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ii Part II Clinical and Laboratory

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 iv Part II Clinical and Laboratory

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Alan B. Carr, DMD, MS

Professor
Department of Dental Specialties
Mayo Clinic
Rochester, Minnesota

David T. Brown, DDS, MS

Chair
Department of Restorative Dentistry
Indiana University
School of Dentistry
Indianapolis, Indiana
3251 Riverport Lane
St. Louis, Missouri 63043

McCRACKEN’S REMOVABLE PARTIAL PROSTHODONTICS, ISBN: 978-0-323-06990-8

TWELFTH EDITION

Copyright © 2011, 2005, 2000, 1995, 1989, 1985, 1981, 1977, 1973, 1969, 1964, 1960 by Mosby, Inc.,
an affiliate of Elsevier Inc.

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com/permissions.

This book and the individual contributions contained in it are protected under copyright by the Publisher
(other than as may be noted herein).

Notices

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our understanding, changes in research methods, professional practices, or medical treatment may become
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 Chapter  v

Preface

With this new edition, we once again recognize the oppor- to be a major limitation, or when functional instability is
tunity to provide useful and updated instruction in the field likely to be related to chronic mucosal pain, these are appli-
of removable partial prosthodontics as a significant respon- cations in which treatment goals are positively impacted
sibility. Removable partial dentures (RPDs) continue to through selective location of dental implants. When accom-
be an option for tooth replacements worldwide. As dental plished with a consideration of future patient needs based
implant use continues to grow in both application and scope on an individual risk assessment, maintenance of a func-
as an option for stabilizing replacement teeth, RPDs remain tional occlusion over time becomes a proactive, patient care
the prosthesis of choice for many patients and clinical situ- planning, and education process, not a reactive response. It
ations, making the need for a continued sound educational is obvious that continued application of implants with RPDs
foundation necessary. will necessarily lead to attempts at modification of prosthesis
Though dentists will always be challenged as to whether designs. The rationale of such modifications must balance
they should try new techniques, devices, and materials in the material requirements for durability, patient perception
practice, appropriate care of the partially edentulous patient advantages to reduced bulk, and the biological tolerance of
continues to require careful attention to basic prosthodontic all oral tissues involved.
principles. At issue with RPD care is always how well a new This edition continues to use modifications incorporated
approach augments provision of the required support, stabil- in recent past editions that were responses to evolving
ity, and retention—foundational principles for all tooth student learning needs. To provide a perspective for under-
replacement prostheses. standing the impact of removable partial denture prosth-
In the Preface of the last edition, functional stability was odontics, a review of tooth loss and its sequelae, functional
highlighted as a critical consideration. As a therapeutic goal restoration with prostheses, and prosthesis outcomes is pro-
this remains to be the case as the evidence that brought the vided at the outset to define a context for the student. Addi-
functional stability concern to light has not been countered. tionally, new art and color clinical photographs have been
What has emerged as a means to efficiently address the issue provided to completely update material that supplements
of instability under function with RPDs is an increased the text. We continued the strategy begun with the last
application of implants for stabilizing RPDs in patients who edition of making a content distinction to facilitate both the
are able to take advantage of them. The authors consider first-time learner and the more experienced clinician. The
selective use of dental implants to address meaningful con- convention used was to separate the advanced level material
cerns identified in an individual patient related to support by shaded boxes. This was accomplished with the full under-
and stability to be laudable goals of treatment using RPDs. standing that such a distinction is not always clear, and that
This edition of McCracken’s Removable Partial Prosth- some readers will object to how certain material was classi-
odontics has attempted to embed implant considerations fied. Our hope is that it will help clarify the material for the
into the diagnostic and treatment considerations basic to majority of readers.
RPD care. Implant use in RPDs is also addressed in Chapter
25, which reinforces implant application specific to limita- Alan B. Carr
tions found in clinical examination. Where support is found David T. Brown

This ebooks is uploaded by dentalebooks.com

v
 About the Book

NEW TO THIS EDITION

• Additional information on the use of implants
• Chapter 4: New section on impact of implants on movements of partial denture
• Chapter 6: New section on implants as a rest
• Chapter 7: New section on implants as direct retainers
• Chapter 10: New section on implant considerations in design
• Chapter 25: A new chapter, Considerations for the use of dental implants with
removable partial dentures, presents basic considerations when selecting
implants to improve prosthesis performance through increasing functional
stability
• Revamped art program. The line art for the book has been completely redrawn
in full color to better show techniques and anatomic detail. In addition, new
full-color photos have been added where appropriate.

KEY FEATURES
• Content that is considered beyond the basic level is set within a shaded box.
• A wide selection of relevant references is presented at the back of the text in
Appendix B for quick and easy access.
• Various philosophies and techniques are presented throughout, facilitating the
selection and incorporation of the applicable techniques on a case-by-case basis.
• Chapters presented in three logically-sequenced sections:
• General Concepts/Treatment Planning
• Clinical and Laboratory
• Maintenance

vi
 Chapter  vii

Acknowledgments

We would like to express our gratitude to many who contributed to this text in a variety
of ways. Contributions to the text were provided by Dr. Tom Salinas, who assisted with
the Implant chapter, and Dr. Vanchit John, who provided input regarding periodontal
therapy in mouth preparation. We also would like to acknowledge the following contribu-
tors to the clinical images: Drs. Ned van Roekel, James Taylor, Miguel Alfaro, and Carl
Andres. We also acknowledge the helpful work of a dedicated group of laboratory techni-
cians who contributed to the updates of many laboratory procedure images: Mr. Joe Bly,
Mr. Albert Evans, and Mr. Rick Lee. The clerical assistance of Mrs. Melanie Budihas and
Mrs. Barbara Jarjoura is also acknowledged and greatly appreciated.
Alan B. Carr
David T. Brown

vii
 About the Authors

Dr. Alan B. Carr, Department of Dental Specialties at Mayo craniofacial endosseous implants, tobacco cessation, and the
Clinic, is a consultant in the Division of Prosthodontics and impact of oral health on general health, especially for the
a professor of dentistry at the Mayo Clinic College of Medi- elderly and patients with chronic illness.
cine. Dr. Carr received his prosthodontics training at Mayo.
Following his training he was an assistant professor at Dr. David T. Brown, Indiana University School of Dentistry,
Marquette University and then became a full professor at is the Chair of the Restorative Dentistry Department and
The Ohio State University, where his clinical duties included Professor of Prosthodontics. Dr. Brown is a Summa Cum
Director of Maxillofacial Prosthetics at the James Cancer Laude graduate of The Ohio State University College of Den-
Hospital. He returned to Mayo in 2000. Dr. Carr is board tistry, and received his prosthodontic training at the Mayo
certified by the American Board of Prosthodontics. He Clinic/Mayo Graduate School of Medicine. He has been a
served in the Air Force and has degrees from the University full-time faculty member at Indiana University since 1986,
of Southern Mississippi, University of Mississippi, and Mayo teaching in both the predoctoral curriculum and the post-
Graduate School of Medicine. He also is a member of graduate prosthodontic program. Dr. Brown is board certi-
numerous professional organizations, including the Ameri- fied by the American Board of Prosthodontics. He has been
can Academy of Maxillofacial Prosthetics, the American a reviewer for a number of professional journals, and is a
College of Prosthodontists, and the American Dental Asso- member of several dental and prosthodontic organizations.
ciation. He has made dozens of international and national He currently serves as a member of the Executive Council
presentations. His clinical practice focuses on combined for the Academy of Prosthodontics. Dr. Brown maintains a
prosthodontics and reconstruction of patients with disabling part-time practice limited to prosthodontics.
oral conditions. His research interests include oral and

viii
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Contents ix

Contents

PART I: GENERAL CONCEPTS/TREATMENT Interproximal Occlusal Rest Seats 59

PLANNING Internal Occlusal Rests 61
Support for Rests 61
1 Partially Edentulous Epidemiology, Lingual Rests on Canines and Incisor Teeth 63
Physiology, and Terminology 2 Incisal Rests and Rest Seats 64
Tooth Loss and Age 3 Implants as a Rest 66
Consequences of Tooth Loss 5
Functional Restoration with Prostheses 5 7 Direct Retainers 67
Current Removable Partial Denture Use 7 Direct Retainer’s Role in Control of Prosthesis
Need for Removable Partial Dentures 7 Movement 67
Basic Principles of Clasp Design 68
2 Considerations for Managing Partial Types of Direct Retainers 70
Tooth Loss: Tooth Replacements Criteria for Selecting a Given Clasp Design 71
From the Patient Perspective 8 Types of Clasp Assemblies 72
Points of View 8 Analysis of Tooth Contours for Retentive Clasps 86
Tooth-Supported Prostheses 9 Amount of Retention 88
Tooth- and Tissue-Supported Prostheses 10 Implants as Direct Retainers 92
Six Phases of Partial Denture Service 12 Other Types of Retainers 92
Reasons for Failure of Clasp-Retained Partial Internal Attachments 93
Dentures 14
8 Indirect Retainers 96
3 Classification of Partially Edentulous Role of Indirect Retainers in Control of
Arches 16 Prosthesis Movement 96
Requirements of an Acceptable Method of Factors Influencing Effectiveness of Indirect
Classification 17 Retainers 99
Kennedy Classification 17 Auxiliary Functions of Indirect Retainers 99
Applegate’s Rules for Applying the Kennedy Forms of Indirect Retainers 99
Classification 20
9 Denture Base Considerations 103
4 Biomechanics of Removable Partial Functions of Denture Bases in Control of
Dentures 21 Prosthesis Movement 103
Biomechanics and Design Solutions 21 Methods of Attaching Denture Bases 106
Biomechanical Considerations 22 Ideal Denture Base Material 106
Possible Movements of Partial Dentures 24 Advantages of Metal Bases 107
Impact of Implants on Movements of Partial Methods of Attaching Artificial Teeth 109
Dentures 28 Need for Relining 112
Stress-Breakers (Stress Equalizers) 114
5 Major and Minor Connectors 29
Role of Major Connectors in Control of 10 Principles of Removable Partial Denture
Prosthesis Movement 30 Design 115
Minor Connectors 46 Difference in Prosthesis Support and
Finishing Lines 49 Influence on Design 115
Reaction of Tissue to Metallic Coverage 49 Differentiation Between Two Main Types of
Major Connectors in Review 52 Removable Partial Dentures 116
Essentials of Partial Denture Design 119
6 Rests and Rest Seats 56 Components of Partial Denture Design 120
Role of Rests in Prosthesis Movement Control 56 Implant Considerations in Design 126
Form of the Occlusal Rest and Rest Seat 58 Examples of Systematic Approach to Design 126
Extended Occlusal Rest 59 Additional Considerations Influencing Design 128

ix
 x Contents

11 Surveying 130 Temporary Crowns When a Removable Partial

Description of Dental Surveyor 131 Denture Is Being Worn 215
Purposes of the Surveyor 132 Fabricating Restorations to Fit Existing Denture
Factors That Determine Path of Placement and Retainers 216
Removal 137
Step-By-Step Procedures in Surveying a 15 Impression Materials and Procedures for
Diagnostic Cast 138 Removable Partial Dentures 219
Final Path of Placement 141 Rigid Materials 219
Recording Relation of Cast to Surveyor 142 Thermoplastic Materials 220
Surveying the Master Cast 143 Elastic Materials 221
Measuring Retention 143 Impressions of the Partially Edentulous Arch 222
Blocking Out the Master Cast 145 Individual Impression Trays 226
Relieving the Master Cast 146
Paralleled Blockout, Shaped Blockout,
16 Support for the Distal Extension Denture
Arbitrary Blockout, and Relief 147
Base 231
Distal Extension Removable Partial Denture 232
Factors Influencing the Support of a Distal
PART II: CLINICAL AND LABORATORY Extension Base 232
Anatomic Form Impression 236
12 Diagnosis and Treatment Planning 150 Methods for Obtaining Functional Support
Purpose and Uniqueness of Treatment 150 for the Distal Extension Base 236
PATIENT INTERVIEW 150
Shared Decision Making 151 17 Occlusal Relationships for Removable
CLINICAL EXAMINATION 151 Partial Dentures 242
Objectives of Prosthodontic Treatment 151
Desirable Occlusal Contact Relationships for
Oral Examination 152
Removable Partial Dentures 243
Diagnostic Casts 156
Methods for Establishing Occlusal
DIAGNOSTIC FINDINGS 164
Relationships 245
Interpretation of Examination Data 165
Materials for Artificial Posterior Teeth 251
Infection Control 174
Establishing Jaw Relations for a Mandibular
Differential Diagnosis: Fixed or Removable
Removable Partial Denture Opposing a
Partial Dentures 174
Maxillary Complete Denture 251
Choice Between Complete Dentures and
Removable Partial Dentures 180
Clinical Factors Related to Metal Alloys Used 18 Laboratory Procedures 253
for Removable Partial Denture Frameworks 181 Duplicating a Stone Cast 253
Summary 184 Waxing the Removable Partial Denture
Framework 254
13 Preparation of the Mouth for Removable Spruing, Investing, Burnout, Casting, and
Partial Dentures 185 Finishing of the Removable Partial Denture
Oral Surgical Preparation 185 Framework 261
Conditioning of Abused and Irritated Tissues 191 Making Record Bases 267
Periodontal Preparation 194 Occlusion Rims 270
Abutment Teeth Preparation 200 Making a Stone Occlusal Template from a
Functional Occlusal Record 271
14 Preparation of Abutment Teeth 205 Arranging Posterior Teeth to an Opposing Cast
Classification of Abutment Teeth 206 or Template 272
Sequence of Abutment Preparations on Sound Types of Anterior Teeth 273
Enamel or Existing Restorations 206 Waxing and Investing the Removable Partial
Abutment Preparations Using Conservative Denture Before Processing Acrylic-Resin
Restorations 206 Bases 274
Abutment Preparations Using Crowns 208 Processing the Denture 277
Splinting of Abutment Teeth 212 Remounting and Occlusal Correction to an
Use of Isolated Teeth as Abutments 213 Occlusal Template 280
Missing Anterior Teeth 214 Polishing the Denture 282
 Contents xi

19 Work Authorizations for Removable Partial 23 Interim Removable Partial Dentures 311
Dentures 284 Appearance 311
Work Authorization 284 Space Maintenance 312
Definitive Instructions by Work Authorizations 286 Reestablishing Occlusal Relationships 313
Legal Aspects of Work Authorizations 287 Conditioning Teeth and Residual Ridges 313
Delineation of Responsibilities by Work Interim Restoration During Treatment 313
Authorizations 287 Conditioning the Patient for Wearing a
Prosthesis 313
20 Initial Placement, Adjustment, and Clinical Procedure for Placement 314
Servicing of the Removable Partial Denture 289
Adjustments to Bearing Surfaces of Denture Bases 290 24 Removable Partial Denture Considerations
Occlusal Interference From Denture Framework 290 in Maxillofacial Prosthetics 316
Adjustment of Occlusion in Harmony With Maxillofacial Prosthetics 316
Natural and Artificial Dentition 291 Timing of Dental and Maxillofacial Prosthetic
Instructions to the Patient 294 Care for Acquired Defects 317
Follow-up Services 296 Intraoral Prostheses: Design Considerations 323
Surgical Preservation for Prosthesis Benefit 323
PART III: MAINTENANCE Maxillary Prostheses 328
Mandibular Prostheses 331
21 Relining and Rebasing the Removable Jaw Relation Records for Mandibular Resection
Partial Denture 299 Patients 337
Relining Tooth-Supported Denture Bases 300 Summary 337
Relining Distal Extension Denture Bases 301
25 Considerations for the Use of Dental
Methods of Reestablishing Occlusion on a
Implants With Removable Partial
Relined Removable Partial Denture 302
Dentures 338
22 Repairs and Additions to Removable Physiological Distinction Between Prostheses 339
Partial Dentures 305 Replacing Anatomy and Functional Ability 339
Broken Clasp Arms 305 Strategically Placed Implants for RPD Stability
Fractured Occlusal Rests 307 and Improved Patient Accommodation 340
Distortion or Breakage of Other Movement Control With Selective Implant
Components—Major and Minor Connectors 307 Placement 340
Loss of a Tooth or Teeth Not Involved in Treatment Planning 341
Support or Retention of the Restoration 308 Clinical Examples 341
Loss of an Abutment Tooth Necessitating Its Summary 341
Replacement and Making a New Direct
Retainer 308 Appendix A Glossary 346
Other Types of Repairs 308
Repair by Soldering 308 Appendix B Selected Reading Resources 349
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 I
P A R T

General Concepts/
Treatment Planning
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13
 1
CHAPTER

Partially Edentulous Epidemiology,

Physiology, and Terminology
Chapter Outline This textbook focuses on what the clinician should know
about partially edentulous patients to appropriately provide
Tooth Loss and Age
comfortable and useful tooth replacements in the form of
Consequences of Tooth Loss
removable partial dentures. Removable partial dentures are
Anatomic
a component of prosthodontics, which denotes the branch
Physiologic
of dentistry pertaining to the restoration and maintenance
Functional Restoration With Prostheses
of oral function, comfort, appearance, and health of the
Mastication
patient by the restoration of natural teeth and/or the replace-
Food reduction
ment of missing teeth and craniofacial tissues with artificial
Current Removable Partial Denture Use
substitutes.
Need for Removable Partial Dentures
Current practice in the management of partial tooth loss
involves consideration of various types of prostheses (Figure
1-1). Each type of prosthesis requires the use of various
remaining teeth, implants, and/or tissues, and consequently
demands appropriate application of knowledge and critical
thinking to ensure the best possible outcome given patient
needs and desires. Although more than one prosthesis may
serve the needs of a patient, any prosthesis should be pro-
vided as part of overall management that meets the basic
objectives of prosthodontic treatment, which include (1) the
elimination of oral disease to the greatest extent possible; (2)
the preservation of the health and relationships of the teeth
and the health of oral and paraoral structures, which will
enhance the removable partial denture design; and (3) the
restoration of oral functions that are comfortable, are esthet-
ically pleasing, and do not interfere with the patient’s speech.
It is critically important to emphasize that the preservation
of health requires proper maintenance of removable partial
dentures. To provide a perspective for understanding the
impact of removable partial denture prosthodontics, a
review of tooth loss and its sequelae, functional restoration
with prostheses, and prosthesis use and outcomes is in order.
Familiarity with accepted prosthodontic terminology
related to removable partial dentures is necessary. Figures
1-2 and 1-3 provide prosthesis terms related to mandibular
and maxillary frameworks, and Appendix A provides a

2
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 About the year of our Lord 1496, when James IV. King of
Scotland, upon a truce with King Henry VII. of England, had
expulsed from Scotland that counterfeit sham Prince, Perkin
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Irish friends, and in the month of September, 1499, 15th Henry VII.
(Carew’s Survey of Cornwall, p. 98,) came safely to anchor in St.
Michael’s Mount’s Bay; where soon after he landed, and went up to
the Mount, and made himself known to the monks and other
inhabitants, publishing himself to be the true and real Richard of
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monks, greatly affected to that title, were so very ready to believe,
that they yielded the Mount and garrison without resistance into his
hands; who presently renewed the old fortifications, and put the
same into a better posture of defence.
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thence to Bodmin (where the rendezvous of Flammock’s rebels in
those parts formerly was,) in which place, by false words and
promises, he so prevailed with the discontented rebels of that town
and contiguous country, that he soon got together, without money or
reward, at least three thousand men that could bear arms; these he
divided into companies, and bands, and regiments, under Captains,
Majors, and Colonels expert in war to instruct them in military
discipline, till at length his army grew to six thousand well-armed
soldiers. Whereupon King Henry VII. having notice of Perkin’s
landing and formidableness in these parts, ordered Sir Peter
Edgecombe, Knight, then Sheriff of Cornwall (whose father, Sir
Richard Edgecombe, Knight, was one of that King’s Privy Councillors,
and had comparatively been raised to his great estate by his boon
and favour), that he should forthwith, by virtue of his office, raise
the country, and give battle to this counterfeit Richard of Shrewsbury
and his confederate rebels. Whereupon, the Sheriff did as he was
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troops of horse and bands of foot placed towards Lanhydrock and
the roads from Cardenham, in order to resist and oppose the Sheriff,
his men resolved to march no further, but to return from whence
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contrary), in great terror and confusion and astonishment; but
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Henry, is uncertain, for the like fact was committed two years before
by the posse comitatus of John Basset, of Tehidy, then Sheriff, which
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counterfeit, natural crafty, liar and dissembler, “Qui nescit
dissimulare, nescit regnare,” as the old proverb saith; so that in
short time he grew to be so popular and formidable about Bodmin
that no power durst oppose him there. But, alas! this Cornish
regniculum gave him not content, for his pride and ambition put him
upon further expedients, viz. to get possession of the whole
kingdom of England, and reduce it also to his obedience; in order to
which, with a well-prepared army of four thousand men and two
thousand of other sorts, he marched out of Cornwall into Devon,
where met him also great numbers of volunteers of that county and
Somerset, that joined with his forces; the dread whereof so terrified
James Chudleigh, Esq. then Sheriff of Devon, and the power of his
bailiwick raised to stop his march to Exeter, that they durst not give
him battle or obstruct his passage till he came before that city,
pitched his camp, and laid siege thereto.
Upon whose approaches the citizens shut their gates and
prepared to defend themselves; when soon after he sent a message
or summons to them in the name of Richard IV. King of England,
commanding them to surrender the same to him upon their
allegiance: but the citizens so ridiculed his pretended title, and
slighted his summons, that by his own messenger they gave him
defiance; at which time Dr. Richard Redman was Lord Bishop of
Exeter; William Burgoigne, Esq. Recorder; William Frost, Mayor;
Francis Gilbert, Sword-bearer; John Bucknam, William Wilkinson,
John Doncaster, and Richard Howse, were Stewards, or Bailiffs; John
Clodworthy, John Bonifant, Philip Bullock, John Wilkin, Nicholas
Auburne, John Atwell, William York, Thomas Lanwordaby, Philip
Binks, John Slugg, Thomas Andrews, Thomas Oliver, and others,
Aldermen. See Isaack’s Memorials of Exeter, 1499.
Soon after this defiance given, Perkin and his soldiers surrounded
the city walls, and attempted to scale the same in several places
daily for some time, but always were repulsed with considerable loss
by the valour of the citizens. During which siege they sent to King
Henry for his aid and assistance in this great distress; whereupon
the Lord Daubeny was ordered to raise forces and march towards
Exeter therewith, in order to remove the siege thereof; but before he
came, Edward Courtenay, sixteenth Earl of Devon, and the Lord
William his son, accompanied with Sir Edmund Carew, Sir Thomas
Fulford, Sir William Courtenay, Sir John Halwell, Sir John Croker,
Walter Courtenay, Peter Edgecombe, William St. Maur, Richard
Whiteleigh of Efford (Sheriff of Devon the year after), Richard Hals
of Kenedon, John Fortescue of Vallapit, James Chudleigh aforesaid,
and other gentlemen of those parts, had raised a considerable army
of soldiers, with which they marched towards the rebels. At the sight
of whose approach Perkin and his host were as much dispirited then
as they were elevated before; whereupon he called a council of war,
in which it was unanimously agreed upon, that it was not advisable
to give them battle, being at least ten thousand fighting men, but to
dislodge from their trenches, and leave the siege of that place, and
forthwith to march into Somersetshire, a country better affected to
King Perkin, where he might raise more soldiers. Accordingly, this
order of council was observed and put in practice, so that the night
after Perkin and all his army marched towards Taunton; where he
mustered his men as if he intended to give battle; but when, by the
muster-roll, he saw what numbers of men had deserted him in his
nightly march from Exeter, falling then much short of six thousand,
and further, notice being brought him that King Henry was in pursuit
of him with a much greater army, he foresaw the worst, and
doubted that fortune would favour him no longer in his military and
regal practices; and therefore contrived, for the preservation of
himself, with sixty horse troopers, to forsake his army by night, and
fly to the Abbey of Beauley, in Southampton, as resting upon the
name and privilege of the place, where he took sanctuary. As soon
as King Henry understood Perkin had deserted his soldiers and had
taken sanctuary at Beauley, he forthwith ordered a band of soldiers
to guard and surround that Abbey to prevent his escape beyond the
seas (from whence it appears that at that time the privilege of
sanctuary was allowed to traitors). So that Perkin, despairing of
getting thence, submitted to the King’s mercy, and was committed
prisoner to the Tower of London; from whence he made an escape,
and fled to the Priory of Sheen, at Richmond; where, on condition of
making a true confession who he was, in a pair of stocks set before
Westminster Hall door, and true answer make to such questions as
should be demanded of him, the Prior got the King’s pardon for him.
And accordingly, he sat in the stocks a whole day before
Westminster Hall door, afterwards on a scaffold in Cheapside, openly
reading, declaring, and giving manuscripts under his own hand,
wherein he told his parentage, the place of his birth, the passages of
his life; that he was a cheat, an impostor, and by what ways and
means he was drawn into those treasonable and bloody attempts
and practices, &c. After which he was again committed to the Tower
of London, where endeavouring to make an escape, he was
afterwards, with others, executed at Tyburn.
After Perkin took sanctuary at Beauley, his soldiers from about
Taunton and elsewhere, were all brought to Exeter; where King
Henry, in St. Peter’s church-yard, pardoned them all, on their
promise of being good subjects afterwards. But some of them were
not so good as their word. King Henry also then sent the Lord
Daubeny to St. Michael’s Mount for Perkin’s wife, the Lady Katherine
Gordon, whom he brought to King Henry; who commiserating her
youth, birth, and beauty, bestowed a competent maintenance upon
her, which she enjoyed during that King’s life and long after, to her
dying day.
 PART V.

This Priory, or Abbey, being dissolved by act of Parliament, and

given to the King, 33d Henry VIII. 1542, he gave the revenues and
government of the place to Humphry Arundell, Esq. of the Lanherne
family, who enjoyed the same till the first year of King Edward VI.
1549; at which time that King set forth several injunctions about
religion: amongst others, this was one, viz. that all images found in
churches, for divine worship or otherwise, should be pulled down
and cast forth out of those churches; and that all preachers should
perswade the people from praying to saints or for the dead; and
from the use of beads, ashes, processions, masses, dirges, and
praying to God publicly in an unknown tongue; and least there
should be a defect of preachers as to those points, homilies were
made and ordered to be read in all churches. Pursuant to this
injunction one Mr. Body, a commissioner for pulling down images in
the churches of Cornwall, going to do his duty in Helston church, a
priest, in company with Killtor of Kevorne and others, at unawares
stabbed him in the body with a knife; of which wound he instantly
fell dead in that place. And though the murderer was taken and sent
up to London, tried, found guilty of wilful murder in Westminster
Hall, and executed in Smithfield, yet the Cornish people flocked
together in a tumultuous and rebellious manner by the instigation of
their priests in diverse parts of the shire or county, and committed
many barbarities and outrages in the same; and though the justices
of the peace apprehended several of them, and sent them to jail, yet
they could not with all their power suppress the growth of their
insurrection; for soon after Humphry Arundell aforesaid, Governor of
this Mount, sided with those mutineers, and broke out into actual
rebellion against his and their Prince. The mutineers chose him for
the General of their army, and for inferior officers as Captains,
Majors, and Colonels,—John Rosogan, James Rosogan, Will.
Winslade of Tregarrick or St. Agnes at Mithian, John Payne of St.
Ives, Robert Bochym of Bochym, and his brother, Thomas Underhill,
John Salmon, William Segar; together with several priests, rectors,
vicars, and curates of churches, as John Thompson, Roger Barret,
John Woolcock, William Asa, James Mourton, John Barrow, Richard
Bennet, and others, who mustered their soldiers according to the
rules of military discipline at Bodmin, where the general rendezvous
was appointed. But no sooner was the General Arundell departed
from St. Michael’s Mount to exert his power in the camp and field
aforesaid, but diverse gentlemen, with their wives and families, in
his absence possessed themselves thereof; whereupon he
dispatched a party of horse and foot to reduce his old garrison;
which quickly they effected, by reason the besieged wanted
provision and ammunition, and were distracted with the women and
children’s fears and cries, and so they yielded the possession to their
enemies on condition of free liberty of departing forthwith from
thence with life, though not without being plundered.
The retaking of St. Michael’s Mount by the general Arundell
proved much to the content and satisfaction of his army at Bodmin,
consisting of about six thousand men, which they looked upon as a
good omen of their future success, and the first-fruits of the valour
and conduct of their general. Whereupon the confederates daily
increased his army with great numbers of men from all parts, who
listed themselves under his banner, which was not only pourtrayed,
but by a cart brought into the field for their encouragement, viz. the
pyx under its canopy, that is to say, the vessel containing the Roman
host, or sacramental sacrifice, or body of Christ, together with
crosses, banners, candlesticks, holy bread and water, to defend them
from devils and the adverse power; (see Fox’s Martyrology, p. 669,)
which was carried wheresoever the camp removed; which camp
grew so tremendously formidable at Bodmin, that Job Militon, Esq.
then Sheriff of Cornwall, with all the power of his bailiwick, durst not
encounter with it during the time of the general’s stay in that place,
which gave him and his rebels opportunity to consult together for
the good of their public interest, and to make out a declaration, or
manifesto, of the justice of their cause, and grounds of taking up
arms; but the army, in general, consisting of a mixed multitude of
men of diverse professions, trades, and employments, could not
easily agree upon the subject matter and form thereof. Some would
have no justice of the peace, for that generally they were ignorant of
the laws, and could not construe or English a Latin bill of indictment
without the clerk of the peace’s assistance, who imposed upon them,
with other attornies, for gain, wrong sense, and judgment; besides,
in themselves, they were corrupt and partial in determining cases;
others would have no lawyers nor attornies, for that the one cheated
the people in wrong advice or counsel, and the other of their money
by extravagant bills of costs; others would have no court leets, or
court barons, for that the cost and expense in prosecuting an action
at law therein was many times greater than the debt or profit. But
generally it was agreed upon amongst them, that no inclosure
should be left standing, but that all lands should be held in common;
yet what expedients should be found out and placed in the room of
those several orders and degrees of men and officers, none could
prescribe.
However, the priests, rectors, vicars, and curates, the priors,
monks, friars, and other dissolved collegiates, hammered out seven
articles of address for the King’s majesty; upon grant of which they
declared their bodies, arms, and goods should all be at his disposal,
viz.
1. That curates should administer baptism at all times of need, as
well week days as holy days.
2. That their children might be confirmed by the Bishop.
3. That mass might be celebrated, no man communicating with
the priest.
4. That they might have reservation of the Lord’s body in
churches.
5. That they might have holy bread and water in remembrance of
Christ’s body and blood.
6. That priests might not be married.
 7. That the six articles set forth by King Henry VIII. might be
continued at least till the King came of age.
Now those six articles were invented by Stephen Gardiner, Bishop
of Winchester (who was the bastard son of Lionel Woodvill, Bishop
of Salisbury, by his concubine, Elizabeth Gardiner; the which Lionel
was fifth son of Richard Woodvill, Earl Rivers, 1470), and therefore
called his creed, viz.
1. That the body of Christ is really present in the sacrament after
consecration.
2. That the sacrament cannot truly be administered under both
kinds.
3. That priests entered into holy orders might not marry.
4. That vows of chastity entered into upon mature deliberation,
were to be kept.
5. That private masses were not to be omitted.
6. That auricular confession was necessary in the church of God.
To those demands of the Cornish rebels the King so far
condescended as to send an answer in writing to every article, and
also a general pardon to every one of them if they would lay down
arms. (See Fox’s Acts and Monuments, Book ix. p. 668.) But, alas!
those overtures of the King were not only rejected by the rebels, but
made them the more bold and desperate; especially finding
themselves unable longer to subsist upon their own estates and
money, or the bounty of the country, which hitherto they had done.
The general therefore resolved, as the fox who seldom chucks at
home, to prey upon other men’s goods and estates further off, for
his army’s better subsistence. Whereupon he dislodged from
Bodmin, and marched with his soldiers into Devon, where Sir Peter
Carew, Knight, was ready to obstruct their passage with his posse
comitatus. But when they saw the order and discipline of the rebels,
and that their army consisted of above six thousand fighting men,
desperate, well-armed, and prepared for battle, the Sheriff and his
troops permitted them quietly to pass through the heart of that
country to Exeter; where the citizens, upon notice of their
approaches (as formerly done), shut the gates, and put themselves
in a posture of defence. At which time Dr. John Voysey was Bishop
of Exeter, viz. 10th July, 1549, John Blacaler was Mayor, William
Tothill was Sheriff, Lewis Pollard, Recorder, William Beaumont,
Sword-bearer; John Drake, Geffery Arundell, Henry Maunder, and
John Tooker, were Bailiffs or Stewards; Thomas Prestwood, John
Maynard, John Webb, William Hals, Hugh Pope, William Hurst,
Nicholas Limmet, Robert Midwinter, Henry Booth, John Berry, John
Britnall, John Tuckfield, John Stawell, Edward Bridgman, Thomas
Grigg, John Drake, Thomas Skidmore, John Bodley, and others (all
which had before that time been Mayors), Stewards or Bailiffs of the
city.—See Isaack’s Memorials of Exeter, p. 122.
Things being in this posture, the general Arundell summoned the
citizens to deliver their town and castle to his dominion; but they
sent him a flat denial. Whereupon, forthwith he ordered his men to
fire the gates of the city, which accordingly they did; but the citizens
on the inside supplied those fires with such quantities of combustible
matter, so long till they had cast up a half-moon on the inside
thereof, upon which, when the rebels attempted to enter, they were
shot to death or cut in pieces. Their entrance being thus obstructed
at the gates, they put in practice other expedients, viz. either to
undermine the walls or blow them up with barrels of gunpowder,
which they had placed in the same; but the citizens also prevented
this their design, by countermining their mines and casting so much
water on the places where their powder barrels were lodged, that
the powder would not take fire. Thus stratagems of war were daily
practised between the besieged and besiegers, to the great hurt and
damage of each other.
King Edward being informed by his council of this siege, and that
there was little or no dependance upon the valour and conduct of
the Sheriff of Devon, and his bailiwick, to suppress this rebellion or
raise the siege of Exeter, granted his commission to John Lord
Russell, created Baron Russell of Tavistock by King Henry, and Lord
High Admiral and Lord Privy Seal, an old experienced soldier who
had lost an eye at the siege of Montrueil in France, to be his general
for raising soldiers to fight those rebels; who forthwith, pursuant
thereto, raised a considerable army and marched with them to
Honiton; but when he came there he was informed that the enemy
consisted of ten thousand able fighting men armed; which
occasioned his halting there longer than he intended, expecting
greater supplies of men, that were coming to his aid under conduct
of the Lord Grey; which at length arrived and joined his forces,
whereupon he dislodged from thence and marched towards Exeter;
where on the way he had several sharp conflicts with the rebels with
various success, sometimes the better and sometimes the worse;
though at length, after much fatigue of war, maugre all opposition
and resistance of the rebels, he forced them to raise their siege, and
entered the city of Exeter with relief, 6th August, 1549, after thirty-
two days’ siege; wherein the inhabitants had valiantly defended
themselves, though in that extremity they were necessitated by
famine to eat horses, moulded cloth, and bread made of bran; in
reward of whose loyalty King Edward gave to the city for ever the
manor of Evyland, since sold by the city for making the river Exe
navigable.
After raising the siege as aforesaid, the general Arundell rallied
his routed forces of rebels, and gave battle to the Lord Russell and
the King’s army, with that inveterate courage, animosity, and
resolution, that the greatest part of his men were slain upon the
spot, others threw down their arms on mercy, the remainder fled,
and were afterwards many of them taken and executed. Sir Anthony
Kingston, Knight, a Gloucestershire man, after this rebellion was
made Provost Marshal for executing such western rebels as could be
taken, or were made prisoners in Cornwall and Devon, together with
all such who had been aiders or assisters of them in that rebellion;
upon whom, according to his power and office, he executed martial
law with sport and justice (as Mr. Carew and other historians tell us);
and the principal persons that have come to my knowledge, over
whose misery he triumphed, was Boyer the Mayor of Bodmin;
Mayow of Clevyan, in St. Colomb Major, whom he hanged at the
tavern sign-post in that town, of whom tradition saith his crime was
not capital; and therefore his wife was advised by her friends to
hasten to the town after the Marshal and his men, who had him in
custody, and beg his life. Which accordingly she prepared to do, and
to render herself the more amiable petitioner before the Marshal’s
eyes, this dame spent so much time in attiring herself and putting on
her French hood then in fashion, that her husband was put to death
before her arrival. In like manner the Marshal hanged one John
Payne, the Mayor, or Portreeve of St. Ives, on a gallows erected in
the middle of that town, whose arms are still to be seen in one of
the fore-seats in that church, viz. in a plain field three pine apples.
Besides those he executed many more in other places in Cornwall,
that had been actors, assisters, or promoters of this rebellion. Lastly,
it is further memorable of this Sir Anthony Kingston, that in Sir John
Heywood’s Chronicle he is taxed of extreme cruelty in doing his
Marshal’s office aforesaid. Of whom Fuller, in Gloucestershire, gives
us this further account of him: that afterwards, in the reign of Queen
Mary, being detected, with several others, of a design to rob her
exchequer, though he made his escape and fled into his own
country, yet there he was apprehended and taken into custody by a
messenger, who was bringing him up to London in order to have
justice done upon him for his crime, but he being conscious of his
guilt, and despairing of pardon, so effectually poisoned himself that
he died on the way, without having the due reward of his desert.
After the death of Humphrey Arundell, Governor of St. Michael’s
Mount, executed for treason as aforesaid, King Edward VI. sold or
gave the government and revenues thereof to Job Militon, Esq.
aforesaid, then Sheriff of Cornwall, during his life; but his son dying
without issue male, the government, by what title I know not,
devolved upon the Bassets of Tihidy, from some of whom, as I am
informed, it came by purchase to Sir John St. Aubyn, Bart. now in
possession thereof.
 In the month of July, 1676, at St. Michael’s Mount, about four of
the clock in the afternoon, came from the British ocean, or sea, a
ball of fire, seen by the inhabitants and fishermen at sea, which
struck against the south moorstone wall of this Mount’s church or
chapel; where, meeting resistance from the wall, it glanced through
the stones thereof with some rebounds, making a path, or strake,
through the same, in some places about four inches broad and two
inches deep, from one end of the long side wall almost to the other;
and from thence, by another rebound, it struck the strong oak durns
of the dwelling-house entry, and broke the same in two or three
pieces, and so flew into the hall, where it fell to the ground, having
spent its force and strength as aforesaid, and then brake asunder in
pieces, by the side of Mrs. Catherine St. Aubyn, without doing her
any manner of hurt, leaving a sulphurous smoke behind it in the
room; which ball of fire then appeared to consist of a black-blue
metally matter, congealed or melted by fire like as coal and cinders
may be, as Sir John St. Aubyn, the elder, and other spectators told
me.

TONKIN.

Mr. Tonkin has not any thing in addition to Mr. Hals, except an
uninteresting dissertation to prove that St. Michael’s Mount is not the
Ocrinum of Ptolemy.

WHITAKER.

Mr. Whitaker has given several notes and comments on the

narrative of Mr. Hals, which will here be placed, together with
references to the passages to which they relate.
p. 170. (a) The name is Mara-zion, or zien, on the sea, I believe,
and Market-Jew is merely a similar appellation in English. A Jew, in
Cornish language, is Ethow, and Edheuon, Ethchan, are Jews.
p. 170. (b) This corrects Mr. Willis, in ii. 3, who there says of the
Market-Jew, and other towns expressly, “none of them ever sent
Members to Parliament, or were ever summoned so to do.” Yet it
coincides exactly with what Dr. Brady remarks in his very valuable
treatise on Boroughs, p. 57, 59, and adds one more to his few
returns, and instances of very many more which might have been
produced “if needful,” p. 59.
p. 172. (c) Sel, sil, or sul is merely a view, or prospect, from the
Welsh sylly, to look or behold, and the Armorick sell, a look or sight;
and din-sil, or din-sul, means only the hill of prospect.
(d) The real name of St. Michael’s Mount in Cornish is this, Carreg
luz en kuz, a hoary rock in a wood. Borlase’s Scilly Isles, p. 94.
p. 178. (e) This notice, unobserved by the noticer himself, lets us
into a part of the history of this Mount, which has never been
unfolded yet. There was plainly a nunnery here, as well as a
monastery. Accordingly we find before what this circumstance alone
explains, that there were two chapels upon the Mount. One is
described before as “a little chapel yet standing, and dedicated to
the Archangel St. Michael, part whereof is now converted to a
dwelling-house.” The other is thus, as “that which renders this place
most famous, the present church or chapel, yet extant, and kept in
good repair with pews; upon the tower of this church or chapel, for
it is bigger than many other Cornish parish churches, is that
celebrated place called Kader-Migell, i. e. Michael’s chair.” So distinct
are these chapels! The monastery I apprehend to have been,
“where, towards the north-west, is a kind of level plain about four or
six landyards,” with “a downright precipice of rocks towards the sea,
at least twenty fathoms high.” And where, about the greater chapel,
are “cells cut in the rocks for hermitical monks of the aforesaid
order.” And the nunnery I suppose to have been where, “from this
little square, or plain, there is an artificial kind of ascent going
towards the east, which offers you a full sight of the outer walls of
the castle, and brings you to Porth Horne (Hourn), part of which is
yet to be seen.”
 Thus do we get a glimpse of a nunnery that is invisible from every
other point. Tanner, that witness for all other authors upon monastic
notices, gives us no intimation from any of them concerning this
nunnery. Yet Leland confirms what I have observed in Mr. Hals
before, the existence of two churches, or chapels, upon the summit
of the Mount. “The way to the church,” he says, concerning the
ascent to the top, “entereth at the north side from half ebb to half
flood, to the foot of the Mount, and so ascendeth by steps and
grices westward, and thence returneth eastward to the utterward of
the church,” or Mount. Within the said ward is a court strongly
walled, “wherein on the south side is the Chapel of St. Michael, and
in the east side a chapel of our Lady. The Captain and priest’s
lodgings be in the south side of St. Michael’s Chapel.” (Itin. VII.
118.) When this Captain was fixed there with a garrison, as we shall
soon see when he was, the nuns were obliged to relinquish their
cells to him and them. For this reason we have not a hint in all the
ages afterwards of a nunnery here. Only the chapel was continued
for the use of the garrison, while the church itself was still left to the
monks. Such an union as this, of a monastery and a nunnery upon
the summit of a pyramidal hill, and amid the sequestrations of
solitude, carries a strange appearance with it to our Protestant
suspiciousness; yet it was not very uncommon in the reign of
popery. It seems to have been peculiarly calculated for that purpose
for which both monastery and nunnery were generally calculated, to
shew the triumph of faith over the impulses of sense, and to shew
that triumph more conspicuously, by the association of monks and
nuns in monastic vicinity to each other. “This little fortress,” as Mr.
Hals has told us before, “comprehendeth sufficient rooms and
lodgings for the Captain, or Governor, and his soldiers to reside in,”
which I have supposed above “to have been the original habitations
of the nuns and their Abbess; to which adjoining are several other
houses, or cells, heretofore pertaining to the monks that dwell here,
all admirable for their strength, buildings, and contrivance,” and all
probably therefore contemporary or nearly so.
 p. 180. (f) This account of St. Michael’s Mount is in a strain of
intelligence and judiciousness much superior to the general tenor of
Mr. Hals’s writings. To it I wish to add some useful notices, in
accompaniment of some that I have given before.
Upon the very crown and summit of this pyramidal hill, stands
proudly eminent the church, stretching from east to west, and
having a tower in the middle. It was built by Edward the Confessor,
who was the first to consecrate the Mount to religion, and erected
the church on the little plain at the top of it. Having done this, and
erected habitations for the clergy attending it, he gave them, by
charter still existing in recital, the whole of the Mount, and many
lands beside. “Ego Edwardus, Dei gracia Anglorum Rex, dare volans
pretium redemptionis animæ meæ vel parentum meorum, sub
consensu et testimonio bonorum virorum, tradidi Sancto Michaeli
Archangelo, in usum fratrum Deo servientium in eodem loco,
Sanctum Michaelem,” the church, “qui est juxta mare.” He also gives
them “totam terram de Venefire;” and proceeds “portum addere qui
vocatur Ruminella.” Romney, in Kent. Then came Robert Earl of
Mortaigne, the falsely reputed founder, merely to associate this
church with another of the same appellation in Normandy, and to
enlarge its endowments. In a new charter, equally as the old without
a date, he, “habens in bello Sancti Michaelis vexillum,” says, “do et
concedo Montem Sancti Michaelis de Cornubiâ Deo et monachis
ecclesiæ Sancti Michaelis de Periculo Maris servientibus, cum dimidiâ
terræ hidâ.” But, as he adds, “postea autem ut certissime comperi,
Beati Michaelis meritis monachorumque suffragiis michi a Deo ex
propriâ conjuge mea filio concesso, auxi donum ipsi beato militiæ
celestis principi, dedi et dono in Amaneth (Quere, where?) tres acras
terræ, Travalaboth videlicet, Lismanoch, Trequaners, Carmailoc,” &c.
2. And, finally, comes the Bishop of Exeter, in a charter dated
expressly 1085, to free “ecclesiam Beati Michaelis Archangeli de
Cornubiâ,” from all episcopal jurisdiction. 3. Thus erected and thus
privileged, the church remained till the day of William of Worcester,
and he thus notes the dimensions of it: “Memorandum, longitudo
ecclesiæ Montis Sancti Michaelis continet 30 steppys, latitudo
continet 12 steppys.” 4. Carew also speaks of it as “a chapel for
devotion, builded by William Earl of Morton,” (Carew so speaking
with the multitude, when he ought to have given the building to the
Confessor,) “and greatly haunted while folk endured (endeared) their
merits by farre travailing.” 5. Carew thus refers obscurely, perhaps
unconsciously, to a particular privilege annexed to the church, which
was given by one decree from Pope Gregory, and confirmed by
another from Bishop Leofric. “Universis Sanctæ Matris ecclesiæ
presentes literas inspecturis vel audituris salutem,” cries the former,
“noverit universitas vestra quod sanctissimus Papa Gregorius, anno
ab incarnatione Domini millesimo septuagesimo,” the very year,
therefore, in which Earl Montaign gave this church to the other in
Normandy, “ad ecclesiam Montis Sancti Michaelis, in comitatu
Cornubiæ, gerens eximiæ devocionis affectum, piè concessit
ecclesiæ predictæ, [et] omnibus fidelibus, qui illam cum suis
beneficiis et elemosinis,” (with alms and oblations, so that “folke
endeared their merits,” not merely “by farre travailing,” but by a tax
upon their purse,) “exepecierint seu visitaverint, tertiam partem
penetenciarum suarum eis condonari,” a third of all those acts being
remitted, which penitents were enjoined to perform, in order to
prove the sincerity of their penitence to God, and to themselves. The
same privilege is repeated by the Bishop of Exeter in 1085, thus:
“omnibus illis, qui illum ecclesiam suis cum beneficiis et elemosinis
expetierint et visitaverint, tertiam partem penitentiarum
condonamus.” Yet, what is surprising, the privilege became nearly as
much unknown afterwards as it is at present, and was therefore
promulgated by the clergy of the church at the beginning of the
fifteenth century: “Tota verba,” adds the reciter, “in antiquis registris
de novo,” a little before William’s visit, “in hâc ecclesiâ repertis,
inventa,” being then unknown to the very clergy themselves, and
only discovered by the discovery of some registers equally unknown,
“prout his in valvis ecclesiæ publicè ponuntur,” were exhibited to
public view by being posted upon the folding-doors of the church.
“Et quia pluribus istud est incognitum, ideo nos, in Christo Dei famuli
et ministri hujus ecclesiæ, universitatem vestram qui regimen
animarum possidetis,” all the rectors and vicars of the kingdom, “ob
mutuæ vicissitudinis obtentum requirimus et rogamus, quatenus ista
publicetis in ecclesiis vestris, ut vestri subditi et subjecti ad majorem
exoracionem devocionis attentius animentur, et locum istum
gloriosius peregrinando frequentent ad dona et indulgencias predicta
graciosè consequenda.” From this republication of the privilege,
undoubtedly, did the numerous resort of pilgrims to the church
begin. Then too was formed assuredly that seat on the tower, which
is so ridiculously described by Carew, as “a little without the castle—
a bad seat in a craggy place—somewhat dangerous for access;”
when it is only a chair, composed of stones, projecting from the two
sides of the tower battlements, and uniting into a seat without the
south-western angle, but elevated above the battlements on each
side. It thus appears somewhat dangerous from the elevation or
projection only, is an evident addition to the tower, and was
assuredly made at this period for the pilgrims, that they might
complete their devotions at the Mount by sitting in this St. Michael’s
Chair, as denominated, and by showing themselves as pilgrims to the
country round. Hence, in an author[6] who alludes to customs
without feeling the force of his allusion, we read this intimation:
Who knowes not Michael’s Mount and Chaire,
The pilgrim’s holy vaunt?

We thus find a reason for the construction of such a chair, that

comports with all the purposes of the church on the tower of which
it is constructed, and that shows it ministered equally with this to
the uses of religion then predominant; making it not, as Carew most
extravagantly makes it, “somewhat dangerous for access, and
therefore holy for the adventure,” but holy in itself, as on the church-
tower, holy in its purposes, as the seat of the pilgrims, and doubly
holy as the seat of accomplishment to all their vows, as the seat of
invitation to all the country. And the whole church remains to this
day, beaten by the rains and buffeted by the winds, yet a venerable
monument of Saxon architecture.
This Mount appears decisively, from the charter of the Confessor,
to have been in his time not surrounded with the sea during all the
flood tide, and not accessible by land only during some hours of the
ebb-tide, as it is at present. It was then not surrounded at all. It was
only near the sea then. Thus the Confessor describes it expressly, as
“Sanctum Michaelem qui est juxta mare.” But as Worcestre adds,
with a range back into the past that is very striking, yet is in general
confirmed by the charter above, “the space of ground upon Mount
St. Michael is two hundred cubits, surrounded with the ocean,” at
flood tide; “the place aforesaid was originally inclosed with a very
thick wood, distant from the ocean six miles, affording the finest
shelter for wild beasts.”

THE EDITOR.

Nothing is known with any certainty respecting the ancient state

of St. Michael’s Mount.
It may have been the seat of a Celtic superstition somewhat
similar to that imagined and described by Dr. William Borlase. Sir
Christopher Hawkins has adduced many arguments for proving this
semi-island to have been the Ictis of Diodorus Siculus; and its
situation, united to its sea-port, may well have recommended such a
place for a factory to the merchants of any civilized nation engaged
in commercial transactions with people so rude as were the Britons
of those remote times. The universal practice in our days, is to
establish fortified stations under similar circumstances, since neither
person or property can be effectually protected in any other way.
The earliest definite tradition of a Christian establishment dates
with the pilgrimage of St. Kenna, in consequence of the appearance
of the Arch-angel at that place. No particular circumstances are ever
related of this extraordinary vision, neither as to the occasion nor as
to the persons so eminently favoured as to behold the celestial glory,
nor as to the time, nor of the exact spot, since it could not have
taken place on the top of the tower, that building having been
constructed in honour of the vision itself.
 It may be remarked that lofty and elevated situations throughout
Europe are dedicated to St. Michael, probably on account of the
Archangel being uniformly painted with wings, and therefore tacitly
imagined to have habits similar to birds; and perhaps the dedication
of the largest of our domestic fowls to the celebration of his festival,
may owe its origin to a similar analogy.
Saint Kenna is believed to have imparted the same identical virtue
to the chair which overhangs the tower, as she bestowed on the
celebrated well near Liskeard, and since no one obtains a seat in this
chair without much resolution and steadiness of head, one may be
inclined to anticipate the supposed effect with greater certainty from
the achievement of sitting in St. Michael’s chair, than from drinking
water from St. Kenna’s well. The time of St. Kenna’s visitation is not
accurately known. She is supposed to be the same St. Keyna,
daughter of a prince of Brecknockshire, who lived a recluse life for
many years near a town situated midway between Bristol and Bath,
since called Cainsbarn, after her name, where she founded a
monastery in the beginning of the sixth century, and cleaned the
neighbourhood from snakes and vipers by converting them all into
Cornua Ammonis, which have abounded there ever since, in
testimony of her sanctity and of the fervour of her prayers.
The supposed ancient site of St. Michael’s Mount, its being the
hoary monk in a wood surrounded by forests, is deduced from
arguments very similar to those which prove the miraculous power
of St. Kenna in converting serpents into stones.
Trees have been found buried under the sand and silt in the
Mount’s Bay, as they are frequently found in every similar inlet of the
sea on the southern coast of England. And the tradition, if a term so
respectable may be applied to such vague conjectures, applies
equally to Mount St. Michael; or they may have been derived from a
common origin. See Le Grand Dictionaire Historique, par M. Moreri,
Paris edition of 1188, with the Supplement of 1735. In the 5th folio
volume of the Dictionary, p. 193, and in the 2d. folio volume of the
Supplement, p. 261, will be found these passages:
 “Saint Michel ou Mont Saint Michel, en Latin Mons Sancti
Michaelis in periculo Maris. Bourg de France en Normandie,
avec une Abbaie celebre et un chateau. Sa situation est assez
particuliere, sur un rocher qui s’etend au milieu d’une grand
greve, que la mer couvre de son reflux. On dit qu’ Augustin,
evêque d’Avranches, qui vivait au commencement du
huitieme siecle, y suit des chanoines apres une apparition de
l’Archange Seint Michel.
“Ce mont s’appelloit le Mont de Tombe à cause de sa
figure. On pretend qu’une foret occupoit autrefois sont le
terrain depuis le mont jusques aux Paroisses de Tanis et
d’Ardevon; que la mer a detruit cette foret, et qu’elle en a pris
la place; et c’est de la, dit on, que le Mont Saint Michel est
surnomme, ‘Au peril de la mer,’ Mons in periculo Maris.”
The first authentic document relative to St. Michael’s Mount is the
charter of Saint Edward the Confessor, the original of which
remained among the archives of Mount St. Michael.
In the recent edition of Dugdale’s Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. vii.
p. 988:
Priory of St. Michael’s Mount, in Cornwall.—A priory of Benedictine
monks was placed here by King Edward the Confessor. Before A.D.
1085, however, it was annexed by Robert Earl of Moreton and
Cornwall, to the Abbey of St. Michael in Periculo Maris, in Normandy.
The following entry relating to the property of St. Michael’s Priory,
in Cornwall, occurs in the Domesday Survey:
“Terra Sancti Michaelis.—Ecclesia S. Michaelis tenet
Treiwal, Brismar tenebat tempore regis Edwardi. Ibi sunt ii
hidæ quæ numquam geldaverunt. Terra est viii car. Ibi est i.
car. cum uno villano, et ii. bord. et x. acr. pasturæ. Val. xx.
solid. De hiis ii. hid. abstulit Comes Moriton i. hidam. Val. xx.
sol.”
 In Hampshire, Domesday, tom. i. fol. 43, there is another entry
concerning St. Michael’s Priory:
In Basingstoches Hund.—Ecclesia S. Michaelis de Monte
tenet de lege unam ecclesiam cum i. hida et decima M. de
Basingestoches. Ibi est presbyter et ii. villani et iiii. bord. cum
i. car. et molin. de xx. sol. et ii. acr. prati. Tot. val. iiii. lib. et v.
sol.
Oliver, in his Historic Collections relating to the monasteries of
Devon, p. 147, gives the following list of Priors of St. Michael’s
Mount:—

Ralph de Carteret, admitted Dec. 21, 1260.

Richard Perer, April 11, 1275.
Geoffrey de Gernon, July 8, 1283.
Peter de Cara Villa, Sept. 12, 1316.
John Hardy, Oct. 3, 1349.
John de Volant, April 24, 1362.
Richard Auncell, Dec. 7, 1385.
William Lambert, Oct. 1, 1410.

As the alien priories were suppressed by Henry V. who began his

reign in 1413, William Lambert was probably the last Prior.
Bishop Tanner says, in his Notitia Monastica:—After the
suppression of the alien priories, this was first given by King Henry
VI. to King’s College, Cambridge, and afterwards by King Edward IV.
to the nunnery of Sion, in Middlesex. At the first seizure by King
Edward III. the farm was rated but at 10l. per annum, but at the
general dissolution by Henry VIII. the lands belonging to this house,
as parcel of Sion Abbey, were valued at 110l. 12s. per annum.
The charter of Saint Edward may be thus translated:
 “In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity. I Edward,
by the grace of God King of the English, willing to give the
price of the redemption of my own soul, or of the souls of my
parents, with the consent and attestation of good men, have
delivered to St. Michael the Archangel, for the use of the
brethren serving God in that place, Saint Michael, which is
near the sea, with all its appendages, that is to say, with its
towns, castles, lands, and other appurtenances. I have
added, moreover, all the land of Vennefire, with its towns,
villages, fields, meadows, and grounds, cultivated or
uncultivated, with their proceeds. And I have joined, as an
addition to the things already given, the harbour called
Ruminella, with all things belonging to it, that is, with mills
and establishments for fisheries and with their proceeds.
“But if any one shall endeavour to interpose subtile
impediments against these gifts, let him be made an
anathema, and incur the perpetual anger of God.
“And that the authority of our donation may be held the
more truly and firmly hereafter, I have, in confirming it,
underwritten with my own hand, which many also of the
witnesses have done.

Signum Regis Edwardi ✠

Roberti Archiepiscopi Rothomagensis ✠
Herberti Episcopi Lexoviensis ✠
Roberti Episcopi Constantiensis ✠
Radulphi ✠
Vinfredi ✠ Nigelli Vicecomitis.
Anschitelli Choschet. Turstini.
The next charter:
“In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, I Robert, by
the grace of God Earl of Moriton, influenced with the fire of
divine love, supporting in battle the standard of St. Michael,
do make known to all the sons of our holy mother church,
that for the salvation of the souls of myself and of my wife,
also for the salvation, the prosperity, and safety of the most
glorious King William, and for obtaining the reward of eternal
life, do give and grant Mount Saint Michael, of Cornwall, to
God and to the monks serving (God) of the church of Saint
Michael in danger of the sea; with half a hide of land, so
unbound, and peaceable and free from all customs,
complaints, and suits, as I hold them. And I appoint, the King
my Lord consenting, that they may hold a market on every
Friday. Lastly, as I have most certainly ascertained that a son
has been given me from God by my wife, through the merits
of the blessed Michael, by the prayers of the monks, I have
increased the gift to him the blessed chief of the heavenly
host. I have given and do give in Amaneth three acres of
land; that is to say, Trevelaboth, Lismanoch, Trequaners,
Carmailoc, my most pious Lord King William assenting,
together with the Queen Mathilde, and their noble sons the
Earl Robert, William Rufus, and Henry yet a boy, to be quiet
and free from all pleas, complaints, and forfeits, so that the
monks shall not answer in any matter to the King’s justice,
homicide alone excepted.
“And I Robert Earl of Moriton have made this donation,
which William the glorious King of the English, and the
Queen, and their children, have permitted and testified.

Signum Willielmi Regis ✠

Reginæ Mathildis ✠
Roberti Comitis ✠
Willielmi Rufi filii Regis ✠
Henrici Pueri ✠
Roberti Comitis Moritoni ✠
Matildis Comitissæ ✠
Willielmi filii eorum ✠
 This charter is ratified and confirmed in the year one
thousand and eighty-five from the Incarnation of our Lord.

Signum Liurici Essecestriæ Episcopi ✠”

Among several other charters there is one from Richard King of
the Romans, granting to the Prior three annual fairs, to be holden
near their Grange, now the Long Barn.
“Richard by the grace of God King of the Romans, and
always Augustus, to the Bishops, Abbats, Priors, Earls,
Barons, and to all holding free tenures, and to others his
lieges in the county of Cornwall, health, and every good. May
you all know that we, by this our present confirmation, have
granted and confirmed to the Prior of the blessed Michael, in
Cornwall, and to his successors, that they may have and hold,
and for ever possess, the three fairs and three markets on
their own proper ground in Marchadyon, near their Barn;
which three fairs and three markets they have hitherto held
by the concession of our predecessors Kings of England, in
Marghasbigan, on ground belonging to others; that is to say,
on the middle day in Lent, and on the following day; and on
the eve of the blessed Michael, and on the following day; and
on the eve of the blessed Michael in monte tumbæ, and on
the following day, provided that these fairs and markets may
not cause any damage or injury to other fairs or markets, in
conformity with the laws and customs of this kingdom of
England.
“In witness of all which things we have thought fit to
certify this present confirmation with our royal seal.”
There is also a bull of Pope Adrian, in the year 1155, confirming
all their possessions to the Abbat and monks of Mount St. Michael,
and among them Saint Michael’s Mount, in Cornwall; which,
previously to its subjugation, had been exempted from all episcopal
interference by Liuricus Bishop of Exeter, as he states by the
exhortation and command of his Lord, Pope Gregory, and in
compliance with the wishes of the King, of the Queen, and of all the
magnates in the realm. And he also grants a release from a third
part of their penances to all such persons as may visit this church of
St. Michael with oblations and alms.
The Mount appears never to have received a religious society
after its suppression as an alien priory in the reign of King Henry the
Fifth. At the period of the general dissolution it must have been let
at an annual rent, for in the abstract roll preserved in the
Augmentation Office this entry occurs under Syon Abbey: “Cornub.—
S. Michael. ad Montem, Firma 26l. 13s. 4d.”
The history of St. Michael’s Mount since its dissolution, as a parcel
of Sion Abbey, is very far from being clear. It appears to have been
granted at first for terms of years to different gentlemen of the
neighbourhood. To Millington, supposed of Pengersick, in Breage; to
Harris, of Kenegie, in Gulval; and perhaps jointly with Millington to a
Billett or Bennett. A person of that name, half-deranged, who died
about the middle of the last century, continued during the whole of
his life to shoot rabbits on the Mount one day in the year by way of
maintaining a supposed right, which, being utterly groundless, was
humanely allowed to pass unobserved.
Queen Elizabeth, or King James I. appears to have granted the
whole in fee to Robert Cecil, created Earl of Salisbury May 4, 1605.
But the Mount was seised into his own hands by King Charles I. just
at the breaking out of the civil war, probably on account of the great
military importance of this hold, when William Cecil, son of the
former, having subscribed the Declaration made at York, on the 13th
of June, 1642, left the party of which the King was at the head, and
joined the opposite party in London.
An order was soon after given to Sir Francis Basset, then Sheriff
of Cornwall, to place the Mount in a state of defence, and to supply
it with ammunition and provisions; and it is not improbable that a
grant was made of the castle and Mount to Sir Francis Basset at
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