity and support of the Nabob. The Company's
income exceeds 2,000,000l. sterling per annum, and their civil and
military expenses in future never shall exceed 700,000l. per annum,
in time of peace, and 1,000,000l. in time of war. For further
particulars, let me refer you to Mr. Walsh. With regard to the French
forces, I shall put those of the Company upon so respectable a
footing, that all the powers of Europe can have no chance of
succeeding, without first landing, and being supported by the
powers of the country; and that appears very impracticable, since I
have lately acquired a grant from the King of five northern
provinces, those the French formerly possessed."
Clive's correspondence with his historian Orme appears at this period
to have revived, and he evidently looks to him as the transmitter of
his fame to posterity[98]:—
"I have wrote so many letters, and gone through such a scene of
public business, that I cannot attempt describing to you any part of
our proceedings in this part of the world. Scrafton, Walsh, and
Colonel Smith will furnish you with abundant matter of surprize and
astonishment. Let it suffice to say, that fortune seems determined to
accompany me to the last; every object, every sanguine wish, is
upon the point of being completely fulfilled, and I am arrived at the
pinnacle of all I covet, by affirming the Company shall, in spite of all
envy, malice, faction, and resentment, acknowledge they are
become the most opulent company in the world, by the battle of
Plassey; and Sir Hannibal Hotpot shall acknowledge the same.
"I am preparing plans in abundance for you. You shall have very
exact charts of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, and of the Mogul empire
as far as Delhi at least. A map of the Ganges likewise, and all the
other rivers of consequence."
The following letters to his cousin Harry and to his father are
pleasing proofs that his important occupations never cooled his mind
from his duties and feelings as a relation or a friend:—
"I have received[99] your letter of 22d of November, 1764, by which
I find you are all in health, though not so happy as when I was
among you. I make no doubt of once more contributing towards that
happiness, though not quite so soon as I expected, when in
England, owing to the length of our passage. I have pitched upon
the beginning of December, 1766, for resigning this government;
and nothing but my death shall prevent it. General Carnac, myself,
and the rest of our family, propose coming most of the way
overland; and shall, in all probability, be in London some time in
April, 1767.
"I have been seven hundred miles up the country, and have
established a firm and lasting peace, I hope, with the Great Mogul
and his vizier, Shuja Dowlah. I have seen much of his Majesty, and
he has appointed me one of his first omrahs, or nobles, of his
empire, with an immense title, not worth sixpence in England.
Touching all these matters, I must refer you to Mr. Walsh.
"I am glad you have put a stop to Stycke expenses: they became
enormous, and it will be time enough to go on with them upon my
arrival in England; but I approve greatly of your repairing Walcot,
and making it fit for Lady Clive's reception. The only concern I feel
arises from a conviction of what she must suffer from so long an
absence.
"With regard to myself, I have full employment, and enjoy my health
rather better than in England, though I find I cannot bear the heat
so well as formerly, which makes me determined to quit the country
as soon as possible."
"I rejoice," he writes[100] to his father, "to hear from others, though
not from yourself, that, notwithstanding the accident which has
happened to one of your eyes, you retain both your spirits, appetite,
and health. It is impossible, without a miracle, to enjoy the blessings
of life in that perfection in our latter days as in the days of youth;
but I really think your temperance and the goodness of your
constitution will carry you through life with ease and satisfaction to
yourself to an age nearly equal to that of your aunt Judy.
"Although I enjoy better health than in England, India is by no
means agreeable to me, separated as I am from my wife, children,
and dearest relations. The length of our passage will make my
absence one year more than I intended, but this you may be
assured of, that nothing shall detain me in Bengal beyond the
beginning of December, 1766; and I hope to see you all in good
health and spirits, some time in April, 1767.
"I have been seven hundred miles up the country, and have been
very conversant with His Majesty, the Great Mogul. He has made me
one of the first omrahs, or nobles, of his empire. I have concluded a
peace for the Company, which I hope will last, and obtained from
the King a grant of a revenue of 2,000,000l. sterling per annum for
them for ever; and, what is more, I have put them on a way of
securing this immense revenue, in such a manner that it is almost
impossible to deprive the Company of it, at least for some years to
come.
"With regard to myself, I have not benefited, or added to my fortune
one farthing, nor shall I; though I might, by this time, have received
500,000l. sterling. What trifling emoluments I cannot avoid receiving
shall be bestowed on Maskelyne, Ingham, and Strachey, as a reward
for their services and constant attention upon my person. I am much
obliged to the Doctor for his care of my health: he is worth about
2000l. already. This ship, sent express, will bring the Company the
most important news they ever received; and, if they are not
satisfied with mine and the Committee's conduct, I will pronounce
there is not one grain of honour or integrity remaining in England.
The reformation I am making, in both the civil and military branches,
will render the acquisition of fortunes not so sudden, or certain, as
formerly. This, added to the shortness of my stay in India, induces
me to think Captain Sempill had better stay in England, where we
may serve him by our interest at home. Remember me in the most
affectionate manner to my mother. She has acted a great part in life.
The uniformity of her conduct with regard to her children must, at
the same time it affords her the most pleasing reflections, influence
them to entertain the highest respect and veneration for so
deserving a parent. I will most certainly write to her, and to my
brothers and sisters, who have my most affectionate wishes."
In numerous other private letters he dwells upon the same subject.]
[101]

Much of Clive's time was devoted to examining and improving the

details and management of different branches of the public service.
The increasing expense of the military establishment had been called
to his notice by the Directors, before he went to Bengal; and he
entered with great activity into the task of devising plans for
reducing its expenditure. Besides the heavy charge for double batta,
he found the charges for buildings and fortifications exhorbitantly
high, and the work never completed. Of the surgeons' accounts, too,
he repeatedly complains as enormous; and mentions that, on
investigation, it was found that men had been charged for, as being
in the hospital, months after they were dead. These abuses he
attempted firmly and assiduously to correct; and his known
experience in military matters, joined with the particular knowledge
of commissariat concerns acquired while he served in that
department, enabled him to place the whole on a better footing.
Though less conversant with revenue matters, he applied his
powerful mind to that subject also. It was his uniform practice to
promote the most intelligent and active men to the head of each
line; and in the revenue department he seems to have been
fortunate in having the co-operation of Mr. Verelst and Mr. Sykes. His
plan, in revenue concerns was, to innovate as little as possible; to
avoid all impositions burdensome to the cultivator, however
productive; and to support the respectability and usefulness of the
upper classes of natives, by maintaining them in as easy and opulent
circumstances as was practicable. He saw the mischief of the
frequent changes in the demands made upon the ryots, and
proposed to introduce the system of leases for their protection. The
revenue seems to have been very flourishing; and the ryots in easier
circumstances in his time than they were some years afterwards.
Writing to Mr. Verelst[102], he says, "The 20th of this month we hold
the punah; and, by what I can learn, the kistabundy for next year
will amount to 172 lacs, which is 12 lacs more than this year; to
which, if you add 12 lacs of rupees which Mahommed Reza Cawn
proposes cutting off from the Nabob's allowance, being for useless
horse, elephants, buffaloes, camels, &c. the increase will be 24 lacs.
If we mean to avoid giving umbrage to the European powers, and to
keep up the appearance of the present form of government, we
ought not to exact one farthing of revenue more from the province.
For my own part, I think, after we have made this year's experiment,
and, by the regular payment of the rents, find we have not over-
rated the countries, that if Bengal was let out for five, six, or seven
years, it would be for the advantage of the Company, of individuals,
and add stability to our possessions by inspiring the inhabitants with
just ideas of our justice and moderation." Writing, a few days
after[103], to Mr. Palk, he touches on the same subject:—"Abundance
of business, and a good deal of bad health arising from the heat of
the weather, hath prevented me from being so punctual a
correspondent as I promised to be when I took my leave of you at
Madras. However, I will now acknowledge the receipt, as well as
return you thanks for your last letters of the 24th March and 4th
April. We have been already near a month at this place, in order to
ascertain the revenues of Bengal for next year. Upon the whole,
what with cutting off useless expenses and unnecessary kistabundy,
the Company will receive an increase for Bengal only of 24 lacs.
Here, in my opinion, we should hold our hands. To attempt farther
increase will be drawing the knot too tight. It will neither be to the
honour or advantage of the Company. In the end, it would be
impolitic: individuals who are of good families, who have been used
to live in state, and who have been intrusted with power, must have
wherewithal to support some part of that dignity which has always
been kept up in this country." In the course of the same year, in
answering the letter of a public servant who had proposed a plan for
increasing a particular branch of the revenue, he writes[104], "The
Company's revenues are already immense; nor can I think of
increasing them by the least oppressive mode. If, however, the
abuses you mention be real, and can be remedied without
distressing the ryots, they shall not escape unnoticed." He was
decidedly hostile to the plan, which had been already introduced, of
letting lands by auction; and was anxious that the ryot should labour
in his fields at ease, free from the apprehension of change.[105]
It is quite unnecessary, as it would be painful, to enter into
particulars regarding the corruption which prevailed at this time in
every rank of the service: the fact is sufficiently known. Clive's
efforts to check it made him many and powerful enemies. In a letter
to Mr. Verelst, he mentions a member of council who, he found, had
conditioned to receive 150,000 rupees from the Rajah of Burdwan:
he desires that gentleman to ascertain the facts. "It may be
necessary to have such anecdotes," says he[106], "to frighten people
into their duty to the Company, if no other use be made of them. I
hear a certain gentleman employs spies to watch all our actions,
yours and Sykes's in particular; but we may serve him as Scipio did
those sent by Hannibal, lead them at noonday through every
department in which we are concerned, and then dismiss them,
telling them they may go and tell their masters all they know."
Writing, on another occasion[107], to Verelst and Sykes, when
thwarted, from corrupt motives, by a man at the very head of
affairs:—"If you think," says he, "that I am endeavouring to stem
this torrent of corruption which threatens to overwhelm the whole
settlement, and if you feel within your own breasts that pleasing
satisfaction which I enjoy from a consciousness that I am acting
upon principles of honour and integrity, I am persuaded you will
support the measures we have so zealously adopted; and we shall at
last triumph over bad hearts and bad heads."—"Our disinterested
conduct," says he to another correspondent, when concluding the
treaties with the King and Vizier[108], "must be admired and
applauded by all virtuous and good men; and if there be men base
enough to disapprove of what we are about, we may all retire to live
happy, and upon the testimony of a good conscience." He frequently,
in the midst of the opposition and annoyances to which he was
exposed, seeks for consolation in this manly and honourable strain
of thinking.
No man knew the sepoy force of India better, or employed it more
successfully, than Clive; and it is interesting to ascertain his ideas,
both on its composition, and the dangers that might be supposed
eventually to attend its use. "You mention the number of sepoys as
an alarming circumstance," says he, writing, after his return to
England[109], to one of the committees of Directors, "and I allow
that the Company's chief danger arises from thence, and from the
discipline. But I am of opinion, that so long as they are regularly
paid, treated with humanity, and not flattered with promises never
meant to be performed, no danger is to be apprehended. Sepoys are
the most faithful and attached people in the universe; and being also
men of reason, they are thoroughly convinced, that they are upon a
much better footing with us than they can be with any of the
natives, be their rank what it may. Their attachment, as I have
observed, is strong; but they know no other than to those who feed
and clothe them. Much of the supposed danger is avoided by our
having separated and divided our sepoys into three brigades, so that
they can never make a revolution general, nor can they hold cabals
of an alarming nature. The best additional security I can think of, is
to have each battalion composed of an equal number of Gentoos
and Mussulmen, and to encourage a rivalship of discipline between
them."—"There is one step[110]," says he, on another occasion, "to
be taken with regard to the sepoys, which, I think, will bring them to
the greatest perfection sepoys can be brought to; viz. the officers
commanding the sepoys to run in that corps only; by which means,
all the officers will understand the language, without which it is
impossible to bring the sepoys to that pitch of discipline which will
make them truly formidable." It will be recollected that at this early
period of the service, regiments were but recently formed and
brigaded; and the officers were taken for the sepoy corps from the
European infantry, and were not yet attached permanently to the
former.
The fatigue, bodily and mental, which Clive underwent during the
second year of his residence in India, when engaged in counter-
acting the seditious movements of the civil and military services, had
the unfavourable effects that might have been expected on a
constitution so exhausted as his; yet the strong invitations which he
then received from the Directors to remain another year in India,
and his own desire to strengthen and confirm the government which
he had saved from anarchy, and perhaps from ruin, induced him to
revolve in his mind the possibility of complying with their request;
and in some of his letters, written in the summer of 1766, he
intimates a doubt whether he may not attempt to remain another
year to complete his work.
But in the end of October he was attacked by a bilious disorder,
which, increasing in severity, rendered him, early in November,
incapable of attending to business. It is, indeed, surprising that this
attack should have been so long delayed. From the moment he
arrived in Bengal, his mind had been kept invariably on the stretch,
by a succession of painful and trying exertions. He had travelled
much in the midst of the monsoon, and in the hottest season. On
one occasion, he writes to Mr. Verelst[111], "I have not had three
hours' sleep any day or night, since I left Mootyjil," a fortnight
before; and, even during the period when he thus travelled in a
burning climate[112], he continued anxiously corresponding at every
interval of his journey, on the subject of an alarming mutiny, which
threatened destruction to all his plans of public improvement. He
had difficulties to encounter on every side, reforms to be made, in
which he was obliged to depend for success, more on the energy of
his own mind, than on the support of the service, or of his
coadjutors. He had the ungracious office of interfering at every step
with the pecuniary emoluments of the majority of his countrymen of
every class. Few constitutions could have supported the anxiety he
endured. A less vigorous mind would have sunk under the fret and
annoyance of nearly two years' warfare of this exhausting kind: his
constitution only sank under the fatigue. The strongest proof how
severe his illness became, is afforded by the total interruption of his
correspondence from the 29th of November to the 27th of
December, during which period no letter appears to have been
written by himself, the correspondence being entirely conducted in
his name by Mr. Strachey. It has already been remarked that his
regularity and constancy in correspondence were quite exemplary.
His letters of business were answered the moment they were
received. This steady regularity, too often despised by inferior men,
was one of the means by which he did so much. With him it was
grown into a habit; but the habit was a proof of the energy of a
mind eager to accomplish, in the most perfect way, the business in
which it is engaged.
It was during this illness that the letter, already alluded to, from the
Court of Directors, arrived[113], disapproving of the Society of Trade,
but loading him with praises for his beneficial management of their
affairs, entreating him to continue in the government for another
year, and holding out the hope of ample remuneration for the
sacrifice he was invited to make. It must be acknowledged, that the
request of the Court of Directors was couched in terms sufficiently
flattering. They approve of all that he had done. "When we
consider," say they[114], "the penetration with which your Lordship
at once discerned our true interest in every branch, the rapidity with
which you restored peace, order, and tranquillity, and the unbiassed
integrity that has governed all your actions, we must congratulate
your Lordship on being the happy instrument of such extensive
blessings to those countries; and you have our sincerest thanks for
the great and important advantages thereby obtained for the
Company."—"We have the most perfect sense of your Lordship's
disinterestedness in every part of your conduct, and we shall not fail
to represent this to the proprietors, and shall, at the same time,
inform them of the many great advantages your Lordship has
obtained for the Company; but we fear, my Lord, past experience
will teach them, as it does us, that the permanency of those
advantages will depend much on your Lordship's continuing in India
till you have seen the regulations firmly established for the
conducting those important affairs. Another year's experience, and
peaceable enjoyment of our acquisitions, might fix them on a basis
that might give hopes they may be as lasting as they are great; and
there is no doubt, my Lord, but the general voice of the proprietors,
indeed, we may say, of every man who wishes well to his country,
will be to join in our request, that your Lordship will continue
another year in India. We are very sensible of the sacrifice we ask
your Lordship to make, in desiring your continuance another year in
Bengal, after the great service you have rendered the Company, and
the difficulties you have passed through in accomplishing them,
under circumstances in which your own example has been the
principal means of restraining the general rapaciousness and
corruption which had brought our affairs so near the brink of ruin.
These services, my Lord, deserve more than verbal
acknowledgments; and we have no doubt that the proprietors will
concur with us in opinion, that some solid and permanent
retribution, adequate to your great merits, should crown your
Lordship's labours and success."
Clive was not insensible to the voice of praise, and still less to the
call of ambition; but no principle was stronger with him than a sense
of duty. He had truly observed, some time before, in writing to Mr.
Palk[115], "It seems I am strongly solicited to remain in India
another year, and a promise is to be made me about perpetuating
my jaghire. If I could render the Company more essential service by
stopping than returning, and the situation of affairs made such a
sacrifice necessary, I should not hesitate one moment about
complying with their request, without being tempted by the bait of a
jaghire. This does not appear to be the case at present; and, I think,
all that depends on me will be effected in the space of two or three
months; and, if the necessity of continuing another year does not
appear in a stronger light than it does at present, I shall most
certainly depart in January or February next." The letter of the
Directors, just quoted, arrived on the 8th of December, after his
complaint had made an alarming progress; and it appears, by a
letter of Mr. Strachey, of the 13th, that Lord Clive had made up his
mind, as a matter of necessity, to embark for England in about a
month from that time. In a letter to his friend Mr. Palk, of the 30th of
the same month, he says, "My state of health will not permit me
more than to acknowledge the receipt of your several favours of the
20th, 27th, and 30th of September, and 7th, 11th, and 27th of
October. The discussion of political points I cannot attempt at
present, though I find myself recover daily. The Court of Directors
have been very strenuous in soliciting me to continue another year
in India. They have loaded me with compliments, and given me as
much additional power as I could have wished. But the situation of
the Company's affairs does not require that I should sacrifice
another year in this climate; and even if it did call upon me to make
such a sacrifice, it would be in vain. The very severe attack of bile
that I have been struggling with for many weeks puts it beyond a
doubt, that I could not survive, and be of use to the Company in
India another year."
His constitution from his youth had been subject to nervous attacks.
He now suffered from derangement of the biliary system, which
affected his health to a degree from which it never fully recovered,
and which may be considered as having finally hastened his end. It
was occasionally attended with spasms, of which the violence
endangered his life. In the intervals of comparative ease, however,
he continued to direct the affairs of the government. He had used
great exertions to improve the civil service, on which depended the
prosperity of the country. Many of those then at the head of it, from
various causes, were unfit to have any great share in conducting the
administration of public affairs. Some were too exclusively devoted
to self-interest, and were lax in their principles. The rapid fortunes
that had been made of late years had sent home a considerable
proportion of the most active of the older servants; others had been
forced to resign, or had been dismissed for malversation in office;
and many others had fallen in the massacre of Patna. Those next in
succession were in general young men of no experience, of luxurious
and dissipated habits, who, having been brought up in a bad school,
were strangers to subordination and to the restraints of duty. Clive,
sensible that to place such men near the head of a government, was
to undo all that he had done, and that no government can be carried
on without fit instruments, had asked from the Madras Government
four of its ablest civil servants[116], who were accordingly sent, and
placed in Council. This necessary act made him unpopular, and
created many and powerful enemies. But Clive was not a man to
shrink back from his course when supported by conscious rectitude,
and by a firm persuasion that he was acting for the benefit of his
employers and of the public. He supported the Madras servants
against all the combinations formed to disgust and annoy them, and
at his departure left them all high in office. By that, and similar acts
of energy, he did all that one individual could do to remedy a vicious
system; and had his plans been firmly executed by his successors,
and supported instead of being opposed and tampered with by the
Court of Directors, the history of India for the ensuing twenty years
might have afforded a brighter and more pleasing retrospect than,
unfortunately, it now does.
Clive was in particular most desirous that, after his departure, the
Select Committee, the real engine of government, should be
composed of the ablest and most upright men in the country. He left
the chief direction of affairs with perfect confidence in the hands of
Mr. Verelst, a man of honour and intelligence[117]; but he was
anxious to add to his strength by placing about him other men of
talent. Among these he was particularly desirous that Mr. Sykes, in
whom he had great confidence, should reside in Calcutta, to be near
the seat of government: but that gentleman preferred remaining in
the situation he then held as resident at Moorshedabad. Clive's
remonstrances on this occasion are very honourable to him:—"I have
received your letter," says he[118], "urging many reasons against
your residing at Calcutta, when Mr. Verelst came to the chair. Your
intention of declining the government, I must confess, is the only
one that seems to carry any weight. Your situation I believe, is a
very agreeable one, and your conduct, I am persuaded, will bring
advantage to the Company and honour to yourself. Yet let us not
forget, Sykes, the principles upon which you and I have hitherto
acted, of sacrificing private convenience to public good. To doubt my
friendship, because I cannot carry it to such lengths, is not to know
me. I have loved you as a brother; yet a brother cannot alter my
sentiments of what is right and wrong. If you are fully convinced
that your health will not permit you to live in Calcutta, and for that
reason, among others, you mean to decline the government, there
may be reasons given in abundance for remaining in your present
station; and, among the rest, that of your being the most fit for such
an employment. To conclude: this matter must be decided by my
successor, Mr. Verelst, after my departure. I have given you my
sentiments, which are consistent with my friendship for you, and my
duty to the Company."
A letter to Mr. Cartier, one of the last he wrote in India, shows a
similar anxiety for the public interest. Mr. Cartier, like Mr. Sykes,
wished to take no active share in the general concerns of the
government, but to remain, performing local duties, at an out
station. Lord Clive, who had a favourable opinion of his
qualifications, had urged him to conquer this repugnance; and Mr.
Cartier finally gave his consent. "The receipt of your friendly
letter[119]," says Lord Clive, "and your acceptance of being
nominated one of the Select Committee, with so much cordiality, has
afforded me more real satisfaction than I have felt for these many
months. I can now leave India with satisfaction to myself, because I
leave it in tranquillity, and the chief management of these important
and extensive concerns in the hands of men of honour, and
approved probity and abilities.
"Be assured, my good Sir, you will not have to encounter many of
those disagreeable circumstances which you seem to apprehend in
your letter to Mr. Verelst. That unthankful task has fallen to my lot.
The Select Committee, and Committee of Inspection, have already
made every regulation for the public good which can be desired or
thought of; so that it only rests with you, gentlemen, to keep
matters in the same channel, and not to relax in your authority, or
let yourselves down, by declining to support the dignity of your
station.
"A gentleman endowed, like Mr. Cartier, with a good capacity and
solid judgment, of a generous and disinterested way of thinking,
cannot fail of proving a very deserving servant to the Company, and
of acquiring honour for himself, if he will but have a little more
confidence in himself." After assuring him that, if he finds his new
situation at Calcutta agreeable, he will use his interest to have him
named Mr. Verelst's successor in the government, he continues:
—"The state of my health is such, that I cannot continue in it (the
government) another year, with any prospect of doing the Company
service: indeed, I do not think I should survive another month; I
have, therefore, determined to resign the government.
"The General, myself, and other friends, take our departure on
Monday next.
"I remain, dear Sir,
"Your affectionate friend, ever,
"Clive."
Lord Clive had always intended to return home overland, and had
arranged with several of his friends to accompany him; but the state
of his health put an end to this long-cherished project.
When he was thus preparing to embark for his native country,
broken as he was in health and constitution, and numerous as the
enemies were whom his conduct had raised up against him, he
might still look back with proud and generous satisfaction on the
great sacrifice which he had made, and the splendid effects which it
had produced. In the short space of twenty months he had quelled
the opposition of the civil service, had dismissed the most culpable,
and endeavoured to infuse a better spirit into those left; by his
firmness, and, perhaps, still more by the magic influence of his
name, he had subdued the dangerous spirit of mutiny among the
military officers, after it had broken out in overt acts; had sent off
the ringleaders without resistance; had introduced new officers in
their room, pardoned the less guilty, and restored them to their rank
and confidence; he had concluded an advantageous peace with the
Nabob-Vizier, by which he secured a large contribution for the
Company, to pay the expenses of the war, and gained two provinces
for the emperor, our ally; he had farther secured for him an annual
tribute out of Bengal; he had acquired for the Company a grant of
the dewannee, or rather, in reality, of the revenues and government
of the three great provinces; by means of which, and of an
agreement with the Nabob, the whole political power came into the
hands of the English, who, from that moment, were sovereigns, and
the effective arbiters of India: for the names of Nabob and Emperor,
unsupported by adequate military force, were but sounds. The
Company's debts in India had been reduced, and nearly
extinguished; their large investments provided, chiefly without
drawing on home; the expenses of the various establishments had
been examined and reduced with a liberal economy; the forces were
never in a more efficient state, and never supported at so small an
expense. His perfect knowledge of every part of the service, and his
resolute determination, produced a silent acquiescence in reductions
proposed by him, which, perhaps, would have excited the loudest
murmurs had they come from any other quarter. And, after all
reductions had been made, he might justly boast that he left the
various services the best and most liberally paid in the world. He had
checked the misrule which had desolated the provinces, and
imposed fetters on the cupidity of the ruling caste, which were,
unfortunately too soon removed after his departure: he had restored
the course of justice to its original channel, and the natives to their
wonted trade and commerce. Their political power was, indeed,
gone; hardly a semblance of it remained; but the ordinary and daily
aspect of society, which had been so rudely broken in upon for four
or five years, by the interference of the English and their servants in
the internal trade and concerns of the country, was once more
restored. No man but Clive could have achieved such changes; and
he derived his power to effect them from his own energetic
character, and from the glory which his former exploits had diffused
around him.
He held that the interest of England was best consulted by stopping
the career of conquest, and by confining ourselves to Bengal, Bahar,
and Orissa; rich, compact, and defensible provinces, that, by good
management, could be governed at little expense, and leave a large
surplus revenue. His policy in regard to the native princes he himself
explains. He never came into contact with the Mahrattas, the grand
disturbers of India, but was strongly urged by the Emperor Shah
Aulum to enter into an alliance with them, and accompany him to
Delhi. This, we have seen, he obstinately declined. "As I proceed up
the country," says he in a letter[120] to Mr. Palk, "if I find the
Mahrattas discontented and disposed to be troublesome, I shall
endeavour to form an alliance with the Jauts, Rohillas, and Suja
Dowla, to keep the country on this side Delhi in tranquillity. This
alliance is most earnestly wished for by the three above-mentioned
powers, and will, if any thing can, intimidate the Mahrattas from
committing ravages and disturbances in Hindostan; for certain it is, if
we should all unite and attack their country, they could not stand
one minute before us." He had also speculated on the possibility, if
necessary, of setting up the Rajah of Nagpore (whose vakeels had
waited on him at Calcutta to ask an alliance) in opposition to the
Peshwa, with whom that Prince was then on bad terms, and in that
way trusted to secure domestic peace by dividing the force of his
enemy.[121] He did not, however, provoke hostilities; and his great
military reputation probably preserved him safe from the attacks of
these freebooters, as well as from all other foreign annoyance.
In his intercourse with the chiefs of the different European factories
in Bengal, French, Dutch, and Danish, though he never yielded the
minutest portion of the rights of his employers, he seems, from his
correspondence, to have lived on the most friendly and courteous
terms with them all, and to have conciliated them by his fairness and
urbanity. But never did he allow any consideration of private interest
to interfere with his public duty. We have already seen that, while
nearly the whole of his large fortune was in the hands of the Dutch,
he attacked and destroyed an armament of that nation, at a moment
when he might, without reproach from his Government, have
abstained from acting, and when, indeed, he hazarded the censure
of his employers, and of the British Government, by the bold and
decided measure. Another very characteristic instance of a similar
nature occurs in his correspondence. M. Vernet, the Dutch chief of
Chinsura, had applied to him to procure the release of some boats
which had been stopped by the Nabob's officers, for some
informality or evasion. "I have the honour," he says[122], "to
acknowledge the receipt of your letters of the 7th and 9th instant. In
consequence of the latter, I have spoken to Mahommed Reza Cawn,
who will this day give orders for the release of such of the Dutch
boats as are furnished with your dustucks, and contain no greater
quantity of goods than are therein specified. But should any of the
boats be found laden with merchandise not mentioned in the
dustucks, you cannot but confess, from what I have already written
you, that it would be highly improper for me to interfere." He
immediately adds, "You favoured me, some time ago, with your
promise for bills for the amount of two lacs of rupees by your second
ship. I am now to request bills for one other lac, if you can
conveniently grant them." With him the separation between his
public duty and private interest was always complete: he never
permitted the latter for a moment to influence his conduct in the
other.
The same urbanity and consideration which he showed to foreign
Europeans, secured to him the attachment and affection of most of
the natives of rank with whom he had occasion to treat. He behaved
to them uniformly with the deference and respect that were
considered as their due, by the usages of the country. In writing to a
friend concerning an increase which had been made to the revenues
of Bengal, we have seen[123] that he urged the necessity of
stopping, that we might not trench on the fund necessary for the
support of the higher class of native families. He was anxious that
the regular gradation of ranks should be preserved as it then was,
that it should be exposed to no sudden disruption. It would have
been well if such beneficent and politic maxims had always been
acted upon in future years.
In his choice of men for public situations, he was guided by a regard
to their talents, and their capacity of being useful. Though no man
was more ready to attend to the recommendation of his friends,
such recommendation with him held but the second place, and was
listened to only in affairs of detail. All the higher offices, and such as
required superior abilities, he, like every other man who has a mind
made for command, filled from considerations of merit only. Even
some men whom he personally disliked, as for example, Colonel
Richard Smith, he constantly employed and encouraged from a
sense of their useful qualities.
Among other eminent men whom he patronised, he found Rennell,
then a lieutenant of engineers, employed in various surveys,
encouraged him to complete the general survey and map of Bengal,
communicated to him all such previous surveys as were to be found
in the public offices, furnished him with a proper establishment,
gave him every assistance in his power, and finally, young as he was,
bestowed on him the office of surveyor-general, which seems to
have been created for him. Clive's mode of treating officers in whom
he could repose confidence, and his means of securing the speedy
and effectual execution of the orders he gave, are illustrated by one
of his letters[124] to Rennell. He had ordered a general map of the
provinces to be completed. "If you have occasion for any assistants,
name them, and I will order them to attend you."
He also directed an accurate survey to be made of every mouth of
the Ganges, every channel, and every creek, ascertaining at the
same time the soundings of each; a survey which, in his instructions,
he justly remarks, was likely to afford many new and advantageous
directions for our navigation.[125] Till then, our acquaintance with
the mouths of the Ganges was very imperfect.
Among those who were introduced into the service by his interest,
may be mentioned Mr. Gladwin, one of the first of the English in
Bengal, who communicated to the public his acquirements in the
eastern languages. He had gone out as a volunteer, in which
situation he attracted the notice of Clive, who procured for him
admission into the civil service. Clive's conduct, in this instance, is
very characteristic of his friendly and energetic temper. Mr. Strachey
writes Mr. Gladwin[126],—"His Lordship directs me to assure you,
that if the recommendations he gave you, some time ago, should
not procure you an appointment in the Company's service, he will
further exert his interest in your behalf, nor desist till the point be
attained."
Though a steady friend, he was not blind to the faults of those
whom he patronised; and his correspondence contains many letters,
in which he freely gives his opinions on their conduct, and his candid
advice. An extract from a letter to Mr. Middleton[127] may be given
as an example. "I have received your letter of the 19th of
September," says he, "in which you express your concern at the
censure passed upon you by the board, and imagine you may have
done something to forfeit my friendship.
"To reason in this way, is to know but little of the duty of a governor
in a public station. If the board were unanimous, which they really
were, in thinking you and the other gentlemen had been wanting in
diligence and attention to the Company's business, was it in my
power to change or alter their sentiments? Or could I attempt such a
thing consistently with my duty, or the principles upon which I have
hitherto acted? The real truth of the matter is, that the relaxation of
government for some years past, has introduced so much luxury,
extravagance, independency, and indolence into Bengal, that every
effort upon our part to reclaim this settlement is looked upon as a
hardship, or an act of injustice; although it be absolutely necessary
for the salvation of the whole." After some observations on the
wrongheaded opposition which had been made by some of the
younger servants, and the danger they thereby incurred, he adds:—
"To set aside the Governor, and speak as a friend, I entertain no
doubt of the integrity of your intentions, and of your zeal for the
service; but you are naturally of an indolent, good-natured, and
hospitable disposition, which in private life may make you beloved by
all that know you; yet, in a public station, these qualities may
subject you to the greatest inconveniences. You become responsible,
not only to the public for your want of attention, but for the want of
attention of those acting under you, who will perpetually trespass on
your good nature. The indulgence shown by you to the young
gentlemen of the factory, which I myself was an eyewitness to, must
have this consequence,—of their becoming very familiar, which in
your present station they ought not to be, of being very supine and
very neglectful of the Company's business, in which your own
reputation is more immediately concerned. And I wish the mischief
may only end here. After having led so luxurious, extravagant, and
independent a life, there will be much to fear for themselves after
your departure.
"The open manner in which you have expressed your sentiments
and grievances, gives me a right to send you mine in return, which I
do assure you proceeds from real friendship and regard for the
interests of those who are acting under you. Perhaps they may not
be looked upon in that light by said young men. If not, I wish future
experience may not convince them to the contrary."
Such friendly remonstrances, from a man like Lord Clive, from one
who had a right to command, should have had their effect; and, at
all events, are creditable alike to his heart and understanding.
In the same spirit, and from a firm persuasion of the noxious effects
of expensive habits in young men in the lower branches of the
service, we find him refusing dustucks for the conveyance of a
chariot and barouche to gentlemen who were only writers, as being
quite unjustifiable.
Many of the imprudent and ill-advised officers who had been
engaged in the mutinous proceedings, applied to him to be
reinstated. This he peremptorily refused, as injurious to the public
service: but, from his private letters we find that, in numerous
instances, he advanced sums from his private purse, to enable them
to subsist after their dismissal, and to convey them to their native
country.
On the 16th of January, 1767, Lord Clive was well enough to attend,
for the last time, a meeting of the Select Committee. On this
occasion he laid before them a letter, in which, after mentioning that
he had no prospect of recovering health, or even of preserving life,
but by an immediate embarkation for his native country, and that
this necessity would be most painful to him, did he not leave the
country in peace and in a flourishing state, and in the hands of an
upright and able government, he proceeds to exercise his authority
for continuing the Select Committee, filled up the vacancies in its
members, and laid down regulations for its guidance. He advises
them not to be anxious to increase the revenues, especially where it
could only be effected by oppressing the landholders and tenants,
for that so long as the country remained in peace, the collections
would exceed the demands. He points out some difficulties likely to
result from the state of the currency, and strongly recommends that
all Company's servants and free traders should be recalled from the
interior; as, until that was done the natives could hardly be said to
be masters of their own property: that the orders for the abolition of
their salt trade being express, must be punctually obeyed.[128] "But,
as I am of opinion," he continues, "that the trade upon its present
footing is rather beneficial than injurious to the inhabitants of the
country, and that a continuation of this indulgence, or some
equivalent, is become absolutely necessary, and would be an
honourable incitement to diligence and zeal in the Company's
service, I flatter myself the Court of Directors will be induced to
settle some plan that will prove agreeable to your wishes."
He evinced great apprehension (says Sir John Malcolm[129],
speaking of Lord Clive's farewell letter,) of the danger to which the
empire would be exposed by the revival of that spirit of corruption
and insubordination which he had, with so much difficulty, subdued.
"It has been too much the custom," he observes, "in this
government to make orders and regulations, and thence to suppose
the business done. To what end and purpose are they made, if they
be not promulgated and enforced? No regulation can be carried into
execution, no order obeyed, if you do not make rigorous examples of
the disobedient. Upon this point I rest the welfare of the Company in
Bengal. The servants are now brought to a proper sense of their
duty. If you slacken the reins of government affairs will soon revert
to their former channel; anarchy and corruption will again prevail,
and, elate with a new victory, be too headstrong for any future
efforts of government. Recall to your memories the many attempts
that have been made in the civil and military departments to
overcome our authority, and to set up a kind of independency
against the Court of Directors. Reflect also on the resolute measures
we have pursued, and their wholesome effects. Disobedience to
legal power is the first step of sedition; and palliative measures
effect no cure. Every tender compliance, every condescension on
your parts, will only encourage more flagrant attacks, and will daily
increase in strength, and be at last in vain resisted. Much of our time
has been employed in correcting abuses. The important work has
been prosecuted with zeal, diligence, and disinterestedness; and we
have had the happiness to see our labours crowned with success. I
leave the country in peace. I leave the civil and military departments
under discipline and subordination: it is incumbent upon you to keep
them so. You have power, you have abilities, you have integrity; let it
not be said that you are deficient in resolution. I repeat that you
must not fail to exact the most implicit obedience to your orders.
Dismiss or suspend from the service any man who shall dare to
dispute your authority. If you deviate from the principles upon which
you have hitherto acted, and upon which you are conscious you
ought to proceed; or if you do not make a proper use of that power
with which you are invested, I shall hold myself acquitted, as I do
now protest against the consequences."
"Such," continues Sir John, "was the parting advice which Lord Clive
gave to his former colleagues: but the task of reform which he had
commenced could have been completed by his own commanding
talents alone, aided by the impression of his high personal character.
It was far too great for the strength of those on whom it devolved."
On the 23d of January he wrote an additional letter to the Select
Committee. It was for the purpose of recommending a measure
which he had omitted to mention in his letter of the 16th, but which
he considered as essentially necessary to the interest and honour of
the Company. "The people of this country," says he, "have little or no
idea of a divided power; they imagine all authority is vested in one
man. The Governor of Bengal should always be looked upon by them
in this light, as far as is consistent with the honour of the Committee
and Council. In every vacant season, therefore, I think it expedient
that he take a tour up the country, in the quality of a supervisor-
general. Frauds and oppressions of every sort being by this means
laid open to his view, will, in a great measure, be prevented, and the
natives preserve a just opinion of the importance and dignity of our
president, upon whose character and conduct much of the prosperity
of the Company's affairs in Bengal must ever depend."
Lord Clive finally embarked for England in the Britannia, in the end
of January, 1767. In the East all his endeavours had been crowned
with brilliant success. His operations, from the moment he appeared
on that theatre till he quitted it, formed a great era in the history of
England, of India, and of the world. The rapidity and ease with
which the richest provinces in India were subjugated, threw a new
light on the nature of the intercourse between Europe and Asia. The
veil which Bussy had in part lifted up, he removed. Men, who till now
had appeared in the humble garb of merchants and suitors,
henceforward assumed the reins of government, and took their
place in the direction of nations and of states where they had lately
been strangers. The power of the East was once more, as in the
days of Alexander, brought into collision with that of the West, and
once more quailed before it. The grand secret of oriental splendour
and weakness was confirmed; and Clive had sufficient greatness of
mind to forego the tempting occasion of being the conqueror of the
Mogul empire, and to content himself with a more moderate and less
brilliant, but to his country, infinitely more useful triumph. He had
the rare, and, in a successful soldier and conqueror, almost
unparalleled magnanimity, to place his ambition under the guidance
of his judgment and his duty.
 FOOTNOTES:
[66] Letter to Major Stibbert, Bankepore, dated 27th September,
1766.
[67] Dated 4th October, 1765.
[68] He afterwards saw reason to estimate a Colonel's share at
7000l.
[69] Here, unfortunately, Sir John Malcolm's labours close. A few
extracts, marked out by him, afterwards occur, where they are
pointed out.
[70] End of 1762.
[71] Vansittart's Narrative, vol. ii. p. 164-170.
[72] 10th July, 1763.
[73] 24th April, 1764.
[74] 18th May, 1764.
[75] Verelst's View, p. 113.
[76] 30th March, 1772.
[77] Letter of Directors, 1st June, 1764.
[78] This tax was not on the real value, but on a reduced
estimate: and paid before it was carried into the country.
[79] Had the plan been allowed to proceed, the renunciation of
trade would have been compulsory.
[80] 14th December, 1765.
[81] Dated 23d November, 1765.
[82] Letter to Select Committee of Bengal, 17th May, 1766.
Fourth Report of Secret Committee, App. No. 45.
[83] 17th May, 1766.
[84] See Fourth Report of Select Committee of the House of
Commons, App. No. 58.
[85] Fourth Report of Select Committee, App. No. 61.
[86] 15th December, 1769.
[87] Dated 28th August, 1767. Fourth Report of Select
Committee, App. No. 59.
[88] Letter dated Bath, 14th November, 1767.
[89] See Clive's speech, 30th March, 1772, which contains an
unanswerable defence of his conduct.
[90] See Verelst's View, p. 84.; App. p. 239.; and Sir James
Steuart's Principles of Money applied to the present State of the
Coin of Bengal, Works, vol. v.
[91] 11th July, 1765.
[92] 3d August, 1765.
[93] 12th August, 1765.
[94] Letter to Court of Directors, 30th September, 1765.
[95] The illustrious, the chosen of the kingdom, arranger of the
state, firm in war.
[96] The few pages that follow, enclosed between brackets,
contain the last fragment of the Memoir written by Sir John
Malcolm.
[97] Dated Calcutta, 25th September, 1765.
[98] Calcutta, 29th September, 1765.
[99] Letter to Harry Clive, Esq., dated Calcutta, 25th September,
1765.
[100] 24th September, 1765.
[101] Vide note on p. 129.
[102] Mootejyl, 19th April, 1766.
[103] Mootejyl, 25th April, 1766.
[104] Letter to Mr. Blomer, Dinagepore, 22d September, 1766.
[105] There can be little doubt that the ryot was in Bengal, as in
other parts of India, in reality a proprietor of the land: a
circumstance which afterwards, in making the permanent
settlement, on English or Mussulman ideas, was unfortunately
overlooked. See Colonel Briggs's valuable and too little known
work, on the Land Tax in India. Lond. 1830. 8vo.
[106] Letter, 29th December, 1765.
[107] 8th July, 1765.
[108] 10th August, 1765.
[109] 28th August, 1767.
[110] Letter to Colonel Smith, 23d August, 1765.
[111] 21st May, 1766.
[112] Mr. Campbell, writing to Mr. Strachey, who accompanied
Lord Clive in his rapid journey to Benares the preceding year,
gives a lively idea of the speed of the travellers. "You complain of
my silence, but without reason. There are four or five letters on
their way to you. But how should the dawks, or the devil himself,
overtake you travelling at such a rate? Besides, you are
everywhere and nowhere, sometimes travelling by land,
sometimes by water. How, or where, am I to address you? The
facetious Dean Swift tells Lord Peterborough that the ministry
were obliged to write at him, not to him. I must do the same.
Like his Lordship, you are in perpetual motion. You are now at
Benares: a week hence you will be at Allahabad; a month more
will carry you to Delhi. From thence I expect you will shape your
course north-east towards China, and give us the slip, by taking
your passage to Europe from Canton." Letter, August 10, 1765.
[113] 8th December, 1766.
[114] Letter of the Court of Directors to Lord Clive, 17th May,
1766, pars. 2. and 11.; Third Report of Select Committee; App.,
No. 74.
[115] 17th October, 1766.
[116] Messrs. Russell, Rumbold, Aldersey, and Kelsall.
[117] Mr. Campbell, in a letter to Mr. Strachey, 18th August, 1765,
gives an instance of Mr. Verelst's good temper. "Mr. Verelst is
eternally losing by water what he gains by land. While he was at
dinner with me yesterday, advice was brought that a vessel of his,
worth 14,000 rupees, had foundered at sea. But he is callous to
such accidents as would make me run mad. He called for a glass
of wine, and said he would get up the loss. This is true
philosophy."
[118] 2d October, 1766.
[119] 22d January, 1767.
[120] 25th April, 1766.
[121] Letter to Mr. Palk, 8th September, 1766.
 [122] 11th November, 1766.
[123] Letter to Mr. Palk, 25th April, 1766, already quoted.
[124] 4th October, 1765.
[125] Letter to Captain Keble, Master Attendant, 28th April, 1766.
[126] 26th April, 1766.
[127] Letter to Samuel Middleton, Esq., 4th October, 1766.
[128] Lord Clive having, on this occasion, resigned the shares in
the salt trade, to which by the scheme the governor was entitled,
a commission of 1-1/8 per cent. on the revenues was assigned as
an equivalent, to commence 1st September, 1766, and to end 1st
September, 1767, the term of the salt society's privilege.
[129] Malcolm's Political India, vol. ii. p. 32.

CHAP. XVII.
LORD CLIVE landed at Portsmouth on the 14th of July, 1767, and
reached London on the following day. Though the sea-voyage
probably preserved his life, it still left his constitution very much
shattered; and, on his arrival in London, his physicians immediately
recommended that he should repair to Bath, for the purpose of
drinking the waters. He remained in town, therefore, only a few days
to be presented to their Majesties, to whom he had brought letters
and presents from the Nabob of Arcot; and, in the first days of
August, he set out for Bath, taking in his way Wotton, the seat of his
friend Mr. George Grenville. His disorder was a severe bilious
complaint, attended with spasms, loss of appetite, and indigestion; a
continuation or consequence of that derangement of the liver from
which he had already suffered so much in Bengal.
On his arrival, he was warmly welcomed, not only by his family and
numerous private friends, but by the men most distinguished for
rank and talent in England, and by the Court of Directors, who owed
him so much. While conducting the affairs of his country with such
distinguished honour and success in India, he had not been
forgotten in Europe, where his name occupied a high rank among
those of the illustrious men, who had raised the fame of England to
so high an eminence at that glorious period. His statue, with those
of Admiral Sir George Pocock, and of General Lawrence, had been
placed in the India House.[130] The first part of Orme's "History of
the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan," had
appeared in 1763, and had spread the renown of the hero of the
story wherever the English language is read. When Clive, during his
second government, had enlarged so much his own fame, and the
fame and power of his country, he felt a natural desire that the
elegant historian should continue his work, and commemorate these
great events; and accordingly he furnished him with all the materials
that he possessed for aiding his progress. "What think you," says he,
with a just pride, in a letter to Orme, "of closing the third volume of
your history with an account of the King (of Delhi's) being at last
placed in a situation of affluence and grandeur, the Vizier Sujah-u-
Dowlah being obliged to sue for peace, which was granted upon
very honourable terms, and the Company being in possession of the
revenues of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, amounting to 4,000,000l.
sterling per annum, and the country in a state of perfect
tranquillity?"[131] The subject was a fine one, every way worthy of
the historian's talents; and the proposed enlargement would have
given a suitable close and unity to his former labours. But Orme did
not delight in bold and rapid sketches; and the perhaps excessive
detail in which he indulged in his most interesting historical work,
prevented him from at all entering on the history of these
memorable transactions; so that, at the close of his third volume, he
had not advanced beyond the year 1760, the time when Clive left
the country after his first government. At the same time, it is not to
be supposed that Clive escaped a large share of that envy, and of
the consequent abuse, that generally attend the triumph of a
fortunate commander. The many enemies whom he had made, filled
the public papers, to a more than ordinary degree, with acrimonious
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