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Probability, Stochastic Processes
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 Texts in Statistical Science

Theory of
Stochastic Objects
Probability, Stochastic Processes
and Inference

Athanasios Christou Micheas

Department of Statistics, University of Missouri, USA
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To my family
 Contents

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv

List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi

List of Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii

List of Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxv

List of Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxvii

List of Distribution Notations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxix

1 Rudimentary Models and Simulation Methods . . . . . . . . . . . 1

1.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Rudimentary Probability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.2.1 Probability Distributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.2.2 Expectation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.2.3 Mixtures of Distributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
1.2.4 Transformations of Random Vectors . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
1.3 The Bayesian Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
1.3.1 Conjugacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
1.3.2 General Prior Selection Methods and Properties . . . . . . 14
1.3.3 Hierarchical Bayesian Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
1.4 Simulation Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
1.4.1 The Inverse Transform Algorithm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
1.4.2 The Acceptance-Rejection Algorithm . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
1.4.3 The Composition Method for Generating Mixtures . . . . . 20
1.4.4 Generating Multivariate Normal and Related Distributions . 20
1.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
1.6 Exercises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

2 Statistical Inference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
2.2 Decision Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
ix
x CONTENTS
2.3 Point Estimation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
2.3.1 Classical Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
2.3.2 Bayesian Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
2.3.3 Evaluating Point Estimators Using Decision Theory . . . . 40
2.3.4 Convergence Concepts and Asymptotic Behavior . . . . . . 42
2.4 Interval Estimation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
2.4.1 Confidence Intervals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
2.4.2 Highest Posterior Density Credible Sets . . . . . . . . . . . 46
2.4.3 Decision Theoretic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
2.5 Hypothesis Testing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
2.5.1 Classic Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
2.5.2 Bayesian Testing Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
2.5.3 Decision Theoretic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
2.5.4 Classical and Bayesian p-values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
2.5.5 Reconciling the Bayesian and Classical Paradigms . . . . . 65
2.6 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
2.7 Exercises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

3 Measure and Integration Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

3.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
3.2 Deterministic Set Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
3.3 Topological Spaces and σ-fields . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
3.4 Product Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
3.5 Measurable Spaces and Mappings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
3.6 Measure Theory and Measure Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
3.6.1 Signed Measures and Decomposition Theorems . . . . . . 97
3.6.2 Carathéodory Measurability and Extension Theorem . . . . 100
3.6.3 Construction of the Lebesgue Measure . . . . . . . . . . . 103
3.7 Defining Integrals with Respect to Measures . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
3.7.1 Change of Variable and Integration over Sets . . . . . . . . 113
3.7.2 Lebesgue, Riemann and Riemann-Stieltjes Integrals . . . . 115
3.7.3 Radon-Nikodym Theorem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
3.7.4 Product Measure and Fubini Theorem . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
3.7.5 L p -spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
3.8 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
3.9 Exercises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133

4 Probability Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139

4.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
4.2 Probability Measures and Probability Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . 139
4.2.1 Extension of Probability Measure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
4.2.2 Defining Random Objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
4.2.3 Distribution Functions and Densities . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
CONTENTS xi
4.2.4 Independence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
4.2.5 Calculating Probabilities for Limits of Events . . . . . . . . 158
4.2.6 Expectation of a Random Object . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
4.2.7 Characteristic Functions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
4.3 Conditional Probability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
4.3.1 Conditioning on the Value of a Random Variable . . . . . . 165
4.3.2 Conditional Probability and Expectation Given a σ-field . . 170
4.3.3 Conditional Independence Given a σ-field . . . . . . . . . 177
4.4 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
4.5 Exercises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179

5 Convergence of Random Objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183

5.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
5.2 Existence of Independent Sequences of Random Variables . . . . 183
5.3 Limiting Behavior of Sequences of Random Variables . . . . . . 184
5.3.1 Slutsky and Cramér Theorems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
5.3.2 Consistency of the MLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
5.4 Limiting Behavior of Probability Measures . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
5.4.1 Integrating Probability Measures to the Limit . . . . . . . . 187
5.4.2 Compactness of the Space of Distribution Functions . . . . 191
5.4.3 Weak Convergence via Non-Central Moments . . . . . . . 193
5.5 Random Series . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
5.5.1 Convolutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
5.5.2 Fourier Inversion and the Continuity Theorem . . . . . . . 196
5.5.3 Limiting Behavior of Partial Sums . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
5.5.4 Central Limit Theorems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
5.6 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
5.7 Exercises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204

6 Random Sequences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

6.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
6.2 Definitions and Properties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
6.3 Martingales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210
6.3.1 Filtrations and Stopping Times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
6.3.2 Convergence Theorems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
6.3.3 Applications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
6.3.4 Wald Identities and Random Walks . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
6.4 Renewal Sequences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
6.5 Markov Chains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
6.5.1 Definitions and Properties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
6.5.2 Discrete State Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236
6.5.3 The Martingale Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240
6.5.4 Visits to Fixed States: General State Space . . . . . . . . . 241
xii CONTENTS
6.5.5 Visits to Fixed States: Discrete State Space . . . . . . . . . 243
6.5.6 State Classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248
6.5.7 Limiting Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255
6.6 Stationary Sequences and Ergodicity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258
6.7 Applications to Markov Chain Monte Carlo Methods . . . . . . . 262
6.7.1 Metropolis-Hastings Algorithm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
6.7.2 Gibbs Sampling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264
6.7.3 Reversible Jump Markov Chain Monte Carlo . . . . . . . . 265
6.8 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268
6.9 Exercises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269

7 Stochastic Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275

7.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275
7.2 The Poisson Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277
7.3 General Stochastic Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279
7.3.1 Continuous Time Filtrations and Stopping Times . . . . . . 281
7.3.2 Continuous Time Martingales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283
7.3.3 Kolmogorov Existence Theorem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285
7.4 Markov Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289
7.4.1 Càdlàg Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289
7.4.2 Infinitesimal Generators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294
7.4.3 The Martingale Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 296
7.4.4 Construction via Subordinated Markov Chains . . . . . . . 297
7.4.5 Discrete State Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 298
7.4.5.1 Sample Paths and State Classification . . . . . . . . 301
7.4.5.2 Construction via Jump Times . . . . . . . . . . . . 303
7.4.5.3 Infinitesimal Generator and Transition Function . . 305
7.4.5.4 Limiting Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
7.4.5.5 Birth-Death Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309
7.4.6 Brownian Motion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 312
7.4.7 Construction of the Wiener Measure . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314
7.5 Building on Martingales and Brownian Motion . . . . . . . . . . 317
7.5.1 Stochastic Integrals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317
7.5.2 Stochastic Differential Equations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 324
7.6 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331
7.7 Exercises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 332

A Additional Topics and Complements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337

p
A.1 Mappings in R . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337
A.2 Topological, Measurable and Metric Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . 338
A.3 Baire Functions and Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 342
A.4 Fisher Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343
A.5 Multivariate Analysis Topics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 344
CONTENTS xiii
A.6 State Classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
A.7 MATLAB R Code Function Calls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 346
A.8 Commonly Used Distributions and Their Densities . . . . . . . . 347

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361
 Preface

Random variables and random vectors have been well defined and studied for
over a century. Subsequently, in the history of statistical science, researchers began
considering collections of points together, which gave birth to point process theory
and more recently, to random set theory. This was mainly motivated due to advances
in technology and the types of data that experimenters began investigating, which
in turn led to the creation and investigation of advanced statistical methods able to
handle such data.
In this book we take the reader on a journey through some of the most essential
topics in mathematics and statistics, constantly building on previous concepts, mak-
ing the transition from elementary statistical inference to the advanced probabilistic
treatment more natural and concrete. Our central focus is defining and exploring the
concept of a random quantity or object in different contexts, where depending on
the data under consideration, “random objects” are described using random vari-
ables, vectors or matrices, stochastic processes, integrals and differential equations,
or point processes and random sets.
This view of random objects has not been adequately investigated and pre-
sented in mathematics and statistics textbooks that are out there since they have
mostly concentrated on specific parts of the aforementioned concepts. This is one
of the reasons why I undertake the task of writing a textbook that would present
the knowledge in a concrete way, through examples and exercises, which is sorely
needed in understanding statistical inference, probability theory and stochastic pro-
cesses. This approach will help the instructor of these topics to engage the students
through problem sets and present the theory and applications involved in a way that
they will appreciate.
Since this monumental task cannot be accomplished in a single textbook, the
theoretical and modeling topics considered have been organized in two texts; this
text is concerned with rudimentary to advanced theoretical aspects of random ob-
jects based on random variables, including statistical inference, probability theory
and stochastic processes. The modeling of these objects and their applications to
real life data is presented in the text Theory and Modeling of Stochastic Objects:
Point Processes and Random Sets (forthcoming, hereafter referred to as TMSO-
PPRS). The latter stochastic objects are a natural extension of random variables

xv
xvi PREFACE
and vectors and we can think of the TMSO-PPRS text as a natural continuation of
the theory presented herein.
In particular, we present a comprehensive account of topics in statistics in a
way that can be a natural extension of a more traditional graduate course in prob-
ability theory. This is especially true for Chapters 1 and 2, which is a feature that
has been lacking from available texts in probability theory. Another distinguishing
feature of this text is that we have included an amazing amount of material. More
precisely, one would need to use at least one book on real analysis, one in measure
and/or probability theory, one in stochastic processes, and at least one on statistics
to capture just the expository material that has gone into this text.
Being a teacher and mentor to undergraduate and graduate students, I have seen
their attempts to comprehend new material from rudimentary to advanced mathe-
matical and statistical concepts. I have also witnessed their struggles with essential
topics in statistics, such as defining a probability space for a random variable, which
is one of the most important constructs in statistics. This book attempts to introduce
these concepts in a novel way making it more accessible to students and researchers
through examples. This approach is lacking in most textbooks/monographs that one
can use to teach students.
Instructors and researchers in academia often find themselves complementing
material from several books in order to provide a spherical overview of the topics
of a class. This book is the result of my efforts over the years to provide comprehen-
sive and compact accounts of topics I had to teach to undergraduate and graduate
students.
Therefore, the book is targeted toward students at the master’s and Ph.D. levels,
as well as academicians in the mathematics and statistics disciplines. Although the
concepts will be built from the master’s level up, the book addresses advanced read-
ers in the later chapters. When used as a textbook, prior knowledge of probability
or measure theory is welcomed but not necessary.
In particular, Chapters 1 and 2 can be used for several courses on statistical
inference with minor additions for any proofs the instructor chooses to further il-
lustrate. In these chapters we summarize over a century and a half of development
in mathematical statistics. Depending on the level of the course, the instructor can
select specific exercises to supplement the text, in order to provide a better under-
standing and more depth into the concepts under consideration. For example, using
selectively the material and exercises from Chapters 1, 2, 4 and 5, I have taught
several sequences on statistical inference at the University of Missouri (MU), in-
cluding Stat7750/60 and 4750/60 (statistical inference course at the undergraduate
and master’s level), Stat8710/20 (intermediate statistical inference course at the
Ph.D. level) and Stat9710/20 (advanced inference for Ph.D. students).
At the master’s level, it is recommended that the instructor omits advanced top-
ics from Chapter 2, including most of the decision-theoretic topics and the corre-
PREFACE xvii
sponding proofs of the relevant results. Basic theorems and their proofs, such as
the Bayes or the factorization theorem, should be presented to the students in de-
tail. The proofs of such results are included as exercises, and the instructor can use
the solution manual in order to choose what they deem appropriate to illustrate to
the students.
For example, when teaching a statistical inference course for Ph.D. students, all
concepts presented in Chapters 1 and 2 should be introduced, as well as topics on
asymptotics from Chapter 5. However, certain proofs might be beyond the level of
an intermediate statistical inference course for Ph.D. students. For example, when
it comes to introducing evaluation of point estimators, we may omit the explicit
proof of all parts of the important remark 2.12 and simply present the material, or
the compactness results in Chapter 5, and focus only on the central limit theorems
or Slutsky and Cramér theorems.
For an advanced course on statistical inference at the Ph.D. level, one would
omit most of the rudimentary results of Chapter 1, and focus on topics from Chap-
ter 2 (inference), Chapter 4 (e.g., characteristic functions), and Chapter 5 (asymp-
totics), including all the important proofs of the theorems and remarks presented in
the text. Once again, the instructor can find the solution manual invaluable in this
case, since it will allow them to select the topics they want to present along with
concrete proofs.
Chapters 3-5 can be used to introduce measure theoretic probability to mathe-
matics and statistics graduate students. Some of the proofs should be skipped since
it would take more than one semester to go through all the material. More precisely,
over the past decade when I taught the advanced probability theory course Stat9810
at MU, I had to omit most of the measure theoretic proofs and be quite selective in
the material for a one-semester course. For example, important theorems and their
proofs, like Fubini, Kolmogorov 0-1 Law, Radon-Nikodym or Kolmogorov Three
Series, should be illustrated to the students in detail.
In contrast, one may skip the proofs of the theoretical development of the
Carathodory extension theorem, or omit the proofs of the decomposition theorems
(Chapter 3) and the compactness theorems of Chapter 5. Of course, most of the
important results in measure and probability theory and their proofs are still there
for the inquisitive student and researcher who needs to go deeper. These chapters
are fairly comprehensive and self-contained, which is important for Ph.D. students
that have not had an advanced real analysis course.
Chapter 6 is a fairly comprehensive account of stochastic processes in discrete
time and in particular Markov chains. This material has been used to teach an intro-
ductory course on stochastic processes to both undergraduate and master’s students
(Stat4850/7850), as well as Ph.D.-level students in one semester (Stat 9820, a con-
tinuation of Stat9810). Note that most of the development and exposition of discrete
Markov chains and processes does not require heavy measure theory as presented
xviii PREFACE
in Chapters 6 and 7, therefore making it accessible to a wide variety of students, in-
cluding undergraduates. A good working knowledge of matrix algebra is required
in this case, which is a requirement for the undergraduate and graduate students
when they take this course. In particular, the instructor simply needs to explain in a
rudimentary way “transition probability measures,” e.g., replace it with the notion
of transition probabilities and matrices, and then the material can be presented to
the students in a non-measure theoretic way.
The material in Chapter 7 has been used to teach stochastic processes in con-
tinuous time to Ph.D. (Stat 9820) and advanced master’s level students, including
topics from Chapter 6, as mentioned above. The instructor can supplement materi-
als from other chapters as they see fit in order to build the mathematical foundations
of the concepts presented as needed. For example, in the beginning of the class we
may conduct a mini review of probability theory and Markov chains before jumping
into continuous time stochastic processes.
As you begin reading, several features that help with the learning process should
immediately draw your attention; each chapter begins with basic illustrations and
ends with a more advanced treatment of the topic at hand. We are exploring and
reconciling, when feasible, both the frequentist and Bayesian approaches to the
topics considered. In addition, recent developments in statistics are presented or
referenced in the text and summary of each chapter.
Proofs for most of the theorems, lemmas and remarks presented in each chapter
are given in the text or are requested as exercises, with the exception of the rudi-
mentary Chapters 1 and 2, where the proofs are requested as exercises only. Proofs
and additional information on the topics discussed can be found in the books or
journal papers referenced at the summary section of each chapter. Of course, the
interested reader can find proofs to selected exercises in the supplementary online
material for the book (see website below).
The theorems and results presented in the text can range from easy to compli-
cated, and therefore, we usually follow them with an illustrative remark or example
to explain the new concept. To further help in our understanding of the material
and for quick reference, various topics and complements from mathematics and
statistics are included in an appendix.
The MATLAB R code used for the examples presented along with solutions
to exercises and other material, such as errata, can be found at the book website
https://www.crcpress.com/9781466515208.

There are many people that have contributed, in their own way, to the creation
of this book. I am grateful to the faculty members of the Department of Statistics at
the University of Missouri, USA, for their constructive interactions and discussions
over the years. In particular, special thanks go to my friends and colleagues Christo-
pher Wikle, Scott Holan, Stamatis Dostoglou and Joe Cavanaugh (University of
PREFACE xix
Iowa), and my friend and mentor Konstantinos Zografos from the Department of
Mathematics, University of Ioannina, Greece. Lastly, my academic advisor, Distin-
guished Professor of Statistics Dipak Dey, Department of Statistics, University of
Connecticut, USA, has been an inspiration to me over the years.
I am grateful to Professors Stamatis Dostoglou, Department of Mathematics,
University of Missouri, USA, Georg Lindgren, Department of Mathematical Statis-
tics, Centre for Mathematical Sciences, Lund, Sweden, and an anonymous re-
viewer, for their invaluable comments and suggestions regarding earlier versions
of the manuscript. Special thanks go to my friend and colleague Distinguished Pro-
fessor Noel Cressie, School of Mathematics and Applied Statistics, University of
Wollongong, Australia, for his support and encouragement over the years as I was
working on the manuscript, as well as for his advice regarding all aspects of the
book, including its title.
Additional thanks go to the hundreds of students for their undivided attention
while they had to take classes from me on these topics and have helped me better
myself through the teaching process. In particular, special thanks goes to all my
graduate students, especially to Jiaxun Chen and Alex Oard. I am also grateful to
Rob Calver, Michele Dimont, Becky Condit and the friends at Chapman-Hall/CRC
for their patience while the manuscript was composed and for their help with the
copy edit process.
Above all, my appreciation and love to my family, my daughters Vaso, Evi and
Christina, my wife Lada and my father Christos, for their unconditional love and
understanding.
I apologize in advance for any typos or errors in the text and I would be grateful
for any comments, suggestions or corrections the kind reader would like to bring to
my attention.
Sakis Micheas
December 2017
 List of Figures

4.1 Displaying random objects: (a) random functions, (b)-(d) random

counting measures showing regularity, randomness and clustering
of the points, (e) random discs, and (f) Gaussian random field. . . 149

7.1 Brownian motion realizations: (a) univariate, (b) bivariate. . . . . 314

xxi
 List of Tables

2.1 Schematic for any hypothesis testing problem along with the
occurrence of the Type I and II errors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
2.2 Simulations of Monte Carlo goodness-of-fit tests. We used
L = 100000 predictive samples for n = 10, 50, 100 observed sample
points and the data is simulated from three models Uni f (0, 1),
Gamma(10, 10), and N(−10, 1). We choose λ = 1 for the
hyperparameter, and p pred is provided for four statistics
T 1 (X) = X(1) , T 2 (X) = X(n) , T 3 (X) = X, and T 4 (X) = S 2 . Based on
these results T 1 emerges as the best test statistic in order to assess
the entertained model. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64

4.1 Characteristic functions of commonly used continuous

distributions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
4.2 Characteristic functions of commonly used discrete distributions. 166

xxiii
 List of Abbreviations

a.s. Almost Surely

BCT Bounded Convergence Theorem
Be Beta function
Càdlàg Continue à Droite, Limites à Gauche (RCLL)
cdf Cumulative Distribution Function
cf Characteristic Function
CI Confidence Interval
CLT Central Limit Theorem
CR-LB Cramer-Rao Lower Bound
DCT Dominated Convergence Theorem
ev. Eventually
HBM Hierarchical Bayesian Model
HPD Highest Posterior Density
iid Independent and Identically Distributed
i.o. Infinitely Often
LHS Left-Hand Side
MAP Maximum a Posteriori
MCMC Markov Chain Monte Carlo
MCT Monotone Convergence Theorem
MLE Maximum Likelihood Estimator
MG Martingale
mgf Moment Generating Function
PEL Posterior Expected Loss
pgf Probability Generating Function

xxv
xxvi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
PP Point Process
RHS Right-Hand Side
RCLL Right Continuous Left Limits
SLLN Strong Law of Large Numbers
sMG Sub-Martingale
SMG Super-Martingale
TMSO-PPRS Theory and Modeling of Stochastic Objects: Point Processes
and Random Sets
UMVUE Uniformly Minimum Variance Unbiased Estimator
WLLN Weak Law of Large Numbers
wlog Without Loss of Generality
w.p. With Probability
 List of Symbols

Q≪µ Q is absolutely continuous with respect to µ

B(X) Borel sets of the space X
DΨ[0,+∞) Càdlàg space: Ψ-valued functions defined on
[0, +∞) with RCLL
M or M(µ∗ ) Carathéodory measurable sets
n!
C nx = (n−x)!x!
Combination: the number of ways we can select x
objects out of n objects
n! P
k
C nx1 ,x2 ,...,xk = x1 !x2 !...xk !
Multinomial Coefficient, xi = n,
i=1
xi = 0, 1, . . . , n, i = 1, 2, . . . , k
CR[0,+∞) Continuous R-valued functions defined on [0, +∞)
↓ Decreasing Sequence Converging to
d
X=Y X and Y have the same distribution
X ∼ fX , F X , QX X has density fX or cdf F X or distribution QX
x! = 1 ∗ 2 ∗ . . . ∗ (x − 1) ∗ x Factorial of an integer x
F Closed subsets of R p
∀ For every (or for all)
∃ There exist(s)
⇒ Implies
⇔ If and only if
↑ Increasing Sequence Converging to
I(x ∈ A) = IA (x) Indicator function of the set A, 1 if x ∈ A, 0 if x < A
µp Lebesgue measure on R p
ω1 ∨ ω2 max{ω1 , ω2 }
ω1 ∧ ω2 min{ω1 , ω2 }

xxvii
xxviii LIST OF SYMBOLS
an
an = o(bn ) bn
→ 0 as n → ∞
1:1 One-to-one (function)
h dQ i
dµ
Radon-Nikodym derivative of Q with respect to µ
p
R, R Real numbers in 1 and p dimensions
R = R ∪ {−∞} ∪ {+∞} Extended real line
R+ , R0+ {x ∈ R : x > 0}, {x ∈ R : x ≥ 0}
Q⊥µ Q and µ are mutually singular measures
[P], [µ] With respect to measure P or µ
Z Integers, {. . . , −2, −1, 0, 1, 2, . . .}
Z = Z ∪ {−∞} ∪ {+∞} Extended integers
Z+ , Z+0 , Z+ {1, 2, . . .}, {0, 1, 2, . . .}, {0, 1, 2, . . . , +∞}
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
hopes of an increased income. With him were associated as Revenue
Commissioners Thomas Walsh, Baron, and John Mynne, Auditor of
the English Exchequer, and William Cavendish, Treasurer of the
Court of Augmentations; but the viceregal authority was not in any
way impaired.[235]
St. Leger seems clearly to have grasped the idea so
often put forth and so often neglected, that the St. Leger’s policy.
The Kavanaghs.
pacification of Ireland must begin with the
neighbourhood of the Pale, and that distant expeditions were neither
lightly to be undertaken nor abandoned without attaining their
object. He resolved at once to punish those who had attacked the
Pale at Grey’s departure, and he turned first to the Kavanaghs.
Ormonde had lately ravaged Idrone for a week and taken hostages,
reporting that all the mischief was done by Donnell MacCahir, ‘who,
having nothing to lose, adhereth to Tirlogh O’Toole.’ St. Leger now
ravaged the territory far and wide, and at the end of ten days the
chief came in and submitted. He renounced the name of
MacMurrough, and agreed to hold his lands of the Crown by knight-
service. After the manner of Deputies in their early days of office, St.
Leger believed that he had really made a final settlement. The
Kavanaghs were ready enough to make promises, and even to boast
their descent from the man who first brought the English to Ireland;
but St. Leger was destined to have plenty of trouble with them.[236]
Offaly had been so often devastated that the new
Lord Deputy could have little to do in that way; but The O’Mores and
O’Connors, and
the adjoining district of Leix had been more their neighbours.
fortunate, and its turn now came. The O’Doynes,
O’Dempseys, and others were separated by St. Leger’s policy from
O’Connor, whom it was proposed to bridle by establishing fortified
posts at Kinnegad in Westmeath, at Kishevan in Kildare, at Castle
Jordan in Meath, and at Ballinure in what is now the King’s County. A
letter arrived from the King with orders to expel O’Connor from his
country and to give it to his brother Cahir, if he would behave in a
civilised manner, as he had often promised to do. The incorrigible
rebel should be made an example to all Ireland by his perpetual
exile and just punishment. But this could not be honourably done,
for Brereton had made a peace during the difficult days that followed
Grey’s recall, and O’Connor, whose submission was of the humblest,
had done no harm since then. St. Leger indeed showed some
inconsistency in the matter, for he thought in September that
O’Connor could never be trusted, and in November he advised his
restoration to favour. Not only was it proposed to give him a grant of
his land, but also to raise him to the peerage as Baron of Offaly, an
ancient honour in the eclipsed family of Kildare.[237]
No tribe had hurt the Pale more than the O’Tooles,
who could boast of giving a famous saint to Irish The O’Tooles.
hagiology. Originally possessed of the southern half
of Kildare, they had been driven into the Wicklow Mountains by
Walter de Riddlesford in the early days of the Anglo-Norman
occupation. They were afterwards known as lords of Imaile, a small
district between Baltinglass and Glendalough, and at one time held
nearly all the northern half of Wicklow. The Earls of Kildare expelled
them from Powerscourt, and latterly they had led a very precarious
life. True children of the mist, they either bivouacked in the open or
crept into wretched huts to which Englishmen hesitated to give the
name of houses. They cultivated no land, but levied 300l. a year
from their civilised neighbours, partly in black-rent and partly in
sheer plunder. The actual chief was Tirlogh O’Toole, who professed
himself anxious to mend his ways, and offered to go to England and
beg his lands of Henry himself. There was something chivalrous in
Tirlogh; for when Grey was hard pressed by the northern
confederacy he sent him word that ‘since all those great lords were
against him he would surely be with him, but whensoever they were
all at peace, then he alone would be at war with him and the English
Pale.’ This simple-minded warrior had kept his word, and he now
begged St. Leger to write to Norfolk, in the belief that the Duke
would let him want nothing ‘when he knew that he had become an
Englishman.’ In return for his undertaking to forego his exactions
and to wear the English dress, he asked for a grant of the district of
Fercullen, comprising Powerscourt and about twenty square miles of
land, chiefly rocks and woods, but with some fertile spots. St. Leger
was anxious to grant Tirlogh’s terms, for the lands actually held by
him were worthless and would never pay to reclaim, while the
O’Tooles were obliged to live on the Pale. The hardy mountaineers
had nothing to lose, and they prevented land enough to support
2,000 inhabitants from being cultivated at all. The Lord Deputy
accordingly sent over the wild man with a special recommendation
to Norfolk, whose Irish experience made him a natural mediator.
Tirlogh was so poor that St. Leger had to lend him 20l. for his
journey, and he could not even afford decent clothes. ‘It shall appear
to your Majesty,’ wrote the Irish Government, ‘that this Tirlogh is but
a wretched person and a man of no great power, neither having
house to put his head in, nor yet money in his purse to buy him a
garment, yet may he well make 200 or 300 men.’[238]
Tirlogh remained nearly a month at Court, where
he was very well treated; perhaps Henry Tirlogh O’Toole at
Court.
remembered how well Hugh O’Donnell had
requited the kindness shown to him long since. The grant was
authorised, and care was taken to make such a fair division among
the clansmen as would prevent internal dissensions. Tirlogh became
the King’s tenant by knight-service at a rent of five marks yearly, and
his brother Art Oge, a man of some ability, was gratified with a grant
of Castle Kevin. Henry desired that this case should form a
precedent, and that in future chiefs received to peace and favour
should be treated with on the same basis as the O’Tooles. In doing
this he followed the advice of some of his wisest councillors at
home. Cranmer, Audeley, and Sadleir did not believe in the possibility
of a thorough conquest, and rightly considered that Ireland would be
best gained by fair dealing. Pedants and flatterers might argue that
the King was actually entitled to most of the land, that the Irish were
intruders, and that grants to them were derogatory to the royal
dignity. To this it was answered that the intrusions were of very old
date, that future rebellions would be more easily punished when
they involved a breach of contract, and that the Crown must gain by
the mere acknowledgment of its title. The O’Tooles at all events
seem to have given up plundering the Pale, and they make little
further figure in history. But they could not give up fighting among
themselves. The favoured Tirlogh had a grudge against one of his
clansmen, and pursued him daily in spite of orders from the
Government. At last the threatened man caught his persecutor
asleep, and in the early morning killed him and all his companions;
‘and we think,’ wrote the Lord Deputy and Council, ‘the other would
have done to him likewise, if he might have gotten him at like
advantage.’ Tirlogh left no legitimate children, but St. Leger
nevertheless recommended that his son Brian should be allowed to
succeed him.[239]
Finding Leinster in an unusually promising state,
the Irish Council hit upon a strange device for Proposed military
order. The King
keeping it permanently quiet. In the previous vetoes it.
century Thomas, Earl of Kildare, had established
the Brotherhood of St. George, an armed confraternity, whose
thirteen officers, chosen from among the loyal gentlemen of Dublin,
Kildare, Meath, and Louth, elected their own captain annually, but
were paid by the State. It was found necessary to dissolve this body
by an Act of Parliament, passed in 1494. Its object had been the
defence of the Pale against Irish enemies and English rebels. It was
now proposed to erect a new order, not named after St. George, but
holding its great ceremony on St. George’s day. It was to consist of a
Grand Master and twelve pensioners, with salaries amounting in the
aggregate to 1,000l. The majority were to be Irishmen of family,
who might be kept out of mischief by fear of losing their pensions.
After seven years, promotion was to depend on knowing English, or
having spent two years in the public service in England; the object
being to induce Irish gentlemen to cross the Channel and learn
manners. As vacancies occurred the persons chosen were to be
bound ‘not to have any wife or wives.’ The Council nominated
Brabazon to be first Grand Master; but Ormonde put forth a list of
his own, and preferred his brother Richard to the highest place. The
Council also proposed to make a pensioner of Lord Kilcullen, and to
place him in the castle of Clonmore, which had belonged to his
family, but which the King had granted to Ormonde. The Earl
naturally ignored this claim, and there were other differences in the
rival lists. The Council suggested elaborate machinery by which the
Order might be made to work for the reformation of Leinster; but St.
Leger does not appear to have been a party to the scheme, and
perhaps opposed it quietly. The King, who had just abolished the
great military Order, had no idea of creating another, though its
patron saint should be St. George instead of St. John. ‘We do in no
wise,’ he said, ‘like any part of your device in that behalf.’ By minding
their business and doing what they were told his Majesty hoped that
they would ultimately succeed in reforming Leinster ‘without the new
erection of any such fantasies.’[240]
James Fitzjohn being now necessarily
acknowledged Earl of Desmond, one of St. Leger’s An arrangement is
made with
first cares was to obtain his submission. Satisfied at Desmond.
last that no treachery was intended, Desmond
agreed to meet the Lord Deputy at Cashel. Passing through Carlow
and Kilkenny, St. Leger was joined by Ormonde, who took care that
the viceregal retinue should be well treated on the journey; but
Desmond at first held aloof, and demanded that the chief of the
Butlers should give himself up as a hostage before he trusted
himself in English hands. This was refused; but Archbishop Browne,
Travers, the Master of the Ordnance, and the Deputy’s brother
Robert consented to run the risk. Desmond then appeared, and said
he was ready to do all that loyalty demanded. The proceedings were
adjourned to Sir Thomas Butler’s house at Cahir, and there Desmond
signed a solemn notarial instrument, by which he fully acknowledged
the King’s supremacy in Church and State. ‘I do,’ he said, ‘utterly
deny and forsake the Bishop of Rome, and his usurped primacy and
authority, and shall with all my power resist and repress the same
and all that shall by any means use and maintain the same.’ He
renounced the pretensions of his family not to attend Parliament or
enter any walled town. He agreed to abide by and to enforce the
King’s decision as to the Kildare estates, and to pay all such taxes as
were paid in the territories of Ormonde, Delvin, and other noblemen
of like condition. He constituted himself the defender of the
corporate towns, and gave up all claims to the allegiance of the
Munster Englishry, with a partial reservation as to men of his own
blood, who held their lands under him or his ancestors. Finally, he
agreed to send his son to be educated in England. This was Gerald,
the ill-starred youth whose folly and vanity were destined to work
the final ruin of his House. The Archbishop of Cashel and the
Bishops of Limerick and Emly witnessed the instrument, and the
manner of the submission was as satisfactory as a Tudor could wish.
‘In presence,’ wrote St. Leger to the King, ‘of MacWilliam, O’Connor,
and divers other Irish gentlemen, to the number of 200 at the least,
he kneeled down before me and most humbly delivered his said
submission, desiring me to deliver unto him his said pardon, granted
by your Majesty; affirming that it was more glad to him to be so
reconciled to your favours, than to have any worldly treasure;
protesting that no earthly cause should make him from henceforth
swerve from your Majesty’s obedience. And after that done, I
delivered to him your said most gracious pardon, which he most
joyfully accepted.’ He was immediately sworn of the Council, and St.
Leger asked the King’s indulgence for having done this without
warrant. Care was also taken to prevent a renewal of the quarrel
between the new Privy Councillor and Ormonde, who had married
the heiress-general of a former Earl of Desmond, and had thus large
and indefinite claims on the family estates. The rivals bound
themselves in 4,000l. to promote cross-marriages between their
children, and to keep the peace. The claims of Ormonde through his
wife were nevertheless destined in the next generation to deluge
Munster in blood.[241]
Desmond accompanied St. Leger to Kilmallock,
‘where, I think, none of your Grace’s Deputies Dutiful attitude of
Desmond and
came this hundred years before,’ and treated him O’Brien.
hospitably, openly declaring that he was ready if
the Deputy wished it to go to London to see the King. O’Brien came
peacefully to Limerick, complaining chiefly that he was not allowed
to bridge the Shannon nor to exercise jurisdiction over friendly tribes
on the left bank. St. Leger promised him perpetual war unless he
would yield on both points, believing that he could do little harm
without the concurrence of Desmond, of the Clanricarde Burkes, or
of Donogh O’Brien. He was given till Shrovetide to consult his
friends, and at last decided to keep quiet and to send agents to
watch over his interests in Parliament. A pardon was issued under
the Great Seal of Ireland, and towards the end of the year O’Brien
spontaneously addressed a very dutiful letter to the King, begging
personal as well as official forgiveness for his many sins. ‘My mind,’
he said, ‘is never satisfied till I have made the same submission to
your Grace’s own person, whom I most desire to see above all
creatures on earth living, now in mine old days; which sight I doubt
not but shall prolong my life.’[242]
MacWilliam Burke of Clanricarde and
MacGillapatrick professed anxiety for the royal MacWilliam Burke
and
favour, and accompanied St. Leger on his tour. He MacGillapatrick.
prescribed an earldom for the former, a barony for
the latter, and Parliament-robes and other fine clothes for both; in
the belief that titles and little acts of civility would weigh more with
these rude men than a display of force. He himself had given
MacWilliam a silver-gilt cup, and in Limerick Desmond had from
vanity or policy worn ‘gown, jacket, doublet, hose, shirts, caps, and
a velvet riding coat,’ from the Lord Deputy’s wardrobe. It was very
important to conciliate MacWilliam, who could always prevent a
junction of the O’Briens and O’Donnells. MacGillapatrick soon
afterwards covenanted with the King to live civilly, to act loyally, and
to hold his lands of the Crown by knight-service. MacWilliam wrote a
letter to Henry confessing and lamenting that his family had
degenerated, and belied their English blood, ‘which have been
brought to Irish and disobedient rule by reason of marriage and
nurseing with those Irish, sometime rebels, near adjoining to me.’ He
placed himself and all his possessions unreservedly in the King’s
hands, but seems to have let it be known that he would like to be an
Earl. Henry refused this unless the repentant Norman would come to
Court, but he offered a barony or viscounty without any condition.
[243]

Early in 1541 St. Leger received authority to

summon a Parliament. The composition of the Parliament of
1541.
House of Commons is uncertain, for no list of
members is extant between 1382 and 1559. In the former of those
years eighteen counties or districts and eleven towns were
represented. In the latter, ten counties and twenty-eight cities and
boroughs returned two members each. Through the action of the
royal prerogative the number was progressively increased until the
300 of the eighteenth century was reached. In St. Leger’s time the
Upper House was the more important of the two, and was attended
by four archbishops, nineteen bishops, and twenty temporal peers,
of whom Desmond was one. Among the temporal peers was
Rawson, late prior of Kilmainham and chief of the Irish Hospitallers,
who had just been created Viscount Clontarf. There were four new
Barons—Edmund Butler Lord Dunboyne, MacGillapatrick Lord Upper
Ossory, Oliver Plunkett Lord Louth, and William Bermingham Lord
Carbery. Richard le Poer had been created Baron of Curraghmore six
years before. Besides the peers there were present in Dublin
Donough O’Brien, MacWilliam Burke, O’Reilly, Cahir MacArt
Kavanagh, Phelim Roe O’Neill of Clandeboye, and some of the
O’Mores. O’Brien sent agents or deputies. These and other important
persons were present at the passing of the Bill which made Henry
King of Ireland; but they had no votes and were not considered as
members of Parliament.
Parliament met on Monday, June 13; but the
Munster lords had not yet arrived, and the solemn Henry VIII. is
made King of
mass was postponed until Thursday, the feast of Ireland.
Corpus Christi. By that day all had assembled, and
they rode in state to the place of meeting. Most of the peers wore
their robes. On the morrow the Commons chose a Speaker in the
person of Sir Thomas Cusack, a rising lawyer, who afterwards
obtained the highest professional honours. He made a set speech at
the bar of the Lords, praising the King for many things, but
especially for having extirpated the Bishop of Rome’s usurped power.
Ormonde then gave the substance of what had been said in Irish, to
the ‘great contentation of those lords who could not understand
English.’ At the sitting of the House of Lords on the following day, St.
Leger proposed that Henry VIII. should be King of Ireland. A Bill to
that effect was read a first time in English and Irish, and was
received with acclamation. It was then and there read a second and
a third time, and all the Lords subscribed it, lest they should
thereafter be tempted to deny their consents. The Bill was then sent
down to the Commons and read three times, and on the morrow, in
presence of both Houses, St. Leger pronounced the royal consent
—‘no less,’ he wrote, ‘to my comfort, than to be risen again from
death to life, that I so poor a wretch should, by your excellent
goodness, be put to that honour, that in my time your Majesty
should most worthily have another Imperial Crown.’ This rapid action
is in striking contrast to the long and acrimonious discussion excited
by a change of the royal style in our own times.[244]
The question of style was one of considerable
practical importance, for the friars had sedulously King and Pope.
The royal style.
encouraged the popular notion that the real
sovereignty rested in the Pope, and that the King of England was
only a sort of viceroy. Alen had recommended the assumption of the
royal title four years before; and both Staples and St. Leger had
given the like advice. Parliamentary sanction had now been given to
the change, and those who acknowledged English law could hardly
dispute the principle involved. In the later struggles of Irish parties
the contest between the Crown and the Tiara was constantly
revived, and the ghost of the controversy is sometimes seen even in
our own times. Less than two months before the meeting of St.
Leger’s Parliament, Paul III. had written to prepare O’Neill for the
arrival of a detachment of the Company of Jesus, and before its
dissolution the first Jesuits had landed. But for the moment no
opposition was visible. The proclamation of the new style was
joyously celebrated by the citizens of Dublin. Salutes were fired.
Bonfires were lit. Wine casks were broached in the streets; and there
was much feasting in private houses. An amnesty was granted to
criminals, except traitors, murderers, and ravishers; but prisoners for
debt were not released, lest any creditor should be defrauded. There
was some fear lest it should be supposed that the Irish Parliament
had elected their King instead of merely declaring his just hereditary
right; and many letters were exchanged on the subject. Finally the
new style was settled as follows:—‘Henry VIII., by the Grace of God,
King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and of
the Church of England, and also of Ireland, in earth the Supreme
Head.’ A new Great Seal had to be sent from England, since there
was no competent engraver in Dublin. And thus, after the lapse of
nearly four centuries, did Henry II.’s successor repudiate all
obligations to Rome, and declare himself King of Ireland by right
divine.[245]
The other Acts passed had no political significance,
but followed pretty closely recent domestic Regulations for
Munster.
legislation in England. After a session of little more
than five weeks, Parliament was prorogued with the intention of
convoking it again at Limerick. Before the two Houses dispersed,
elaborate regulations, which were not embodied in an Act of
Parliament, were drawn up for Munster, Thomond, and Connaught.
There was no chance of enforcing these ordinances, but some of
them are very good. Laymen and minors were disabled from holding
ecclesiastical benefices; kernes were ordered to be treated as
vagabonds, unless some lord would give bail for them; heads of
families were declared responsible for damage done by younger
members. Highway robbery and rape were pronounced capital; but
by a strange anomaly robberies of above fourteen pence were made
punishable by the loss of one ear for the first offence and of the
other ear for the second, while death was fixed as the penalty for
the third. A system of fines was promulgated for homicides,
invasions, and spoils. The Irish jurisprudence was thus
acknowledged, but only as a matter of fact, for the chiefs who
indulged in open lawlessness were generally beyond the reach of the
law. Saffron shirts were forbidden under penalties, and the
permissible quantity of linen was carefully prescribed for each rank.
A lord might have twenty cubits, his vassals eighteen, and his
servants twelve. A kerne was allowed sixteen and an agricultural
labourer ten. Stringent but useless limitations were imposed on
coyne and livery, the fact being that great men had usually no other
means of protecting their districts. Ormonde was appointed chief
executor of these ordinances for Tipperary, Waterford, and Kilkenny,
and Desmond for the other counties of Munster. Both were to
command the assistance of the Archbishop of Cashel and to be
entitled to one-third of all fines levied by them, two-thirds being
payable to the King. The regulations for Thomond and Connaught
were the same as for Munster, but they were probably even less
regarded.[246]

FOOTNOTES:
[232] For the intrigues with Scotland, see Brereton to Essex, May
17, 1540, and the note, S.P. vol. iii., and Layton to Essex, S.P. vol.
v. p. 178; O’Neill’s letter to Henry was dated July 20; the King’s
letter to O’Neill is dated Sept. 7—‘literas vestras unà cum
munusculis grato animo accepimus.’ For O’Donnell’s submission,
see Henry’s letter to him of Aug. 20, acknowledging his letters
‘per dilectum nobis Johannem Cappis, mercatorem Bristoliensem.’
St. Leger brought over O’Neill’s pardon.
[233] In a letter to Cromwell of December 23, 1539, in Carew,
William Wise, of Waterford, almost foretold the murder, which
(according to Mr. Graves’s pedigree in the Irish Archæological
Journal) took place on March 19 following. The pedigree says the
murder was in Kerry, but other accounts, which are evidently
correct, point to the neighbourhood of Fermoy or Mitchelstown.
Council of Ireland to the King, April 4, 1540; Archdall’s Lodge;
Russell. O’Daly (chap. xii.) admits that the murder was
premeditated.
[234] Ormonde to Brereton from Kilkenny, May 14; to the King,
July 26, from Waterford. He had been to England and back
between these dates. Desmond to Ormonde, July 8; Lord Deputy
St. Leger to the King, Sept. 12, 1540.
[235] P. Barnewall to Essex, May 19; Instructions to St. Leger and
the others, and to St. Leger alone, S.P., Aug. 16 and 20. St. Leger
landed Aug. 12, 1540.
[236] Walter Cowley to St. Leger, March 15, 1541, ‘from the
border of Cahir, MacArt’s country.’ St. Leger to the King, Sept. 12;
Council of Ireland to the King, Sept. 22.
[237] Council of Ireland to the King, Sept. 22, 1540; the King to
the Lord Deputy and Council, Sept. 7 and 8; Lord Deputy and
Council to the King, Nov. 13.
[238] For the O’Tooles, see O’Donovan’s Book of Rights, and his
notes to the Four Masters, 1180 and 1376; and Lord Deputy and
Council to the King Nov. 14, 1540, with the notes. These people
had suffered from the Kildare family as much as the Macgregors
did from the Campbells. This may partly explain Tirlogh’s
unwillingness to aid in restoring Gerald.
[239] The King to the Lord Deputy and Council, No. 332 in the
S.P., and his very important minute of March 26, 1541; Lord
Deputy and Council to the King, Dec. 7, 1542, and May 15, 1543.
[240] For the scheme see S.P., vol. iii. No. 330; the King’s answer
is No. 337.
[241] St. Leger to the King, Feb. 21, 1541. The submission was
signed at Cahir, Jan. 16. For the names of the notaries and of the
chief spectators, see Carew, vol. i. No. 153.
[242] St. Leger to the King, Feb. 21, 1541; list of those who
attended Parliament, 1541, in S.P., vol. iii. p. 307; O’Brien to the
King, vol. iii., No. 352.
[243] St. Leger to the King, Feb. 21, 1541; MacWilliam to the
King, March 12, 1541; MacGillapatrick’s submission, &c., S.P., vol.
iii., No. 336; the King to MacWilliam, May 1.
[244] St. Leger to the King, June 26, 1541; Lord Deputy and
Council to the King, June 28; printed Statutes, 33 Henry VIII.;
Lodge’s Parliamentary Register; Parliamentary lists in Tracts
Relating to Ireland, No. 2.
[245] Alen to St. Leger in 1537, S.P., vol. ii., No. 182; Staples to
St. Leger, June 17, 1538; Lord Deputy and Council to the King,
Dec. 30, 1540. The proclamation of the King’s style is in Carew,
vol. i., No. 158. The author of the Aphorismical Discovery, who
wrote about 1650, says Henry ‘revolted from his obedience to the
Holy See’ by assuming the royal title. There is an abstract of the
King’s title to Ireland in Carew, vol. i., No. 156; Adrian’s grant is
mentioned as one of seven titles, some fabulous, some historical.
For the proceedings in Dublin, see St. Leger’s letters already
cited, June 26 and 28, 1541; for the style itself, see the King’s
letter in S.P., vol. iii., No. 361; for the Seal, see Lord Deputy and
Council to the King, June 2, 1542, and Henry’s answer.
[246] See the ordinances in Carew, vol. i., No. 157.
 CHAPTER XIV.

1541 TO THE CLOSE OF THE REIGN OF HENRY

VIII.

The attendance of Irishmen during the session of

Parliament was not altogether barren of immediate The O’Carrolls.
results. Fergananim O’Carroll, chief of Ely, having
become blind, was murdered in Clonlisk Castle by Teige, the son of
his old rival Donough, with the help of some of the Molloys. The
claimants to the vacant succession voluntarily submitted to the
arbitration of the Lord Deputy and Council, and a curious award was
given. According to Irish law John O’Carroll, as the eldest, would
have been the natural chief. He was set aside as unfit to rule, but
received his lands rent free and forty cows annually out of the cattle-
tribute payable to the chief. Fergananim’s son Teige was also
pronounced incompetent, but was nevertheless established as ruler
of half the country by way of propitiating Desmond, who was his
uncle by marriage. Calvagh or Charles O’Carroll was made lord of the
other half, and it was provided that if either procured the other’s
death he should forfeit all to the sons of the deceased.[247]
Soon after the prorogation St. Leger went to Cavan
to meet O’Donnell. Leaving his boats on Lough Submission of
O’Donnell, 1541.
Erne, the chieftain came boldly to the appointed
place with a dozen followers, and made little difficulty about the
terms of peace. He agreed to serve the King on all great hostings, to
attend the next Parliament or send duly authorised deputies, to hold
his land of the Crown, and to take any title that might be given him.
He not only renounced the usurped primacy and authority of Rome,
but promised industriously and diligently to expel, eject, and root out
from his country all adherents of the Pope, or else to coerce and
constrain them to submit to the King and his successors. He more
than once asked to be made Earl of Sligo, and to have Parliament-
robes as well as ‘that golden instrument or chain which noblemen
wear on their necks.’ Henry was willing to create O’Donnell Earl of
Tyrconnell, but the creation was deferred until the reign of James I.
[248]

O’Neill still refused to come to Dundalk, or in any

way to submit to the Lord Deputy. He was, he said, St. Leger
chastises the
waiting to hear from the King, and he made the O’Neills.
curious complaint that St. Leger would not let him
send hawks as presents to his Majesty. Diplomacy failing, the Lord
Deputy prepared for an invasion of Ulster. He was joined by
O’Donnell, O’Hanlon, Magennis, MacMahon, who had lately made
submission in the usual form, Phelim Roe O’Neill and Neill Connelagh
O’Neill, nephews and opponents of the chief of Tyrone; by the
Savages of Ards; and by many others, both English and Irish.
Twenty-two days were spent in destroying corn and butter; but no
enemy appeared, and the cattle had been driven off into the woods.
Meanwhile O’Neill tried the bold but not uncommon experiment of
attacking the Pale in the absence of its defenders. The new Lord
Louth handled the local force so well that the invaders were
ignominiously routed, while O’Donnell ravaged not only Tyrone but a
great part of Fermanagh, the very islands in Lough Erne being
ransacked by his flotilla.[249]
After a month’s respite St. Leger made a second
raid, and this time captured some hundreds of Success of a
winter campaign.
cows and horses. Another month elapsed, and then
a third attack brought O’Neill to his knees. He sent letters to Armagh
in which he threw himself on the King’s mercy, which he preferred to
the Lord Deputy’s, gave a son as hostage, and offered to come in
person not only to Dundalk but to Drogheda. O’Neill had never been
known to give a hostage before, and great importance was attached
to this. Three thousand kine besides horses and sheep were taken in
spite of the natives, but not without much suffering on the part of
the soldiers, who had to lie without tents on the wet ground. Many
horses died, and many more were lamed. The pastime, as St. Leger
called it, of a December campaign can never be very pleasant, but
he proved, as Sidney proved afterwards, that it was the right way to
subdue the O’Neills. There was not grass enough in the woods to
keep the cattle alive, and when they came into the fields the soldiers
easily captured them.[250]
Ultimately O’Neill made a complete submission. He
agreed to behave like the Earls of Ormonde and Submission of
O’Neill.
Desmond, praying only that he might not be forced
to incur the danger and expense of attending any Parliament sitting
to the west of the Barrow. He not only renounced the Pope, but
promised to send back future bulls, if ecclesiastics already provided
from Rome would do likewise.[251]
The Council advised Henry to accept O’Neill’s
submission, seeing that his country was wide and The Council
advise the King to
difficult, and now so wasted as to be incapable of accept it.
supporting an army. It might perhaps be possible
to expel Con, but he would certainly be succeeded by a pretender as
bad as himself, and extreme courses might lead to despair, and to a
universal rebellion. They admitted that the winter war had been
proved to be ‘the destruction of any Irishmen,’ but the loss of men
and horses was great, and might lead to risings in other places.[252]
The King disliked the wholesale grants of land for
small consideration, which were favoured by St. Henry’s ideas
about Ireland.
Leger. He rebuked his servants in Ireland for
thinking too much of Irish submissions, and here he saw more
clearly than they did. He was now King in Ireland, and required a
revenue in proportion. For that purpose he divided Irishmen into two
classes, those who were within easy reach of his arm, and those
who were not. The former were to be treated sternly, but the latter
tenderly, ‘lest by extreme demands they should revolt to their former
beastliness.’ The near neighbours were to be brought to the same
terms as Tirlogh O’Toole. A proper rent was to be exacted, and
knight-service insisted on for the sake of the wardships and liveries.
In the obedient districts monastic lands were to be let on lease for
the best possible rent. In more distant quarters the chiefs were to be
coaxed into suppressing the religious houses by promising them
leases on easy terms.[253]
At the beginning of the year 1542 the Council were
able to make the strange announcement that Ireland at peace,
1542. Submission
Ireland was at peace. They praised St. Leger for his of many chiefs.
diligence, patience, and justice, and for his liberal
entertainment of those on whom, for the public good, it was
necessary to make favourable impression. Following up his Dublin
success, he now met Parliament again at Limerick, where the
principal business was to make terms with the O’Briens. Murrough
agreed to give up all claims to the territory of Owney Beg, a poor
district lying under Slieve Phelim, which retains its reputation for
turbulence to the present day. The possession of this tract had made
him master of the western part of Limerick, whence he exacted a
black-rent of 80l., and of Tipperary as far as Cashel. The whole
country was waste through plunder and extortion, and no one could
travel peaceably from Limerick to Waterford through fear of a gang
of robbers called the ‘old evil children,’ who held a castle near the
Shannon. Desmond expelled these brigands and handed over their
hold to MacBrien Coonagh, who held it at his own expense for two
years. St. Leger’s observations during the session at Limerick led him
to believe that little rent or tribute could be got out of the Irish. The
sums promised to Grey were withheld on the ground that promises
had been forcibly extorted. By holding out hopes of gentler
treatment, St. Leger brought them to accept his own much easier
terms. Tipperary was assessed at 40l. yearly, Kilkenny at 40l., and
Waterford at 10l. MacBrien Arra agreed to pay sixpence a year for
each ploughland, and to furnish sixty gallowglasses for a month.
MacBrien of Coonagh promised 5l., O’Kennedy and MacEgan in
Ormonde 10l. each, O’Mulryan forty shillings and sixty gallowglasses
for a month, and O’Dwyer eightpence for each ploughland and forty
gallowglasses for a month. These sums are small, but seem larger
when we reflect that the Government gave no consideration, either
by keeping the peace or administering justice, and that the people
were extremely poor.[254]
Several months passed in negotiations with Irish
chiefs with the general object of inducing them to Further
submissions.
submit, to pay rent, and to hold their lands by
knight-service; forswearing Irish uses and exactions, and promising
to live in a more civilised manner. These terms were accepted by
Rory O’More, who had become chief of Leix by the death of his
brother Kedagh, by MacDonnell, captain of O’Neill’s gallowglasses,
by O’Rourke, and by O’Byrne. All except the last named abjured the
Pope, as did the MacQuillins, a family of Welsh extraction long
settled in the Route, a district between the Bush and the Bann. The
MacQuillins were always oppressed by the O’Cahans, who were
supposed to be instigated by O’Donnell, and the valuable fishery of
the Bann was a perennial source of dissension. Travers, who soon
afterwards became lessee of Clandeboye, held this fishery on a
Crown lease with the goodwill of the MacQuillins; but in spite of the
O’Cahans, who annoyed his fishermen, St. Leger ordered him to help
the weaker tribe. Coleraine was taken by Travers, and after a time
the neighbours were reconciled, a pension of 10l. being given to
each on condition of not molesting those who fished under royal
licence. A curious submission was that of Hugh O’Kelly, who seems
to have been chief of his sept as well as hereditary Abbot of the
Cistercians at Knockmoy, near Tuam. He renounced the Pope,
promised to aid the Lord Deputy with a considerable force in
Connaught, and with a smaller one in more distant parts, and to
bring certain of his kinsmen to similar terms. In return he was to
have custody of the monastic lands and of the rectory of Galway at a
rent of 5l., paid down yearly in that town. As if to complete the
anomaly this abbot-chieftain gave his son as a hostage for due
performance.[255]
Desmond continued to behave loyally. St. Leger
received him hospitably in Dublin, and advised the Desmond in
favour at Court.
King to do the same. But Alen cautioned his
Majesty not to be too free of his grants, especially in such important
cases as Croom and Adare. The Chancellor preferred to give the Earl
monastic lands in the Pale, by accepting which he would give
hostages to the Crown, or among the wild Irish, who would thus
certainly be losers though the King might be no direct gainer.
Desmond did not linger long in the Court sunshine, for he took leave
of the King in little more than a month from the date of his leaving
Ireland. Either he really gained the royal goodwill, or Henry thought
it wise to take St. Leger’s advice, for he gave him money and
clothes, made him the bearer of official despatches, and, after due
inquiry, accepted his nominee to the bishopric of Emly.[256]
With a view to establish order in those portions of
Munster under Desmond’s influence, St. Leger The Munster
nobles submit.
visited Cork, where the notables readily obeyed his They abjure the
call. They abjured the Pope, and agreed to refer all Pope.
differences to certain named arbitrators.
Henceforth no one was to take the law into his own hands, but to
complain to Desmond and to the Bishops of Cork, Waterford, and
Ross, who were to have the power of summoning parties and
witnesses, and of fining contumacious persons. Difficult cases were
to be referred to the Lord Deputy and Council, and legal points
reserved for qualified commissioners, whom the King was to send
into Munster at Easter and Michaelmas. This was part of a scheme
for establishing circuits in the southern province, but it was very
imperfectly carried out during this and the three succeeding reigns.
The state of the country seldom admitted of peaceful assizes, and
martial law was too often necessary. The Munster gentry now
promised to keep the peace, and to exact no black-rents from Cork
or other towns. The Anglo-Norman element was represented by Lord
Barrymore and his kinsmen, Barry Roe and Barry Oge, by Lord
Roche, and by Sir Gerald MacShane of Dromana. The Irish parties to
the contract were MacCarthy More, MacCarthy Reagh, MacCarthy of
Muskerry, MacDonough MacCarthy of Duhallow, O’Callaghan, and
O’Sullivan Beare. St. Leger himself, Desmond, Brabazon, Travers,
and Sir Osborne Echingham, marshal of the army, represented the
Crown.[257]
O’Neill was at last induced to go to Court to receive
the Earldom of Tyrone, the title chosen for him by An Earldom for
O’Neill.
the Irish Government. He would have preferred
that of Ulster, but it was in the Crown, and the King refused to part
with it. St. Leger did what he could to conciliate O’Neill by attention
and hospitality while in Dublin, and rightly attached great importance
to the fact that he was the first O’Neill who had ever gone to the
King in England. He advised that he should be received with the
greatest distinction.
‘O’Neill,’ say the ‘Four Masters,’ ‘that is, Con the son of Con, went to
the King of England, namely, Henry VIII.; and the King created
O’Neill an Earl, and enjoined that he should not be called O’Neill any
longer. O’Neill received great honour from the King on this occasion.’
The acceptance of a peerage was universally considered a
condescension, if not a degradation, for the head of a family who
claimed to be princes of Ulster in spite of the Crown. The Irish
Government were willing that he should have Tyrone, ‘but for the
rule of Irishmen, which be at his Grace’s peace, we think not best his
Highness should grant any such thing to him as yet.’[258]
It may be doubted whether O’Neill fully understood
the scope of a document which was written in His submission.
English, and which he signed with a mark; but the
form of his submission to his ‘most gracious sovereign lord’ was as
ample as even that sovereign lord could wish:—
‘Pleaseth your most Excellent Majesty, I, O’Neill, one of your
Majesty’s most humble subjects of your realm of Ireland, do confess
and acknowledge before your most Excellent Highness, that by
ignorance, and for lack of knowledge of my most bounden duty of
allegiance, I have most grievously offended your Majesty, for the
which I ask your Grace here mercy and forgiveness, most humbly
beseeching your Highness of your most gracious pardon; refusing
my name and state, which I have usurped upon your Grace against
my duty, and requiring your Majesty of your clemency to give me
what name, state, title, land, or living it shall please your Highness,
which I shall knowledge to take and hold of your Majesty’s mere gift,
and in all things do hereafter as shall beseem your most true and
faithful subject. And God save your Highness.’[259]
One week after the delivery of this submission
O’Neill was created Earl of Tyrone, with remainder He is created Earl
of Tyrone. Special
to his son Matthew in tail male: Matthew being at remainder.
the same time created Baron of Dungannon, with
remainder to the eldest son of the Earl of Tyrone for the time being.
This patent afterwards gave rise to infinite bloodshed. Con O’Neill
certainly acknowledged Matthew as his heir apparent; but it was
afterwards stated, not only that he was illegitimate, which might not
have mattered much, but that he was not Con’s son at all. There
was no doubt about the legitimacy of Shane, and that able savage
consistently refused to acknowledge the limitations of the patent.
Henry dealt liberally with the new Earl, paying 60l. for a gold chain
such as O’Donnell had asked for, 65l. 10s. 2d. for creation fees and
robes, and 100 marks as a present in ready money. ‘The Queen’s
closet at Greenwich was richly hanged with cloth of Arras, and well
strewed with rushes’—no more was then thought of even in a palace
—and Tyrone was led in by the Earls of Hertford and Oxford, the
latter of whom was summoned specially for the purpose. Viscount
Lisle bore the new Earl’s sword. Kneeling in the rushes, the
descendant of Niall of the Nine Hostages submitted to be girt by the
hands of Henry II.’s descendant. The King then gave him his patent,
and he gave thanks in Irish, which his chaplain translated into
English. Two of his neighbours, Donnell and Arthur Magennis, were
knighted and received gifts from the King. A great dinner followed,
to which the lords went in procession with trumpets blowing; and
Tyrone carried his own patent. At second course Garter proclaimed
the King’s style and that of the new Earl. The herald who tells the
story is careful to note that Tyrone gave twenty angels to Garter, 10l.
to the College of Arms, and 40s. to the trumpeters, with other fees
‘according to the old and ancient custom.’ Next day Con was taken
to pay his respects to the young Prince Edward, and he soon
afterwards returned to Ireland.[260]
Murrough O’Brien, his nephew Donough,
MacWilliam of Clanricarde, and many other Irish O’Brien created
Earl of Thomond.
gentlemen of note, went to Court during the Special remainder.
summer of 1543. The three first were raised to the MacWilliam Earl of
peerage in the same place and with the same Clanricarde.
Knights.
ceremonies as O’Neill. Murrough O’Brien was
created Earl of Thomond, with remainder to Donough, and Baron of
Inchiquin in tail male. Donough’s right to succeed as tanist thus
received official sanction. Donough was made Baron of Ibracken in
tail male, and, curiously enough, the same patent created him Earl
of Thomond for life in case he should survive his uncle. MacWilliam
was created Earl of Clanricarde and Baron of Dunkellin. The Earls
were introduced by Derby and Ormonde, the Barons by Clinton and
Mountjoy, and the King gave a gold chain to each. The presence of
the Scottish ambassadors, who had just concluded the abortive
treaty of marriage between Edward and Mary Stuart, added to the
interest of the ceremony; and no doubt Henry was glad to display
his magnificence to the representatives of the poor northern
kingdom. Macnamara, the most important person in Clare after the
O’Briens, was knighted at the same time; as were O’Shaugnessy,
chief of the country about Gort, and his neighbour O’Grady. Many
other favours were conferred on these reclaimed Irishmen, and they
all agreed to hold their lands of the King.[261]
The relations between England and Scotland were
at this time much strained. The miserable and The MacDonnells
in Antrim.
mysterious death of James V. left the northern
kingdom a battle-field for contending factions, and the restless
Beaton had full scope for his intrigues. The Hebridean settlers on the
Ulster coast had always been troublesome, since they were ever
ready to sell their swords to the highest bidder; and they now
became really important. These settlements originated with the
Bysets or Bissets, sometimes called Missets, who were said to be of
Greek origin and who accompanied the Conqueror to England. They
afterwards settled in Scotland, whence they were expelled in 1242
on suspicion of being concerned in the murder of an Earl of Athole,
and condemned to take the cross. Preferring Ireland to Palestine,
the exiles bought the island of Rathlin from Richard de Burgo, Earl of
Ulster. About the close of the fourteenth century, Margaret, the
heiress of the Bysets, married John More MacDonnell, a grandson
through his mother of Robert II. of Scotland. This lady is said to
have known Richard II. during his second visit to Ireland, and to
have recognised him afterwards, crazed and a refugee, in the island
of Isla. By Margaret’s marriage the estates of the Bysets passed to
the MacDonnells, and a close intercourse was thenceforth kept up
between the Western Isles and Antrim, which are never out of sight
of one another in clear weather. Matrimonial alliances with O’Neills,
O’Donnells, and O’Cahans were frequent, and the islemen
established themselves so firmly that Rathlin was as late as 1617
claimed as part of Scotland. It has an assured place in Scottish
history; for, among the rocks of black basalt and white chalk which
give Rathlin its curious piebald look, stand the ruins of the castle
where Robert Bruce is said to have learned the lesson of
perseverance from a spider. In Henry VIII.’s time the head of the
Irish MacDonnells was Alexander or Alaster, whose influence at Court
had been great enough to drive Argyle from the western
government, but whose common place of residence was on the
shore of Ballycastle Bay. Many other Hebrideans were settled in
Antrim, but the MacDonnells were always the leading clan.[262]
John Edgar, a reforming priest of the violent kind
which Western Scotland has produced, gave Henry Contemporary
description of
VIII. a graphic account of the islemen in his day. them.
They spent much time in hunting and manly
exercises, going barelegged and barefoot though the snow should
be waist deep, ‘wherefore the tender and delicate gentlemen of
Scotland call us Redshanks.’ Against exceptional frosts they
protected themselves with moccasins made of fresh red-deer hide,
secured with thongs and full of holes to let the water in and out. The
hairy side being exposed gained them the name of ‘rough-footed
Scots,’ and the whole description recalls a well-known nursery
rhyme. The people of the Irish isles of Arran still use cowhide
coverings exactly similar, to protect their feet from the sharp
limestone rocks which are too slippery for soled boots. Edgar is
careful to mention that the perones worn by the ancient Latines in
Virgil were shoes of the same kind. Travers, who saw a great deal of
the Hebrideans, was less struck by their poetic aspect, and simply
describes them as ‘most vile in their living of any nation next
Irishmen.’ ‘Nevertheless,’ says Edgar, who anticipated such criticism,
‘when we Redshanks come to the Court waiting on our lords and
masters, who also for velvets and silks be right well arrayed, we
have as good garments as some of our fellows which give
attendance at Court every day.’ These hardy islanders were in great
request as mercenaries even in the South of Ireland, and it was a far
cry to Mull or Isla, where, and where only, the English or Irish
Government could seriously injure them.[263]
St. Leger was uneasy lest a combined Scotch and
French attack should be made on Ireland. Two Fears of Scotland
and France, 1543.
French ships in company with some Scotch galleys
were seen off Carrickfergus. There was an English squadron off
Lambay, and its appearance had at first had a good effect, but it
could not even guard the sixty miles of water between Howth and
Holyhead. Frenchmen and Bretons frequented the Irish coast, and
even sold Spanish prizes at Cork; for that city claimed the strange
privilege of dealing with the King’s enemies in time of war. James
Delahide was in O’Donnell’s country with a servant of the Earl of
Argyle, and young Gerald of Kildare might at any moment be made
the instrument of fresh disturbances. James MacDonnell, Alaster’s
eldest son, had been brought up at the Scottish Court, and, alone of
his race, had learned to write: he was married—or perhaps only
handfasted—to Lady Agnes Campbell, Argyle’s sister, and Beaton
might at any time turn the connection to account.[264]
In the first flush of the matrimonial treaty Henry
announced that he would have Scotsmen treated St. Leger is
successful in
as friends. But against Frenchmen he had declared Ulster.
war, and he and the Emperor had bound
themselves not to make a separate peace. Yet in thirteen months
Charles suddenly came to terms with Francis, leaving Henry to get
his army out of France as he best could, and to see the English coast
insulted by a French fleet. Whatever the designs of the French party
in Scotland, no invasion of Ireland in fact took place. Tyrone,
O’Donnell, and some of their neighbours were induced to visit Dublin
and to submit their differences to the Lord Deputy. There was a
standing dispute as to whether O’Dogherty, chief of Innishowen,
owed service and tribute to O’Donnell or to O’Neill. The former
established his title, but agreed to pay sixty cows yearly if O’Neill
would prevent his men from molesting Innishowen. The contention
that O’Donnell himself owed suit and service to O’Neill was not
accepted, and both were confined to their own districts. Both made
extravagant pretensions, but their documents were worthless, and
proceeded for the most part from the imagination of Irish bards and
story tellers who would do anything for money, or for love, or from a
lively sense of favours to come. St. Leger managed to bring about
an amicable arrangement, and even to lay the foundation of an
increased revenue in Ulster.[265]
The reckless extravagance of Henry, his venal
courtiers, and useless wars, had sunk him in debt. Henry’s financial
dishonesty.
The plunder of the Church was gone, and there
seemed no limit to the calls on the generosity or fears of his
subjects. A king who could seek the help of a subservient Parliament
to repudiate his debts was not likely to be scrupulous about contract
obligations, and he seems to have contemplated resuming by Act of
Parliament all Irish lands which had been leased by his authority. St.
Leger protested in the strongest manner against thus confiscating
the improvements of tenants, who had paid their rent and spent
their money on the faith of royal grants. Discontent was already
prevalent, for the pay of the soldiers was in arrear. Their number
was reduced to 550, but they had not been paid for months, and a
sum of less than 2,500l. was all that the King would send. A full pay
was impossible, and the Irish Government were afraid even to make
payments on account, lest an invasion or other sudden emergency
should find them penniless. They urged the folly of not paying
punctually, and their reasoning applies to the frugal Elizabeth as well
as to her spendthrift father. The Tudor monarchy had already
outgrown the feudal exchequer. ‘We assure your Highness your
affairs hath often been much hindered in default of money, which
being paid at last is no alleviating of charge; and yet by default of
monthly payments, half the service is not done that might and
should be done. In which case if it might please your Majesty, of
your princely bounty, to furnish us for your army beforehand for one
whole year, your Highness shall perceive your affairs thereby to be
highly advanced.’[266]
Like every other Deputy, St. Leger soon grew
heartily sick of Ireland. ‘I beseech you,’ he wrote to St. Leger leaves
Ireland, 1544.
the King, ‘to remember your poor slave, that hath
now been three years in hell, absent from your Majesty, and call me
again to your presence, which is my joy in this world.’ Four months
after sending this touching appeal he received leave of absence; but
he could not then be spared, and he remained in Ireland until the
beginning of 1544. Brabazon, who became Lord Justice,
remembered what had happened after Grey’s departure, and stood
well upon his guard. The veteran O’Connor and the new Baron of
Upper Ossory were discovered to be in league. They avowed designs
against O’More; but Brabazon was not to be deceived, and preserved
the peace by imprisoning the Baron. Clanricarde enjoyed his Earldom
only a few months, and his life had not been such as to ensure a
peaceful succession. ‘Whether the late Earl,’ the Irish Government
wrote, ‘hath any heir male, it is not yet known, there were so many
marriages and divorces; but no doubt he married this last woman
solemnly.’ His son Richard by Maude Lacy was ultimately
acknowledged as second Earl, and became a considerable
personage; but his morality or fidelity was not more conspicuous
than his father’s.[267]
Beaton had outwitted Henry, annulled the marriage
treaty from which so much had been hoped, and An Irish
contingent for the
brought his countrymen back to the French Scotch war, 1544.
alliance. Breathing threatenings and slaughter, the
King of England determined to raise an Irish contingent as his
predecessors had done. As his object was to destroy the greatest
possible quantity of property, he could hardly have done better. One
thousand kerne were required for Scotland and 2,000 for France.
The order to raise the men only reached Ireland about the beginning
of March, and Henry’s impatience expected them to be ready in a
few days. The Irish nobility were not unwilling to meet the King’s
views, but they thought six months’ notice would have been little
enough. Even in England such a sudden levy would have been very
difficult, and in Ireland, the King was reminded, ‘the idle men were
not at such commandment, that willingly they would in such case
forthwith obey their governor, nor gladly depart the realm, being
never trained to the thing, without some nobleman of these parts
had the conduct of them.’ Great exertions were made, the Council
dividing into a northern and southern recruiting party; but the King
was at last obliged to content himself with 1,000 kerne, the
proportions to be furnished by different chiefs and noblemen being
fixed by Henry himself. Ormonde, who was asked to give 100, sent
200, and Desmond provided 120 instead of 100. The Lords Power,
Cahir, and Slane also did more than they were required; but the Irish
chiefs were all under the mark, and the O’Briens and others sent
none at all. Tyrone, O’Reilly, and O’Connor were pretty well
represented, and the deficiencies were supplied from various
sources. In Irish warfare every two kerne used to have a ‘page or
boy, which commonly is nevertheless a man.’ That allowance was
diminished by one-half, and when all deductions had been made,
more than 1,000 fighting men were sent. The ship which brought
treasure for this expedition was chased by the Breton rovers, who
then commanded the Channel. There was some difficulty in finding a
commander, ‘Earls being unwieldy men to go with light kerne,’ and
the choice of the Council lay practically between Lord Power and
Lord Dunboyne. The former, who was Ormonde’s nephew, was
chosen. The Council were afraid of offending the chiefs by refusing
any quotas which might be furnished after the departure of the main
body, and they resolved to take all who came. In any case, they
said, ‘if any ruffle should chance, we be discharged of so many.’
They begged Henry to see that they were properly treated for an
encouragement to others. The kerne were good soldiers in their way,
but the King was warned that they would require some training for
regular warfare. The proportion of officers was excessive; but the
Council advised their retention, lest disappointment should quench
the smoking flax of Irish loyalty.[268]
Lord Power’s men mustered 700 men in St. James’s
Park, the rest having been perhaps diverted to the Irish troops at the
siege of
Scottish borders, and they served at the siege of Boulogne.
Boulogne, burning all the villages near the
beleaguered town, and foraging as much as thirty miles inland. Their
plan was to tie a bull to a stake and scorch him with faggots. The
poor beast’s roars attracted the cattle of the country, ‘all which they
would lightly lead away, and furnish the camp with store of beef.’
They treated Frenchmen no better than their bulls, preferring their
heads to any ransom. The French sent to Henry to ask whether he
had brought men or devils with him, but he only laughed; and they
retaliated by mutilating and torturing every Irishman that they could
catch. The Irish gained a more honourable distinction from the
valour of Nicholas Welch, who, when a French challenger defied the
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