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 ERRATA

On p. 22, the exponent in equation (4) should be divided by the number

2—lost in the foregoing derivation by a careless approximation.

On p. 87 line 4 slightly underestimates the total number of rotational

quantum states.
Copyright
Copyright © 1965, 1966, 1974 by Leonard K. Nash
All rights reserved.

Bibliographical Note
This Dover edition, first published in 2006, is an unabridged republication
of the 1974 second edition of the work originally published in 1965 by
Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., Reading, Massachusetts.

International Standard Book Number:

9780486137469

Manufactured in the United States by Courier Corporation

44978502
www.doverpublications.com
Preface

Macroscopic thermodynamics is here reexamined from the perspective of

atomic-molecular theory. The thermodynamic concepts of entropy and
equilibrium are thus invested with new meaning and implication, and one
comes to see how thermodynamic magnitudes (e.g., gaseous heat capacities
and equilibrium constants) can be calculated from spectroscopic data.
Chapter 1 introduces and develops a statistical analysis of the concept of
distribution—culminating in a very simple derivation of the Boltzmann
distribution law and a demonstration of the relation of statistical and
thermodynamic entropies. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 then treat in turn the
formulation, the evaluation, and the application of partition functions.
Compared with the first edition, the present second edition offers in its
opening chapter an analysis that is both much simpler and more decisive.
This chapter also provides a brief but convincing demonstration of one
crucial point merely announced in the first edition, namely: the enormous
odds by which some distributions are favored over others. The remaining
chapters reflect complete reorganization and extensive rewriting of the
corresponding material in the first edition, and further incorporate several
major additions. These include some illuminating interpretations of
partition functions and statistical entropies, a brief but substantial
development of the statistics of indistinguishable units, an exploration of
the “dilute-gas condition” under which these statistics reduce to a limiting
form equivalent to “corrected” Boltzmann statistics, and a derivation of the
Maxwell-Boltzmann molecular-speed distribution law in three dimensions.
Enlarged by 70%, the set of problems should both challenge and reward the
reader.
This text has been designed to convey its message at either of two levels.
First: if systematically supported by a series of exegetical lectures, the book
may be used in strong introductory college chemistry courses. Years of
experience in teaching such a course convince me that, wherever classical
thermodynamics can be taught successfully, this much statistical
thermodynamics can be taught at least as successfully—and with striking
reflexive improvement in student understanding of classical
thermodynamics. Second: the book lends itself to essentially independent
study by more advanced students who seek a view of the subject that is less
formal, and far less compressed, than that afforded by undergraduate
physical-chemistry texts.
Irrespective of background, the reader will find need for just three small
bodies of prior knowledge.
1. A rudimentary knowledge of the calculus, such as is acquired by my
own freshmen in the first two-thirds of an introductory course in college
mathematics.
2. An elementary understanding of macroscopic thermodynamics, on
which we draw for a few simple relations like dE = T dS – P dV. Many
current texts for the introductory college chemistry course offer a quite
sufficient foundation in this area.
3. A slight acquaintance with the energy-quantization conditions that
permit calculation of molecular parameters from spectroscopic
measurements. The inclusion of some abbreviated didactic material lends
the present book a minimal self-sufficiency in this department, but one may
well prefer the more ample background afforded, for example, by pp. 1-80
of G. M. Barrow’s Structure of Molecules (Benjamin, 1962).
The argument constructed on these modest foundations comprises
essentially all the statistical mechanics that appears in even the most
sophisticated of undergraduate physical – chemistry textbooks. I have
neglected internal rotation, and I have not pursued the argument into the
realm of kinetics—where it readily yields some powerful new insights.
More significant than these easily remediable omissions is one notable
limitation: applying to assemblies of effectively independent units, the
results here obtained from analysis of microcanonical ensembles cannot at
once be extended to assemblies of strongly interacting units. Given a
sufficiently enlarged background, one may easily approach these important
assemblies by way of Gibbsian analyses (of canonical and ground canonical
ensembles) that fully display both the great power and the great beauty of
statistical mechanics.
 Among the many equations appearing herein, some are marked by letters
to facilitate back-references in the immediately succeeding text, or in a
problem. On the other hand, apart from facilitating such back-references,
the numbers attached to thirty-odd equations signal a call for particular
attention. As they proceed, readers would be well advised to compile their
own lists of these numbered equations, each of which expresses an
important idea and/or represents a useful computational tool.

Cambridge, Massachusetts
L.K.N.
August 1973.
Table of Contents

Title Page
Copyright Page
Preface
Acknowledgments
1 - The Statistical Viewpoint
2 - The Partition Function
3 - Evaluation of Partition Functions
4 - Applications
Problems
Index
Acknowledgments

I am obliged to the publishers cited below for permission to reproduce a

number of figures taken from copyrighted works. As identified by the
numbers assigned them in this book, the figures in question are:

Figure 7, taken from p. 55 of J. D. Fast’s Entropy (Eindhoven, Holland:

Philips Technical Library, 1962);
Figure 16, from p. 68 of G. W. Castellan’s Physical Chemistry, 2nd ed.
(Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1971);
Figure 19, from an article by R. K. Fitzgerel and F. H. Verhoek, Journal of
Chemical Education 37, 547 (1960);
Figure 22, from p. 142 of Malcolm Dole’s Introduction to Statistical
Thermodynamics (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1954);
Figures 23 and 24, from pp. 203 and 257 respectively of Statistical
Thermodynamics by J. F. Lee, F. W. Sears, and D. L. Turcotte (Reading,
Mass.: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1963); and
Figure 25, from p. 102 of Statistical Thermodynamics by R. H. Fowler and
E. A. Guggenheim (Cambridge: University Press, 1939).

I am happy to acknowledge that my first 18 pages have been developed

on a pattern suggested by reading of the late Ronald W. Gurney’s ingenious
introductory text. The arguments on pp. 49 – 53 and 61 – 62 owe some of
their shape to constructive criticisms of the first edition forwarded to me by
William C. Child, Jr., who has kindly supplied several more comments on a
draft of this second edition. For a multitude of additional suggestions I am
much indebted to Francis T. Bonner, Peter C. Jordan, and Lawrence C.
Krisher. To Walter Kauzmann, the author of a splendid alternative to the
present text, I am deeply grateful for his generous willingness to indicate
many possible improvements. To my wife, Ava Byer Nash, I am beholden
not merely for assistance with page-proofs but also for the life-support
system that has sustained me throughout. All the foregoing have helped to
make this book better than it could otherwise have been. Sole responsibility
for any residual blemishes rests with the author, who will welcome any
communications making known to him the error(s) of his ways.
1

The Statistical Viewpoint

In every change, however drastic it may appear, we surmise a “something”
that remains constant. From the very beginning of the modern era, certain
men (e.g., Descartes) have conceived that “something” in terms suggestive
of what we would call energy. And energy—or, better, mass-energy-is
surely conceived by us as a “something constant” enduring through all
change. The energy concept thus gives quantitative expression to our firm
conviction that “plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose.” But we have too
another conviction scarcely less intense: the conviction that the future will
not repeat the past, that time unrolls unidirectionally, that the world is
getting on. This second conviction finds quantitative expression in the
concept of entropy (from Gr. en, in + trope, turning). By always increasing
in the direction of spontaneous change, entropy indicates the “turn,” or
direction, taken by all such change.
From a union of the entropy and energy concepts, little more than a
century ago, there was born a notably abstract science with innumerable
concrete applications; a science of thermodynamics that combines
magnificent generality with unfailing reliability to a degree unrivaled by
any other science known to man. Yet, for all its immense power,
thermodynamics is a science that fails to reward man’s quest for
understanding. Yielding impressively accurate predictions of what can
happen, thermodynamics affords us little or no insight into the why of those
happenings. Thus it permits us to calculate what is the position of
equilibrium in the system N2—H2—NH3, for example, but it fails entirely
to tell us why that is the equilibrium condition for this specific system.
To be sure, given that certain thermodynamic parameters (the “free
energies”) are what they are, we readily see that a particular equilibrium
condition is entailed. But we can find in thermodynamics no explanation of
why the free energies are what they are. And in general, though
thermodynamics teaches us to see important relations among the various
macroscopic properties of a substance, so that many can be calculated from
experimental measurements of a few, thermodynamics is powerless to
produce from its own calculations numerical values for the few.
What is it about NH3 that determines the magnitude of the free-energy
characteristic of that compound? In principle this question should, we feel,
be answerable. But we find scant prospect of any such answer in a classical
thermodynamics which, focusing solely on the properties of matter in bulk,
eschews all concern with the microcosmic constitution of matter. For
consider that we can hope to explain the free energy of some substance only
by showing how that particular free energy is entailed by the distinctive
values of the atomic and/or molecular parameters of the substance. That is,
given a (spectroscopic) determination of such parameters as the length,
angle, and flexibility of the bonds in NH3, we must be able to see that the
free energy of NH3 could not be other than it is. This will be possible only
if we can bridge the gap between the microcosmic realm of atoms and
molecules and the macroscopic realm of classical thermodynamics.
Statistical mechanics provides such a bridge, by teaching us how to
conceive a thermodynamic system as an assembly of units. More
specifically, it demonstrates that the thermodynamic parameters of the
system are interpretable in terms of—and are indeed calculable from—the
parameters descriptive of such constituent units as atoms and molecules. In
a bounded system, the crucial characteristic of these microcosmic units is
that their energies are “quantized.” That is, where the energies accessible to
a macroscopic system form a virtual continuum of possibilities, the energies
open to any of its submicroscopic components are limited to a
discontinuous set of alternatives associated with integral values of some
“quantum number.”
Perhaps the most familiar example of what is meant by quantization is
presented by the Bohr interpretation of the hydrogen emission spectrum.
This spectrum consists of a series of sharp “lines,” characterized by
particular wavelengths. Each of these lines is supposed to arise in the
emission by the hydrogen atom of an energy packet of some particular size.
Such an energy packet is emitted when the atom passes from a state of
higher energy to one of lower energy. From a study of the sizes of the
emitted energy packets, one infers that the atom can exist only in a certain
well-defined set of quantum states. The energy (εH) associated with any of
these permissible states is given by the equation:

Here h symbolizes Planck’s universal constant, m and e respectively

represent the mass and charge of the “orbital” electron in the hydrogen
atom, and n is a quantum number that can assume any integral value within
the range 1 to oo. The possible states of the hydrogen atom, each
characterized by some integral value of the quantum number n, are thus
linked with the discontinuous set of permissible energies given by the last
equation—which expresses the energy-quantization condition for the
hydrogen atom. Rather more complicated relations, involving additional
quantum numbers, express analogous energy-quantization conditions
applicable to other species of gaseous atoms.
Like atoms, molecules also can exist only in particular sets of states
characterized by different electronic configurations, with which are
associated correspondingly restricted series of permissible energy states.
But, unlike atoms, molecules exhibit fully quantized modes of energy
storage other than that represented by electronic excitation. For example,
when in any given electronic state, a molecule may perform various
vibrational motions. A study of molecular spectra indicates that, when the
vibration can be approximated as a harmonic oscillation, the only
permissible values of the vibrational energy (ευ) are given by the equation

Here ν is a frequency characteristic of the particular vibration involved, and

υ is a quantum number that can assume any integral value within the range
0 to oo. The possible vibrational states, each specified by some distinctive
integral value of the vibrational quantum number v, are thus linked by the
last equation with an evenly spaced set of quantized vibrational energies.
The rotational motions of molecules, and the translational motions of both
atoms and molecules, are similarly associated with sets of discrete quantum
states—to which correspond similarly discontinuous series of permissible
rotational and translational energies.
We seek then to view a macroscopic thermodynamic system as an
assembly of myriad submicroscopic entities in myriad ever-changing
quantum states.1 This may at first seem a completely hopeless pretension.
For how can we possibly hope to give any account of an assembly that, if it
contains just one mole of material, contains no less than 6 × 1023 distinct
units? Even a three-body problem defies solution in a completely analytical
form; yet we face a 6 × 1023-body problem. Actually, just because of the
enormous numbers involved, this problem proves unexpectedly tractable
when we give it a statistical formulation. From a consideration of
assemblies of quantized units, in the next section, we develop three
propositions that will prove useful in our statistical analysis. Observe that
our concern here is purely mathematical, and that we could instead obtain
the desired propositions by considering, say, in how many different ways a
number of counters can be distributed over the squares of a gameboard.

MICROSTATES AND CONFIGURATIONS

For simplicity, let us consider first an assembly of identical units, localized
in space, with permissible quantum states that are associated with an evenly
spaced set of energies. An assembly meeting these specifications might be
an array of identical one-dimensional harmonic oscillators occupying
various fixed positions in a schematic crystal lattice. We stipulate
localization of the oscillators so that, their identity notwithstanding, each
will be rendered distinguishable in principle by its unique geometric
placement. We stipulate identity of the oscillators so that, in the energy-
quantization law ευ = (v + )hν, the characteristic frequency ν will be the
same for any among all the oscillators concerned. The quantum states of
any such oscillator can then be depicted as shown in Fig. 1. Since all that
concerns us is the spacing of these levels, for convenience we have chosen
to make our reference zero of energy coincident with the energy of the
lowest possible quantum state. That is, for this so-called “ground” state with
υ = 0, we now write (ε0 ≡ 0. The energy quantum hν represents the constant
margin by which each of the higher (“excited”) states surpasses in energy
the state immediately below it. To bring any oscillator from its ground state
to an excited state characterized by some integral value of v, we need only
add υ quanta with energy hν.

Figure 1

Let us begin with a very simple assembly of three localized oscillators

which share three quanta of energy. In how many ways can these three
identical quanta be distributed among the three distinguishable oscillators?
The ten possible distributions are indicated in Fig. 2—in which the dots are
so placed that the letter markings along the abscissa indicate the particular
oscillator concerned, and the number of energy quanta assigned to it can be
read from the ordinate. Each of the ten detailed distributions we call a
microstate, and it is easy to see that the ten microstates fall in the three
groups indicated by Roman numbers. That is, all ten are simply variants of
the three basic configurations shown in Fig. 3. In configuration I all three
energy quanta are assigned to one oscillator, no quanta to the remaining two
oscillators, and three microstates develop from this configuration according
to whether the three-quantum packet is assigned to oscillator a or to b or to
c. In configuration II two quanta are assigned to some one oscillator, one
quantum to a second oscillator, no quanta to the third oscillator; and, as
indicated in Fig. 2, there are six distinguishable ways in which such
assignments can be made. In configuration III one quantum is assigned to
each of the three oscillators, and it is evident that there can be but one
microstate associated with this configuration.
 Figure 2

Figure 3

How shall we obtain a systematic count of all the microstates associated

with any given configuration? To arrive at the requisite formula, return
again to configuration II. Observe that we can assign the first (two-
quantum) parcel of energy to any one of three oscillators; having done so,
we can assign the second (one-quantum) parcel to either of the two
remaining oscillators; there then remains but one oscillator to which we
assign the third (nil) parcel. The total number of ways in which the
assignments can be made is thus 3 · 2 · 1 = 3! (i.e., “three factorial”)—
which, indeed, duly represents the 6 microstates associated with
configuration II. Turning next to configuration I, we have again three
choices in assigning the first (three-quantum) parcel, two choices when we
assign the second (nil) parcel, and one choice when we assign the third (nil)
parcel. But observe that, the last two parcels being the same, the final
distribution is independent of the order in which we assign them. Whether,
say, we assign the second parcel to oscillator b and the third parcel to
oscillator c, or vice versa, the two verbally distinguishable orders result in
precisely the same final microstate. That is, 2 · 1 = 2! verbally
distinguishable assignments collapse into 1 microstate because the two
oscillators wind up in the same (v = 0) quantum level. Hence the total
number of microstates associated with configuration I is not 3! but rather
3!/2! = 3. The same kind of shrinkage of possibilities is seen in even more
extreme form in configuration III. Here there is triple occupancy of the
same (v = 1) quantum level, and the 3! verbally distinguishable assignments
collapse into one and the same final microstate. The number of microstates
associated with configuration III is then simply 3!/3! = 1.
By extending this style of analysis, we can easily extract a general
formula abundantly useful in more difficult cases. Consider an assembly of
some substantial number (N) of localized harmonic oscillators. In how
many different ways can we distribute among these oscillators the particular
set of energy parcels (including nil parcels) characteristic of the
configuration in question? We have N choices of the oscillator to which we
assign the first parcel, (N – 1) choices in assigning the second, and so on—
representing a total of (N)(N – 1)(N – 2) ... (1) = N! distinguishable
possibilities if no two of the energy parcels are the same. If, on the other
hand, some number (ηα) of the parcels are the same, we can obtain only N!/
ηα! distinct microstates; if ηa of the parcels are of one kind and ηb of some
other one kind, we can obtain only N!/(ηa!)(ηb!) microstates, and so on. The
general conclusion is now quite clear. Symbolizing by W the total number
of microstates associated with any configuration involving N
distinguishable units, we can write:

where ηa represents the number of units assigned the same number of

energy quanta (and, hence, occupying the same quantum level), ηb
represents the number of units occupying some other one quantum level,... 2
The last equation can be represented more compactly as
 (1)

where the symbol Π instructs us to make a continuing product (even as the

symbol Σ instructs us to make a continuing sum) extended over all terms of
the form following the symbol, and each of the ηn terms represents the
number of units resident in each of the populated quantum levels. Observe
that, though we arrived at equation (1) by considering assemblies of
harmonic oscillators, with uniform energy spacing between their quantum
levels, the actual argument is wholly independent of the supposition of
uniformity. Equation (1) is a general relation, equally applicable to any
species of distinguishable unit with any energy spacing between its
quantum levels. As indicated below, straightforward. multiplication of the
expanded factorials suffices to establish the number of microstates
associated with any configuration for which N is small ( < 10). For
medium-sized values of N (10 to 1000), one can use tabulated values of N!
in evaluating W. For very large values of N, we can follow neither of these
courses. But, precisely in the limit of large N, an excellent value for N!—or,
rather, the natural logarithm of N! which we symbolize as ln N!—is
supplied by the simplest form of Stirling’s approximation,3

(2)

With equation (1) in hand we can make short work of two additional
simple examples. Consider that 5 energy quanta are shared among 5
oscillators. The possible configurations, and the number of microstates
associated with each of them, are shown in Fig. 4. Note that even a slight
increase in the number of units (and quanta) has produced a sharp increase
in the total number of microstates = ΣWi = 126.
 Figure 4

As a last example, consider an assembly in which the number of energy

quanta is not equal to the number of units present: suppose that 5 energy
quanta are shared among 10 oscillators. The possible configurations of this
assembly are easily obtained by adding 5 units to the ground level in each
of the configurations shown in Fig. 4—with the results shown in Fig. 5. The
calculation of the number of microstates associated with each configuration
is given in extenso, to call attention to a simple method we will use
repeatedly in handling factorial ratios:
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
his favour, which clearly demonstrates the upright conduct of the
duke, and the wickedness and hatred of his enemies.
'Item, with respect to what concerns the subjects of Burgundy, and
others who avow their attachment to the duke, making open war on
the king's towns and subjects, &c.—the duke of Burgundy replies,
that when he perceived those about the king's person were
persevering in their rigorous acts, and that they were unwilling to
listen to any wholesome reforms for the welfare of the state, and
that insult was added to insult upon him, by every violent means,
the duke of Burgundy found himself obliged to send notice, by
letters patent of these harsh proceedings, to many of the principal
towns within the realm, signifying, at the same time, his good
intentions, and the means he proposed to remedy them; and it was
for this purpose he issued his summonses for assembling men at
arms and archers.
'Thanks to God, he had now under his command, for the service of
the king and the welfare of the kingdom, six thousand knights and
esquires, and an army of thirty thousand combatants, all wellwishers
to his majesty, his realm, and loyal subjects.
'During the march of this army, the duke approached several large
towns, the inhabitants of which, knowing his good intentions,
opened their gates to him. This army has forced many places, full of
plunderers, to surrender to him in the king's name, and he has
regarrisoned them with good and loyal subjects to the king, who are
incapable of committing any thing dishonourable to his majesty,
themselves, or their country; and this has been done with the full
approbation of these towns and the adjoining countries.
'Item, respecting the charge that has been made against the officers
of the duke of Burgundy, for having induced several towns to swear
obedience to him, and having afterward forbidden them to pay any
taxes to the king, &c., the duke of Burgundy replies, that if he has
received the oaths of allegiance from any city or town, it has been
done that they might persevere in their loyalty toward the king, and
for the good of his realm, to the confusion and disgrace of those
who prevent a peace being made, and who are the destroyers of the
kingdom. Such as may have joined the duke of Burgundy, and are
obedient to him, have been induced so to do from a knowledge of
his upright intentions, and a confidence that his love for the king and
kingdom exceeds that of all others.
'It is not true, under respect to the king, that such towns have been
forbidden to pay any of the taxes due to the crown; but it may have
been that they were ordered not to pay them to those false traitors
the present ministers, but to reserve them to be employed for the
king's service at proper times and places,—and this should be
considered as praise-worthy; for of all the immense sums they have
received, the greater part have been shamefully mismanaged, and
taken from the king to be divided among themselves and the
enemies of France, to the irreparable loss of the king, his realm and
chivalry, as is well known to all the world. The duke, however
intends, when he shall be admitted to the presence of the king, to
propose the abolishing of the most oppressive taxes, and that the
good subjects of the realm may again enjoy their ancient rights and
privileges in a reasonable manner.
'Item, in regard to the charge made against the duke of Burgundy,
that his conduct has been influenced by his friendship for England,
and that what he has done has been with a view to support the
English in their invasion of France, and that the duke of Burgundy is
their sworn ally,—
'The duke replies, that such an imagination could not have been
formed in the heart of any honest man. The English have formerly
invaded France without opposition, (although the same traitorous
ministers governed the king and his realm), and to the great loss of
the french chivalry. It is therefore to be supposed that since the
English gained such success from the weak administration of his
majesty's ministers, they intend to persevere in hopes of further
advantages; and they have even taken the town of Harfleur, one of
the strongest sea-ports in Normandy.
'This ought to be treasured up in the memories of all the noble
chivalry attached to the duke of Burgundy, whom these wicked
traitors wish to denounce as being disinclined to make any
resistance to the English; and, with all due respect to the king, those
who shall say that the duke of Burgundy is the sworn ally of the
English, lie wickedly and damnably.
'Item, respecting the request made to the duke of Burgundy, that he
would disband and send to their homes the troops he has
assembled, the duke replies, that now the false and disloyal conduct
of these traitors is very apparent, for every one knows that they
have not raised any powers to oppose the English; and that it is at
this moment more necessary than ever to have a sufficient force for
the defence of the king and kingdom, especially such faithful and
loyal knights and esquires as compose the duke's army, instead of
disbanding and dismissing them to their homes; and it is clear that
the conduct of the ministry tends more to favour the enemy, and
oppress the king and country. Those noble men who compose the
duke's army should particularly observe, that these traitors consider
them as disloyal to their king, and enemies to their country. The
duke also declares, in the most positive manner, for himself and his
companions, that he will not disband his army, but will continue to
proceed according to the tenour of his public letters declaratory
thereof.
'Item, with regard to the dishonour and disgrace in which he, the
duke of Burgundy, will involve himself and family should he
persevere in his present line of conduct, and, according to the
remonstrances of sir Aubert de Canny, cover thereby his worthy and
valiant father's memory with infamy, who, on his death-bed, strictly
enjoined him to be ever obedient to the king and to his commands,
—
'The duke replies, that his father, of worthy memory, whose soul may
God pardon! was, as it is truly said, ever loyal and faithful to the
king; and it was from his knowledge of the weak and wicked
government of France at the time of his decease, that he ordered his
son faithfully to serve the king and crown of France without sparing
his person or fortune; and it has been for this reason that the duke
of Burgundy has adopted the present measures, as the sole means
for the reformation and reparation of the king's government. These
measures have not been adopted by him of a sudden, but
deliberately, and after maturely weighing the consequences with his
council; and should he now change his conduct, he would be very
justly blamed and reproached,—for this reason, therefore, he is
resolved to proceed therein.
'Item, with respect to sir Aubert de Canny remonstrating with the
lords, barons, knights and esquires attached to the duke of
Burgundy, on the above matters,—the duke replies, that the conduct
he has hitherto held and proposes to pursue, with God's pleasure,
has been with the advice and approbation of his barons, knights,
esquires, and other notable persons, and he therefore shall give full
liberty for any such remonstrances to be made to them; for the more
they shall be conversed with on these matters, the more fully will
they be made acquainted with the iniquities of those who prevent a
peace, and disturb the good intentions of the duke of Burgundy.
'Item in regard to the polite and gracious manner in which sir Aubert
de Canny is ordered to make these remonstrances, and to declare
the king's prohibitions to him and to his company, &c.—
'The duke replies, that not having any consciousness that such
commands and prohibitions were proper to be made him, knowing
for a certainty that they are not the real sentiments of the king, who
on the contrary loves him affectionately, and is very earnest to see
him, having often demanded his presence, he is aware that these
false and wicked traitors have drawn up these instructions in an
underhand manner, and that at this moment, when the enemy have
landed in the kingdom, it is not a time to obey such orders and
prohibitions; but this force, as well as the aid of all loyal subjects,
ought now to be exerted in the defence of the country. Even
supposing the enemies had not effected their invasion, the duke of
Burgundy would not have suffered such false traitors to hold the
government of the kingdom.
'Item, respecting what is said of the duke of Burgundy and of others
in his company, that supposing those who have the management of
the king should have done acts displeasing to them, and added
insults to insults, these were not sufficient reasons to authorise the
duke to endeavour to destroy the kingdom, or to afford aid and
advice to the English,—the duke replies, that in addition to what he
has before said, and other innumerable instances too long to relate,
it is notorious that the present ministers namely, sir Henry de Marle
the bishop of Paris, sir Tanneguy du Châtel, sir Burel de Dammartin,
master Stephen de Mauregard, master Philip de Corbie, with several
others, have been the principal promoters, and leaders in those
iniquitous measures, disturbers of the peace of the realm, and guilty
of many other excesses and great crimes, as shall be detailed more
at large hereafter.
'The duke of Burgundy, therefore, has not assembled his forces to
destroy the kingdom, or to favour the English, but to drive the
present ministers from power, and from about the person of the
king; and he will never desist from this praise-worthy intention so
long as life may be granted him,—for they are not such persons as
should have authority, not being worthy by birth, knowledge,
experience, or loyalty; and it is become a subject of contempt and
laughter that persons of such low estate, and of so small a share of
knowledge or experience, should have intrusted to them the
expulsion of the English.
'The barons and principal persons of the realm should weigh this
matter well, and not suffer themselves to be thus supplanted by
persons of no understanding or birth; for they have shewn
themselves of weak capacity in daily committing acts of the utmost
cruelty on the liege subjects of the king, under pretence of
maintaining justice and order.
'Item, in respect to what relates to the king having (at the
solicitations of the count de Hainault, whose soul may God pardon!)
from a love of peace, granted to the duke of Burgundy and those
who had served him, many handsome gifts, but which the duke
made light of,—
'The duke replies, that from his anxiety to preserve peace and union
in France, which he has ever felt and feels from the bottom of his
heart, he waited on my lord the dauphin lately deceased, and my
lord of Hainault, to whose souls may God shew mercy! and after
much conversation relative to a peace, the duke of Burgundy offered
them a schedule of his terms for the conclusion thereof, with all who
may be desirous of partaking of it, with the exception of king Louis
of Sicily, lately deceased, on account of disputes that existed
between them: with this proposal, the dauphin and the count de
Hainault were perfectly satisfied. For the accomplishment of which,
they were to meet at Compiegne, as every dispatch would be
necessary, the sooner to put an end to the miseries of war. However,
those traitors who surround the king, by their intrigues, protracted
the business for three months, or thereabout, without coming to any
final decision.
'The count de Hainault at length went to Paris, and, by means of the
queen, procured from these traitors a sort of agreement to the offers
of peace, with which he was satisfied; but during these negotiations,
he privately learnt, that it was intended to arrest him and the queen,
and imprison them, that they might manage the dauphin as they
should please; and this information caused the count de Hainault to
quit Paris precipitately and return to Compiegne, where soon after
the dauphin was carried off from this life in a most wicked and
damnable manner, which has been before related in different letters
patent from the duke of Burgundy.
'After the dauphin's decease, the count de Hainault returned to his
own county, whither was addressed the answer of the king's
ministers to the proposals for peace, which much displeased him: he
said, that since the death of the dauphin, they had changed their
minds, and totally altered and perverted what had before been
agreed upon. This answer he sent to the duke of Burgundy, who,
having maturely considered it with his council, found it was highly
derogatory to the honour and welfare of the king and his realm, as
well as to himself the duke of Burgundy, and paid no regard to it.
Instigated, however, by such conduct, he dispatched into several
parts of the kingdom a manifesto, declaratory of the ruin of the
country were the present ministers continued in power, and his firm
resolution to do every thing to prevent it, by driving them from
about the person of the king.
'This declaration he presented himself to the count de Hainault
during his last illness, who having heard the contents read, was very
willing that it should be published throughout his dominions, saying,
that it was well done of the duke of Burgundy; for the traitors that
surrounded the king were worse than imagination could form an
idea of, making at the same time an offer of his personal services,
should God grant him the grace to recover from his illness; and
should sickness detain him, he offered the duke the aid of his
vassals, friends, wellwishers, and money. He then swore, by a round
oath, that if he had not suddenly left Paris, the traitors intended to
have arrested the queen and himself, as is now notorious from their
subsequent conduct to the queen; for they laid hands on her, and
took possession of every thing she possessed, to the great disgrace
of the king and of all his family.
'It is likewise true, that when the duke of Burgundy was at Lagny,
the duke of Brittany ran great risks at Paris, and was forced to
depart thence because he was desirous of procuring a peace to
France. The count de Hainault also added, with a great oath, that
were the English at one of the gates of Paris, and the duke of
Burgundy at another, they would permit the English to enter the city
rather than the duke of Burgundy. All these things did the count de
Hainault say in the presence of madame de Hainault, my lord de
Charolois, my lord de St Pol, the treasurer of Hainault, John the
bastard, master Eustace de Lactre, my lord de Champdivers, and
several others.
'It is very clear that the king's ministers have no inclination to
promote the good of the realm; for they have lately caused the
declaratory letters of the duke of Burgundy to be publicly burnt in
the courts of the palace at Paris, in which the duke offered peace to
all who were willing to accept of it from him, as has been before
related. This act is but a poor revenge on their part, and a pitiful
weakness thus to burn a few skins of parchment.
'Item, to conclude; that all persons may know the will and intention
of the duke of Burgundy, he thus declares publicly that he shall
persist in his present line of conduct until he shall have had a long
audience of the king, to remonstrate with him on the enormous
abuses committed by the present government, and to lay before him
the means of reformation, which are such as must be satisfactory to
his majesty, and to every honest man in the kingdom,—
notwithstanding the duke had offered, by his declaratory letters,
peace to all, but which the king's ministers would not accept, and
have persevered in their wickedness.
'The duke of Burgundy, desirous of procuring peace to the kingdom,
which is in so great want of it, is willing to lay aside all thoughts of
revenge for the numerous insults offered him, and again proposes
peace on the same terms on which he has before done.'
When the duke of Burgundy had, as he thought, fully answered all
the charges made against him in the paper of instructions given by
the king's order to the lord de Canny, a fair copy was written thereof,
and delivered to the lord de Canny, who took leave of the duke and
returned to the king at Paris, carrying the above answers with him.
 CHAP. LVIII.
THE LORD DE CANNY, ON HIS RETURN FROM HIS EMBASSY, TO
PARIS, IS ACCUSED BY THE ROYAL COUNCIL.—ORDERS ARE
ISSUED AGAINST THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.
PREVIOUSLY to the return of the lord de Canny to Paris, his secretary
had given copies of the instructions, and the duke of Burgundy's
answer, to many of his friends, insomuch that they made them
public long before they were laid before the king and his ministers.
In consequence, when the lord de Canny had an audience, to make
his report of the embassy, he was told in full council, 'Lord de Canny,
you have shewn yourself very unworthy of the king's confidence, by
thus distributing copies of the king's instructions, and the duke of
Burgundy's answer, of which this is one of them, that you have
dispersed at Amiens, Paris and elsewhere, among your friends and
acquaintance, with no good intent toward the king's service.'
The copy was compared with the original, signed by the duke's own
hand, and found perfectly similar, to the great confusion of the lord
de Canny, who, in excuse, said they must have been distributed by
his secretary, who had fled from his service.
The lord de Canny was, notwithstanding, carried prisoner to the
bastille of St Anthony, where he was confined a long space of time,
even until the taking of Paris; for the ministers were very much
displeased that the duke of Burgundy's answers should have been
made public in so many places; and whatever they may have
affected, they were greatly alarmed at the duke's power, for they
had been informed that the greater part of the principal towns, and
the commonalty throughout the kingdom, were favourable to him, as
well as many of the principal lords and gentlemen.
When they found, from the duke's answers, that he was determined
to persevere in his enterprise of marching his army to Paris, to
demand an audience of the king, they were more uneasy at their
situation than before; for they knew they would be driven from their
places, and many of them, criminally punished, should he succeed in
his object.
To obviate this as much as in them lay, they caused letters to be
written in the king's name, and sent to all the chief towns in France,
to command them neither to admit within their walls the duke of
Burgundy or any of his partisans, nor to pay any obedience to them.
They also placed garrisons at all the passes and other important
places; and the constable even remanded his men from Normandy
for the greater security of Paris.
Thus whilst the king of England was making good his landing in
France with an immense army, as has been said, he found no
difficulties in adding to his conquests,—and, from the effect of these
internal divisions, he met with scarcely any resistance.
 CHAP. LIX.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY CONTINUES HIS MARCH TOWARD PARIS.
—SEVERAL TOWNS AND FORTS SURRENDER TO HIM, IN
WHICH HE PLACES CAPTAINS AND GOVERNORS.
AFTER the duke of Burgundy had remained some days in Amiens,
and had delegated the government of his dominions in Picardy to his
eldest son the count de Charolois, with an able council to assist him,
he departed thence and returned to Corbie, and continued his march
to Mondidier.
During this time, the lady of the castle of Mouy promised that she
would no longer permit her people to make inroads on the territories
of the duke. He was accompanied to Mondidier by the young count
de St Pol, sir John de Luxembourg, and many other great barons,
such as the lord de Fosseux and his three brothers, sir Philip, sir
James, and sir John, sir Jennet de Poix, Hector, Philippe, and le bon
de Saveuses, the lord de Rambures, sir Burnel, and Louis de
Varigines, and others. He went from Mondidier to Beauvais,—in
which place he was received on certain assurances in the name of
the duke of Burgundy, in like manner as had been done at Amiens.
To this town the lord de Fosseux had previously marched, and
caused the mayor, sheriffs, and commonalty to be harangued by
master Robert le jeune, advocate and councellor to the duke of
Burgundy, on the sincere and loyal affection the duke bore to the
king and realm, as well as to the whole royal family. He explained
the object of the duke's enterprise as being to reform the abuses in
the goverment of the kingdom, which had been caused by those
persons of low degree and weak understandings, that had usurped
the management of the king and his council.
The townsmen of Beauvais were well satisfied with this harangue,
and finally consented to admit the duke, and as large a force as he
should please, into their town. The duke, in consequence, marched
thither from Mondidier, and was most joyfully received, carols being
sung in all the streets through which he passed. He was lodged at
the bishop's palace, and tarried there eight whole days,—while his
army was quartered in the adjacent country, which suffered severely
therefrom, although it was abundantly supplied with every
necessary.
During his stay at Beauvais, some of the inhabitants from Gournay in
Normandy were deputed thither by the governor and commonalty, to
submit themselves to his obedience, and to offer attachment to his
party. The duke received them kindly, and made them swear
obedience and loyalty to the king and himself, which they instantly
complied with.
He acquitted them of gabelles, subsidies, and all taxes, as he had
done to those of others of the king's towns that had submitted
themselves to him.
In the mean time, Hector and Philip de Saveuses, sir Elyon de
Jacqueville, and some other captains made an excursion to
Beaumont sur Oise, in the hope of gaining that pass; but it was well
defended by the constable's men within the place, and they were
forced to return by the town of Chambly le Haubergier, where they
pillaged from churches and other places, and brought a very
considerable booty to the duke their lord at Beauvais, who, a few
days after, sent great part of his army to quarter themselves at
Chambly and in the neighbouring villages.
Shortly after, the duke departed from Beauvais with the remainder of
his army,—the whole of which was so considerable that it was
estimated, by those who ought to know, at sixty thousand horse.
By the intrigues and solicitations of a gentleman called Charles de
Mouy, the lord of Isle-Adam joined the party of the duke of
Burgundy, and delivered up his town and pass to John de Fosseux,
Hector and Philip de Saveuses, who placed therein, as a garrison, a
sufficient number of their men at arms. When the duke was
informed of this, he was very much rejoiced that the lord de l'Isle
Adam had joined him, and delivered up the passage through his
town.
On the other hand, John de Luxembourg crossed the river Oise, with
a number of men at arms which he had at Presy, in small boats,
making their horses swim the river; and he quartered them at a
village hard by. The morrow, he led the greater part of them to
Senlis, of which town sir Robert d'Esne was bailiff for the king,
having under him about sixty combatants. He made a sally with his
men on foot against those of John of Luxembourg, and a grand
skirmish took place.
However, the majority of the commonalty of the town were not well
pleased that sir Robert should thus wage war on the friends of the
duke of Burgundy: and on the ensuing night, when John of
Luxembourg had retreated, the townsmen rose, seized sir Robert
d'Esne and all his men, after eight or ten had been killed, and
carried him to prison; but through the interference of some of the
principal inhabitants, he was permitted to leave the town, with his
men and baggage,—and he went thence to Mont-Epiloy.
The next day those of Senlis sent very early for John of Luxembourg,
before whom they swore obedience to the duke of Burgundy. He
received their oaths in the names of the king and duke, promising
loyalty and good behaviour, and appointed Troullart de Moncruel
bailiff of Senlis, with other officers according to his pleasure. When
this was done, John of Luxembourg returned to the duke of
Burgundy.
 CHAP. LX.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY CROSSES THE RIVER OISE WITH HIS
ARMY AT L'ISLE-ADAM.—HE BESIEGES AND CONQUERS
BEAUMONT AND PONTOISE,—WHENCE HE REMOVES HIS
QUARTERS TO L'ARBRE-SEC.
WHEN the duke of Burgundy had repaired the bridge at l'Isle-Adam,
the greater part of his army passed over under the command of the
lords de Fosseux, de Vergy, and de Salnoe, and were lodged in the
open fields, and under hedges and bushes, within the distance of a
league from where they had crossed the river. On the morrow they
decamped, and marched in battle-array to Beaumont-sur-Oise, and
quartered themselves in the town, and around the castle, in spite of
the resistance made by those within it.
Sir Jennet de Poix, with four hundred combatants under his banner,
advanced to a village a league further, and on the road toward Paris,
which he fortified, and kept possession of until the whole army was
dislodged. The duke of Burgundy was encamped on the other side of
the river, and had his artillery pointed to batter the castle of
Beaumont from across the Oise; and they kept up so brisk an attack
that the castle was damaged in several places.
The besieged, seeing they were in danger of being taken by storm,
surrendered to the will of the duke of Burgundy. Fifty two persons
were found in the castle, nine of whom were beheaded, and their
bodies hung by the arms to trees: the rest or the greater part, were
set at liberty on paying a heavy ransom; and the lord de Vergy,
marshal of the army, received, by right of his office, all the effects
that were found in the castle.
The duke of Burgundy revictualled this castle, and gave the
command of it to a burgundian gentleman called John de Torsenay.
After this conquest, the duke ordered the van, which was on the
opposite side of the river, to advance toward Paris, and to quarter
themselves at the abbey of Morbuisson, and other places near to the
town of Pontoise, while the duke should encamp on the side toward
Beauvais, and by this means the town would be surrounded on all
sides. On their arrival, the garrison made a sally, but were repulsed
and driven back; and the duke soon after had his artillery pointed
against the gates of Pontoise, making other preparations to subdue
them.
When the townsmen noticed these things, they opened a parley,
and, five days after, surrendered the place to the duke, on condition
that their lives and fortunes should be spared. They also promised
not to bear arms against him until Christmas-day ensuing; but this
they did not keep, for on his arrival at Paris they continued their
warfare against him as before.
There were within the town three captains having banners, namely,
the bastard de S. Terre, Tromagon and Maurigon, natives of
Gascony, who marched away together under the passport of the
duke, and, crossing the bridge at Meulan, went to Paris. After their
departure, the duke, with a few attendants, entered the town to
examine it, and was well received by several of the townsmen, who
had been long attached to him. When there, he issued a
proclamation throughout the army, forbidding all persons to enter
the town but such as were especially ordered so to do. To prevent
the provisions within the place from being wasted or destroyed, he
appointed, in the king's name, and in his own, the lord de l'Isle-
Adam governor of it.
When these things were done, the duke marched away, taking the
road to Meulan, from which place terms were offered him; for the
men at arms who had been posted there by the constable had
marched away, in company with those from Pontoise to Paris.
The duke ordered his whole army to be drawn up in battle-array
between Pontoise and Meulan, that he might see it in order of battle,
as if in the presence of the enemy. The spot where the soldiers were
drawn up was a handsome plain at the foot of a hill; and it was a
very agreeable sight to him, for there were a number of nobles and
gentlemen handsomely equipped, and willing to serve him against all
his opponents: the principal, and those of name, were as follows.
First, count Philip de St Pol, son to duke Anthony of Brabant, and
nephew to the duke of Burgundy, sir John de Luxembourg, the lord
d'Antoing, the lord de Fosseux and his three brothers, the vidame of
Amiens, Anthony lord of Croy, the lord d'Auxi, sir Jenet de Poix, the
lord d'Inchy, the lord de Humieres, sir Robinet de Mailly and two of
his brothers, the lord de Rambures, sir John de Vaucourt and his
brother Louis, the younger de Renty, the lord de Varigines, the lord
de Cohem, sir Alliamus de Gappamus, sir Hue Burnel and his son sir
Louis, Robert le Roux, Robert de Bournouville, sir Charles Disque,
the lord de Fremeusent, the lord de Humbercourt bailiff of Amiens,
sir Charles de Lens, the lord de Noyelle, the lord de Longueval, sir
Payen de Beaufort, sir Pierre Kieret lord de Ramecourt, George la
Personne, sir Hue de Launoy and his brother sir Guillebert, the lord
de Briauté, sir David de Brimeu and his brother James, the lord de
Saint-Leger and his son sir Mauroy, David de Bouflers, sir John de
Courcelles, John de Flavy, sir Elyon de Jacqueville, the lord de
Mesnil, Charlot de Dully, the bastard de Namur, sir Gastellain Vas,
John de Guigny, John d'Aubigny, the bastard de Thian, Charles
l'Abby, Matthew des Près, the lord de Jaucourt, Guerard bastard de
Brimeu, Emard de la Riviere and his father Philip, Gadifer de
Mazinqhen and his brother Thierry.
From the county of Flanders were the lord d'Estenu, the lord de
Comines, the lord de Gruthuse, the lord de Roubaiz, Robert and
Victor, bastards of Flanders, sir Victor de Rabbecque, Robert de
Mauvignes, Henry de Disquemude, sir Roland de Velereque, Hector
de Venront, the bastard de Collequent, and several others.
From Burgundy were the lord de Vergy marshal of Burgundy, sir
Anthony de Vergy, Louis de Châlons son to the prince of Orange, the
lord de Salines, sir John de la Trimouille lord de Souvelle, sir Regnier
Pot, the lord de Montagu, the lord de Neuf-Châtel, the lord de
Château-Vilain, the lord de Château-vieux, the lord de Rochefort, the
lord de Thy, sir John de Cotte-brune, the lord d'Ancre, the lord de
Toulongeon, sir William de Champdivers, the lord de Gastellus, sir
John de Digonne, sir Anthony de Toulongeon and his brother
Andrew, le veau de Bar, bailiff of Auxi, Henry de Champdivers, sir
Gautier de Rupes, Andrew de Salines, Regnault de Moncouvin,
Anthony de la Marche, sir James de Courtjambe lord of St Liebault,
the lord de Rausse, Pierre de Digonne, sir Peter de Bauffremont,
Emard de Viene, John and Clavin du Clau, with many other
noblemen from various countries, who, with their men, were drawn
up in most handsome array for two hours,—during which time the
duke of Burgundy, attended by some of his most confidential
advisers, rode along the ranks, bowing to each battalion as he
passed, and thanking them most graciously for the honour and
service they did him. In truth, it was a pleasant spectacle to see so
many nobles with the flower of their men at arms thus handsomely
drawn out.
When the review was over, he marched his army across the Seine, at
the bridge of Meulan; and then John de Fosseux and Hector de
Saveuses, with no more than two hundred combatants, advanced by
Val-de-Galie to a castle called Bayne, that belonged to the abbot of
Fécamp, who was within it. He made his peace with them by means
of his relation Louis de Saint-Saulieu, who was with Hector; and it
was agreed that a party of their men should remain in the castle, to
guard it against others of the Burgundians,—and in consideration of
a sum of money, they gave the abbot an agreement signed with
their seals; but a few days afterward, by the consent of Hector de
Saveuses, as reported, Philip de Saveuses, and others in his
company carried off all the effects, and did much damage to it.
The duke of Burgundy continued the march of his army until he
came to Mont-Rouge: whence Paris could be plainly seen. He there
encamped himself and his army, and the number of tents was so
great that they had the appearance of a considerable town. The
duke ordered sir John de Luxembourg to march his men to St Cloud,
who, having quartered them near to the bridge, made an attack on a
small tower at the end of it, near the town: it was soon taken and
set on fire, as well as the mills under the bridge, when some large
bombards were pointed against the tower of St Cloud, which greatly
damaged it in many places; but it was not taken, for continual
reinforcements came from Paris to defend it.
When the duke of Burgundy had remained for eight days on Mont-
Rouge, he decamped with his army, and advanced a league nearer
to Paris, to a hill whereon was a withered tree, on which he fixed his
standard, and thence was this encampment called 'the camp of the
withered tree.' He remained here also for eight days; and as many of
his men were quartered in the villages close to Paris, several
skirmishes took place between them and the Parisians, although no
great losses ensued on either side. The foragers from the duke's
army scoured the country for eight leagues round, and brought to
the camp great booties of horses, cattle, sheep and pigs, to the ruin
of the poor peasantry.
 CHAP. LXI.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS HIS HERALD TO THE KING OF
FRANCE IN PARIS.—THE ANSWER HE RECEIVES.—THE SIEGE
OF MONTLEHERY,—AND OTHER MATTERS.
DURING the time when the duke of Burgundy was encamped at the
withered tree on Mont-Chastillon, before Paris, he sent one of his
heralds called Palis, who was afterward Flanders king at arms, with
letters to the king and the dauphin of France. On his arrival at the
gates of Paris, he was led to the count d'Armagnac and the king's
ministers, who bade him address the dauphin, and give to him his
letters, for that he could not be admitted to the presence of the
king,—which he did, shortly detailing the object of his mission from
the duke of Burgundy.
The dauphin, who had been well instructed what answer he was to
make, replied in a great rage, 'Herald, contrary to the will of my lord
the king and of us, thy lord of Burgundy has already destroyed
several parts of the kingdom, and, by his persevering in his conduct,
he plainly shews that he is not our wellwisher as he signs himself. If
he be anxious that my lord and ourself should consider him as our
relative, loyal vassal and subject, let him march to combat and
conquer the king of England, the ancient enemy of this realm, and
then return to the king, when he shall be well received. Let him no
longer say that my lord the king and ourself are kept in servitude at
Paris, for we both of us enjoy our full liberty and authority; and do
thou be careful that thou repeat what we have just said, aloud to
the duke of Burgundy, and in the presence of his army.'
After this speech, the herald returned to his lord, and repeated to
him what the dauphin had said, which made no great impression on
the duke, for he considered it as the speech of those who governed
the king.
When the duke perceived that he could not gain admittance to Paris,
and that his partisans in that city were unable to perform what they
had promised him, he decamped from Mont-Chastillon, with his
whole army, to lay siege to Montlehery. The inhabitants, knowing the
power of the duke, and thinking they should not be supported,
entered into a treaty to surrender the castle, if within eight days
they were not succoured by the king or the constable. They sent
information of this treaty to the constable, but it was of no avail, for
no succours were sent,—and they delivered up the castle
conformably to their agreement.
In like manner were reduced to the obedience of the duke of
Burgundy the castles of Marcoussy, Dourdan, Palaiseau, and some
other forts in the neighbourhood. During the siege of Montlehery,
the duke detached a part of his army to the castle of Doursay, who
lodged themselves in the town, in front of the castle, and there
pointed some cannons to batter the walls and conquer it; but a large
body of the constable's men attacked their quarters at break of day,
and slew the greater part of them. Those who escaped fled to the
quarters of the duke of Burgundy, crying, 'To arms! for that the
enemy were marching in great force against them.'
The duke instantly drew up his army in battle-array on the plain, as
if the enemy had been in sight. The leaders of the detachment sent
to Doursay were the lord de Salines, the lord de Toulongeon, and
some other captains from Burgundy; and at this surprise were made
prisoners sir Geoffroy de Villers, a knight from the Rethelois, with
fifty other gentlemen.
While this was going forward, the duke dispatched sir Elyon de
Jacqueville John de Guigny, John du Clau, and other captains, with
sixteen hundred combatants to Chartres,—which place with
Estampes, Gallardon, and other towns and forts, surrendered to the
duke of Burgundy. Jacqueville remained governor of Chartres. In like
manner, sir Philip de Fosseux and Robert le Roux were sent to the
lady de la Riviere at Auniau, who promised that she would not admit
any garrisons into her forts of Auniau and Rochefort, that would
carry on war against the duke of Burgundy or his wellwishers.
At this time, numbers of towns, castles, and noble men joined the
duke, in the expectation that he would succeed in his enterprise and
obtain the government of the kingdom. In the towns which
submitted to his obedience, he would not allow any taxes to be
raised excepting that on salt, which gained him great popularity
among the inhabitants and peasantry of the countries round. He also
sent letters to many of the principal towns in France, of the following
tenour.
'John duke of Burgundy, count of Flanders and Artois, palatine of
Burgundy, lord of Salines and Mechlin. Very dear and good friends,
you have known, from melancholy experience, the miserable system
of government which is adopted in this kingdom, as well with regard
to the king as the country, by those who have seized the
management of our lord the king, without respect or care for his
royal majesty; but, forgetful of every thing, they have impoverished
his estate, and his own personal wealth, which formerly acquired for
him great renown among Christian princes. His government was,
anciently, celebrated for the equity of the courts of justice, which
was administered indiscriminately to the poor as well as to the rich;
but the present ministers have so greatly neglected it that it has
fallen off, and is now directed according to their pleasure, while all
parts of his majesty's dominions are in a state of anarchy, and a prey
to the bitter enemies of the kingdom, by the destruction of the
nobles and other supporters of the dignity of the crown.
'Heavy taxes, under various pretences, have been and are raised, to
the great vexation and ruin of the nobility, clergy, citizens and
commonalty, who groan under them.
'To obviate and reform these and similar abuses, we have taken up
arms, as it is well known to you; for we have frequently and publicly
summoned these ministers to desist from such practises declaring
that otherwise we should ourselves provide a remedy, for the benefit
of our said lord the king, so that an adequate provision might be
made for his establishment, his kingdom be better governed, and
the lost territories recovered.
'And again, while we were lately before Paris, we sent our herald to
our said lord the king, with sealed letters, in which we repeated the
grounds of our conduct, supplicating him that we might be permitted
to approach his sacred person, and make offer of our personal
services to him as to our sovereign lord; but the present ministry
would not allow these letters to be given to our said lord, and sent
them back to us. They forbade our herald to return again, and
continue their usual mode of government to the destruction of the
realm and of all his majesty's loyal subjects, because they know that
we are averse to their measures which are daily becoming from bad
to worse. It is this which engages us to persevere in our resistance
whatever may be the consequences thereof, that they may no longer
continue their wicked practices, and that commerce may have free
course, and the kingdom may be governed according to justice.
Such is our firm intention that we may loyally acquit ourselves; for it
has been pronounced by the holy court of Rome, that it behoves us
to attend to the government of the kingdom, considering the
unfortunate state of the king and the youth of the dauphin, rather
than the count d'Armagnac, or those who style themselves council to
the king. In confirmation of this, we have annexed to these presents
the decree that was pronounced by the holy college in the presence
of a very learned doctor, our ambassador to the court of Rome.
'We therefore summon you in the name of our said lord, and
earnestly request you on our part, that you take the above subjects
into your serious consideration, and form such conclusions as may
be honourable to our aforesaid lord, and to the preservation of his
lineage and dominions; and that all his subjects may enjoy peace
and justice, and that these our intentions may be adopted by you, is
the earnest object of our wishes.
'We request, that on the 20th day of October next ensuing, you
would depute to us not less than two well-instructed persons, at
whatever place we may be, with whom we may advise with
sufficient powers to form any treaties in your names, and in those of
the prelates, chapters, and all dependances on your jurisdiction.
'Be careful that herein you fail not, from the love you bear our
aforesaid lord, ourselves and his realm. Should you desire any thing
from us, you have but to mention it and we will do it to the utmost
of our power. Written at Montlehery, the 8th day of October.'
Underneath is a copy of the schedule from the college of cardinals,
annexed to the duke of Burgundy's mandatory letter.
'I Lievin Nevelin, doctor en decret, ambassador from the sacred
college of cardinals, to the most mighty and puissant prince my lord
the duke of Burgundy, have presented to him, on the part of the
sacred college, letters sealed with three seals, namely, that of the
dean of the cardinal-bishops, of the dean of the cardinal-priests, and
of the dean of the cardinal-deacons, which are my credential letters,
and which I have explained to my lord the duke, by offering to him
from the sacred college the words of the holy prophet David,
'Domine refugium factus es nobis;' that is to say, 'Lord, in times of
trouble we seek refuge in thee.' In continuing my discourse from the
above text and for many reasons comparing the sacred college to
king David, I have laid before my said lord of Burgundy the state of
the holy council of Constance, and the labours of the cardinals to
restore union to the church.
'I afterward explained to him, that all Christendom was now united,
except as it were a single grain in a bushel of wheat, namely, the
dominions of the count d'Armagnac, who still obey Pietro della Luna,
and whose adherents have been declared schismatics and guilty of
heresy. I then explained, that I was sent by the sacred college as
ambassadors to him, not simply as duke of Burgundy, but as the
representative of the crown of France, and to whom the government
of that country legally belonged, to make to him certain requests
and propositions from the sacred college; and I mentioned the
reasons why I was deputed to him, and not to the king, to my lord
the dauphin, the count d'Armagnac, or to the king's ministers. These
reasons were, as the sacred college bade me inform him, because
my lord the king was overwhelmed with a sore disorder, because my
lord the dauphin was too young in years, and because the count
d'Armagnac had relapsed into schism, and some of the king's
ministers, adherents to the count, were suspected of being
schismatics also.
'True it is, that the said count d'Armagnac has not been pronounced
schismatic; but at the public sessions of the council, when Pietro
della Luna was dethroned and declared schismatic and heretic, he
was personally accused by the king of the Romans, and the
procureur-fiscal of the said council, and has since relapsed into
schism, notwithstanding the frivolous excuses made in his behalf by
master John Gerson.
'I made three requests to my said lord of Burgundy; the first was,
that he would be pleased to have in his protection the sacred
college, the pope, and the proceedings of the said general council,
by guarding and maintaining them in their ancient rights, liberties
and privileges. Secondly, that should any one write, or cause to be
written in time to come, any things against the said holy college or
pope, he would not give faith to such writings. Thirdly, that my said
lord would approve of whatever acts the said sacred college should
issue, as well touching the election of the pope as the reformation of
the holy church.' At the end of this schedule, the said Lieven had put
his sign-manual.
 CHAP. LXII.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY LAYS SIEGE TO CORBEIL.—HE MARCHES
THENCE TO CHARTRES AND INTO TOURAINE, ON THE
SUMMONS OF THE QUEEN OF FRANCE, WHO ACCOMPANIES
HIM ON HIS RETURN.
WHEN the duke of Burgundy had submitted to his obedience the
castle of Montlehery, and re-furnished it with provision and stores,
he marched his army to lay siege to Corbeil on the side toward
Montlehery. He planted many cannons and other engines to batter it
in vain; for the constable and the king's ministers had strongly
garrisoned the place with men at arms, who made a vigorous
defence against the duke, and daily slew his men by their cannon
and other shot. The garrison was continually supplied, as well by
land as by water, with provision, ammunition, and all other
necessary articles.
In short, after the duke had remained about three weeks before
Corbeil, seeing he was unable to conquer it, and that his army was
much harrassed by the continued rains, and by an epidemic disorder
which carried off many, he raised the siege, and departed from
before Corbeil on the 28th day of October, taking the road to
Chartres.
The duke left behind, in his camp, many warlike engines, and great
quantities of provision which merchants had brought to his army: all
of these things the besieged carried into their town, on the
departure of the duke, and were highly rejoiced that their enemies
had left them.
During the siege of Corbeil, sir Mauroy de St Legier was struck with
a bolt from a cross-bow so severely on the leg that he was maimed,
and limped all his life after.
The real cause of the duke of Burgundy's breaking up the siege of
Corbeil so suddenly, was a private message which he received by a
confidential servant from the queen of France, then resident at Tours
in Touraine, to request he would come and release her from her
state of confinement, as she thought herself in much danger. The
duke, in consequence, had sent one of his secretaries called John de
Drosay to make further inquiries, and to conclude a treaty with the
queen.
The queen promised to accompany the duke provided he would
come to fetch her; and, for a confirmation thereof she gave the
secretary a golden signet to present to his lord. This signet was
known by the duke, for he had often seen it; and on his arrival at
Chartres, on the eve of the feast of All-saints, attended by the
greater part of his nobles, and those of the men at arms best
mounted and equipped, he suddenly set off, taking the road through
Bonneval and Vendôme to Tours.
When he was within two leagues of that place, he sent forward the
lords de Fosseux and du Vergy with eight hundred combatants, who
posted themselves in ambuscade half a league distant from Tours; at
the same time dispatching a trusty messenger to inform the queen
of the duke's arrival.
On hearing this, she called to her master John Torel, master John
Petit and master Laurens du Puy, her principal wardens, and told
them she wished to hear mass at a church without the town, called
Marmoutier, and that they must prepare themselves to accompany
her. They exhorted her to lay such thoughts aside, but in vain, for
she shortly after issued out of Tours, and carried them with her to
the aforesaid church.
The lords in ambuscade almost instantly advanced in front of the
church, and sent Hector de Saveuses forward to the queen with
about sixty combatants. Her warders approached her as she was
hearing mass, and said, 'Lady, here is a large company of
Burgundians or English'; but she, like one unsuspicious of what was
intended, ordered them to keep near her.
Hector de Saveuses then entered the church, and saluted her in the
name of his lord the duke of Burgundy. She, in reply, asked where
he was,—when he said that he would instantly be with her. After
these words, she commanded Hector to lay hands on masters John
Torel, Petit and Laurens du Puy: the last she hated much, for he
addressed her very rudely, without raising his hand to his hood, and
never bowing to her,—beside, she could not any way act without the
consent of Laurens du Puy. Finding he could not escape being
arrested if he remained, he flew out of the church and entered a
small boat by the back-yard, to cross the river Loire, but in such
haste that he fell into the water and was drowned: the others were
taken prisoners.
All this passed about nine o'clock in the morning: at eleven the duke
of Burgundy waited on the queen and paid her the respect that was
her due, which she returned and said, 'Most dear cousin, of all men
in the kingdom I ought to love you the most, for having laid aside
every other thing and complying with my request to come hither and
deliver me from prison, and which my dear cousin I shall never
forget; for I clearly see that you have always loved my lord, his
family, his kingdom, and the public welfare.'
They afterward dined together with much cheerfulness in the said
church; after which, the queen sent notice to the inhabitants of
Tours, that she and her cousin the duke of Burgundy would make a
public entry into their town; but, by the advice of the governor, the
inhabitants delayed a little in their answer: however, at last they
complied with what had been demanded, when the governor retired
into the castle, and the queen and the duke, with their attendants
and escort, made their entry.
The duke was handsomely received and entertained in Tours; after
which, the queen sent a passport and orders for the governor to
come to her, whom she commanded to deliver up the castle, which
he did, though much against his will. When the duke had tarried
three days with the queen, he appointed Charles l'Abbé? governor of
the town and castle, with two hundred combatants for its defence.
He took an oath carefully to guard and defend it in the name and on
behalf of the duke of Burgundy; but this oath he was very unmindful
of, for in the following year he surrendered both town and castle to
the dauphin, while he was continued governor, taking a similar oath.
The queen and the duke of Burgundy caused proclamation to be
made through Tours, that no one was to pay any subsidies or taxes
but that on salt. They then departed for Vendôme, where was issued
a similar proclamation, and then continued their route through
Bonneval to Chartres, where they arrived the 9th day of November.
The queen was accompanied by four carriages containing twenty
women. She had only one knight with her, called sir Robert le Cyne,
with whose prudence and discretion she was well pleased.
 CHAP. LXIII.
THE QUEEN, ON HER ARRIVAL AT CHARTRES, WRITES TO SEVERAL
OF THE PRINCIPAL TOWNS IN FRANCE.—SOME NEW
ORDINANCES ARE MADE FOR THE BETTER GOVERNMENT OF
THE KINGDOM.
ON the queen's arrival at Chartres, it was resolved that she should
write letters in her own name to all those towns that had submitted
to the obedience of the duke of Burgundy. A copy of that addressed
to the town of Amiens now follows.
'Very dear and well beloved,—you know that by the intrigues and
damnable avarice and ambition of some persons of low degree, who
have seized the person and government of my lord and his kingdom,
unnumbered mischiefs have arisen, as well by the molestation of
those of his royal family as by the destruction and loss of many parts
of his realm, more particularly in the duchies of Acquitaine and
Normandy, where the utmost confusion reigns, without these the
present ministers any way attempting to check or prevent it,—but,
on the contrary, they have conceived a mortal hatred against all that
are gallant and loyal, by confiscating their fortunes, or putting them
to death.
'They continue in their wickedness, though they know we are
anxious to labour for the reparation of all these evils, and to procure
peace to the realm; for, through the grace of God, we are competent
so to do, as queen and wife to our aforesaid lord, according to the
terms that had been begun on by our son and our cousin of
Hainault, those souls may God receive! But they, knowing our
intentions, took care to keep us at a distance, that their iniquities
might be hidden, and that they might keep possession of their
places.
'By such means do they daily apply to their own profit the whole
amount of the revenue, without any part being allotted for the use
of my said lord, or for the security and welfare of his kingdom. They
have, under false pretences and most disloyally, robbed my said lord,
ourself and our son the dauphin, so that we have not wherewithal to
maintain our establishments, or to defray our expenses; insomuch
that they have acquired so great power that all must obey their wills,
and it is very probable that the government of my lord and his realm
may fall into the hands of strangers, which God forbid!
'When our very dear and well beloved cousin the duke of Burgundy
shall have put an end to such shameful abuses he offers peace to all
who may be inclined to accept of it, by his letters patent that have
been published in various parts of the realm; but those persons
above mentioned having refused to accept his terms, our cousin has
taken up arms, in company with a large number of knights and
esquires, with the intent to drive the above traitors from the
government of this kingdom. They, however, to resist the said duke,
and prevent him from approaching the person of our said lord, have
remanded to Paris all the men at arms from their different garrisons,
thereby leaving the kingdom a prey to its ancient enemies the
English.
'This conduct clearly shows their wicked intentions; but the greater
part of the nobility, prelacy, and the chief towns have united
themselves to our said cousin, sensible of the loyalty of his conduct,
for the good of our said lord and the welfare of his realm. All who
are any way related to us by blood should be warmly attached to our
said cousin, for it concerns them much; and they should know, that
quitting his siege of Corbeil, he came to set us at liberty, and deliver
us from the hands of our late gaolers.
'We have accompanied our said cousin to the town of Chartres, as
was reasonable, where we shall advise together on the most
effectual means of regaining those parts of the kingdom that have
been conquered, and for the preservation of the remainder, without
any further dissembling, by the aid and support of all the vassals,
friends, allies and subjects of my aforesaid lord.
'For this reason, therefore, very dear and good friends, we ought to
have the government of this kingdom, with the advice and
assistance of the princes of the blood, and for which we have the
authority of letters patent irrevocably passed by the great council,
and in the presence of the princes of the blood, such as uncles,
cousins-german, and others related to the crown. We have also full
and competent knowledge of your good and loyal intentions
regarding the dominions of our said lord, and even that you are
willing, in conjunction with our said cousin, to use your utmost
endeavours, even to the shedding your last drop of blood, for the
obtaining so necessary and desirable an object.
'We summon and require you, in the name of my aforesaid lord, and
expressly command you from ourselves, that you remain steady to
the orders of our said cousin, notwithstanding any letters or
commands you may receive to the contrary in the name of my
aforesaid lord, or in that of my son the dauphin; and also, that you
do not suffer henceforward any sums of money to be transmitted to
the present rulers of the realm under any pretext whatever, on pain
of disobedience and disloyalty to my said lord, and of incurring the
crime of rebellion toward him and toward us. In so doing, you will
perform your duty, and we will aid succour and support you against
all who shall attempt to injure or hurt you for your conduct on this
occasion.
'Very dear and well beloved, we recommend you to the care of the
Holy Spirit. Given at Chartres, the 12th day of November.'
It was afterward determined in the council of the queen and the
duke of Burgundy, that master Philip de Morvillers should go to the
town of Amiens, accompanied by some notable clerks of the said
council, with a sworn secretary, and should there hold, under the
queen, a sovereign court of justice, instead of the one at Paris, to
avoid being forced to apply to the king's chancery to obtain
summonses, or for any other cases that might arise in the bailiwicks
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