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Gender and U.S. Immigration
 Gender and
U.S. Immigration
Contemporary Trends

EDITED BY

Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

Berkeley Los Angeles London
The following chapters were originally published in American Behavioral Scientist ,
no.  ( Jan. ), ©  by Sage Publications, and are reprinted here by permission
of Sage Publications, Inc.:
Chapter , “Engendering Migration Studies: The Case of New Immigrants in the
United States,” by Patricia R. Pessar, pp. –
Chapter , “The Global Context of Gendered Labor Migration from the Philippines
to the United States,” by James A. Tyner, pp. –
Chapter , “Gender and Labor in Asian Immigrant Families,” by Yen Le Espiritu,
pp. –
Chapter , “The Intersection of Work and Gender: Central American Immigrant
Women and Employment in California,” by Cecilia Menjívar, pp. –
Chapter , “Gendered Ethnicity: Creating a Hindu Indian Identity in the United
States,” by Prema Kurien, pp. –
Chapter , “Engendering Transnational Migration: A Case Study of Salvadorans,”
by Sarah J. Mahler, pp. –
The following chapter was originally published in Signs , no.  (), ©  by
the University of Chicago Press, and is reprinted here by permission of the
University of Chicago Press:
Chapter , “ ‘We Don’t Sleep Around Like White Girls Do’: Family, Culture, and
Gender in Filipina American Lives,” by Yen Le Espiritu, pp. –
The following chapter was originally published in Gender & Society  ().
Chapter , “ ‘I’m Here, but I’m There’: The Meanings of Latina Transnational
Motherhood,” by Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo and Ernestine Avila, pp. –.

University of California Press

Berkeley and Los Angeles, California
University of California Press, Ltd.
London, England
©  by the Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Gender and U.S. immigration : contemporary trends / edited by Pierrette

Hondagneu-Sotelo.
p. cm.
Some chapters were previously published in various sources.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
 --- (cloth : alk. paper) —  --- (pbk. : alk. paper)
. Women immigrants— United States. . United States—Emigration and
immigration. I. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette.
 . 
.—dc 

© Manufactured in the United States of America

       
         
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of /
.– ( ) (Permanence of Paper).A
For Mike, with love and appreciation
       

 ⁄ ix

 : 
. Gender and Immigration: A Retrospective and Introduction
Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo ⁄ 
. Engendering Migration Studies:
The Case of New Immigrants in the United States
Patricia R. Pessar ⁄ 
. Strategic Instantiations of Gendering in the Global Economy
Saskia Sassen ⁄ 

 :   

. The Global Context of Gendered Labor Migration from
the Philippines to the United States
James A. Tyner ⁄ 
. Gender and Labor in Asian Immigrant Families
Yen Le Espiritu ⁄ 
. The Intersection of Work and Gender: Central American Immigrant
Women and Employment in California
Cecilia Menjívar ⁄ 
. Israeli and Russian Jews: Gendered Perspectives on
Settlement and Return Migration
Steven J. Gold ⁄ 
viii 

 :     

. Gendered Ethnicity: Creating a Hindu Indian Identity in the United States
Prema Kurien ⁄ 
. Disentangling Race-Gender Work Experiences:
Second-Generation Caribbean Young Adults in New York City
Nancy Lopez ⁄ 
. Gendered Geographies of Home: Mapping Second-
and Third-Generation Puerto Ricans’ Sense of Home
Maura I. Toro-Morn and Marixsa Alicea ⁄ 

 : , ,  

. De madres a hijas: Gendered Lessons on Virginity across Generations
of Mexican Immigrant Women
Gloria González-López ⁄ 
. Raising Children, and Growing Up, across National Borders: Comparative
Perspectives on Age, Gender, and Migration
Barrie Thorne, Marjorie Faulstich Orellana, Wan Shun Eva Lam, and Anna Chee ⁄ 
. “We Don’t Sleep Around Like White Girls Do”: Family, Culture, and
Gender in Filipina American Lives
Yen Le Espiritu ⁄ 

 : , ,   

. Engendering Transnational Migration:
A Case Study of Salvadorans
Sarah J. Mahler ⁄ 
. “I’m Here, but I’m There”:
The Meanings of Latina Transnational Motherhood
Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo and Ernestine Avila ⁄ 
. Gender, Status, and the State in Transnational Spaces: The Gendering
of Political Participation and Mexican Hometown Associations
Luin Goldring ⁄ 
. “The Blue Passport”: Gender and the Social Process
of Naturalization among Dominican Immigrants in New York City
Audrey Singer and Greta Gilbertson ⁄ 

 ⁄ 
 ⁄ 
           

This book brings together research by a diverse array of social science scholars
seeking to understand new developments in gender and U.S. immigration. The vol-
ume began when I was invited by a journal to serve as guest editor for a special is-
sue on gender and migration to the United States; six of the articles that originally
appeared in the American Behavioral Scientist ( January ) are reproduced here. I
subsequently invited other scholars working in diverse communities at the inter-
sections of gender and immigration to contribute to this book. I thank this talented
group of social scientists for their hard work, their commitment to this project, their
close attention to detail in the revision process, and for their patience. Although
we never came together in a conference format to discuss our respective projects,
our ideas and words have migrated across space and time. We are a community
bound by similar interests, and I hope the dialogue will continue and expand to
include others.
I am also grateful to my students at the University of Southern California for
their inspiration and interests in many of the themes discussed in this volume. In
particular, I wish to acknowledge Fajima Bedran, Belinda Lum, and Akiko Yasuike,
graduate students who participated in a directed reading group where we read and
discussed many of the initial drafts that appear here. Belinda Lum deserves spe-
cial thanks. At the tail end of this project, she helped keep me on track with her
incredible organizational skills and computer wizardry. She’s amazing!

Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo

ix
     

Introduction
  

Gender and Immigration

A Retrospective and Introduction
Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo

The intent of this volume is both modest and ambitious. High-caliber social sci-
ence research has emerged on gender and U.S.-bound immigration in recent years,
and this book simply draws together some of the best new work in the field. The
book includes essays by pioneers who have logged nearly two decades in the field
of gender and immigration, and new empirical work by both young scholars and
well-established social scientists who bring their substantial talents to this topic for
the first time. More ambitiously, this volume seeks to alert scholars and students to
some of the gender consequences emerging from the last three decades of resur-
gent U.S. immigration. This immigration is changing life as we know it, in the
United States and elsewhere, in many ways. One important change concerns the
place of women and men in society.
I felt a need to put together this book because of the continued silence on gen-
der in the contemporary social science literature on U.S. immigration. A glance at
the main journals and at recent edited volumes on American immigration and in-
ternational migration reveals that basic concepts such as sex, gender, power, priv-
ilege, and sexual discrimination only rarely enter the vocabulary or research design
of immigration research. This is puzzling. Gender is one of the fundamental so-
cial relations anchoring and shaping immigration patterns, and immigration is one
of the most powerful forces disrupting and realigning everyday life. It is my hope
that the chapters in this volume will earn the recognition they deserve, spur a wider
conversation about immigration and how it is changing social life for women and
men, and prompt immigration scholars to design research that acknowledges the
gendered social world in which we live.


  -

THE EMERGENCE OF IMMIGRATION SCHOLARSHIP

AND GENDER STUDIES
During the s and s, the social sciences experienced major transformations.
Among the most notable were two separate developments: the growth in feminist-
oriented scholarship and immigration research. The establishment of women’s
studies programs and research derived from the second-wave feminist movement,
which emerged in the s to advocate equality for women. Feminist research
called attention to the unequal power relations between women and men in soci-
ety and illuminated and analyzed how women’s and men’s actions, positions, and
relative privileges in society are socially constructed in ways that tend to favor men.
Since then, we have witnessed a shift away from the premise of a unitary notion of
“women” or “men” to an increasingly accepted perspective that acknowledges how
the multiplicities of masculinities and femininities are interconnected, relational,
and, most important, enmeshed in relations of class, race, and nation. Globaliza-
tion, immigration, and transnationalism are significant sites for contemporary in-
quiries of gender.
The growth in immigration research derived not from a social movement like
feminism, but from the massive increase in literal human movement across borders
during the late th century. Today, it is estimated that as many as  million peo-
ple live in nations other than those in which they were born. Only a small portion
of these millions have come to the United States, although many Americans be-
lieve that the whole world has descended on their country. U.S. immigrants have
reached unprecedented numbers—about  million according to the  census—
but this constitutes only about % of the total U.S. population, a smaller percent-
age than we saw earlier in the th century. Immigration is certainly nothing new
for the United States—it is, after all, foundational to the national narrative—but the
resurgence of immigration during the last three decades has taken many Americans
by surprise. Prompted by global restructuring and post–World War II U.S. military,
political, and economic involvement throughout Asia, the Caribbean, and Latin
America, and facilitated by the  amendment to the McCarran-Walter Immi-
gration Act, which erased national origin quotas that had previously excluded Asians,
U.S. immigration picked up in the s and shows few signs of diminishing.
In the s and s, immigration to the United States from Asia, Latin Amer-
ica, and the Caribbean increased dramatically. These contemporary immigrants
are a diverse lot. Among them are refugees and preliterate peasants as well as ur-
bane, highly educated professionals and entrepreneurs. Although a fairly constant
barrage of restrictionist, nativist, and blatantly xenophobic campaigns and legis-
lation has raised tremendous obstacles to these newcomers, the number of legal
permanent residents—those who can be legally admitted to live and work in the
United States—has steadily increased in the s. Nearly one million immigrants
are now granted legal permanent residency status each year. Immigrants and their
children today constitute about one fifth of the U.S. population, and the percent-
    

ages are much higher in cities such as Los Angeles, New York, and Miami, where
immigrants concentrate.
Different dimensions of immigrant social life are threaded by the dynamics of
gender, and this volume exposes some of the complex ways in which these threads
are woven. The chapters cover a range of topics, including the way gender informs
the sexual practices and values among immigrant parents and their adolescent
daughters, transnational political group participation, household divisions of labor,
naturalization, and even our definition of childhood. Readers of this volume will
gain insight into the lives of immigrants as diverse as affluent, cosmopolitan Indian
Hindu professionals and relatively poor, undocumented, and modestly schooled
manual workers from El Salvador and Mexico. All of the contributors to these chap-
ters recognize that gender does not exist in a vacuum but emerges together with par-
ticular matrices of race relations, nation, occupational incorporation, and socio-
economic class locations, and the analyses reflect nuances of intersectionality.
Distinct approaches and areas of concern, which correspond to different stages
of development, have characterized the gender and immigration scholarship. While
the periodization is not nearly as linear as I present it below, glancing back at these
legacies will allow us to better situate the contemporary research on gender and
immigration.

FIRST STAGE: REMEDYING THE

EXCLUSION OF WOMEN IN RESEARCH
The first stage of feminist scholarship emerged in the s and early s, and
might be labeled “women and migration.” This early phase of research sought to
remedy the exclusion of women subjects from immigration research and to counter
sexist as well as androcentric biases. It seems inconceivable to us today, but several
very highly regarded immigration studies had relied entirely on survey or interview
responses from men, and yet, based on this research, had made claims purported
to represent the entire immigrant population. In some instances, men were asked
to report for their wives and female kin. In other projects, women were unprob-
lematically assumed to automatically follow male migrants as “associational” or de-
pendent migrants and were often portrayed as somehow detached or irrelevant to
the labor force. These premises were usually unfounded.1 The first stage of research
thus set about the task of actually taking women into account. As modest as this
first-stage project seems to us today, it was met in many corners with casual indif-
ference and in some instances, with hostile, defensive reception.2
Given the long-standing omission of women from migration studies, an impor-
tant first step involved designing and writing women into the research picture. In
retrospect, this stage is sometimes seen as consisting of a simplistic “add and stir”
approach, whereby women were “added” as a variable and measured with regard
to, say, education and labor market participation, and then simply compared with
  -

migrant men’s patterns. This approach worked well in quantitative studies that
sought to compare, say, immigrant women’s and men’s earnings. This type of ap-
proach, however, fails to acknowledge that gender is fundamentally about power.
Gender informs different sets of social relations that organize immigration and
social institutions (e.g., family, labor markets) in both immigrants’ place of origin
and place of destination.
Other research projects of this era focused exclusively on migrant women. This
prompted several problems, among them the tendency to produce skewed “women
only” portraits of immigration experiences. This approach characterized many his-
torical monographs. Commenting on this trend in the introduction to an edited
volume of multidisciplinary essays on immigrant women, historian Donna Gabac-
cia observed that “the numbers of volumes exploring immigrant women separately
from men now exceeds the volumes that successfully integrate women into gen-
eral accounts” (Gabaccia, , p. xv). Paradoxically, this approach further mar-
ginalized immigrant women into a segregated subfield, separate from major social
dynamics of immigration.
Equally problematic, as Cynthia Cranford and I have pointed out elsewhere
(), both “add and stir” and “women only” efforts were often mired in some vari-
ant of sex-role theory. In this view, women’s migration is explained with respect to
“sex-role constraint,” generally understood to be a set of stable, freestanding insti-
tutional practices and values rather than a fluid and mutable system that intersects
with other social institutions. In the sex-role paradigm, separate spheres of public
and private reign and men’s and women’s activities are seen as complementary and
functional, while the manner in which these are relational, contested and negoti-
ated, and imbued with power, privilege, and subordination is glossed over.
In retrospect, we can see that the immigrant “women only” and “add and stir”
approaches limit our understanding of how gender as a social system shapes im-
migration processes for all immigrants, men and women. Only women, not mi-
grant men, are marked as “gendered,” and institutions with which they interact—
family, education, and employment, etc.—are presumed to be gender neutral. The
preoccupation with writing women into migration research and theory stifled the-
orizing about the ways in which constructions of femininities and masculinities
organize migration and migration outcomes.
A different and exciting body of feminist migration research appeared in the
early to mid-s, and although not centered on U.S.-bound migration, it has left
a significant impact on the field. It focused on the recruitment of poor, young,
mostly unmarried women from peasant or agrarian backgrounds for wage work
in the new export processing plants owned by multinational firms in the Caribbean,
along the U.S.-Mexico border, and Asia. These studies alerted us to the linkages
between deindustrialization in the United States and the emergence of a new “fem-
inized” global assembly line. Case studies from around the globe explored the re-
lationship between young women workers’ migration, the shifting gender and gen-
erational dynamics in their family relations, and their incorporation into new
    

regimes of production and consumption (see Arizpe & Aranda, ; Fernández-
Kelly, ; Wolf, ).
In a key article published in a  special issue of the International Migration Re-
view on women and migration, Saskia Sassen posited a relationship between inter-
nal rural-urban migration of young women to work in export manufacturing and
agriculture in the Third World, and the increasing labor migration of women from
these countries to the United States. Both types of female migration, Sassen sug-
gests, are driven by the dynamics of corporate globalization: the intensification of
profit and the reliance on low-wage work performed by disenfranchised Third
World women. This moment marks a significant switch from a “women only” and
“sex-role constraints” individualistic approach to one that looks more broadly at
how gender is incorporated into corporate globalization strategies.

SECOND STAGE: FROM “WOMEN AND MIGRATION”

TO “GENDER AND MIGRATION”
A distinctive second phase of research emerged in the late s and early s,
displacing an exclusive focus on women with recognition of gender as a set of so-
cial practices shaping and shaped by immigration. Prompted in part by the dis-
ruption of the universal category “women” in feminist scholarship, by heightened
awareness of the intersectionality of race, class, and gender relations, by the ob-
servation that men possess, display, and enact a variety of masculinities, and by
the recognition of the fluidity of gender relations, this research focused on two as-
pects: the gendering of migration patterns and how migration reconfigures new sys-
tems of gender inequality for women and men.
Among this crop of gender and migration studies are Sherri Grasmuck and
Patricia Pessar’s study of Dominican migration to New York City, much of which
is reported in the book Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration (),
Nazli Kibria’s Family Tightrope: The Changing Lives of Vietnamese Americans (), and
my own research on undocumented Mexican migration to California, reported in
Gendered Transitions: Mexican Experiences of Immigration (). All of these studies take
as their launching point a critique of “household strategies,” a model explicitly and
implicitly used by many migration studies of that period. The critiques put forth
in these three books, informed and driven by feminist insights, particularly those
from Third World contexts, counter the image of a unitary household undivided
by gender and generational hierarchies of power, authority, and resources. Fami-
lies and immigrant social networks, these studies underscore, are highly gendered
institutions. This body of research highlights conflict in gender relations, the re-
sult of a strong feminist lens on the lookout for evidence of patriarchy and male
domination and of methodological reliance on interviews and ethnography. These
methods, as both Prema Kurien and Patricia Pessar note in their essays in this vol-
ume, tend to throw into relief gender conflicts and negotiations that might appear
uncontested when survey methods are used.
  -

The second-stage research is also notable for drawing attention to the ways in
which men’s lives are constrained and enabled by gender and also the ways in which
immigrant gender relations become more egalitarian through the processes of mi-
gration. This constitutes the “migration and emancipation” studies that Pessar
soberly reassesses in chapter  of this volume. Equally as problematic as some of
the issues that Pessar points to is the extent to which these empowerment studies
were anchored by the idea that immigrant women’s wages and jobs necessarily lead
to gender equality in families and households. Several of the essays in this volume
(Menjívar, Kurien, Espiritu) continue this focus on the family-work nexus, but they
bring considerably more sophistication and attention to dimensions besides wages
and family.
Identifying and naming distinctively gendered orientations to settlement—that
is, how immigrant women and men feel about staying in the United States and how
these preferences derive from alterations to immigrant gender relations—is another
accomplishment of second-stage research. Immigrant women’s enhanced social
status (won variously through jobs, social network resources, or new interactions
with social institutions) often goes hand in hand with immigrant men’s loss of pub-
lic and domestic status. In the United States, immigrant men may for the first time
in their lives occupy subordinate positions in class, racial, and citizenship hierar-
chies. This prompts many of them to express nostalgia and a desire to return to
their country of origin. Several of the essays in this volume use this analysis of gen-
dered settlement outcomes and orientations to explain new terrain, including gen-
dered arenas as diverse as naturalization strategies (Singer and Gilbertson), par-
ticipation in transnational political associations (Goldring), and family-work
intersections among Jewish immigrants from different nation-states (Gold).
One of the weaknesses of the way many of the second-stage research projects
were conducted is the implication that gender resides almost exclusively in
mesolevel social institutions, such as family, households, community institutions,
or social networks. In retrospect, this meso-focused approach seems myopic and
faulty, and my own work exemplifies this oversight. In Gendered Transitions, I under-
lined the extent to which Mexican migration is gendered by focusing on family re-
lations and networks. The book argues that while the origins of undocumented
Mexican migration lie in the political and economic transformations within the
United States and Mexico and especially in the linkages established between the
two countries, it is gender operating at the family and community levels that shapes
distinctively gendered patterns of migration. In some families, for example, daugh-
ters and wives may not be accorded permission or family resources with which to
migrate, but they sometimes find ways to circumvent or alter these “patriarchal
constraints.”
The problem with this perspective is that not only families and communities but
also other institutions are gendered, including both informal and programmatic la-
bor recruitment efforts, as Terry Repak () has emphasized. We live in a soci-
ety where occupational sex segregation stubbornly prevails in the labor force and
    

consequently shapes labor demand and migration. This is particularly urgent to-
day, as immigrant women from around the world migrate to many postindustrial
societies for work as nurses, nannies, cleaners, and sex workers. Particular types of
societies create particularly gendered labor demands. This is an important issue to
consider, but work and employment were generally only considered by second-stage
researchers insofar as women’s earnings or job schedules affected gender relations
in families and households. Just because we can “see” gender most saliently in
face-to-face institutions such as families and households does not mean that it is not
critical to the constitution of other institutions and processes.
In our haste to analyze how everyday relationships and institutions enable or
constrain migration, we gave other arenas short shrift. Among these are the gen-
dered and racialized nature of labor markets in the nations of origin and destina-
tion, and the ways these are conditioned by globalization, cultural change, and eco-
nomic restructuring. Similarly, the privileging of men, marriage, and normative
heterosexuality in immigration legislation has scarcely received scholarly attention.
Racial formation, Michael Omi and Howard Winant’s () conceptualization
of how race relations are simultaneously shaped by historical and social processes
and built into social institutions, has invigorated race relations research. Similarly,
we may begin to think of this next stage of research as gender formation.
To reiterate, a primary weakness of the second-stage research is that it allocated
too much attention to the level of family and household, suggesting that gender is
somehow enclosed within the domestic arena. Consequently, many other impor-
tant arenas and institutions—jobs, workplaces, labor demand, notions of citizen-
ship and changing immigration policy, public opinion, immigration and refugee
policies, state agencies, sites of consumption, media, and the Border Patrol, to name
a few—were ignored by feminist research and appeared then as though they were
devoid of gender.

THIRD STAGE: GENDER AS A CONSTITUTIVE

ELEMENT OF IMMIGRATION
The third stage of feminist scholarship in immigration research is now emerging,
and here the emphasis is on looking at gender as a key constitutive element of im-
migration. In this current phase, research is beginning to look at the extent to which
gender permeates a variety of practices, identities, and institutions implicated in
immigration. Here, patterns of labor incorporation, globalization, religious prac-
tice and values, ethnic enclave businesses, citizenship, sexuality, and ethnic iden-
tity are interrogated in ways that reveal how gender is incorporated into a myriad
of daily operations and institutional political and economic structures. As this col-
lection of essays shows, gender organizes a number of immigrant practices, beliefs,
and institutions.
While most of the gender-inflected research continues to be produced by female
scholars, men are making important contributions as well, as the chapters in this
  -

volume by Tyner and Gold show. Among the studies looking at community polit-
ical mobilization by immigrants is research conducted by Michael Jones-Correa.
Focusing on Latino immigrant political identity and practice in New York City and
building on the research of earlier feminist inquiries that suggests that immigrant
men shift their orientation to their home countries and to the prospect of return
migration as they lose status in the United States, Jones-Correa () reveals that
immigrant women are more likely than immigrant men to participate in commu-
nity organizations that interface with U.S. institutions. Looking at the other side of
this coin, researcher Luin Goldring (this volume) has studied the recently emergent
and now quite powerful transnational Mexican hometown associations, organi-
zations formed by Mexican immigrants in the United States that typically raise
funds in the United States to assist with community development projects “back
home.” These can be read, Goldring persuasively suggests, as efforts that allow im-
migrant men to claim social status denied to them in the new society. In these trans-
migrant organizations, which span nation-state borders, men find a privileged arena
of action, enhancing their gender status. Women participate in these associations
as beauty pageant contestants or as men’s helpers, and although they remain ab-
sent from active leadership or decision-making roles in the transnational associa-
tions, they practice what Goldring calls “substantive social citizenship” in com-
munity organizations in the United States.

LOCATING GENDER AND IMMIGRATION

Chapters  and  are written, respectively, by two of the most renowned pioneers
in the gender and immigration field. In chapter , Patricia Pessar reviews in detail
and with tremendous insights how the field has relied on analyses of households and
social networks. She calls for greater awareness of how relations of class, race, and
nation shape immigrant women’s incorporation, and she suggests that looking at di-
fferent levels of analysis will lead us to see that immigrant women’s gains have al-
ways been uneven and often contradictory, a conclusion that certainly resonates with
several chapters in this volume.
The chapter by globalization theorist Saskia Sassen pushes the analysis of gen-
der to the macro scale. Sassen suggests that a new “counter-geography of global-
ization” is under way and that it is constituted in part by the cross-national, unau-
thorized movements of women as diverse as mail-order brides, enslaved and
trafficked sex workers, and undocumented immigrant factory and service work-
ers. Sassen’s provocative work is always stimulating, and we can certainly think of
a myriad of occupations in postindustrial urban societies now almost wholly de-
pendent on the deliberate recruitment of foreign-born women. In our postindus-
trial service economies, work that native-born women once performed for free is
now purchased in the global marketplace. This prompts us to think about how re-
alignments in gender arrangements in host countries have in fact generated labor
    

demand for immigrant women. Domestic workers, sex workers, cleaners, and
nurses are some examples of this occupational explosion.
Sassen emphasizes the connections between these international labor migra-
tions, Structural Adjustment Policies that have undermined poor women’s eco-
nomic survival throughout parts of Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean, and
the growing importance of remittances for countries such as El Salvador and the
Philippines. Today it is estimated that immigrant workers annually send to Mex-
ico, El Salvador, and the Philippines, respectively, $ billion, $. billion, and $
billion. Migrant remittances keep these economies afloat. The emotional connec-
tions that immigrant workers maintain with their families back home fuel the ex-
tensive remittances that today account for a significant source of foreign exchange
for these countries. Sassen’s specification begins to connect some of the dots in the
big global picture and allows us to better understand the specificity of gendered
immigration to the United States.

GENDER AND EMPLOYMENT

The study of work continues to occupy a good deal of space in immigration stud-
ies—work is, after all, the primary reason immigrants come to the United States—
and the following clusters of chapters tackle familiar questions of gender and em-
ployment. They do so, however, with an eclectic bag of approaches. Using insights
from political geography, James Tyner analyzes Filipino international migration
to the United States. The Philippine government channels the movement of Fil-
ipino women and men to multiple sites around the world. Filipinos, Tyner informs
us, now go to a whopping  countries, and nearly all of these flows reveal a distinctive
sex composition. Filipino men have been recruited primarily for construction jobs in
the Middle East (“men’s jobs”) while Filipina women have been routed into
“women’s jobs” as nurses and domestic workers throughout Asia, the Middle East,
Europe, Canada, and the United States.
What remains particularly striking is that post- U.S.-bound Filipino migra-
tion appears to be, comparatively speaking, an anomaly. It occurs outside the in-
stitutionalized labor contract system, it consists primarily of skilled technicians and
nurses rather than manual laborers, and it includes women and men, unlike many
of the other more sex-segregated Filipino migration flows. The United States does
not solicit sex-segregated Filipino migration, due to the diversity of U.S. labor de-
mand and the liberalization of immigration policies, which have emphasized since
 family reunification and skilled professional status as criteria for legal perma-
nent residence.
Asian immigrant women have recorded the highest labor force participation
rates among women in the United States, and Yen Le Espiritu addresses the fa-
miliar question of how this has affected gender relations in immigrant families. Her
starting premise is that occupational and socioeconomic heterogeneity, together
  -

with racial subordination, determines outcomes. Espiritu situates her analysis in a

triadic taxonomy of Asian immigrant occupational structure: salaried profession-
als, self-employed entrepreneurs, and wage laborers. Through an exhaustive review
of the literature, Espiritu finds that each occupational group exhibits distinctive
gender dynamics. Among Asian immigrant professionals, there seems to be evi-
dence that immigrant women’s occupational status as professionals is more trans-
ferable to the United States than is men’s. In fact, in some instances women’s job
status as professionals has allowed them to petition for their husbands and families
to legally immigrate to the United States. The men are thus dependent on their
wives to obtain legal permanent residency status. These resources—legal status and
professional job status—seem to translate into more equality in the home for these
women. The situation is very different for Asian immigrant women who may be
equally class privileged but who remain locked in family businesses, where they may
work in isolation and remain mired in dependency. Espiritu’s work reminds us of
the importance of nuanced analyses of class and occupation.
Asking similar questions about a diverse group of Salvadoran and Guatemalan
immigrant women in California, Cecilia Menjívar observes that California’s urban
and suburban labor markets tend to favor Central American women over men.
Central American women find jobs faster, work more hours, and appear to earn,
on average, more than their Central American male partners do in California. Yet
contrary to what we might expect using a relative resources gauge, this apparent
labor market advantage does not automatically or uniformly lead to more egali-
tarian relations in the family. In fact, women’s employment advantage may inflame
rather than quell family tensions and household inequalities.
Going beyond simple wage differentials to pursue her analysis, Menjívar finds
that cultural-ethnic legacies and ideals about gender and family, marriage patterns,
and the sex-segregated venues of employment shape gender outcomes. The ap-
proach in previous studies has usually treated gender relations in the home coun-
try as monolithic, but Menjívar acknowledges important distinctions, in this case
between mestizo and indigenous cultures. Not content to simply acknowledge em-
ployment, Menjívar considers how the context of employment shapes new gender
ideals and practices. While many of the Central American women, for example,
work in private domestic work and bring home new ideals of husbands and wives
sharing cooking and child rearing, the men tend to work with other Latino men
and find support for maintaining their old ways of life. New ideals of companion-
ate marriage and household divisions of labor may emerge together.3
In the final chapter in this section, sociologist Steve Gold engages the literature
on gendered settlement preferences. He emphasizes the importance of comparing
immigrants’ status and employment opportunities in the United States with what
they might conceivably return to in their countries of origin. He compares two
groups of well-educated White middle-class immigrants: Israeli Jewish and Russian
Jewish immigrants. While both groups are fairly secular, their religious-ethnic iden-
tity as Jews remains an important one to them. Here, the intersection of nation,
    

gender, and ethnicity is key, as Russian Jews had their religious and cultural iden-
tity suppressed and disparaged in the former USSR, while the Israeli Jews’ ethnic
identity was openly celebrated as key to the nation of Israel. When they come to
the United States, Israeli Jewish men find that they are no longer integral to the na-
tion, but they seem willing to accept a demoted ethnic status in return for enhanced
economic opportunities in the United States. By contrast, Israeli Jewish women
often wish to return because they miss access to women’s networks and the stronger
welfare state resources. What these immigrant women and men left back home
proves to be crucial in their assessments of life in the United States.

ENGENDERING RACIAL AND ETHNIC IDENTITIES

Most of the recent immigration research has focused on immigrant groups that are
socioeconomically disadvantaged, those who have entered as labor migrants or po-
litical refugees. Consequently, we know little about gender relations among highly
educated professional and entrepreneurial immigrants who came to the United
States in significant numbers in the s and s. The scholarship of Prema
Kurien fills this lacuna and underlines the mutually constitutive features of eth-
nicity, religion, and gender among Hindu Indian immigrant professionals in South-
ern California.
Hindu Indian immigrants generally live in suburban locations, and many of
them have formed new Hindu religious associations. Kurien assesses gender rela-
tions among these groups, but, not content to confine her analysis to the household
or family level, she also assesses gender in these newly invented Hindu congrega-
tions and in larger pan-Indian immigrant organizations. At the level of family and
congregations, Kurien finds that Indian immigrant women make tremendous
strides toward equality: husbands do more housework than they did in India, and
in the congregations women actively reshape the culture in ways that reflect their
own enhanced status. These forward strides, however, are reduced to backward
steps in the large pan-Indian organizations, where men occupy the leadership po-
sitions and, under racist and assimilationist pressures, seek to present a model-
minority countenance to Americans. At this level, women may find themselves
placed in more retrograde positions than they did in India. Kurien reminds us that
in the reconfiguration of gender relations, diverse levels of analysis and ethnicity
are intertwined with distinct outcomes.
Nancy Lopez moves down the generational scale to consider the educational and
occupational outcomes for second-generation Caribbean young adults. Research
activity on the new second generation has flourished as a cottage industry, and the
concept of “segmented assimilation,” introduced by Alejandro Portes and Min Zhou
(), emphasizes that there is no singular outcome. Many scholars have recently
grappled with the finding that across the board immigrant girls, like girls in gen-
eral, are obtaining higher levels of education than their brothers. Several com-
mentators have suggested these outcomes reflect “gendered pathways” (Waldinger
  -

& Perlmann, , p. ). The idea here is that patriarchal notions that girls require
greater protection, greater constraints on spatial mobility, and stricter curfews in or-
der to maintain virtue, virginity, and reputation meshes with educational systems
that reward compliance and obedience, traits associated with femininity. Meanwhile,
immigrant parents often give boys freer reign, and, for immigrant boys of color, ex-
periences of racism may fuel a masculinist “oppositional culture” in which street
values, rather than school values, predominate (Foner, ; Waters, ).
In her chapter, Lopez identifies distinctively gendered experiences with racism, par-
ticularly in the world of work. Rather than seeing oppositional culture as the key cul-
prit of poor educational outcomes among young second-generation youth, she ex-
amines everyday experiences with racism in mostly sex-segregated occupations.
Brilliantly reversing the traditional school-work trajectory, she shows that employment
experiences, inflected by race and gender, wind up either motivating or de-motivating
students to pursue higher education. For some Caribbean second-generation youth,
particularly the young men phenotypically identified as Black, the consequences are
particularly harsh, and they are thus most likely to suffer second-generation decline.
Young women are not spared some of the most insidious forms of racial exclusion and
stereotyping; indeed, they endure grotesque sexist and racist comments made directly
to them in their jobs. But the office jobs where they are likely to be incorporated offer
them greater opportunities and financial returns for education. Hence, they are more
motivated to pursue education beyond high school. The consequences of racial op-
pression and employment thus appear to most severely disadvantage and demoralize
young men, particularly those perceived as Black.
In the subsequent chapter, Maura Toro-Morn and Marixsa Alicea also focus on
young adults through their interview research with the children and grandchil-
dren of Puerto Ricans who came to Chicago and New York City. Puerto Ricans
are not classic immigrants, as their nation and culture have been formally colonized
by the United States since . The labor migration of Puerto Ricans to the U.S.
mainland occurs in this context, and, inspired by cultural studies, Toro-Morn and
Alicea explore how Puerto Ricans born and raised in the United States see them-
selves in relation to Puerto Rico. When the authors asked these young Puerto Ri-
cans born and raised in the United States how they imagine “home,” the responses
indicated that their learned notions of home have deeply shaped gender and iden-
tities. Puerto Rican parents disciplined their children in the United States by con-
stantly invoking the idea that Puerto Rico is a fixed, static, pristine cultural space,
one with different rules for boys and girls. For adolescent girls, adhering to this no-
tion of authenticity accentuates gender oppression.

GENDER, GENERATION, AND IMMIGRATION

Many new immigrants perceive the United States to be a dangerous and undesir-
able place to raise a family, one where their children will be exposed to drugs, vio-
lence, excessive consumerism, and social norms that contest parental authority. The
 Another Random Document on
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 [338] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxii-iii.—Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, cap.
xxviii.—Garibay, Compendio historial de España, Lib. XV, cap. 58.—Rodrigo,
Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 44.—Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, IX, 371).
[339] Crónica de Juan II, año V, cap. xxii.
[340] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxvi-viii.—Amador de los Rios, II, 496-502.—
Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares, pp. 400-5.
[341] Amador de los Rios, II, 503, 515.—Villanueva, XXII, 258.
[342] The Spanish historians claim that all the rabbis, except Joseph Albo and
Vidal Ferrer, acknowledged the truth of Christianity and abjured the errors of Judaism
(Amador de los Rios, II, 438-42; Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. XII, cap. xlv), but
Graetz (Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 120-1) states with greater probability, that the
only concession made by the twelve was that the Haggadah passages of the Talmud
are of no authority and even from this Ferrer and Albo dissented.
[343] Zurita, Añales, Lib. XII, cap. xlv.
[344] Amador de los Rios, II, 627-53; III, 38.
[345] Concil. Basiliens. Sess. XIX, cap v, vi (Harduin. VIII, 1190-3).
[346] Raynald. Annal, ann. 1442, n. 15.—Wadding, Annal. Minor, ann. 1447, n.
10.
[347] Villanueva, XIV, 30.
[348] Amador de los Rios, III, 12.
[349] Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 257, 269).
[350] Caballero, Noticias del Doctor Alonso Díaz de Montalvo, p. 251.
[351] Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. XVIII.
[352] Tristan. Caraccioli Epist. de Inquisit. (Muratori, S. R. I., XXII, 97).
[353] Crónica de Juan II, año XIV, cap. ii.
[354] Amador de los Rios, III, 583-9.
[355] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 5.
[356] Amador de los Rios, III, 115-16.
[357] Boletin, XXVI, 468-72.
[358] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, III, 717.
[359] Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. XXXI, § 9.—Amador de los Rios, III,
164-7.—Fernández y González, p. 213.
[360] Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. vii (Aguirre, V, 345).
[361] Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 45.
[362] Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 1-41.
 [363] Archivo general de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 10, 33.
[364] Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV. 443.
[365] Amador de los Rios, III, 288-90.—Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 134.
[366] Amador de los Rios, III, 170-1.—Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de
Ciudad-Real, I, 647.
Lindo (Hist. of the Jews of Spain, p. 244) estimates the Jews of Castile at this
Period at between 200,000 and 300,000 over 16 years of age. Graetz assumes the total
number as 150,000; Isidore Loeb at 50,000 or a little more.—Revue des Études
Juives, 1887, p. 168.
[367] Amador de los Rios, III, 88-9, 116-17, 206-10, 213-15, 217-18.
[368] Amador de los Rios, III, 118-24.—Crónica de Juan II, año XLII, cap. ii, v.—
Crónica de Alvaro de Luna, Tit. lxxxiii.
[369] Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 541-63.
[370] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1449, n. 12.
[371] Amador de los Rios, III, 125, 494.—Raynald. ann. 1451, n. 5.
[372] Nic. Antonio, Bibl. vetus Hispan., II, n. 565.
[373] In this I have chiefly followed a MS. account, evidently by a contemporary,
preserved in the Bibl. nacional, MSS., G. 109. See also Amador de los Rios, III, 145-
51; Valera, Memorial de diversos Hazañas, cap. xxxviii; Castillo, Crónica de Enrique
IV, cap. xc, xci.
[374] Merchan, op. cit., I, 641-3.
[375] Castillo, op. cit., cap. cxlvi.—Mariana, Lib. XXIII, cap. xv.
[376] Castillo, op. cit., cap. clx.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap.
clxxxiii.—Memorial hist. español, VIII, 507.
[377] Valera, cap. lxxxiii-iv.—Castillo, cap. clx.—Memorial hist. español, VIII,
508.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. VIII, cap. vi.—Amador de
los Rios, III, 159-60.
[378] Amador de los Rios, III, 234.
[379] Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos, II, lxxvii.
[380] Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV, 323-5, 327, 328, 330; XXIII, 431.
[381] Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. cxi.
[382] As this measure seems to have hitherto escaped attention, I give the text of
the document—a passage in a letter from Ferdinand, May 12, 1486, to the inquisitors
of Saragossa. “Devotos padres. Porque por esperiencia parece que todo el daño que
en los cristianos se ha fallado del delicto de la heregia ha procedido de la
conversacion y practica que con los judios han recebido las personas de su linage,
ningun tan comodo remedio hay como apartarlo dentre ellos de la manera que se ha
fecho en el arzobispo de Sevilla e obispados de Córdova e de Jaen, e pues en essa
ciudad tanto e mas que en ninguna otra han dañado, es nuestra voluntad que los
judios dessa ciudad luego sean desterrados dessa dicha ciudad e de todo el
arzobispado de Çaragoça e obispado de Santa María de Albarracin como por el
devoto padre Prior de Santa Cruz vos sera escrito e mandado.”—Archivo gén. de la
C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 96.
While this is apparently confined to the Saragossa Jews, a letter of Ferdinand to
Torquemada, July 22, 1486, alludes to the Jews of Teruel having been ordered by the
inquisitors to depart within three months. He deems them justified in complaining
that the term is too short, seeing that they have to pay and collect their debts and sell
their houses and lands and he therefore suggests an extension of six months
additional.—See Appendix.
[383] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. I, año 1492.—Mariana, Lib. XXIV, cap.
xviii.—Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisitionis, pp. 144, 156, 163 (Madriti, 1598).—
Garibay, Comp. Hist. Lib. XIX, c. iv.
[384] An account of the expulsion at the end of the Libro Verde de Aragon states
this to be the cause (Revista de España, CVI, 567-8). Ribas Altas, however was burnt
some years earlier, for in the Saragossa auto de fe of March 2, 1488, his mother
Aldonça was burnt and the report alludes to his previous burning and relates the story.
—Memoria de Diversos Autos, Auto 29 (see Appendix).
[385] Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, I, 458.
[386] Revista de España, CVI, 568-70. This correspondence was long used as a
weapon against the New Christians. See Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discorso
contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 55-7, 166 (Lisboa, 1623). Rodrigo prints
it (Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 47).
[387] I have considered this notable case at some length in “Studies from the
Religious History of Spain,” pp. 437-68. It can be studied with accuracy in the
records of the trial of one of the accused, Jucé Franco, printed by Padre Fidel Fita
(Boletin, XI, 1887) with ample elucidations. The Catalan version of the sentence is in
Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 68. For the legend and
cult of the Santo Niño see Martínez Moreno, Historia del Martirio del Santo Niño de
la Guardia, Madrid, 1866.
[388] Páramo (p. 144) seems to be the earliest authority for this story and, as he
tells it, it seems rather applicable to an attempt of the Conversos to buy off the
Inquisition, but modern writers attribute it to the Jewish expulsion. See Llorente, Hist.
Crít. cap. VIII, Art. 1, n. 5; Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, XVIII; Amador de los
Rios, III, 272-3.
[389] Manuel de novells Ardits vulgarment appellat Dietari del Antich Consell
Barceloni, III, 94 (Barcelona, 1894).
 [390] Nueva Recopilacion Lib. VIII, Tit. ii, ley 2.—Novísima Recop., Lib. XII,
Tit. i, ley 3.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. I, año 1492.—Amador de los Rios,
III, 603-9.—Boletin, XI, 425, 512.
[391] Zurita, loc. cit.
[392] See Appendix.
[393] Páramo, p. 167.—Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P. II, Lib. vi, cap. 20, § 2.
[394] Amador de los Rios, III, 403.
[395] Llorente, Hist. crít., Append, VI.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1;
Lib. 3, fol. 87.
[396] Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, 51.
[397] Zurita, loc. cit.—Páramo, p. 166.
[398] Graetz VIII, 348.—Bernaldez, cap. CXII.—The cruzado of Portugal was
worth 365 maravedís, the same as the dobla de la banda. The ducat was worth 374.
[399] Lindo, History of the Jews, p. 287.—Chronicle of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua
ben Meir, I, 327.
[400] Graetz, VIII, 349.
[401] Bernaldez, cap. cx.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, P. IX,
cap. 2.—Amador de los Rios, III, 311.—Lindo, p. 292.
[402] Amador de los Rios, III, 312.—Boletin, IX, 267, 286; XI, 427, 586.
[403] Graetz, VIII, 348.—Chrónicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos,
XIII, 195).
[404] Bernaldez, cap. CXII, CXIII.
[405] Damiāo de Goes, Chronica do Rei D. Manoel, P. I, cap. cii, ciii.
[406] Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 328.—Amador de los
Rios, III, 332-3.
[407] Amador de los Rios, III, 320.—Zurita, loc. cit.
[408] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 927, fol. 124.—Isidore Loeb
(Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 179).—Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P. II, Lib. vi,
cap. 20, § 2.—Kayserling, Biblioteca Española-Portugueza-Judaica, p. xi (Strasbourg,
1890).
[409] Nueva Recopilacion, Lib. VIII, Tit. ii, ley 3.—Novís. Recop., Lib. XII, Tit. i,
ley 4.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.
[410] Bernaldez, cap. CXI.
[411] Arnaldin. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix (Valentiæ, 1534).
[412] Zurita, loc. cit.—Mariana, Tom. VIII, p. 336 (Ed. 1795).—Páramo, p. 167.
[413] Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 182.
 [414] Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 323-4.
[415] Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib. VIII, Epist. 157.
[416] Joan. Pici Mirandulæ in Astrologiam, Lib. V, cap. xii.
[417] Il Principe, cap. xxi.
[418] Arnald. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix.
[419] Censura et Confutatio Libri Talmud (Boletin, XXIII, 371-4).
The Jews distinguished between unwilling converts, whom they termed Anusim
and voluntary converts, or Meschudanim; the former they pitied and helped, the latter
they abhorred. The Judaizing Christians were also sometimes called Alboraycos, from
alborak (the lightning), the marvellous horse brought to Mahomet by the angel
Gabriel, which was neither a horse nor a mule nor male nor female (Ibid. p. 379). A
still more abusive popular appellation was Marrano, which means both hog and
accursed. For the controverted derivation of the word see Graetz, Geschichte der
Juden, VIII, 76 (Ed. 1890), who also (p. 284) admits the attachment of many of the
Conversos to the old religion.
[420] C. Dertusan. ann. 1429, c. ix (Aguirre, V, 337).
[421] Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 347.
[422] C. Basiliens. Sess. XIX, c. vi (Harduin. VIII, 1193).
[423] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 6.
[424] Fortalicium Fidei, Prolog. (Ed. 1494, fol. iia). The date of the Fortalicium is
commonly assigned to 1459, the year which it bears upon its rubric, but on fol. lxxviib
the author speaks of 1460 years having elapsed since the birth of Christ and, as this is
at nearly the first third of the book, it may not have been completed for a year or two
later.
[425] Nicol. Anton. Bibl. Vet. Hispan. Lib. X, cap. ix.
[426] Amador de los Rios, III, 60, 136.—Valera, Memoria de diversas Hazañas,
cap. iv.
[427] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlvi.
[428] Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxi, § 3.—Valera, loc. cit.
[429] All recent Spanish authorities, I believe, assume that Fray Alonso was a
Converso, but the learned Nicolás Antonio (loc. cit.) says nothing about it, and Jo.
Chr. Wolff (Bibl. Hebrææ II, 1123) points out that he nowhere alludes to his own
experience as he could scarce have failed to do when accusing the Jews of matters
which they denied. He cites (fol. cxlixa) Pablo de Santa María, Bishop of Burgos, for
their prayers against Christians and another learned Converso as to a secret connected
with the Hebrew letters (fol. xciva). His knowledge concerning the Jews was thus
wholly at second hand and his assaults on the Judaizing of the Conversos have every
appearance of emanating from an Old Christian.
 [430] The prayers attributed to the Jews were the subject of repeated repressive
legislation. See Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 34.
[431] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlii-ix, clxxxi-iii.
[432] Fuero Juzgo, XII, iii, 27.—Fuero Real, IV, i, 1.—Partidas, VII, xxiv, 7. In
fact, these laws seem to have been a dead letter almost from the first. I have not met
with an instance of their enforcement.
[433] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. liii-liv, lxxv-vi, clxxviii-ix.
[434] Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii. See also Páramo de
Orig. Officii S. Inquisit., p. 134.
Bernaldez evidently derives his details from the inquisitorial sentences read at the
autos de fe, in which these evidences of Judaism are recited in endless repetition.
[435] Amador de los Rios, III, 142.
[436] Castillo, Cróníca de Enrique IV, cap. liii.—Mariana Historia de España, Lib.
XXIII, cap. vi.
[437] Modesto Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX, 227.
[438] Boletin, XXIII, 300-1.
[439] Vicente Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, II, 362.
[440] Córtes de los Antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, Madrid, 1861 sqq.
[441] Archivio Vaticano. Sisto IV, Registro 679, Tom. I, fol. 52. I have printed this
bull in the American Historical Review, I, 46.
[442] It was during Isabella’s stay in Seville that, on September 2d, she confirmed,
followed by Ferdinand at Xeres, October 18, 1477, a forged decree, ascribed to
Frederic II, granting certain privileges to the Inquisition of Sicily. This was done at
the request of Filippo de’Barbarj, subsequently Inquisitor of Sicily, then at the court,
whom both monarchs qualify as their confessor. He is said to have exercised
considerable influence with them in overcoming the opposition to the establishment
of the Inquisition in Castile. With regard to the forged decree of Frederic II, see the
author’s “History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages,” Vol. II, p. 288.
[443] Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. XX, cap. xlix.
[444] Pulgar, Chronica, P. II, cap. lxxvii.—Bernaldez, cap. xliii.—Medina, Vida
del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial hist. español, VI, 235).
[445] Páramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 134.
Padre Fidel Fita has pointed out the discrepancy in the dates.—Boletin, XVI, 559.
[446] Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.
[447] Páramo, p. 135.—Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial histórico
español, VI, 235).
 [448] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. clxxvii.—Pulgar (cap. iv) gives sole credit to
Isabella for the extirpation of heresy.
[449] The proceedings of this important assembly have been printed by Padre
Fidel Fita (Boletin, XXII, 212-250).
[450] Printed by Dom Clemencin, Elogio de Doña Isabel, pp. 595-7.
[451] Fortalicium Fidei, Lib. II, consid. xi.—History of the Inquisition of the
Middle Ages, I, 512-13.
[452] This bull is embodied in the first proclamation of the inquisitors, Seville,
January 2, 1481, printed by Padre Fita (Boletin, XV, 449-52). It had previously been
looked upon as lost. Its main provisions, however, are embodied in the cédula of Dec.
27, 1480, printed in the notes to the Novísima Recopilacion, Ed. 1805, Tom. I, p. 260.
It is a little singular that the Inquisition possessed very few documents relating to
its early history. In an elaborate consulta of July 18, 1703, presented to Philip V on
the affair of Fray Froilan Diaz, the Suprema states that it had had all the records
searched with little result; many important papers had been sent to Aragon and
Catalonia and had never been returned; the rest were in a chest delivered to the Count
of Villalonga, secretary of Philip III, to arrange and classify and on his arrest and the
sequestration of his effects they disappeared.—Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de
MSS., G, 61, fol. 198.
It is quite possible that the contents of the chest form the “Bulario de la
Inquisicion perteneciente á la Orden de Santiago,” consisting of eight Libros, or folio
volumes (five of originals and three of copies) now in the Archivo Histórico
Nacional. It is from this collection that Padre Fita has printed the proclamation above
alluded to and many other important documents, and it will be seen that I have made
large use of it under the name of “Bulario de la Orden de Santiago.” There are also
vast stores of records in the Archivo Histórico Nacional of Madrid, in the archives of
Simancas and Barcelona, and some in the Vatican Library. Llorente burnt many
papers before leaving Madrid and carried others to Paris, some of which are in the
Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds espagnol. The Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid also has
a large number and others are dispersed through the various libraries of Europe or are
in private hands.
[453] See his brief of January 29, 1482, printed by Llorente, Historia Crítica,
Append. n. 1.
[454] History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 331.
[455] Archivo General de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3684, fol. 1. See Appendix.
[456] Fidel Fita, Boletin, XVI, 452.—Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap. V, art. ii.—
Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, p. 22 (Sevilla, 1849).
[457] Boletin, XV, 453-7. This was fairly within the rules of the canon law but it
did not put an end to the sheltering of fugitives from the Inquisition by nobles who
doubtless found it profitable. In some instructions issued by Torquemada, December
6, 1484, there is one regulating the relations between such nobles and the receiver of
confiscations.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.
[458] Bernaldez, cap. xliv. The castle of Triana continued to be the seat of the
Inquisition of Seville until 1626, when it was threatened with ruin by the inundations
of the Guadalquivir, and the tribunal was removed to the palace of the Caballeros
Tellos Taveros in the Colacion de San Marcos. In 1639 it returned to the castle, which
had been repaired and it remained there until 1789, when the continual encroachment
of_the river caused its transfer to the Colegio known as las Becas.—Varflora,
Compendio histórico-descriptivo de Sevilla, P. II, cap. 1 (Sevilla, 1789).—Zuñiga,
Annales de Sevilla, año 1693, n. 1.
The Counts of San Lucar were hereditary alcaides of Triana; in return for
surrendering the castle they received the office of alguazil mayor of the Inquisition,
which continued to be held by their representatives the Marquises of Leganes—a
bargain which was ratified by Philip IV, November 8, 1634. In 1707 the office was
valued at 150,000 maravedís a year, out of which the holder provided a deputy.—
Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 105.
[459] Amador de los Rios, III, 247-8.—Bernaldez, cap. xliii.—Fidel Fita, Boletin,
XVI, 450 sqq., 557 sqq.
As the parricide committed by the Fermosa Fembra entailed poverty and disgrace
on her, through the confiscation of her father’s property and the disabilities inflicted
on his descendants, the Church interested itself in her fate. Rainaldo Romero, Bishop
of Tiberias, secured for her entrance into a convent, but it can readily be understood
that life there was not rendered pleasant to her and she quitted it, without taking the
vows, to follow a career of shame. Her beauty disappeared and she died in want,
leaving directions that her skull should be placed as a warning over the door of the
house which had been the scene of her disorderly life. Her wishes were obeyed and it
is still to be seen in the Calle del Artaud, near its entrance, hard by the Alcázar.—
Amador de los Rios, III, 249.
[460] Bernaldez, cap. xliv. Rodrigo tells us (Hist. verdadera de la Inquisicion, II,
74-6) that only five were burnt who refused all offers of reconciliation and were
impenitent to the last, but the contemporary Bernaldez says that Diego de Susan died
as a good Christian in the second auto.
[461] Bernaldez, cap. xliv.—Amador de los Rios, III, 250.—Field’s Old Spain and
New Spain, p. 279.
The remark of the good Cura de los Palacios in describing the quemadero is “en
que los quemaban y fasta que haya heregía los quemarán.” The cost of the four
statues was defrayed by a gentleman named Mesa, whose zeal won for him the
position of familiar of the Holy Office and receiver of confiscations. He was,
however, discovered to be a Judaizer and was himself burnt on the quemadero which
he had adorned.—Rodrigo, II, 79-80.
[462] Bernaldez, cap. xliv.
 [463] Llorente, Añales de la Inquisicion, I, 44.
[464] Amador de los Rios, III, 252. Rodrigo (Hist. Verdad. II, 76) states that the
first act of the inquisitors was the issue of the proclamation of the Term of Grace on
January 2d, but this is scarce consistent with the narrative of Bernaldez.
[465] Bernaldez, cap. xliv.
[466] Páramo, p. 136.—Boletin, XV, 462.
[466a]It is very questionable whether a tribunal was established at Segovia thus
early. Colmenares (Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxiv, § 18) asserts it positively, but the
only tribunals represented in the assembly of organization, held in November, 1484,
were Seville, Córdova, Jaen and Ciudad-Real. There was at first some resistance at
Segovia on the part of the bishop, Juan Arias Dávila, who was of Jewish descent.—
Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xlv.
In Ciudad-Real, the earliest inquisitors, in 1483, were the Licentiate Pedro Díaz de
la Costana and the Doctor Francisco de la Fuente (Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion
de Toledo, Legajo 154, n. 375). Neither of these was a Dominican and the latter
subsequently became an inquisitor-general and bishop successively of Avila and of
Córdova.
In Córdova the Inquisition was established in 1482, with four inquisitors—the
Bachilleres Anton Rúiz de Morales and Alvar González de Capillas, Doctor Pedro
Martínez de Barrio, and Fray Martin Cazo, Guardian of the Franciscan convent. The
first auto de fe was celebrated in 1483, when one of the victims was the concubine of
the treasurer of the cathedral, Pedro Fernández de Alcaudete, who himself was burnt
on February 28, 1484. His servants resisted his arrest and in the fray the alguazil of
the Inquisition was killed.—Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de Córdova, pp. 1-2
(Córdova, 1839).
[467] “En publica forma e se avia fecho en esta dicha ciudad por el Doctor
Thomás, juez delegado e inquisidor deputado por el reverendisimo señor Don
Alfonso Carrillo, arzobispo que fué deste dicho arzobispado de Toledo.”—Arch. hist.
nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Legajos 139, n. 145; 143, n. 196.
[468] Ibidem, Legajos 139, n. 145; 154, n. 356, 375.
[469] Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 262.
[470] Páramo, p. 170.—Padre Fidel Fita has compiled a chronological list of the
trials at Ciudad-Real preserved in the Archivo Hist. Nacional (Boletin, XI, 311 sqq.).
These are included in the Catálogo de las Causas contra la Fe seguidas ante el
Tribunal del Santo Oficio de Toledo, by D. Miguel Gómez del Campillo (Madrid,
1903).
[471] Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293).
[472] Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293-4).—Arch. Gen. de la
Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3864, fol. 31.—Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 323.—
Pulgar, Crónica, P. III, cap. 100.
Legally, Jews were not allowed to testify against Christians and the prohibition to
receive such evidence was emphatically included in the ferocious bull of Nicholas V,
in 1447, but, as we shall see, in the Inquisition, all accusing witnesses, however
infamous, were welcomed.
How distasteful Ferdinand knew would be the work prescribed to the Aragonese
magistracy is seen by his imperious command that it must be done—“e por cosa del
mundo no fagais lo contrario ni recusais de lo facer porque nos seria tan molesto que
no lo podriamos con paciencia tolerar.”
[473] Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 295-6).
In 1629 a well-informed writer tells us that many of those who came forward and
thus accused themselves were in reality good Christians, who, in the time while Jews
were yet tolerated, had associated with them in their synagogues and weddings and
funerals and had bought meat of their butchers. Terrified at the proceedings of the
Inquisition they came and confessed and were reconciled, thus casting an indelible
stain on their posterity when the records of the tribunals were searched and their
names were found.—Tratado de los Estatutos de Limpieza, cap. 10 (Bibl. Nac.
Seccion de MSS. Q, 418).
[474] Relacion (Ibid. pp. 292 sqq., 297, 299, 301-2, 303).
In the closing years of the fifteenth century and the opening ones of the sixteenth
there seems to have been a special raid made on Guadalajara. In a list of cases of that
period I find 965 credited to that place.—Arch. Hist. Nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg.
262, n. 1.
[475] Páramo, pp. 138-9.—Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXIII, 284 sqq.—Archivo de
Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 108.
[476] Toledo, Cronicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos ineditos, XIII,
176, 179).—Pulgar, Chron. P. III, cap. 100.
[477] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I. Unfortunately my copy of this
important volume and also of Libro 933 are not folioed. The dates of the documents
however will sufficiently guide the investigator desirous of verifying the references.
[478] A list of these, made in the last century, is printed by Padre Fidel Fita
(Boletin, XV, 332). It is probably not wholly complete. Of later date than 1500 there
are ten reconciliados—one each in 1509 and 1516 and eight in 1629—sent thither by
the tribunals in which they were tried.
Further details as to the organization of the various tribunals will be found in the
Appendix.
[479] Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxv, § 18.—Garibay, Compendio
Historial, Lib. XVIII, cap. 16.
 [480] Páramo, p. 137.—Llorente, Añales, I, 73.—Zurita, Añales, Lib. XX, cap.
xlix—Instruciones de Sevilla, 1484, Prólogo (Arguello, fol. 2).—Archivo de Alcalá,
Estado, Legajo 2843.
In the conference of Seville in 1484, besides the inquisitors and the members of
the Council there are mentioned as present Juan Gutiérrez de Lachaves, and Tristan
de Medina, whom Llorente (Añales, I, 74) conjectures to have been assistants of
Torquemada.
[481] Folch de Cardona, in the Consulta of the Suprema to Philip V, July 18, 1703,
states that the earliest bull in the archives was one of Sixtus IV in 1483 appointing
Torquemada inquisitor-general with power to deputize inquisitors and to hear cases in
the first instance. It was not till 1486 that Innocent VIII granted him appellate
jurisdiction.—Bibl. Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 199.
The title of Inquisitor-general was not immediately invented. In a sentence
pronounced at Ciudad-Real, March 15, 1485, Torquemada is styled simply “juez
principal ynquisidor.”—Arch. Hist. Nac. Inq. de Toledo, Legajo 165, n. 551.
[482] Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 630; IV, 125. Yet modern apologists do
not hesitate to argue that the papacy sought to mitigate the severity of the Spanish
Inquisition (Gams, Zur Geschichte der spanischen Staatsinquisition, pp. 20-1; Hefele,
Der Cardinal Ximenes, p. 269; Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 582), basing their
assertions on the eagerness of the curia to entertain appeals, of which more hereafter.
[483] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 28.
[484] Páramo, pp. 156-7.
[485] Ripoll, IV, 126.
[486] Páramo, p. 156.
[487] Arch. Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3486, fol. 45.—Páramo, p. 137.
[488] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 6, 8.—“ad nostrum et
dictæ sedis beneplacitum.”
The original appointments of Miguel de Morillo and Juan de San Martin were
similarly ad beneplacitum (Ibid. fol. 10), which may perhaps explain their assertion
of independence of Torquemada.
[489] Ibid. fol. 3, 11, 13, 15, 20; Lib. IV, fol. 91, 118, 137; Lib. V, fol. 117, 136,
138, 151, 199, 200, 251, 264, 295.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.
[490] Instruciones de Sevilla (Arguello, Copilacion de las Instruciones, fol. 2,
Madrid, 1630).
[491] Páramo, p. 156.
[492] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 8, 10.—Monteiro,
Historia da Inquisiçaõ, II, 415.—Boletin, XV, 490.—Ripoll IV, 5, 6.
 Somewhat similar was the question which arose, in 1507, on the retirement of
Diego Deza and the appointment of Ximenes as inquisitor-general of Castile. His
commission as usual contained the power of appointing and removing or punishing
all subordinates, but those who derived their commissions from Deza seem to have
claimed that they were not amenable to Ximenes and it required a special brief from
Julius II, August 18, 1509, to establish his authority over them.—Bulario, Lib. III, fol.
68; Lib. I de copias, fol. 30.
[493] Llorente, Añales, I, 214.—Francisco de la Fuente, as we have seen was
inquisitor of Ciudad-Real as early as 1483. Alonso de Fuentelsaz in 1487 was one of
the inquisitors of Toledo and was then merely a doctor.—Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de
Toledo, Leg. 176, n. 673.
[494] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.—“Inquisitores generales in
omnibus regnis et dominiis serenissimorum regis et reginæ dominorum nostrorum
subdelegati a reverendissimo patre nostro fratre Thoma de Torquemada ... inquisitore
generali.”
Yet we have the commission of Martin of Messina, in 1494, issued directly by the
pope.—Bulario, Lib. I de copias, fol. 3.
[495] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.—Arguello, fol. 12.—Marieta, Hist.
Ecles. Lib. XII, cap. xcii.
Torquemada was buried in a chapel of the church of his convent of Santo Tomás
in Avila. In 1572 the body was removed to another chapel to make room for the
interment of Francisco de Soto de Salazar, Bishop of Salamanca, when it gave forth a
supernatural odor of delicious sweetness, greatly confusing to those engaged in the
sacrilegious task. The Dominican provincial punished the authors of the translation
and the historian Garibay petitioned the Inquisitor-general Quiroga to have the
remains restored to their original resting-place, which was done in 1586.—Memorias
de Garibay, Tit. X (Mem. hist. esp. VII, 393).
An anonymous biographer, writing in 1655, tells us that he retired to the convent
of Avila two years before his death, Sept. 26, 1498 and that he has always there been
reputed as a saint.—Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.
[496] Arch. de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 22.—
Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 136.
[497] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 11, 12.
[498] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.
[499] Ibid. Lib. I; Lib. II, fol. 35.
[500] Correspondence of Francisco de Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 462).
[501] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 13, 15.
[502] Ibid. fol. 20, 72.—Gachard, Correspondance de Charles-Quint et d’Adrien
VI, p. 235.
 [503] Páramo, p. 137.
[504] Pulgar, Crónica, P. III, cap. c.—Archivo General de Simancas, Inquisicion,
Libro 933.
[505] Inquisitor-general Manrique caused the Instruciones Antiguas to be printed
collectively, with a supplement classifying the several articles under the head of the
officials whose duties they defined. This was issued in Seville in 1537 and a copy is
preserved in the Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld. A. Subt. 15. Another edition was issued
in Madrid in 1576, a copy of which is in the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid, Seccion
de MSS. S, 299, fol. 1. It was reprinted again in Madrid, in 1627 and 1630, together
with the Instruciones Nuevas, by Caspar Isidro de Arguello. It is to this last edition
that my references will be made. All these texts vary in some particulars from the
originals preserved in the Simancas Archives, Inquisicion, Libro 933. Where such
deviations are of importance they will be noted hereafter. Professor Ernst Schäfer has
performed the service of reprinting the Arguello edition, with a German translation, in
the Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte,1904.
Llorente (Hist. Crít. cap. VI, art. 1) has given an abstract of the Instruciones
Antiguas. Curiously enough, in none of the official collections are included the
instructions issued by Torquemada in December, 1484, and January, 1485, except in a
few extracts. As they have never been printed I give them in the Appendix, together
with the 1500 Instructions of Seville, which are likewise for the most part inedited.
What Llorente printed as Torquemada’s additions (Añales, I, 388) are merely the
extracts gathered from Arguello’s compilation, where they are credited to El prior en
Sevilla, 1485.
[506] See the oath taken, July 20, 1487, by the officials of Catalonia and Barcelona
to the inquisitor Alonso de Spina in Carbonell’s De Gestis Hæreticorum (Coleccion
de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 6).
The decretals in question were issued by Lucius III, Innocent III, Clement IV and
Boniface VIII, and are embodied in the canon law as Cap. 9 and 13 Extra, Lib. V, Tit.
vii and Cap. 11 and 18 in Sexto Lib. V, Tit. ii.
When, in 1510, the jurats of Palermo made difficulties in taking the canonical
oath, Ferdinand indignantly wrote that he would take it himself if required.—Arch. de
Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 134.
[507] Instruciones de Sevilla, § 1 (Arguello, fol. 3).
[508] Páramo, p. 170.
[509] Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticorum (Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona
de Aragon, XXVIII, 12-17, 29, 40-49, 54-61). In these latter cases there is no
distinction recorded between the fugitive and the dead, which would modify
somewhat the proportions.
[510] Manuel de Novells Ardits, vulgarment appelat Dietari del Antich Consell
Barceloni, III, 58 (Barcelona, 1894).
 [511] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.
[512] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1. By a letter of February 22, 1501,
Ferdinand and Isabella congratulate the inquisitors on their action in such cases; if
other New Christians assert that they had been converted by force justice is to be
executed on them.
In 1511 a ship belonging to Caspar de la Cavallería of Naples was seized in
Barcelona. The master, Francisco de Santa Cruz, hurried to the court at Seville, where
the inquisitor-general Enguera condemned the vessel and he gave security in its full
value. Meanwhile the receiver of confiscations at Barcelona sold it without waiting
for its condemnation, whereupon Ferdinand ordered the money returned and the
vessel taken back.—Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 139.
[513] Ibidem, Lib. I.
[514] Boletin, XV, 323.
[515] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 62, 146.
[516] Ibidem, Libro I.
[517] Ibidem, Lib. II, fol. 17.
[518] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 42. This letter is dated Dec.
22, 1509. It is duplicated January 19, 1510 (Ibid. fol. 48). Seven of the Duke’s
officials had been summoned to appear before the Suprema and had disregarded the
order, which was repeated January 21st under pain of confiscation and punishment at
the royal pleasure.—Ibid. fol. 57.
[519] Ibidem, Libro 73, fol. 115.
[520] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.
[521] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.
[522] Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 221.
[523] Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 22.
[524] Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 193, 214.
[525] Archivo de Simancas, l’atronato real; Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 37.
[526] Informe de Quesada (Biblioteca nacional, Section de MSS., T, 28).
[527] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.
[528] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.
The redistribution of offices may be reckoned among the influences which
reconciled the Old Christians to the Inquisition. These had been largely in the hands
of Conversos, causing so much jealousy that the prospect of acquiring them led
numbers of aspirants to wish for the sharpest and speediest action. It was too slow for
their eagerness and expectative grants were sought for and made in advance so as to
profit by the next victim. The vacancies passed into the hands of the receivers and
were distributed by the sovereigns as favor or policy might dictate. See Appendix for
suggestive extracts from the register of the receiver of Valencia.
A significant case is that of Juan Cardona, public scrivener and notary of
mortmains, who became disqualified by the condemnation of the memory of his
father, Leonardo Cardona, whereupon Ferdinand treated his offices as confiscated
and, by cédula of December 5, 1511, bestowed them on Juan Argent, notary of the
tribunal which had rendered the sentence.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro
III, fol. 33, 161.
[529] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.
[530] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.—Juan
Gomez Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, I, 392.
In 1513 an attempt was made to review the trial of the parents and son, when
Ferdinand summoned the Royal Council to sit with the Suprema in the case showing
his determination that the sentence should not be set aside (Archivo de Simancas,
Inq., Libro 9, fol. 146). The effort to obtain justice was unsuccessful for, in 1515, we
happen to find Calcena in possession of a house renting at 9000 mrs. per annum
which had formed part of the confiscation (Ibid., Libro 3, fol. 439).
[531] Epistt. Pet. Mart. Anglerii, Epist. 374.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.
VII, cap. xxix.—Rodrigo, Hist. verdadera, II, 238. Cf. Lorenzo de Padilla, Crónica de
Felipe I (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 153).
[532] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.
[533] Epistt. Pet. Mart., Epist. 385.
[534] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 300; Cajon J, n. 295, 296.
[535] Boletin, XVII, 447-51.
[536] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 304.
[537] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.—
Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. VII, cap. xxix.
[538] Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 336, 337.—Gachard, Voyages des
Souverains, I, 519.
[539] Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inquisicion, Leg. 621, fol. 198.—
Biblioteca nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, n. 11, fol. 24.—Llorente, Añales, I,
328.—Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 548.
[540] Clemencin, Elogio de la Reina Isabel, pp. 144-5.—Pedraza, Hist. de
Granada, P. IV, cap. xxxi (Granada, 1638).
[541] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon J, n. 297.
[542] Pet. Mart. Angler. Epist. 295.
[543] Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. n. 9.—Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin,
XXVIII, 448).
 [544] Dom Clemencin (Elogio, Illust. XVIII) prints a noble and touching letter of
reproof from Talavera to Ferdinand. He had had the direction of royal consciences too
long to feel awe of royal personages. Spiritually he felt himself the king’s superior
and his perfectly frank simplicity of character led him to manifest this without
disguise.
[545] Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XVIII, 444, 448).—Gachard, Voyages
des Souverains, I, 534, 540.
[546] Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XVIII, 452).
The story of Queen Juana la loca is one of the saddest in the annals of royalty and
her treatment by her father, husband and son is a libel on human nature, but no one
who has impartially examined all the evidence can doubt that she was incapable of
governing.
[547] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon A, n. 5.
[548] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. VII, cap. vi.
[549] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 302.
[550] Ibidem, n. 300.
[551] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.
[552] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon J, n. 295, 298.—Archivo de
Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.
[553] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 301.
[554] Lorenzo de Padilla, Crónica de Felipe I (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII,
153).—Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.
[555] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 301.—Archivo de Simancas,
loc. cit.
[556] Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon A, n. 5; Cajon I, n. 304.
[557] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 320.—See Appendix.
[558] Pet. Mart. Epistt., 333, 334, 335.
[559] Pedraza, Hist. eccles. de Granada, P. IV, cap. 31-34.
[560] Pet. Mart. Epistt., 342, 344, 457.—Pedraza, loc. cit.
The Inquisition which had hunted him to the death could never forgive him for his
escape. When, in 1559, Inquisitor-general Valdés compiled the first Index of
prohibited books, a long-forgotten controversial tract against the Jews, printed by
Talavera in 1480, was resuscitated and condemned in order to cast a slur upon his
memory and this was carefully preserved through the long series of Spanish Indexes
down to the last one in 1790.—Reusch, Die Indices Libror. Prohib., p. 232.—Indice
Ultimo, p. 262.
 [561] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. VII, cap. xxix, xxxiv, xlii; Lib. VIII,
cap. i, v.—Villa, La Reina Juana, pp. 462, 463.
Zurita, who, as an official of the Suprema, no doubt reflects the tradition of the
Inquisition, says that many murmured at seeing Ferdinand, to win over Ximenes,
sacrifice Deza, for the latter was a most notable prelate, a man of great learning and
devoted to the king’s service. He has claims too on our respect as the patron of
Columbus, befriending and encouraging him when disheartened by the incredulity of
the court.—Irving’s Life and Voyages of Columbus, Book II, Chap. 3, 4; Book XVIII,
Chap 3.
[562] Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 440, 457).—Ciacconii et
Oldoini Vit. Pontif. III, 261.
[563] Gomesii de Rebus gestis Francisci Ximenii, fol. 77 (Compluti, 1569).
[564] Pet. Mart. Epist., 339.
[565] Archivo de la Catedral de Toledo, Cajon I, n. 303.
[566] Biblioteca nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 208.
The Licenciado Ortuño Ibañez de Aguirre was a layman whom Ferdinand forced
into the Suprema against the earnest resistance of its members, probably with the
view of screening Lucero. He was the âme damnée of Ferdinand who corresponded
with him confidentially when he wanted anything done. His fidelity was stimulated
with favors, as when in December, 1513, Ferdinand gave him an order on the receiver
of Seville for 300,000 mrs. (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 145). Las
Casas, however, expresses a favorable opinion of him and he was one of the
executors of Isabella’s testament.—Hist. de las Indias, Lib. III, cap. 138 (Coleccion
de Documentos, LXVI, 81).
[567] Pet. Mart. Epistt., 370, 382, 385.
[568] In contrast with these spectacular proceedings was the removal, by the
inquisitor-general in 1500, without even stating the reasons, of Diego Fernández de
Bonilla, Inquisitor of Extremadura.—Llorente, Añales, I, 260.
[569] Pet. Mart. Epist., 393.—Llorente, Memoria histórica, p. 145 (Madrid, 1812).
—Llorente, Añales, I, 356.—Gomesii de Rebus F. Ximenii, fol. 77.—Lorenzo de
Padilla (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 154).
Llorente’s account of the proceedings at Valladolid is drawn from Bravo’s
“Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova” (Córdova, 1778). It is perhaps worth
remarking that, in my copy of that work, the sheet containing these passages is
lacking—probably owing to inquisitorial censorship.
[570] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 12, 13, 21, 31, 32, 33, 41, 42,
43, 48, 58, 61, 62, 72, 80, 86, 130; Lib. 9, fol. 146; Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg.
único, fol. 33.
[571] Ibidem, Libro 3, fol. 23.
 [572] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 84.
[573] Ibidem, fol. 90, 106, 118, 119, 375.—Gomesii de Rebus Ximanii, fol. 77.
[574] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 9, fol. 26.
[575] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 43.
[576] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 43.
[577] Ibidem, fol. 44, 45.
[578] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 47, 49, 63, 70, 329, 407.
[579] Mariana, Hist. de España, T. IX, Append. p. lvi (Valencia, 1796).
[580] Gomesii de Rebus Fr. Ximenii, fol. 173.—Cartas de Jimenez, p. 190
(Madrid, 1867).
[581] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 448; Libro 4, fol. 143, 152;
Libro 9, passim; Libro 926, fol. 76, 166; Libro 940, fol. 59.
[582] Bergenroth, Spanish State Papers, II, 281.—Cartas de los Secretarios de
Cisneros, p. 209 (Madrid, 1876).
[583] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 68.
[584] Ibidem, Libro 21, fol. 111.
[585] Llorente, Añales, II, 94.—Cartas del Cardenal Jimenez, p. 115.—Gachard,
Correspondance de Charles-Quint avec Adrian VI, p. 235 (Bruxelles 1859).
[586] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 921, fol. 38.
[587] Ibidem, Libro 4, fol. 95; Libro 921, fol. 46.
[588] Ibidem, Libro 5, fol. 17.
[589] Ibidem, Libro 10, fol. 50.
[590] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 272.
[591] Pet. Mart. Epistt., 620, 622.
Las Casas however gives to le Sauvage the highest character for intelligence and
rectitude. He also speaks highly of Gattinara.—Hist. de las Indias, Lib. III, cap. 99,
103, 130 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXV, 366, 388; LXVI, 35).
[592] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 68-73.
[593] C. v. Höfler, Papst Adrian VI, p. 144 (Wien, 1880).
[594] This it rather assumed than expressed in Part. VII, Tit. xxvi, ley 3
[595] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 49. See
Appendix.
[596] Colmeiro, Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y Castilla, II, 110 (Madrid,
1884).
[597] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 5, fol. 24.
 [598] From the Brussels Archives de l’État, Registre sur le faict des hérésies et
inquisiteurs, fol. 652. Kindly communicated to me by Professor Paul Fredericq.
[599] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 35.
[600] Biblioteca pública de Toledo, Sala 5, Estante 11, Tabla 3.—See also Padre
Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXXIII, 307.
[601] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 55.—See
Appendix.
[602] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 381, 415.
[603] Mariana, Hist, de España, Lib. XXX, cap. xxiv.—Galindez Carvajal,
Memorial, ann. 1515 (Col. de Doc. XVIII, 336)
[604] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 199, 200, 256, 259, 263, 267,
268, 271, 299, 311, 337, 339, 341, 344, 348, 352, 353, 354, 368, 392, 438, 449; Libro
72, P. 1, fol. 49, P. 2, fol. 47; Libro 73, fol. 193, 276; Libro 74, fol. 116; Libro 75, fol.
6.
[605] Ibid. Libro 72, P. 2, fol. 116; Libro 73, fol. 142, 247-8; Libro 78, fol. 216,
226, 285; Libro 82, fol. 5.
[606] Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 85.
This is virtually the same as the formula given by Antonio Pérez in his Relaciones,
written in 1598: “Nos que valemos tanto como vos os hazemos nuestro Rey y Señor
con tal que nos guardeys nuestros fueros y libertades y sino No!” (Obras, Ed. 1654, p.
163). The learned Javier de Quinto (Discursos políticos, Madrid, 1848) had not seen
Soranzo’s statement when he proved that this formula was invented by Hotman in his
Franco Gallia, first printed in 1573. On the other hand there is nothing of the kind in
the oath of allegiance taken to Charles V in 1518, though he was obliged first to
swear to observe the fueros and privileges of the land.—Argensola, Añales de
Aragon, Lib. 1, cap. lx.
A good account of the ancient constitution of Aragon will be found in Swift’s
“Life and Times of James the First, King of Aragon,” London, 1894.
[607] Monteiro, Historia da Santa Inquisiçaõ, II, 340.
[608] Archivio Vaticano, Sisto IV, Registro 674, T. XV, fol. 13.
Even in the dormant condition of the Inquisition, there must have been some
opportunities rendering the office of inquisitor desirable. A brief of Sixtus IV, Jan. 21,
1479 (Ripoll, III, 572), to the Dominican General, recites that his predecessor had
appointed, some years previously, Jaime Borell as inquisitor of Valencia, who had
recently been removed without cause by Miguel de Mariello, Provincial of Aragon,
and replaced by Juan Marques. Sixtus now orders Marques ejected and Borell
restored. Neither of these names appear in the documents of the period.
[609] Archivo general de la Corona de Aragon, Registro 3684, fol. 7, 8.
[610] Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. P. III, Q. cviii.
 [611] Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 9. This quaint document shows us
the primitive organization of a tribunal and the salaries regarded as ample. There are
apparently two clerical errors which balance each other, in the salaries of the
inquisitors and scrivener.
“La forma infra sequent es la voluntat nostra ques tenga en la solucio e paga dels
salaris dels officials e treballants en la officio de la Inquisicio.
E primerament á cascu dels inquisidors que son dos,
CLXXX llrs.
cent quaranta lliures cascun any que sumen
Item á un bon jurista que sia advocat dels inquisidors
L llrs.
e advocat fiscal, cinquanta lliures lany
Item al procurador fiscal vint e cinch lliures lany XXV llrs.
Item al scriva de la inquisicio doscentes lliures lany CC llrs.
Item al alguacil et al sag cent e vint lliures CXX llrs.
Item al porter que va citant vint lliures lany XX llrs.
Item á Dominguez que reeb los actos de las confiscacions XXV llrs.
Que sumen tots les dits quantitats sex cent vint lliures moneda reals de Valencia,
los quals e no mas es nostra voluntat que en la forma dessus dita se paguen á les
sobredits persones. Dada en la vila de Medina del Campo á XVII dias de febrer del
any de la nativitat de nostro senyor MCCCCLXXXII. Yo el Rey. Domínus Rex
mandavit mihi Petro Camanyas.”
[612] Printed by Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. 1.
[613] Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 3, 4.
[614] Ibidem, fol. 1, 2, 4, 5.
[615] Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 7, 8.
[616] Archivio Vaticano: Sisto IV, Regestro 674, T. XV, fol. 366.
As Llorente states (Hist. crít. Append, n. 2) that the contents of this bull are
unknown and as ignorance of its purport has wholly misled him, I give it in the
Appendix.
[617] Archivo Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 9.—It is significant that in the
papal register there is a note appended to this bull “Duplicata sub eadem data et
scripta per eundem scriptorem et taxata ad XXX” [grossos?], showing that an
authentic copy was obtained and paid for at the time by some one, doubtless to
provide against accident or fraud.
[618] Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 7. See Appendix. Bergenroth
(Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xliv) gives an incorrect extract from it.
[619] Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 8, 9.
[620] Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. n. 2.—Fidel Fita (Boletin, XV, 467).
 [621] Ripoll, III, 622.—When Innocent VIII, by letters of February 11, 1486,
confirmed or reappointed Torquemada, the qualification of his appointees was
modified by requiring them to be fitting ecclesiastics, learned and God-fearing,
provided that they were masters in theology or doctors or licentiates of laws or
canons of cathedrals or holding other church dignities.—Páramo, p. 137.
Ferdinand, July 9, 1485, had requested that the condition of holding grades in the
church should not be insisted upon for there were few of such who were fitted for the
work.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 59.
[622] Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 34.—Boletin, XV, 472.—Bulario
de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 43.
Zurita (Añales, XX, xlix) is evidently in error in stating that Ferdinand, May 20,
1483, asked Sixtus to remove Gualbes and Orts.
[623] Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 11.
[624] Ripoll, III, 622.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 182.
When he had no further use for Gualbes Ferdinand also turned against him, for in
March, 1486, on hearing that Gualbes proposed to visit a Dominican convent he
wrote earnestly to the Governor and Inquisitor of Valencia to prevent it as it would be
a scandal.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 90.
It is possible that there may have been some rancor on Ferdinand’s part against
Gualbes who, as an eloquent preacher and fervid popular orator, had done much, in
1461, to stimulate the resistance of the Catalans to Juan II, after the death of the heir-
apparent, Carlos Prince of Viana, which was attributed to poison administered by
Queen Juana Henríquez to open for her son Ferdinand the path to the throne (Zurita,
Añales, Lib. XVII, cap. xxvi, xlii; Lib. XVIII, cap. xxxii). It is true that Zurita is not
certain whether there may not have been two Cristóbal Gualbes (Lib. XX, cap. xlix)
but Bofarull y Broca (Hist. de Cataluña, VI, 312) has no such doubts.
[625] Zurita, Añales, Lib. XX, cap. lvi, lxv.
[626] Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 11, 12.—Bulario de la Orden de
Santiago, Lib. 1, fol. 51.
[627] Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 19-22.
[628] Ibidem, Reg. 3684, fol. 25, 26.
[629] Zurita, Añales, Lib. XX, cap. lxv.—Páramo, p. 187.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de
A., Reg. 3684, fol. 34.
[630] Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 32, 34.
[631] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro I, fol. 31.
[632] Arch Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 61, 73, 86, 89, 90.
[633] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 504.
[634] Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia de Jurisdicion, fol. 64 (Madrid, 1624).
 [635] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.—Archivo hist. nacional,
Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 309, Notarios, fol. 1.
[636] Escolano, Hist. del Ciudad y Reyno de Valencia, II, 1442 (Valencia, 1611).
[637] Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajos 98, 374.
[638] Arch. gén. de la de C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 16.
To Maestre Gaspar Juglar, inquisitor 3000 sueldos.
“ —— —— ——, inquisitor 3000 “
“ Maestre Pedro de Epila, inquisitor 1000 “
“ Micer Martin de la Raga, assessor 1000 “
“ Francisco de Santa Fe, notary 2000 “
“ Juan de Anchias, notary 1000 “
“ Ruy Sánchez de Suazo, promotor fiscal 2500 “
“ Don Ramon de Mur, advocate fiscal 1000 “
“ Diego López, alguazil 5000 “
“ Juan de Exea, receiver 1500 “
The blank for the second inquisitor is doubtless to be filled with the name of
Maestre Martin García, who appears in a later portion of the document classed with
Arbués (Pedro de Epila). The large salary of the alguazil arose from his bearing the
charges of the prisons. The salaries of Arbués, Raga, Mur and Anchias were to begin
with May 1st, showing that they alone were already at work. The rest were to
commence on the day on which they would swear that they left their homes.
[639] Memoria de diversos Autos (see Appendix).
[640] Ibidem. In this MS. he is called Maestre Julian, presumably the error of a
copyist. Lanuza (Hist. de Aragon, II, 168, 177) says that he died in January, 1485, in
the monastery of Lérida; that some asserted that he was poisoned by the heretics and
that the manner of his death was investigated by the chapter of his convent, but that
no decision seems to have been reached. In 1646 a memorial from the authorities of
Aragon to Philip IV classes Juglar with Arbués as a martyr to the faith.—Bibl.
nacional, Seccion de MSS., Mm, 123.
[641] Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 12.
[642] MS. Memoria (see Appendix).
[643] Zurita, Añales, Lib. XX, cap. lxv.—Páramo, pp. 180-1.
[644] Zurita, Añales, Lib. XX, cap. lxv.
[645] Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 28, 86.
[646] Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 29, 35.
[647] Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 12, 23, 27, 31, 35, 38, 39, 42, 47-9,
51-3, 55-8, 60, 63, 72, 98.
 In 1502, with characteristic faithlessness, the inquisitors at Teruel proposed to
collect all the debts due to the confiscated estates, but Ferdinand intervened and
sternly forbade it.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 2, fol. 16.
[648] Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 4.
[649] Libro Verde de Aragon (MS., fol. 67).
[650] Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 281-2).
[651] Zurita, Añales, Libro XX, cap. lxv.
[652] Trasmiera, Epitome de la santa Vida y relacion de la gloriosa muerte del
Venerable Pedro de Arbués, pp. 15, 32, 50 (Madrid, 1664).—Villanueva, Viage
literario, XVIII, 50.
[653] Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 37, 38.
[654] Memoria de diversos Autos (Appendix).—Libro Verde (Revista de España,
CVI, 281-6, 288).—Raynald Annal. ann. 1485, n. 23, 24.—Zurita, Añales, Lib. XX,
cap. lxv.—Juan Gines Sepúlveda, Descriptio Collegii Hespanorum Bononiensis.—
Blancas, Aragon. Rerum Comment. p. 268.—Bibliothèque nat. de France, fonds
espagnol, 80, fol. 33.
In spite of these miracles and of innumerable others which manifested the sanctity
of Arbués, the Holy See was distinctly averse to his canonization. A papal brief even
ordered the removal from the cathedral of the sanbenitos of the assassins and
strenuous efforts were required to procure its revocation.
Repeated investigations were made by successive popes without result—at the
request of Charles V in 1537; of Philip III in 1604, 1615 and 1618; of Philip IV in
1622 and 1652, until at length in 1664 he was beatified (Trasmiera, pp. 98, 99, 133,
137, 139). The matter then rested for two centuries until, in 1864, it was taken up
again and finally, June 29, 1867, he was canonized by Pius IX (Dom. Bartolini,
Comment. Actor. Omnium Canonizationis, Romæ, 1868).
It is significant that the Inquisition did not await the tardy action of Rome.
Instructions of the Suprema in 1603, 1623 and 1633 show that his feast was regularly
celebrated with prescribed offices (MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p.
257) and, during the 17th and 18th centuries, he is constantly spoken of, in the
documents of the Inquisition relating to the feast, as San Pedro Arbués.
[655] Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 25 (Appendix).
[656] Zurita, loc. cit.
[657] Memoria, loc. cit.
[658] Gams, Zur Geschichte der spanischen Staatsinquisition, p. 34.—Bibl.
nationale de France, fonds espagnol, 81.
[659] This brief is printed in the Boletin, XVI, 368 by Padre Fidel Fita, who is in
error in assuming its obedience in France from the case of Juan de Pedro Sánchez,
reported in an essay of mine on the Martyrdom of Arbués. This was merely an
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