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Unit 8 Design Solutions
III. SOLUTIONS TO DESIGN, SIMULATION,
AND LAB EXERCISES
Solutions to Unit 8 Design Problems

Problems 8.A through 8.S are combinational logic design problems using NAND and NOR gates.
Problems 8.A through 8.R are of approximately equal difficulty so that different students in the
class can be assigned different problems. We ask our students to use the following procedure:
(1) Derive a truth table for the assigned problem.
(2) Use Karnaugh maps to derive logic equations in sum-of-products or product-of-sums form
depending on whether NAND gates or NOR gates are required.
(3) Enter the truth table into LogicAid, derive the logic equations, and check the answers
against the results of step (2).
(4) Draw a circuit of AND and OR gates, trying to minimize the number of gates required by
using common gates where appropriate. Factoring or multiplying out is required in some
cases.
(5) Convert to NAND or NOR gates as specified.
(6) Simulate your answer to (5) using SimUaid, and verify that the circuit works correctly.
Use switches as inputs and probes or a 7-segment indicator as outputs.

In Unit 10, we ask our students to implement the same design problem using VHDL, synthesize it
and download it to a CPLD or FPGA on a hardware board that has switches, LEDs, and 7-segment
indicators.

For each design problem, the solutions that follow show a SimUaid circuit that meets the problem
specifications, but the solution does not necessarily use the minimum number of gates. Each solution
shows the truth table and the equations derived using LogicAid, and in several cases the Karnaugh
maps are shown to help identify common terms.

8.A ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = B'D' + B D + A + C D = B'D' + BC'D + A + CD (used in circuit)

X1 = B'D' + B D + A + B'C
0000 1 1 1 1 1 1 0
X2 = B' + C'D' + C D
0001 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 X3 = C' + D + B
0010 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 X4 = B'D' + B'C + B C'D + C D'
0011 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 X5 = B'D' + C D'
0100 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 X6 = C'D' + B C' + B D' + A
0101 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 X7 = B'C + B C' + A + C D' (used in circuit)
0110 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 X7 = B'C + B C' + A + B D'
0111 1 1 1 0 0 0 0
1000 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 This solution uses 15 gates and 41 gate inputs.
1001 1 1 1 0 0 1 1
Students are allowed to use a maximum of 18 gates.

263
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part.
Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.A X1 X2 X3
(cont.) A B A B A B
C D 00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10
00 1 X 1 00 1 1 X 1 00 1 1 X 1

01 1 X 1 01 1 X 1 01 1 1 X 1

11 1 1 X X 11 1 1 X X 11 1 1 X X

10 1 X X 10 1 X X 10 1 X X

X1 = B'D' + B C'D + A + C D X 2 = B' + C'D' + C D X3 = C' + D + B

X4 X5 X6
A B A B A B
C D 00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10
00 1 X 1 00 1 X 1 00 1 1 X 1

01 1 X 01 X 01 1 X 1

11 1 X X 11 X X 11 X X

10 1 1 X X 10 1 1 X X 10 1 X X

X 4 = B'D' + B'C + B C'D + C D' X5 = B'D' + C D' X6 = C'D' + B C' + B D' + A

X7
A B
C D 00 01 11 10
00 1 X 1

01 1 X 1

11 1 X X

10 1 1 X X

X7 = B'C + B C' + A + B D' C

D

X1
B'
D'
1 A
0
0 B
C'
A' D

1 B
0 B
0 X2
C'
B' D'

1
B' 2
X3
1 C 3
0 C D' 4
0
5
6
C' 7

C
1 D' X4
0
0 D

D' B'
C

X5

B
C'
X6

B
D'

X7

264
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part.
Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.B ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = B' + C'D + C D' + A
X2 = C+B
0000 X X X X X X X
X3 = D' + C + A (used in circuit)
0001 X X X X X X X X3 = D' + C + B'
0010 X X X X X X X X4 = C'D + B'D + B C D' + A C' (used in circuit)
0011 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 X4 = C'D + A'C D' + B'D + A C'
0100 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 X5 = C'D + B'D
0101 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 X6 = C D + A C'
0110 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 X7 = A D + B C + C'D + A C' (used in circuit)
0111 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 X7 = A D + B C + A C' + B D
1000 1 0 1 1 0 1 1
1001 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 This solution uses 15 gates and 38 gate inputs.
1010 1 1 1 0 0 0 0
1011 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 16 gates.
1100 1 1 1 1 0 1 1

B X1
C'
D

C
D'
1
0 A
0 B' X2
C'
A'

C' X3
1
0 B D
0

1
B' 2
C'
3
X4
4
B 5
1 C C
1 6
0 D' 7

C'
X5
B'
D
1 D
1
0
X6
C
D' D

X7
D

B
C

265
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part.
Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.C ABCDE W X Y Z W = A(C + D) (B + C) (C + E) = A(C + BDE) (used in circuit)
W = A(C + D) (B + C) (D' + E)
00000 0 0 0 0
W = A(C + D) (C + E) (B + D')
00001 0 0 0 0 W = A(C + D) (B + D') (D' + E)
00010 0 0 0 0 X = (C + D) (B' + C + E') (A + C) (B + C') =
00011 0 0 0 0 (B + C') (C + AD(B' + E')) (used in circuit)
00100 0 0 0 0 X = (C + D) (B' + C + E') (B + C') (A + D')
00101 0 0 0 0 X = (C + D) (B + C') (A + D') (B' + D' + E')
00110 X X X X X = (C + D) (B' + C + E') (B + D) (A + D')
00111 X X X X X = (C + D) (B + D) (A + D') (B' + D' + E')
01000 0 0 0 0 X = (C + D) (A + C) (B + C') (B' + D' + E')
01001 0 0 0 1 X = (C + D) (B' + C + E') (A + C) (B + D)
01010 0 0 1 0 X = (C + D) (A + C) (B + D) (B' + D' + E')
01011 0 0 1 1 Y = (A + B) (A + D) (B + E) (D + E) (A' + B' + D' + E') = (A + BD) (E + BD)
(A' + B' + D' + E') = (AE + BD)(A' + B' + D' + E')
01100 0 1 0 0
Z = BE
01101 0 1 0 1
01110 X X X X This solution uses 14 gates and 32 gate inputs.
01111 X X X X
10000 0 0 0 0 Student are allowed to use a maximum of 15 gates.
10001 0 0 1 0
10010 0 1 0 0
10011 0 1 1 0
B'
10100 1 0 0 0 D'
W
E'
10101 1 0 1 0 1
0 A 0
0 C
10110 X X X X
10111 X X X X A' B'
11000 0 0 0 0 E'
11001 0 0 1 1
1 B D' X
11010 0 1 1 0 0
0
C
0
11011 1 0 0 1
11100 1 1 0 0 B'
B
11101 1 1 1 1 C'
1 C
0
0
E'

C' Y
B' 0
D'
1 D
0
0
B'
D'
D' E'
Z
0
1 B'
0 E
0 E'

E'

266
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part.
Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.D ABCDE W X Y Z W = AC+ABDE
X = B C + A B'D + A D E'
00000 0 0 0 0
Y = A'B D + A B'E + A D'E + B D E'
00001 0 0 0 0 Z = BE
00010 0 0 0 0 This solution uses 14 gates and 38 gate inputs.
00011 0 0 0 0 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 14 gates.
00100 0 0 0 0
00101 0 0 0 0 W X
B C B C
00110 X X X X D E 00 01 11 10 D E 00 01 11 10
00111 X X X X 00
1 1
00
1
01000 0 0 0 0 1

01001 0 0 0 1 1 1 1
A 01 A 01
01010 0 0 1 0 1 1
1

01011 0 0 1 1 0
11
X X 1 0
11
1 X X
X X X X
01100 0 1 0 0
X X 1 X X 1
01101 0 1 0 1 10 10
X X X X
01110 X X X X
01111 X X X X W = AC+ABDE X = B C + A B'D + A D E'
10000 0 0 0 0 Y Z
B C B C
10001 0 0 1 0 D E 00 01 11 10 D E 00 01 11 10
10010 0 1 0 0 00
00
10011 0 1 1 0
10100 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1
A 01 A 01
10101 1 0 1 0 1 1
1 1
0 X X 1
10110 X X X X 0
11
1 X X
11
X X 1
10111 X X X X X X 1
X X 1 X X
11000 0 0 0 0 10 10
X X 1 X X
11001 0 0 1 1
11010 0 1 1 0 Y = A'B D + A B'E + A D'E + B D E' Z = BE

11011 1 0 0 1 1
0
0 A W
0
11100 1 1 0 0 A'
C

11101 1 1 1 1
B
D
E
1 B
0
0

B
C X
B'
0
B'
1 D
0
0 C

D
C' E'

1 D
0
0
B'
E

D' Y
D' 0
E

1
0
0 E B
D

B
E' D
E'

Z
0
B
E

267
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part.
Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.E ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = A B + A'C + B'D +
0000 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 C'D' (used in circuit)
0001 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 X1 = A C' + B C + B'D + A'D'
0010 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 X1 = A D + B C + C'D' + A'B'
0011 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 X1 = A C' + B D' + C D + A'B'
0100 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 X1 = A B + C D + A'D' + B'C'
0101 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 X1 = A D + B D' + A'C + B'C'
0110 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 X2 = A' + C' + B'D' + B D
0111 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 X3 = A C + B D + C'D' +
1000 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 A'B' (used in circuit)
1001 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 X3 = A B + B'C + A'D + C'D'
1010 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 X3 = A B + C D + A'C' + B'D'
1011 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 X3 = A D' + B D + B'C + A'C'
1100 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 X3 = A D' + B C' + C D + A'B'
1101 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 X3 = A C + B C' + A'D + B'D'
1110 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 X4 = A B + A'C + B'D +
1111 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 C'D' (used in circuit)
X4 = X1
X5 = B'D + B D' + C'D' +
A'B' (used in circuit)
X5 = B'D + B D' + C'D' + A'D'
X5 = B'D + B D' + A'D' + B'C'
C
X5 = B'D + B D' + A'B' + B'C'
X6 = A'B' + C'D' + A C
B'
D
X1 X7 = B C + A D + A C
C'
1
0
0 A
D'
This solution uses 17 gates and 44 gate
inputs.
A' B
Students are allowed to use a maximum of
1
18 gates.
0
0 B
B' C X2
D'
B'
B
D
1
0 0 C
1
B' 2
X3
3
C' 4
C 5
6
7

1
0 D X4
0

D'

X5
B
D'

X6

D X7

B
C

268
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part.
Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.F ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = A + B'C + B'D' (used in circuit)
X1 = A + B'C + C'D'
0000 1 1 1 1 1 1 0
X1 = A + B'D' + C D
0001 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 X2 = A' + C' + D
0010 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 X3 = C' + D' + A
0011 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 X4 = A C' + B'D' + A B + A'C D (used in circuit)
0100 X X X X X X X X4 = A C' + A'B'C + A D' + C'D'
0101 X X X X X X X X4 = A C' + A'B'C + B'D' + A D'
0110 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 X4 = A C' + A'B'C + B'D' + A B
0111 X X X X X X X X4 = A C' + B'D' + A D' + A'C D
1000 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 X5 = A'C'D' + A'C D + A C'D + A B'C D'
1001 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 X6 = C'D' + B + A C' + A D'
1010 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 X7 = A'C + A C' + A D' (used in circuit)
1011 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 X7 = A'C + A C' + C D'
1100 X X X X X X X
This solution uses 18 gates and 51 gate inputs.
1101 X X X X X X X
1110 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 20 gates.
1111 X X X X X X X

B' X1
D'
1 A
0
0 B'
C

A' X2
C
D'

C X3
1 D
0
0 B
C
D

B' X4
B
1
2
C' 3
4
1 C 5
0
0 6
C' 7
C' D'
X5
C'
D

1 B'
0 D
0 C
D'
D'
B'
C'
X6
D'

C'

X7
D'

269
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part.
Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.G K N3 N2 N1 N0 M3 M2 M1 M0 M3 = N2 N1 N0 + N3 + K N2 N1 = N3 + N2 N1(K + N0)
M2 = N2 N1' + K'N2 N0' + N2'N1 N0 + K N2' N1
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1
= N2 N1' + K' N2 N0' + N2' N1(K + N0)
0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 M1 = K'N1 N0' + K N1' + N1'N0
0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 = K' N1 N0' + N1'(K + N0)
0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 M0 = K' N0' + K N0
0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 1
0 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 This solution uses 13 gates and 31 gate inputs.
0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1
0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 13 gates.
0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1
M3
0 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0
0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 K
N2 N3'
0 N0'
0 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 N1

0 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 K'

0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 N2'
0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1
0 N3
N1 M2
0
0
0 1 1 1 1 X X X X N2
N1'
1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 N3'

1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1
N2
1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1
0 N2
N0'

1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 0

1 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 N2' M1
0
1 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 N1'

1 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 0
1 N1 N1
1 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0
0
N0'

1 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 N1'
1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 1
M0
1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 N0' 1

1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1
0 N0
0
1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 N0
1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 N0'

1 1 1 1 0 X X X X
1 1 1 1 1 X X X X

8.H ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = A'C' + D + B + A C

X2 = A' + B'C' + B C
0000 1 1 1 1 1 1 0
X3 = B' + C + A
0001 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 X4 = X5 + D + A'B + A B'C
0010 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 X5 = A'C' + B C'
0011 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 X6 = B'C' + D + A B' + A C'
0100 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 X7 = D + A'B + A B' + B C' (used in circuit)
0101 X X X X X X X X7 = D + A'B + A B' + A C'
0110 1 1 1 1 0 0 1
0111 X X X X X X X This solution uses 17 gates and 45 gate inputs.
1000 0 1 1 0 0 1 1
1001 X X X X X X X Students are allowed to use a maximum of 20 gates.
1010 1 0 1 1 0 1 1
1011 X X X X X X X
1100 1 0 1 1 1 1 1
1101 X X X X X X X
1110 1 1 1 0 0 0 0
1111 X X X X X X X

270
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part.
Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.H
C'
(cont.) B'
D'
X1

1 C
0 A
0

A' B'
C'
X2

B
C
1
0 B
0

B X3
B'
C'

B' 1
C 2
1 C
0 3
0 X5 X4
4
D' 5
C' B 6
7

1
X5
0 D B
0 C'

D'

B' X6
D'
C'

X7

D'

8.I ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 1
0
0 A
B' C X1
D'
0000 X X X X X X X A'
B
0001 X X X X X X X D

0010 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 B
B'
C
0
0011 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0

C' X2
B'
0100 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 D

0101 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 B
D'
0110 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1
B
C' X3
C
0111 1 0 1 1 0 1 1
1 D'
0
1

1000 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 C'
X4
2
3
4
1001 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 5
6

1010 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
0 D
7

0
1011 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 D' X5
C'
D'

X1 = B'D' + C' + B D + A
X2 = B'C + C'D + B D' (used in circuit) B X6
C
X2 = B'C + A'D' + C'D
X2 = B'D + C D' + B C'
X2 = B'D + A'C' + C D' C
X7

X3 = D + C + B' (used in circuit) B'

X3 = D+C+A
X4 = B'D' + B D + A C + C'D' (used in circuit)
X4 = B'D' + B D + A C + B C'
X4 = B'D' + B D + A C + A'C'
X5 = B'D' + C'D'
X6 = B C + A C + B'D'
X7 = B + A C + C'D' (used in circuit) This solution uses 15 gates and 38 gate inputs.
X7 = B + A C + A D' Students are allowed to use a maximum of 17 gates.

271
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part.
Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.J ABCDE W X Y Z W = (A + B + C) (C + D) (B' + C + E) (used in circuit)
W = (A + B + C) (C + D) (A + C + E)
00000 0 0 0 0
X = (A + B + D) (B' + C + E') (A' + C + E) (B' + C + D) (used in circuit)
00001 0 0 1 0
X = (A + B + D) (B' + C + E') (A' + C + E) (C + D + E)
00010 0 1 0 0 X = (A + B + D) (B' + C + E') (A' + C + E) (A + C + D)
00011 0 1 1 0 Y = (A + B + E) (B' + C + D' + E') (A' + C + D) (A + D + E) (used in circuit)
00100 1 0 0 0 Y = (A + B + E) (B' + C + D' + E') (A' + C + D) (B' + D + E)
00101 1 0 1 0 Z = (A + B) (C + E) (A + D + E) (used in circuit)
00110 1 1 0 0 Z = (A + B) (C + E) (B' + D + E)
00111 1 1 1 0
01000 0 0 0 0 This solution uses 17 gates and 51 gate inputs.
01001 0 0 1 1
01010 0 1 1 0 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 19 gates.
01011 1 0 0 1
01100 1 1 0 0 B
01101 1 1 1 1 C W
1
01110 1 1 1 1 0
0 A 0
01111 1 1 1 1 B'
C
10000 0 0 0 0 A' E
10001 0 1 0 1
10010 1 0 1 0 C
10011 1 1 1 1 D
1 B
10100 1 1 1 1 0
0

10101 1 1 1 1
10110 1 1 1 1 B'
C
10111 1 1 1 1 E
X
1 B 0
0 C
0 D
B'
C' C
D
B'
C
1 D E'
0
0

D' B'
C
D'
E'
Y
1 C 0
0 E
0 D

E' B
E

D
E
Z
0

C
E

272
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part.
Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.K ABCDE W X Y Z W =AB
X = B C + A B'
00000 0 0 0 0
Y = B'C D + A'B C' + A B'D + A C
00001 0 0 0 0
Z = A'C'D E + B D E + A'B'C D' + A B'C'D' + A'B C'D + A'B C'E + A C D + A C E
00010 0 0 0 0 = DE(B + A'C') + B'D'(A'C + AC') + A'BC'(D + E) + AC(D + E)
00011 0 0 0 1 = DE(B + A'C') + B'D'(A + C)(A' + C') + A'BC' (D + E) + AC(D + E)
00100 0 0 0 1
00101 0 0 0 1 This solution uses 19 gates and 47 gate inputs.
00110 0 0 1 0
00111 0 0 1 0 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 22 gates.
01000 0 0 1 0
01001 0 0 1 1
01010 0 0 1 1 W
0
01011 0 0 1 1
B
01100 0 1 0 0
01101 0 1 0 0 1
0 A X
0
01110 0 1 0 0 B'
0
A'
01111 0 1 0 1 B
10000 0 1 0 1 1
0 B
C
0
10001 0 1 0 1
B'
10010 0 1 1 0 C

10011 0 1 1 0 1 B
Y
0
0 C
10100 0 1 1 0 0 C'

10101 0 1 1 1 C' B'

D
10110 0 1 1 1 B'
C
10111 0 1 1 1 1
0
0 D
D

11000 1 0 0 0 D'
11001 1 0 0 0
Z
11010 1 0 0 0 D' C 0

11011 1 0 0 1 1
0
0 E E'

E'
C
B'
D'
C'

D
E
B'

8.L ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = (A + B' + C + D) (B' + C' + D')

X2 = (B + C) (A + B + D)
0000 1 0 0 1 1 1 1
X3 = (A + B + D) (A + C + D')
0001 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 X4 = (A + B' + C + D) (B' + C' + D') (A' + C' + D)
0010 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 X5 = (B' + D) (B' + C') (A' + D) = (B' + D) (B' + C' + D') (A' + D)
0011 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 X6 = (A' + C' + D) (A + B' + D) (A + B' + C) (used in circuit)
0100 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 X6 = (A' + C' + D) (A + B' + C) (B' + C' + D)
0101 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 X6 = (A' + C' + D) (A + B' + D) (B' + C + D')
0110 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 X7 = (A + B + C' + D') (A + B' + C + D) (A' + C' + D)
0111 0 1 1 0 0 1 1
1000 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 This solution uses 18 gates and 50 gate inputs.
1001 1 0 1 1 1 1 1
1010 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 18 gates.
1011 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
1100 1 1 1 1 0 1 1

273
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Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.L A B A B A B
(cont.) C D 00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10
00 0 00 0 0 00 0

01 X 01 0 X 0 01 0 0 X

11 0 X 11 X 11 X

10 X 10 0 X 10 0 X

X1 = (A + B'+ C + D) (B'+ C'+ D') X2 = (B + C) (A + B + D) X3 = (A + B + D) (A + C + D')

A B A B A B
C D 00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10
00 0 00 0 0 0 00 0

01 X 01 X 01 0 X

11 0 X 11 0 X 11 X

10 X 0 10 0 X 0 10 0 X 0

X4 = (A'+ C'+ D) (B'+ C'+ D') (A + B'+ C + D) X5 = (B' + D) (B' + C' + D') (A' + D) X6 = (A'+ C'+ D) (A + B'+ C) (A + B'+ D)

A B
C D 00 01 11 10
00 0

01 X

11 0 X B'
C
D
10 X 0 X1
B'
1 A C'
0
0
X7 = (A'+ C'+ D) (A + B'+ C + D) (A + B + C'+ D') D'
A'
B
C
X2

B
D
1 B
0
0
X3
B'
C
D' 1
2
X4 3
4
C' 5
D 6
1 7
0 C
0

C' D

B' X5
C'

B'
1 D D
0
0

D'
B'
D X6

B'
C

X7
B
C'
D'

274
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Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.M WXYZ X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = W'(X + Z) (Y + Z)
X2 = (X' + Y + Z') (W' + Z') (W + Y' + Z ) (W + X + Y') (used in circuit)
0000 X X X X X X X
X2 = (X' + Y + Z') (W' + Z') (W + X + Y') (X' + Y' + Z)
0001 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 X2 = (X' + Y + Z') (W' + Z') (W + Y' + Z) (X + Y' + Z')
0010 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 X3 = (X + Y' + Z') (X' + Y + Z') (X' + Y' + Z) (W' + Z')
0011 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 X4 = (X + Y) (X' + Y' + Z)
0100 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 X5 = (X' + Y' + Z')
0101 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 X6 = (W' + Y') (W + Y + Z) (used in circuit)
0110 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 X6 = (W' + Y') (X' + Y + Z)
0111 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 X7 = (X + Y' + Z') (W' + Z') (W' + Y')
1000 0 1 1 0 1 1 1
1001 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 This solution uses 19 gates and 50 gate inputs.
1010 0 1 1 1 1 0 0
Students are allowed to use a maximum of 22 gates.

X
Z

Y
Z
X1
1
0 W
0

W' X
Y'

Y'
1
0 X Z X2
0
X'
X' Y
Z'

Z'
1
0 Y
0 X'
Y
Y' Z'
X' X3
Y'
Z
X
1
1 Z Y' 1
0
Z' 2
Z' X4 3
X 4
Y 5
6
7

X'
Y' X5
Z'

Y'

X6
Y
Z

X7

275
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Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.N ABCDE X Y Z X = A'BC(D + E) (D' + E')
Y = ABE(C + D) (C' + D')
00000 0 0 0
Z = (A + B) (A + C' + D' + E) (A' + B' + C + D' + E') (B' + C' + D + E')
00001 0 0 0
= (A + B) (A + C' + D' + E) [B' + E'+ (A' + C + D') (C' + D)]
00010 0 0 0
00011 0 0 0 This solution uses 17 gates and 41 gate inputs.
00100 0 0 0
00101 0 0 0 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 19 gates.
00110 0 0 0
00111 0 0 0
1 A
01000 0 0 1 0
0
B'
01001 0 0 1 A' C' X
0
01010 0 0 1
D
01011 0 0 1 1
E
B
01100 0 0 1 0
0

01101 1 0 0 B' D'

E'
01110 1 0 0
01111 0 0 1 1
0 C
0 B' Y
10000 0 0 1 E'
0
C'
10001 0 0 1 C
10010 0 0 1 D
1
10011 0 0 1 0
0 D
C'
10100 0 0 1 D' D'

10101 0 0 1
10110 0 0 1 1 E
10111 0 0 1 0
0 B Z
11000 0 0 1 E' 0
C'
11001 0 0 1 D'
E
11010 0 0 1 C'
B'
11011 0 1 0 D
E'
11100 0 0 1
C
11101 0 1 0 D'
11110 0 0 1
11111 0 0 1

8.O ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = (A + B + C + D') (B' + D) = (A + B + C + D') (B' + C' + D) (B' + C + D)

X2 = (B' + C + D') (B' + C' + D)
0000 1 1 1 1 1 1 0
X3 = (B + C' + D)
0001 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 X4 = (B + C + D') (B' + C + D) (B' + C' + D')
0010 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 X5 = D' (B' + C) = D' (B' + C + D)
0011 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 X6 = (A + B + D') (B + C') (C' + D')
0100 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 X7 = (A + B + C) (B' + C' + D')
0101 1 0 1 1 0 1 1
0110 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 This solution uses 18 gates and 48 gate inputs.
0111 1 1 1 0 0 0 0
1000 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 19 gates.
1001 1 1 1 0 0 1 1

276
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Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.O AB AB AB AB
CD 00 01 11 10
(cont.) CD 00 01 11 10 CD 00 01 11 10 CD 00 01 11 10
00 0 X 00 X 00 X 00 0 X
01 0 X 01 0 X 01 X 01 0 X 0
11 X X 11 X X 11 X X 11 0 X X
10 0 X X
10 0 X X 10 0 X X 10 X X
X1 = (A + B + C + D)(B'+ C + D)(B'+ C' + D)
X2 = (B'+ C + D')(B'+ C'+ D) X3 = (B + C'+ D ) X4 = (B'+ C'+ D')(B'+ C + D)(B + C + D')

AB AB AB
CD 00 01 11 10 CD 00 01 11 10 CD 00 01 11 10
00 0 X 00 X 00 0 X

01 0 0 X 0 01 0 X 01 0 X

11 0 0 X X 11 0 0 X X 11 0 X X

10 X X 10 0 X X 10 X X

X5 = (D')(B'+ C + D) X 6 = (C'+ D')(B + C')(A + B + D') X7 = (B'+ C'+ D')(A + B + C)

To save one gate, use:

X6 = (B' + C' + D')(B + C')(A + B + D')

1 A
0
0
B
C
A' D'
B'
C' X1
1 B D
0
0
B'
B' C
D

1 C B'
0
0 X2
C
C' D'

1
0
D B X3
0 C'
D
D'

1
B 2
C
3
D' X4
4
B' 5
C' 6
D' 7

X5
D

B
D'

B X6
C'

C'
D'

X7
B
C

277
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Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.P ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = (A + C + D') (A + B')
X2 = (A' + C' + D)
0000 1 1 1 1 1 1 0
X3 = (A + C' + D')
0001 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 X4 = (A + C + D') (A + B') (A' + C' + D')
0010 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 X5 = B'(A + C + D') (A + C' + D) (A' + C + D) (A' + C' + D')
0011 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 = B' (A + (C + D') (C' + D)) (A' + C + D) (A' + C' + D')
0100 X X X X X X X X6 = (A + D') (A + B + C') (C' + D')
0101 X X X X X X X X7 = (A + C) (A' + C' + D')
0110 0 1 1 0 0 1 1
0111 X X X X X X X This solution uses 21 gates and 50 gate inputs.
1000 1 1 1 1 0 1 1
1001 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 21 gates.
1010 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1
0
0 A

1011 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 A'
B'

X1
1100 X X X X X X X
C
1101 X X X X X X X 1
D'
B
1110 1 0 1 1 0 1 1
0
0
X2
C'
B'
1111 X X X X X X X D

1 C
0 X3
0 C'
D'
C'
1
2
3
X4 4
1 D C' 5
0
0 D' 6
7
D'
C'
D
X5
C
B
D'

C
D

D'
C' X6
D'

B
C'

X7
C

8.Q ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = (A + B + C' + D) (A' + B + C)

X2 = (A' + B + C') (A' + B' + C)
0000 1 1 1 1 1 1 0
X3 = (A + B' + C)
0001 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 X4 = (A + B + C' + D) (A' + B + C) (A' + B' + C')
0010 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 X5 = C'(A' + B) = C'(A' + B + C)
0011 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 X6 = (A + C' + D) (A + B' + C) (A' + B' + C')
0100 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 X7 = (A + B + D) (A' + B' + C')
0101 X X X X X X X
0110 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 This solution uses 15 gates and 40 gate inputs.
0111 X X X X X X X
1000 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 Students are allowed to use a maximum of 17 gates.
1001 X X X X X X X
1010 1 0 1 1 0 1 1
1011 X X X X X X X
1100 1 0 1 1 1 1 1
1101 X X X X X X X
1110 1 1 1 0 0 0 0
1111 X X X X X X X

278
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Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.Q X1 X2 X3 X4
A B
(cont.) C D
A B
00 01 11 10 C D
A B
00 01 11 10 C D
A B
00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10
00 0 00 0 00 0 00 0

01 X X X 01 X X X 01 X X X 01 X X X

11 X X X 11 X X X 11 X X X 11 X X X

10 0 10 0 10 10 0 0

X 1 = (A'+ B + C ) (A + B + C'+ D ) X 2 = (A'+ B'+ C ) (A'+ B + C') X3 = (A + B'+ C ) X4 = (A'+ B'+ C') (A'+ B + C ) (A + B + C'+ D )

X5 X7
A B A B A B
C D 00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10 C D 00 01 11 10
00 0 00 0 00 0

01 X X X 01 X X X 01 X X X

11 0 X X X 11 X X X 11 X X X

10 0 0 0 0 10 0 0 0 10 0 0

X5 = (C') (A'+ B + C ) X 6 = (A + B'+ C ) (A'+ B'+ C') (A + C'+ D ) X7 = (A'+ B'+ C') (A + B + D )

1
0 A
0

A'
B X1
C
1 B
0
0 B
C'
D
B'
B
1 C C' X2
0
0
B'
C' C

B' X3
1
0 D C
0 1
2
3
X4
D' 4
B' 5
C' 6
7

X5
C

C'
D

X6
B'

B'
C'

X7
B
D

279
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Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.R ABCD X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = (A + B + D') (B' + C' + D)
X2 = (B' + C' + D') (B + C + D) (used in circuit)
0000 X X X X X X X
X2 = (B' + C' + D') (A' + C + D)
0001 X X X X X X X X3 = (B' + C + D) (used in circuit)
0010 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 X3 = (A + C + D)
0011 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 X4 = (A + B + D') (B' + C' + D) (B + C + D') (used in circuit)
0100 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 X4 = (A + B + D') (B' + C' + D) (A' + C + D')
0101 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 X5 = (D') (B' + C') = D'(B' + C' + D)
0110 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 X6 = (B + C + D') (A + B + D') (A + C) (used in circuit)
0111 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 X6 = (A + B + D') (C + D') (A + C)
1000 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 X6 = (A + B + D') (C + D') (B' + C)
1001 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 X7 = (A + B) (B + C + D') (used in circuit)
1010 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 X7 = (A + B) (A' + C + D')
1011 1 1 1 1 0 1 1
This solution uses 15 gates and 37 gate inputs.
Students are allowed to use a maximum of 16 gates.

AB AB AB AB
CD 00 01 11 10 CD 00 01 11 10 CD 00 01 11 10 CD 00 01 11 10
00 X X 00 X X 0 00 X 0 X 00 X X

01 X X 01 X X 01 X X 01 X X 0

11 0 X 11 0 X 11 X 11 0 X

10 0 X 10 X 10 X 10 0 X

X1 = (B'+ C'+ D ) (A + B + D') X2 = (B'+ C'+ D') (B + C + D) X4 = (B'+ C'+ D ) (A + B + D') (B + C + D')
X3 = (B'+ C + D )

AB AB AB
CD 00 01 11 10 CD 00 01 11 10 CD 00 01 11 10
00 X X 00 X 0 X 00 X X

01 X 0 X 0 01 X 0 X 0 01 X X 0

11 0 0 X 0 11 0 X 11 0 X

10 0 X 10 0 X
10 X

X5 = (D') (B'+ C' + D) X7 = (A + B ) (B + C + D')

X 6 = (B + C + D')(A + B + D')(A + C)

1 A
0
0
B
A' D'
X1
B'
C'
D

1 B'
0 B C'
0
D' X2
B' B
C
D
1 C
1
0 B'
C X3
C' D
1
2
1 3
0 D B X4 4
0
C 5
D' 6
D' 7
X5
D

C X6
D'

X7
B

280
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Unit 8 Design Solutions
8.S A1A2 A3 X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X1 = (A1 + A2 + A3) (A1' + A3')
X2 = (A2 + A3') (A1' + A3')
0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1
X3 = 0
0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 X4 = 0
0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 X5 = 0
0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 X6 = (A2' + A3') (A1' + A3')
1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 X7 = (A1 + A2' + A3) (A1' + A3')
1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 This solution uses 9 gates and 20 gate inputs.
1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Students are allowed to use a maximum of 11 gates.

1
0 A1
0

A1'
A3'
X1
A2
A3
1 A2
0
0
X2
A2'
A2 1
A3' 2
3
4
5
1 6
0 A3 X6
0 7
A2'
A3' A3'

X7

A2'
A3

281
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Unit 8 Design Solutions

282
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Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 the navy during the war and met his
tragic fate in 1862, while master's mate
on the gun-boat Mound City,
commanded by Admiral Davis.
While attacking a fort on the White
River, a shot from the fort's battery
penetrated the boiler of the Mound City.
In the terrific explosion that followed,
young Kinzie and more than ninety
others were scalded and blown
overboard.
The hospital boat of the fleet
immediately set out to rescue the
MRS. NELLIE (KINZIE) GORDON. wounded men. As Kinzie struck out for
the boat, his friend Augustus Taylor, of
Cairo, called out to him to keep out of the range of the fort as the
sharp-shooters were evidently picking off the wounded men in the
water. This proved to be true; young Kinzie was shot through the legs
and arras by minié balls as he was being lifted into the boat.
He soon heard the shouts of his
comrades; and turning to one of his
friends, he said:
"We have taken the fort. I am ready
to die now."
He sank rapidly and died the
following morning, June 18, just as the
sun was rising. He left a young wife
barely eighteen years old, a daughter of
Judge James, of Racine, Wisconsin, and
his own little daughter was born three
months after his death.
It was necessary to put a guard over JOHN HARRIS KINZIE, JR
the person of Colonel Fry (who was
captured with the fort) to save him from
being sacrificed to the indignation the men felt against him for having
ordered his sharp-shooters to pick off the scalded men and shoot them
in the water.
 APPENDIX E.

WILLIAM WELLS AND REBEKAH

WELLS HEALD.
RATITUDE to our first hero and martyr calls for
a somewhat extended study of his life, and it
will be found interesting enough to repay the
attention.
Colonel Samuel Wells and his brother
Captain William Wells were Kentuckians; the
family being said to have come from Virginia.
William, when twelve years old, was stolen by
the Indians from the residence of Hon.
Nathaniel Pope, where both brothers seem to
have been living. He was adopted by Me-che-
kan-nah-quah, or little Turtle, a chief of the
Miamis, lived in his house and married his
daughter Wa-nan-ga-peth, by whom he had
several children, of whom the following left children:
Pe-me-zah-quah (Rebekah) married Captain Hackley, of Fort Wayne,
leaving Ann and John Hackley, her children.
Ah-mah-qua-zah-quah (a "sweet breeze"—Mary) born at Fort Wayne
May 10, 1800, married Judge James Wolcott March 8, 1821; died at
Maumee City, (now South Toledo,) O., Feb. 19, 1834, leaving children as
follows: William Wells Wolcott, Toledo; Mary Ann (Wolcott) Gilbert,
South Toledo; Henry Clay Wolcott, South Toledo, and James Madison
Wolcott, South Toledo.
Jane (Wells) Grigg, living at Peru, Indiana; has children.
 Yelberton P. Wells, St. Louis, died leaving one child.
William fought on the side of the Indians in the campaign of 1790
and 1791, when they defeated the Americans under Generals Harmer
and Saint Clair. The story of his reclamation, as told by Rebekah (Wells)
Heald to her son Darius, and repeated by him to a stenographer, in my
presence, in 1892, is quite romantic.
Rebekah was daughter of Samuel Wells, elder brother of William,
and was therefore niece of the latter. She must have been born between
1780 and 1790. We learn from the story of her son, the Hon. Darius
Heald, as follows:
She was fond of telling the story of her life, and her children and her
friends were never tired of listening to it. [Her son thinks he has heard her
tell it a hundred times.] She would begin away back in her girlhood, spent in
the country about Louisville, Kentucky, when her father. Colonel Samuel
Wells, was living there; and tell how they all wanted uncle William Wells,
whom they called their "Indian uncle," to leave the Indians who had stolen
him in his boyhood, and come home and belong to his white relations. He
hung back for years, and even at last, when he agreed to visit them, made
the proviso that he should be allowed to bring along an Indian escort with
him, so that he should not be compelled to stay with them if he did not
want to.
Young Rebekah Wells was the one who had been chosen to go to the
Indian council with her father, and persuade her uncle William to come and
visit his old home; she, being a girl, very likely had more influence with him
than any of the men could have had. William Wells was at that time living a
wild Indian life, roaming up and down the Wabash river, and between the
lakes and the Ohio. Probably the place where the battle of Tippicanoe was
fought, in 1811, near the present site of La Fayette, Indiana, was pretty
near the center of his regular stamping ground.
After much hesitation he consented to get together a party of braves,
somewhere from seventy-five to a hundred, and visit his relatives. Little
Turtle, whose daughter he had married, was along, very likely commanding
the escort. They went down to the falls of the Ohio river, about opposite
Louisville, and camped, while William Wells, with a picked band of twenty-
five, crossed the river and met with his own people. Then the question
arose as to whether he was the brother of Colonel Samuel Wells, and he
asked to be taken to the place where he was said to have been captured, to
see if he could remember the circumstances. When he reached there, he
looked about and pointed in a certain direction and asked if there was a
pond there; and they said: "Well, let's go and see." So they went in the
 direction indicated, and to be sure they saw the pond; and he said that he
could remember that pond. Then he saw a younger brother present, whom
he had accidentally wounded in the head as a child, and he said to his
brother:
"Now if you are my brother there ought to be a mark on the back of your
head, where I hit you with a stone one day;" and the brother held up his
head, and William lifted the hair and found the scar, and he said: "Yes, I am
your brother."
William was now convinced for the first time that he was the brother of
Colonel Samuel Wells, but he went back with his Indian friends, his father-
in-law, Little Turtle, and the rest, and it was not until sometime later that he
told Little Turtle that, although he had fought for his Indian friends all his
life, the time had now come when he was going home to fight for his own
flesh and blood. It was under a big tree on the banks of the Miami that he
had this talk, and he pointed to the sun and said: "Till the sun goes up in
the middle of the sky we are friends. After that you can kill me if you want
to." Still they always remained friends, and agreed that if in war, if one
could find out on which side of the army the other was put, he would
change positions so as not to be likely to meet the other in battle; and if
one recognized the other while fighting, he would never aim to hit him.
They also had the privilege of meeting and talking to each other, it being
understood that nothing was to be said about the opposing numbers of
their armies. They were not to act as spies but simply to meet each other as
friends.

It was at about the time when General Wayne, "Mad Anthony," came
into command that Wells left his red friends and began to serve on the
side of his own flesh and blood. He was made captain of a company of
scouts, and must have done good service, for, in 1798, he accompanied
his father-in-law, Little Turtle, to Philadelphia, where the Indian (and
probably Wells also) was presented to President Washington, and in
1803 we find him back at Chicago signing an Indian trader's license: "W.
H. Harrison, Governor of Indian Territory, by William Wells, agent at
Indian affairs." Little Turtle lived usually at Fort Wayne. Of him his friend
John Johnston, of Piqua, Ohio, said:
"He was a man of great wit, humor and vivacity, fond of the company of
gentlemen and delighted in good eating. When I knew him he had two
wives living with him under the same roof in the greatest harmony. This
distinguished chief died at Fort Wayne of a confirmed case of gout, brought
on by high living, and was buried with military honors by the troops of the
United States."
 He died July 14, 1812, and was buried on the west bank of the river
at Fort Wayne. His portrait hangs on the walls of the War Department at
Washington.
In 1809 Captain Wells took his niece, Rebekah, with him to Fort
Wayne on a visit. Captain Heald was then on duty at Fort Wayne, and it
was doubtless there that the love-making took place which led to the
marriage of the two young people in 1811.
The following interesting bits concerning Captain Wells are taken
from a letter written by A. H. Edwards to Hon. John Wentworth (Fergus'
Hist. Series No. 16), the remainder of which letter is given later in this
volume. (See Appendix G.)
Captain Wells, after being captured by the Indians when a boy, remained
with them until the treaty with the Miamis. Somewhere about the year 1795
he was a chief and an adopted brother of the celebrated chief Little Turtle.
Captain Wells signed the marriage certificate, as officiating magistrate, of
my father and mother at Fort Wayne, June, 1805. The certificate is now in
my possession.

"Fort Wayne, 4th June.

"I do hereby certify that I joined Dr. Abraham Edwards and Ruthy Hunt in
the holy bonds of matrimony, on the third instant, according to the law.
"Given under my Hand and Seal, the day and year above written.

"William Wells, Esq."

* * * Captain Wells urged Major Heald not to leave the fort, as he did not
like the way the Indians acted, and was well acquainted with all their
movements as learned from his Indian allies, who deserted him the moment
the firing commenced. Captain N. Heald's story is as I heard it from the
mouth of one who saw it all, the girl and her mother, the one living in our
family for many years, and the mother in Detroit. Their name was Cooper.
Captain Wells, soon after leaving the Indians, was appointed interpreter at
the request of General Wayne, and was with him in his campaign against
the Indians as captain of a company of spies, and many thrilling accounts
were given me of his daring and remarkable adventures as such, related by
one who received them from his own lips, and in confirmation of one of his
adventures pointed at an Indian present, and said: "That Indian," says he,
"belongs to me, and sticks to me like a brother," and then told how he
captured him with his rifle on his shoulder. This Indian was the one who
gave Mrs. Wells the first intimation of his death and then disappeared,
supposed to have returned to his people.
Captain William Wells was acting Indian Agent and Justice of the Peace at
Port Wayne at the time he married my father and mother, and was
considered a remarkably brave and resolute man. I will give you a sketch of
one of his feats as told me by my mother, who was present and witnessed it
all. The Indians were collected at Fort Wayne on the way for the purpose of
meeting the Miamis and other Indians in council. While camped there they
invited the officers of the fort to come out and witness a grand dance, and
other performances, previous to their departure for the Indian conference.
Wells advised the commander of the fort not to go, as he did not like the
actions of the Indians; but his advice was overruled, and all hands went out,
including the officers' ladies. But the troops in the fort were on the alert,
their guns were loaded and sentries were doubled, as it was in the evening.
A very large tent was provided for the purpose of the grand dance. After
many preliminary dances and talks, a large and powerful chief arose and
commenced his dance around the ring, and made many flourishes with his
tomahawk. Then he came up to Wells, who stood next my mother, and
spoke in Indian and made demonstrations with his tomahawk that looked
dangerous, and then took his seat. But no sooner than he did so Wells gave
one of the most unearthly war-whoops she ever heard, and sprang up into
the air as high as her head, and picked up the jaw bone of a horse or ox
that lay near by, and went around the ring in a more vigorous and artistic
Indian style than had been seen that evening; and wound up by going up to
the big Indian and flourishing his jaw-bone, and told him that he had killed
more Indians than white men, and had killed one that looked just like him,
and he believed it was his brother, only much better looking and a better
brave than he was. The Indians were perfectly taken by surprise. Wells
turned to the officers and told them to be going. He hurried them off to the
fort, and had all hands on the alert during the night. When questioned as to
his action and what he said, he replied that he had told the Indians what I
have related. Then he enquired of those present if they did not see that the
Indians standing on the opposite side of the tent had their rifles wrapped up
in their blankets.
"If I had not done just as I had, and talked to that Indian as I did, we
would all have been shot in five minutes; but my actions required a council,
as their plans were, as they supposed, frustrated, and that the troops would
be down on them at the first hostile move they made." He saw the game
when he first went in, as his Indian training taught him, and he waited just
for the demonstration that was made as the signal for action. Wells saw no
time was to be lost, and made good his resolve, and the big Indian cowed
under the demonstration of Wells. My mother said he looked as if he
expected Wells to make an end of him for what he had said to Wells in his
dance. "I had to meet bravado with bravado, and I think I beat," said Wells.
 You could see it in the countenances of all the Indians. The same advice
given to Heald, if attended to, would have saved the massacre of Fort
Dearborn. * * * *
A. H. Edwards.

James Madison Wolcott, grandson of Captain Wells (through Ah-

mah-quah-zah-quah, who married Judge James Wolcott) wrote to Mr.
Wentworth as follows:
We are proud of our Little Turtle [Indian] blood and of our Captain Wells
blood. We try to keep up the customs of our ancestors, and dress
occasionally in Indian costumes. We take no exception when people speak
of our Indian parentage. We take pleasure in sending you the tomahawk
which Captain William Wells had at the time of his death, and which was
brought to his family by an Indian who was in the battle. We also have a
dress-sword which was presented to him by General W. H. Harrison, and a
great many books which he had; showing that even when he lived among
the Indians, he was trying to improve himself. He did all he could to educate
his children. Captain Wells, in the year of his death, sent to President
Madison, at Little Turtle's request, the interpretation of the speech that that
chief made to General W. H. Harrison, January 25, 1812.

Captain Heald never got rid of the effect of his wound. The bullet
remained embedded in his hip and doubtless is in his coffin. He resigned
shortly after the war, and the family (in 1817) settled at Stockland,
Missouri. The new name of the place, O'Fallon, recalls the fact that the
well known Colonel O'Fallon, of St. Louis, was an old friend of the family,
and himself redeemed the things which the Indians had captured at the
massacre (the same articles now cherished as relics of the historic
event) and sent them to Colonel Samuel Wells at Louisville, where they
arrived during the interval when all supposed that Nathan and Rebekah
had perished with the members of the garrison and their fellow-
sufferers.
Among the articles captured by the Indians and, after their
transportation from Chicago to Peoria and from Peoria to Saint Louis,
bought by Colonel O'Fallon and sent to the Falls of the Ohio (Louisville)
to Samuel Wells, are the following, all of which were brought to Chicago
by the Hon. Darius Heald, exhibited to his relatives (the family of Gen.
A. L. Chetlain), and their friends, and here reproduced.
Captain Heald's sword.
 A shawl-pin he wore which, when recovered, had been bent to serve as a
nose-ring.
Part of his uniform coat, which seems to have been divided among his
captors.
Six silver table-spoons and one soup-ladle, each marked "N. R. H.,"
doubtless the wedding-present made by Colonel Samuel Wells to Nathan
and Rebekah Heald.
A hair brooch marked "S. W.," supposed to contain the hair of Samuel
Wells.
A finger-ring marked "R. W." (Probably one of the girlish treasures of
Rebekah Wells.)
A fine tortoise-shell comb, cut somewhat in the shape of an eagle's beak
and having silver ornaments representing the bird's eye, nostril, etc.
 DARIUS HEALD, WITH SWORD AND OTHER
MASSACRE RELICS.

Mr. Wentworth further says:

In the biographical sketches of the members of the Corinthian Lodge of
Masons, at Concord, Mass., I find the following:
Nathan Heald, initiated in 1797, died at Stockland (now O'Fallon) in St.
Charles County, Missouri, where he had resided some years, in 1832, aged
57 years. He was born in Ipswich, N. H., September 29, 1775, was the third
sou of Colonel Thomas and Sybel (Adams) Heald and in early life joined the
U. S. Army. Mrs. Maria (Heald) Edwards, of this city, born at Ipswich, N. H,
in 1803, mother of Mrs. General Chetlain, was the eldest child of his brother,
Hon. Thomas Heald, one of the Associate Judges of the Supreme Court of
Alabama. (Fergus' Hist. Series No. 16.)
 A considerable part of Captain Heald's first report of the massacre
appears in our old friend Niles' Weekly Register, Nov. 7, 1812. (I have
quoted it, to a great extent, in connection with the story of the event.)
Extract of a letter from Captain Heald, late commandant at Fort Chicago,
dated at Pittsburg, October 23, 1812:
On the 9th of August, I received orders from General Hull to evacuate the
post and proceed with my command to Detroit, by land, leaving it at my
discretion to dispose of the public property as I thought proper. The
neighboring Indians got the information as soon as I did, and came in from
all quarters to receive goods in the factory-store, which they understood
were to be given to them. On the 13th, Captain Wells, of Fort Wayne,
arrived with about thirty Miamis, for the purpose of escorting us in, by
request of General Hull. On the 14th I delivered to the Indians all the goods
of the factory-store, and a considerable quantity of provisions which we
could not take with us. The surplus arms and ammunition I thought proper
to destroy, fearing they would make bad use of it, if put in their possession.
I also destroyed all liquor on hand soon after they began to collect.
The collection was unusually large for that place, but they conducted with
the strictest propriety until after I left the fort. On the 15th, at 9 A. M., we
commenced our march. A part of the Miamis were detached in front, the
remainder in our rear, as guards, under the direction of Captain Wells. The
situation of the country rendered it necessary for us to take the beach, with
the lake on our left and a high sand-bank on our right at about one hundred
yards distance. We had proceeded about a mile and a half when it was
discovered that the Indians were prepared to attack us from behind the
bank. I immediately marched up, with the company, to the top of the bank,
when the action commenced; after firing one round we charged, and the
Indians gave way in front and joined those on our flanks. In about fifteen
minutes they got possession of all our horses, provisions, and baggage of
every description, and, finding the Miamis did not assist us, I drew off the
men I had left and took possession of a small elevation in the open prairie,
out of shot of the bank or any other cover. The Indians did not follow me
but assembled in a body on the top of the bank, and after some private
consultation among themselves, made signs for me to approach them. I
advanced toward them alone and was met by one of the Pottowatomie
chiefs called Black-bird, with an interpreter. After shaking hands, he
requested me to surrender, promising to spare the lives of all the prisoners.
On a few moments consideration I concluded it would be most prudent to
comply with his request, although I did not put entire confidence in his
promise. After delivering up our arms we were taken back to their
encampment near the fort, and distributed among the different tribes.
 The next morning they set fire to the fort and left the place, taking the
prisoners with them. Their number of warriors was between four and five
hundred, mostly from the Pottowatomie nation, and their loss, from the best
information I could get, was about fifteen. Our strength was about fifty-four
regulars and twelve militia, out of which twenty-six regulars and all the
militia were killed in the action, with two women and twelve children. Ensign
George Ronan and Dr. Isaac Van Voorhis of my company, with Captain Wells
of Fort Wayne, to my great sorrow, are numbered among the dead.
Lieutenant Linai T. Helm, with twenty-five non-commissioned officers and
privates and eleven women and children, were prisoners when we
separated.
Mrs. Heald and myself were taken to the mouth of the river St. Joseph,
and, being both badly wounded, were permitted to reside with Mr. Burnett,
an Indian trader. In a few days after our arrival there, the Indians went off
to take Fort Wayne, and in their absence I engaged a Frenchman to take us
to Michilimackinac by water, where I gave myself up as a prisoner of war,
with one of my sergeants. The commanding officer, Captain Roberts, offered
me every assistance in his power to render our situation comfortable while
we remained there, and to enable us to proceed on our journey. To him I
gave my parole of honor, and came to Detroit and reported myself to
Colonel Proctor, who gave us a passage to Buffalo, from that place I came
by way of Presque-Isle, and arrived here yesterday.
Nathan Heald.

The following letter from Captain Heald, written three years after
taking up his residence in Missouri, speaks for itself:
St. Charles, Missouri Territory May 18th, 1820.
Sir:—I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 30th of March, a few
days since. The garrison at Chicago commanded by me at the time Detroit
was surrendered by General Hull, were every man paid up to the 30th of
June, 1812, inclusive, officers' subsistence and forage included.
The last payment embraced nine months, and was made by myself as the
agent of Mr. Eastman, but I cannot say what the amount was. Every paper
relative to that transaction was soon after lost. I am, however, confident
that there was no deposit with me to pay the garrison for the three months
subsequent to the 30th of June, 1812.
The receipt-rolls which I had taken from Mr. Eastman, together with the
balance of money in my hands, fell into the hands of the Indians on the
15th of August, 1812, when the troops under my command were defeated
near Chicago; what became of them afterwards I know not. I have no
papers in my possession relative to that garrison, excepting one muster-roll
for the month of May, 1812. By it I find that the garrison there consisted of
 one captain, one 2nd lieutenant, one ensign, one surgeon's mate, four
sergeants, two corporals, four musicians and forty-one privates. I cannot
determine what the strength of the garrison was at any other time during
the years 1811 and 1812, but it was on the decline. Monthly returns were
regularly submitted to the Adjutant and Inspector-General's office, at
Washington City, which, I suppose, can be found at any time.
I am respectfully sir, your most obedient servant,
Nathan Heald.
Peter Hagner, Esq.,
3rd Auditor's Office, Treasury
Department, Washington City.

This brings up to the mind of every officer the terrors of the "Auditors of
the Treasury." Not victory or defeat, not wounds or even death—nay, not old
Time himself can clear a soldier from the terrible ordeal of the "Accounting
Department." Poor Heald had evidently been asked: "Where is the money
which was in your hands before the savages surrounded you, slaughtered
your troops, wounded yourself and your wife, massacred the civilians under
your care, tortured to death your wounded and burned your fort?" At the
same time the ordnance bureau doubtless asked what had become of the
arms, ammunition, accoutrements and cooking utensils; the commissary
bureau asked after the stores and the quartermaster's bureau after the
equippage. Scores of thousands of volunteer officers in the Union war found
to their cost that their fighting was the only thing which the War
Department kept no record of; that their account-keeping and reporting was
what must be most carefully looked after if they would free themselves,
their heirs, executors and assigns, from imperishable obligations. For the
government knows no "statute of limitations"—takes no account of the
lapse of time any more than does Nature in her operations. "Contra regem
tempus non occurret."
Yet, paradoxical as it may seem, this is right. If all men were honest, "red
tape" could be done away with; but as men are, individual accountability is
indispensable. Without it, the army might fall into negligence leading to
corruption, instead of being, as it is, the very example of administrational
honor and probity.

It so happens that the death of Mrs. Maria (Heald) Edwards, niece of

Captain Nathan Heald and mother of Mrs. General Chetlain, is
announced after the above matter had been put in print. She died on
May 6, 1893, at the residence of General Chetlain, in this city, at the ripe
age of ninety years.
It stirs the heart to think that, almost up to this very day, there was
living among us so near a relative to the gallant and unfortunate
captain; a woman who was a girl nine years old when her uncle passed
through the direful ordeal.
MASSACRE TREE AND PART OF PULLMAN
HOUSE.
 APPENDIX F.

THE BONES OF JOHN LALIME.—

SUBSTANCE OF A PAPER READ BY
JOSEPH KIRKLAND BEFORE THE
CHICAGO HISTORICAL SOCIETY, ON
THE OCCASION OF THE
PRESENTATION TO THE SOCIETY OF
CERTAIN HUMAN RELICS, JULY 21,
1891.
OME ominous threatenings were heard
at old Ft. Dearborn before the bursting
of the storm of August 15, 1812. Among
them was the killing of the interpreter
for the government, John Lalime.
John Kinzie arrived at Fort Dearborn
in 1804, and with his family occupied a
house built of squared logs, which, up to
about 1840, stood where the corner of
Cass and Kinzie streets now is. He was
an Indian-trader, furnishing what the
savages desired and taking furs in
exchange. The government also had an
Indian agent, or trader, there.
Various circumstances tend to show
that before 1812 considerable rivalry existed between the government
fur-trading agency and the civilian dealers. The former had certain
advantages in the cheapness of purchase and transportation, but were
restricted as to selling liquor. The latter were nominally under the same
restriction, but practically free, and the Indians, like other dipsomaniacs,
hated every man who tried to restrain their drinking. The short-sighted
savages mistook their friends for their enemies, their enemies for their
friends. They loved the poison and the poisoner.
Mrs. Kinzie, in Wau-Bun, says that there were two factions in the
garrison, the Kinzies sympathizing with the opposition. Also that, though
the garrison was massacred, no Kinzie was injured, the immunity
extending even to Lieutenant Linai T. Helm, who had married Mr. Kinzie's
step-daughter. Also that while the fort was burned, the Kinzie mansion
was left untouched, and remained standing up to within the memory of
living men.
For several years before 1812, John Lalime, a Frenchman, had been
the government's salaried interpreter at Fort Dearborn. The earliest
mention of the name occurs in a letter written from St. Joseph by
William Burnett to his Detroit correspondent, which begins with the
words: "When Mr. Lalime was in Detroit last you was pleased to tell him
that if I should want anything at your house, it should be at my service."
The next intelligence about him is in two letters he wrote concerning
Indian matters. The first was to Wm. Clark, Governor of Missouri, and
reads as follows:
Chicago, 26th May, 1811.
Sir—An Indian from the Peorias passed here yesterday and has given me
information that the Indians about that place have been about the
settlements of Kaskasia and Vincennes and have stolen from fifteen to
twenty horses. It appears by the information given me that the principal
actors are two brothers of the wife of Main Foe. He is residing on the Peoria,
or a little above it, at a place they call "Prairie du Corbeau." By the express
going to Fort Wayne I will communicate this to the agent. I presume, sir,
that you will communicate this to the Governor of Kaskasia and General
Harrison. I am sir, with respect,
Y'r h'ble serv't,
J. Lalime.
 The second letter is the one mentioned in
the first. It is written to John Johnson, United
States factor at Fort Wayne, dated July 7th,
1811, and reads as follows:
Since my last to you we have news of other
depredations and murders committed about the
settlement of Cahokia. The first news we received
was that the brother-in-law of Main Poc went down
and stole a number of horses. Second, another
party went down, stole some horses, killed a man
and took off a young woman, but they being
pursued were obliged to leave her to save
themselves. Third, they have been there and killed
and destroyed a whole family. The cause of it in
part is from the Little Chief that came last fall to
see Governor Harrison under the feigned name of
Wapepa. He told the Indians that he had told the
governor that the Americans were settling on their
lands, and asked him what should be done with
them. He told the Indians that the Governor had
told him they were bad people.

We observe that the Peoria chief, Main Poc,

is mentioned as blameworthy for these wrongs.
It may be interesting to know Main Poc's side
of the question. Said he:
You astonish me with your talk! Whenever you do
wrong there is nothing said or done; but when we
do anything you immediately take us and tie us by
the neck with a rope. You say, what will become of
our women and children if there is war? On the
other hand, what will become of your women and
children? It is best to avoid war.
Remains unearthed April
26th and presented to the Lalime's letters show that he was a man of
ability and education. We also guess, from a
Historical Society July 27,
1891. clause in Article III of the treaty of 1821, that
Lalime lived after the manner of those days,
and left at least one half-breed child. The clause reserves a half-section
of land for "John B. Lalime, son of Noke-no-qua."
 Miss Noke-no-qua is not otherwise known to history.
The next knowledge we have of Lalime relates to his violent death in
the spring of 1812, about five months before the massacre, at a point
on the south bank of the river within a stone's throw of where is now
the south end of Rush Street bridge.

GURDON SALTONSTALL HUBBARD. (Last picture taken

of him.)

In a letter written by the lamented Gurdon Hubbard to John

Wentworth, June 25th, 1881, we read:
As regards the unfortunate killing of Mr. Lalime by Mr. John Kinzie, I have
heard the account of it related by Mrs. Kinzie and her daughter, Mrs. Helm.
Mr. Kinzie never, in my hearing, alluded to or spoke of it. He deeply
regretted the act. Knowing his aversion to conversing on the subject, I
never spoke to him about it.
Mrs. Kinzie said that her husband and Lalime had for several years been
on unfriendly terms, and had had frequent altercations; that at the time of
the encounter Mr. Kinzie had crossed the river alone, in a canoe, going to
 the fort, and that Lalime met him outside the garrison and shot him, the ball
cutting the side of his neck. She supposed that Lalime saw her husband
crossing, and taking his pistol went through the gate purposely to meet him.
Mr. Kinzie, closing with Lalime, stabbed him and returned to the house
covered with blood. He told his wife what he had done, that he feared he
had killed Lalime, and probably a squad would be sent for him and that he
must hide. She, in haste, took bandages and with him retreated to the
woods, where as soon as possible she dressed his wounds, returning just in
time to meet an officer with a squad with orders to seize her husband. He
could not be found. For several days he was hid in the bush and cared for
by his wife.
Lalime was, I understand, an educated man, and quite a favorite with the
officers, who were greatly excited. They decided he should be buried near
Kinzie's house, in plain view from his front door and piazza. The grave was
enclosed in a picket fence, which Mr. Kinzie, in his lifetime, kept in perfect
order. My impression has ever been that Mr. Kinzie acted, as he told his
wife, in self-defence. This is borne out by the fact that, after a full
investigation by the officers, whose friend the deceased was, they acquitted
Mr. Kinzie, who then returned to his family.
In some of these details I may be in error, but the fact has always been
firm in my mind that Lalime made the attack, provoking the killing, in self-
defence. Mr. Kinzie deeply regretted the result, and avoided any reference to
it.
Yours,
G. S. Hubbard.

Mr. Hubbard does not say he remembers having seen the grave. He
did not come to Chicago to live until 1836. Judge Blodgett, as we shall
see hereafter, describes its position as not on the river bank, but back in
the timber.
A somewhat different account of the affair was given by Mrs. Porthier
(Victoire Mirandeau,) and printed in Captain Andreas' History of Chicago,
Vol. II, page 105.
 My sister Madeline and I saw the fight between John Kinzie and Lalime, when
Lalime was killed. It was sunset, when they used to shut the gates of the fort. Kinzie
and Lalime came out together, and soon we heard Lieutenant Helm call out for Mr.
Kinzie to look out for Lalime, as he had a pistol. Quick we saw the men come
together. We heard the pistol go off and saw the smoke. Then they fell down
together. I don't know as Lalime got up at all, but Kinzie got home pretty quick.
Blood was running from his shoulder, where Lalime had shot him. In the night he
packed up some things and my father took him to Milwaukee, where he stayed until
his shoulder got well and he found he would not be troubled if he came back. You
see, Kinzie wasn't to blame at all. He didn't have any pistol nor knife—nothing. After
Lalime shot him and Kinzie got his arms around him, he (Lalime) pulled out his dirk,
and as they fell he was stabbed with his own knife. That is what they all said. I
didn't see the knife at all. I don't remember where Lalime was buried. I don't think
his grave was very near Kinzie's house. I don't remember that Mr. Kinzie ever took
care of the grave. That is all I know about it. I don't know what the quarrel was
about. It was an old one—business, I guess.

This bears all the thumb-marks of truth. It comes at first hand from a
disinterested eye-witness. Even if we suppose Mrs. Kinzie to have seen the
affray, which she does not say, it was doubtless from the opposite side of the
river, while Victoire and her sister were in the fort itself. No other account,
direct from an eye-witness, has ever been published.
Now, without pretending to certainty, it strikes me as probable that up to
this time Kinzie stood on the Indian side of the irrepressible conflict between
white men and red men, while the army and Lalime took the other. Mrs. Helm's
narrative in Wau-Bun is decidedly hostile to the good sense of the commandant
of the fort, and even to the courage of some of his faithful subordinates, while
obviously friendly to the mutinous element in his command. Therefore it seems
to me quite likely that Lalime's crazy attack on Kinzie was not entirely
disconnected with that irrepressible conflict, that this long-standing quarrel had
more than appears on the surface to do with the admitted success of Kinzie's
trade and the well-known unprofitableness of the business carried on by the
government agency.
On April 29th, 1891, there was unearthed at the southwest corner of Cass
and Illinois streets, a skeleton. Workmen were digging a cellar there for a large
new building, and were startled by having the shovel stopped by a skull,
wherein its edge made a slight abrasion. Further examination brought to light
some spinal vertebrae, some fragments of ribs, some remains of shoulder-
blades and pelvis-bones, some bones of the upper and lower arms and the hip-
bones, besides two bones of the lower part of one leg; also fragments, nearly
crumbled away, of a rude pine coffin. The rumor of the discovery spread
through the neighborhood, and luckily reached the ears of Mr. Scott Fergus,
son of the veteran printer, Robert Fergus, whose establishment stands within
ten feet of the place where these relics of mortality had so long lain unnoticed.
Mr. Fergus at once tried to save and collect the bones, and finding some
disposition on the part of the laborers to disregard his requests, he rang for the
police-patrol wagon, which bundled the little lot into a soap-box and carried
them to the East Chicago Avenue station.
I was out of town at this time and did not hear of the interesting
occurrence until Mr. Fergus told me of it upon my return, about a month later. I
then went to the station, only to learn that the bones, being unclaimed, had
been sent in the patrol-wagon to the morgue at the County Hospital, on the
West Side. However, on looking up the officer who carried them over, he freely
and kindly offered to try to reclaim them, and have them delivered to the
Historical Society. The morgue officials, after a few days, at a merely nominal
expense, complied with the request, and they are now here. Was this, is this
the skeleton of John Lalime?
The place where the bones were found is within a stone's throw of the
exact spot indicated by Gurdon Hubbard as the place where the picket fence
marked the grave, "two hundred yards west of the Kinzie house."
Dr. Arthur B. Hosmer, and Dr. Otto Freer, who have examined the relics
independently of each other, and assisted me in arranging them in human
semblance, consider them to be the skeleton of a slender white man, about
five feet and four inches in height.
The color, consistency and general conditions indicate that they had lain in
the ground (dry sand) for a very long time, reaching probably or possibly the
seventy-nine years which have elapsed since Lalime's death.
Now, admitting their expert judgment to be correct, this man died not far
from 1812. At that time there had not and never had been in all these parts
more than some fifty to one hundred white men, nearly all of whom were
soldiers, living in the fort and subject to burial in the fort burying-ground,
adjoining the present site of Michigan Avenue and Randolph street. At a later
date, say fifty years ago, isolated burials were not uncommon, but even then
they could scarcely have occurred in so public a spot as the north bank cf the
river, close to the docks and warehouses which had been by that time built
there.
John C. Haines, Fernando Jones and others remember perfectly the
existence of that lonely little fenced enclosure, and even that it was said to
mark the resting-place of a man killed in a fight. They and all others agree that
no other burials were made thereabouts, so far as known. Another point,
favorable or otherwise to this identification, is the fact that the place where the
skeleton was found is the lot whereon stood the first St. James Church, and
that the attendants there, as I was informed by one of them, Mr. Ezra McCagg,
never heard of any burial as having taken place in the church-yard.
On the other hand, Mr. Hubbard designates "the river bank" as the place of
burial, and the memory of Mr. Fernando Jones is to the effect that the fenced
enclosure was nearer to the place of Rush Street bridge than is the spot of
finding.
But in contradiction to this view. Judge Blodgett tells me that he was here
in 1831 and 1832, which was several years before either Mr. Jones or Mr.
Haines, and before Mr. Hubbard came here to live, he being then trading at
Danville. The Judge adds that with the Beaubien and Laframboise boys he
paddled canoes on the creek, played in the old Kinzie log-house and wandered
all about the numerous paths that ran along the river bank, and back into the
thick, tangled underbrush which filled the woods, covering almost all the North
Side west of the shore sand-hills. He says that one path over which they
traveled back and forth ran from the old house west to the forks of the river,
passing north of the old Agency house—"Cobweb Castle"—which stood near
the northeast corner of Kinzie and State Streets. Also that from that path
behind Cobweb Castle the boys pointed further north to where they said there
was a grave where the man was buried whom John Kinzie had killed, but they
never went out to that spot, and so far as he remembered he never saw the
grave. A kind of awe kept him quite clear of that place. All he knows is that it
was somewhere out in the brush behind the Agency house.
This seems to locate the grave as nearly as possible at the corner of Illinois
and Cass streets, where these relics were found. Fernando Jones suggests that
even if the grave was originally elsewhere, the remains might have got into the
church lot in this way: In 1832 Robert Kinzie entered and subdivided Kinzie's
Addition, bounded by Chicago Avenue on the north, the lake on the east,
Kinzie Street on the south and State Street on the west, and gradually he and
his brother John sold the lots. In 1835 they gave the St. James Society the two
lots where the church was built and wherein this skeleton was found. What
more likely than that on selling the lot whereon the original interment took
place (supposing it to be other than where the bones were unearthed) the
sellers were compelled, either by the buyer's stipulation or their own sense of
duty to their father's manifest wishes, to find a new place for the coffin of poor
Lalime, and thereupon selected the spare room in the new church-yard?
 It is worthy of note, that as, with the skeleton, were found the remains of a
coffin—a single bit of pine board, showing the well-known "shoulder angle,"
though decayed so that only a crumbling strip half an inch thick was left—this
could not have been a secret interment, made to conceal the death of a man.
It would seem utterly improbable that two men's bodies should have been
coffined and buried within the little space of ground, in the few years of time
pointed out by all these circumstances. We learn that Lalime was so buried;
also that, so far as known, all other excavations thereabouts have failed to
expose his remains; also that these relics have now come to light. Everyone
must draw his own conclusion. I have drawn mine. If it be erroneous, this
exploitation of the subject will be likely to bring out the truth.

LETTER FROM FERNANDO JONES.

Chicago, July 20th, 1891.
Joseph Kirkland, Esquire:
Dear Sir—In answer to your inquiry as to any incidents coming to my knowledge
as to the grave of John Lalime, who was buried near the mouth of the Chicago River
in the year 1812, I furnish the following statement:
When I arrived in Chicago, on my sixteenth birthday, May 26th, 1835, I landed on
the north side of the present river, near its mouth, very near to the old John Kinzie
homestead. I was escorted to the historic Cobweb Castle and the Dearborn Street
bridge by the children of an old friend of my father's, Samuel Jackson, who was
employed upon the north pier harbor work, and who had been an old neighbor in
Buffalo, New York, where he had also been employed upon the government harbor.
The little boy, Ezra, and the girl, Abigail, pointed out a grave situated a little to the
north of our path and several hundred feet west of the Kinzie house. The grave was
surrounded by a neat white picket fence. I passed it many times afterward, during
that and the succeeding summer, and often visited it with children about my own
age. The history of this lonely grave, as detailed by them, gave it a peculiar
fascination to me, and to them, and to others who saw it. I recall now, after an
interval of mere than half a century, a number of persons who visited this grave
with me, among whom were the Indian wife of Captain Jamison; the wife of Lieut.
Thompson, a half-breed woman; Virginia Baxley, daughter of Captain Baxley, of the
fort; Pierre Laframboise, son of a chief and interpreter; Alexander Beaubien, son of
a trader, and John C. Haines, who was also a clerk near me on South Water Street.
The tradition in regard to this grave was that it was the last resting-place of a
Frenchman named Lalime, who was government interpreter at the fort, and who
was killed in an encounter with the old Indian-trader, John Kinzie. It was said that
the officers of the garrison had the body buried in sight of Mr. Kinzie's house in
resentment for his murder. But it seems that old Mr. Kinzie took the sting from this
reproach by carefully tending the spot during his lifetime, and his son, John H.
Kinzie, continued the same care over it.
Soon after the erection of St. James Episcopal Church, about the year 1838, a
grave was noticed on the north side of the lot and in the rear of the church, which
was situated on the southwest corner of Cass and Illinois Streets, and opposite the
new house of John H. Kinzie. The lot upon which the Frenchman was buried had
been sold by Mr. John H. Kinzie, and was built upon, and Mr. Kinzie had given the lot
upon the corner for the church. Mr. Alonzo C. Wood, the builder of the church, who
still survives, informs me that the grave appeared there mysteriously, and his
remembrance is that the Rev. Mr. Hallam, the priest in charge, informed him that
the remains were placed there by the direction of Mr. Kinzie, or Mrs. Kinzie, but he
has no further distinct recollection in regard to it. I, myself, never mentioned the
subject to Mr. John H. Kinzie, but remember a conversation with his brother, Robert
A. Kinzie, U. S. Paymaster, in which he expressed satisfaction that his brother had
taken care of the bones of poor Lalime. It was understood by the few conversant
with the history of Lalime's death that both the elder Kinzie and his son, John H.,
were averse to speaking of the matter, but "Bob" was very like an Indian, and not at
all reticent on the question, and that the legend among those who took any interest
in the matter has always been that this solitary grave in the church-yard was the
grave of the "little Frenchman" who was first buried near the spot. Under the
circumstances, it is not strange that the removal should have been quietly made,
and I have little doubt in my own mind that the tradition is correct.
Very sincerely yours,

Fernando Jones.

LETTER FROM THE HON. J. C. HAINES.

Chicago, 15 July, 1891.
Major J. Kirkland:
Without very definite recollection as to just where the grave of John Lalime stood
in 1835, when I came to Chicago, I can say that I knew of its existence and have an
impression it stood in St. James' Church lot, corner of Cass and Michigan Streets.
John C. Haines.

DR. HOSMER'S LETTER.

108 Pine Street, Chicago,
July 11, 1893. }
The bones shown me at this date at the Chicago Historical Society, constitute the
major portion of a human skeleton—that of an adult white male of slender build and
about five feet four to five inches in height. There is evidence of a partial or
complete fracture of the left femur, at some time in his life, thoroughly repaired and
with some permanent thickening of the bone.
Judging by the color, weight and rotten condition of the bones, I believe that they
have been in the ground (supposing it to be sandy and above water-level) at least
sixty (60) but not to exceed one hundred (100) years.
A. B. Hosmer, M. D.

DR. FREER'S LETTER.

The skeleton shown me by Mr. Joseph Kirkland is without doubt of great age and
resembles in appearance fragments of others that have lain for many years in sandy
soil. All animal matter has departed from the bones, leaving them very light and
consisting of the mineral portions alone.
The type of skeleton is that of a man of moderate stature and light build. The skull
is that of a white man and of great symmetry. The lower jaw is missing, but the
upper perfect, barring loss of all teeth but one. The presence of the third molar's
sockets speaks for the complete maturity of the man. It is impossible exactly to
estimate the exact time that the skeleton has been in the ground, but its
appearance would tally well with the eighty years it is supposed to have lain there.
Dr. O. T. Freer.
July 20th, 1891.
THE LATE CALUMET CLUB-HOUSE.
 APPENDIX G.

IMPORTANT REMINISCENCES OF AN OLD

SETTLER (A. H. EDWARDS).—[from "FORT
DEARBORN"; FERGUS' HISTORICAL
SERIES, NO. 16.]
Sheboygan (Wis.), May 24th, 1891.
Hon. John Wentworth:
Dear Sir—I have had the pleasure of reading your account and also the remarks of
others in regard to Chicago and Illinois history. I am acquainted with some facts
derived from conversation with one who was there, and witnessed the fight and
killing of many of those who lost their lives on that memorable day. She was a
daughter of one of the soldiers, and was one of the children who, with her mother
and sisters, occupied the wagons, or conveyances that was to convey them from the
fort. She told me she saw her father when he fell, and also many others. She, with
her mother and sisters, were taken prisoners among the Indians for nearly two
years, and were finally taken to Mackinac and sold to the traders and sent to
Detroit. On our arrival in Detroit, in 1816, after the war, this girl was taken into our
family, and was then about thirteen years old, and had been scalped. She said a
young Indian came to the wagon where she was and grabbed her by the hair and
pulled her out of the wagon, and she fought him the best she knew how, scratching
and biting, till finally he threw her down and scalped her. She was so frightened she
was not aware of it until the blood ran down her face. An old squaw interfered and
prevented her from being tomahawked by the Indian, she going with the squaw to
her wigwam, and was taken care of and her head cured. This squaw was one that
often came to their house. The bare spot on the top of the head was about the size
of a silver dollar. She saw Captain Wells killed, and told the same story as related in
your pamphlet.
My father was well acquainted with Captain Wells; was stationed with him at Fort
Wayne, Indiana, where I was born, in 1807, and he was surgeon of the post. My
mother was a daughter of Col. Thomas Hunt of the Fifth Infantry.
I think there must be a mistake as to the year the Kinzies returned to Chicago. My
father and family arrived in Detroit in June, 1816; the Kinzies were there then, and I
was schoolmate of John, Robert, Ellen and Maria during that year, and I think they
returned to Chicago in 1817. Mr. Kinzie went in the fall of 1816, and the family in
the spring of 1817.
 I was in Chicago in 1832 in the Black Hawk War time, as First Lieutenant of
cavalry, from Michigan. The regiment was commanded by General Hart L. Stewart,
now living in Chicago.
During the Black Hawk War, and when in Chicago, we heard of the killing of the
Hall family and the carrying off of the two girls. Our company camped that night at
the mouth of the Little Calumet, and next morning went into Chicago, and the fort
was occupied by women and children of the surrounding country.
Then I saw for the last time my schoolmate, R. A. Kinzie. My brother. Col. L. A. H.
Edwards, was in command of the fort after we left, and had a Cass County regiment
of military from Michigan. We met him on our return at Door Prairie. He remained
there until the arrival of Major Whistler, in June, 1832; he retired from the fort
before the landing of any of the U. S. troops, on account of cholera being among
them, and he wished to avoid any contact with them on that account. His command
camped on the prairie, about a mile from the fort, and remained only a day or two.
Fearing the cholera might get among his men, he left for home, as he saw they
were not needed any longer, and was so informed by Major Whistler.
Captain Anderson, Ensign Wallace and myself camped under the hospitable roof of
General Beaubien, on the bank of the lake, not very far from the fort, who had kept
the only house there. Mark Beaubien Jr. went into Chicago with us, he having joined
us at Niles, on his way home from school. He was the son of the one called the
fiddler.
Our family lived in Detroit and were well acquainted with the Whistlers. My father.
Major Edwards, was in Detroit at the surrender of Hull, as Surgeon-General of the
Northwestern Army. He went from Ohio, and arriving in Detroit, received his
appointment. Our family was then living in Dayton, Ohio. At the close of the war he
resigned, and in 1816 removed to Detroit and was appointed sutler to all
Northwestern posts—Fort Gratiot, Mackinac, Green Bay [Fort Howard], and Chicago
[Fort Dearborn]—his books, now in my possession, showing his dealings with each
of these stores, and all the officers mentioned in your paper.

It is pleasant to note that at the disastrous fire at the Calumet Club, which
occurred while these pages were preparing, the Beaubien fiddle and the Wells
hatchet were saved.

Sheboygan (Wis.), Jan. 10, 1881.

Your letter of the 5th came to hand to-day. The person I named as being present
at the massacre, was a daughter of Cooper,[AV] one of the soldiers who was killed in
the fight. Her account, as given to me, as also her mother's, was that as soon as all
the soldiers were disposed of, the Indians made a rush for the wagons, where the
women and children were. Her mother, and sister younger than herself, were taken
from the wagon and carried away. A young Indian boy about fourteen or fifteen
years old dragged her by the hair out of the wagon, and she bit and scratched him
so badly that he finally scalped her and would have killed her if an old squaw had
not prevented him. I think she married a man by the name of Farnum and lived
many years in Detroit. Her mother died there about the year 1832. The sisters were
 living in Detroit in 1828. I have since heard they were living in Mackinac. I do not
know the first name of Cooper. He was killed and the girl said she saw her father's
scalp in the hands of an Indian afterward. He had sandy hair. I think she said they
were Scotch. Isabella had children. The girl said she saw Wells when he fell from his
horse, and that his face was painted. What became of her sister I do not know, as I
left Detroit in 1823, but my father and mother remained there until 1828. You will
receive with this a statement written by my father regarding himself, a short time
before his death, which occurred in October, 1860, at Kalamazoo, Mich., where he
had resided for many years. The statement will give you all the information in
regard to himself as well as who my mother was. Her father, Thomas Hunt, was
appointed a surgeon in the army directly after the battle of Bunker Hill, where he
was brought into notice by an act of gallantry, then only a boy of fifteen. He
remained in the army until his death, in 1808, in command of his regiment, at
Bellefontaine, Missouri. His sons and grandsons have been representatives in the
army ever since. Captain Thomas Hunt, mentioned in your letter, was a son, and the
present General Henry J. Hunt, of the Artillery, and General Lewis C. Hunt,
commanding the Fourth Infantry, grandsons, whose father (my mother's brother)
was Captain Samuel W. Hunt of the army.
My grandfather, Thomas Hunt, was a captain under Lafayette, and was wounded
at Yorktown in storming a redoubt of the British. Afterward he was with General
Anthony Wayne in his campaign against the Indians, and was left in command of
Fort Wayne as its first commander after the subjection of the Indians.

A. H. Edwards.
[AV] "John Cooper, Surgeon's Mate," is found in the muster-roll shown on
page 150. He also signed the certificate to the roll.

For other extracts from this interesting paper see Appendix E—"The Wells
and Heald families."
THE SAUGANASH (1833).
 APPENDIX H.

BILLY CALDWELL, THE SAUGANASH.

HE Sauganash had qualities, good and bad, appertaining to
each of his parent races. He had fighting courage and coolness
in danger, he had physical endurance, he had personal
faithfulness to personal friends, he had a love of strong drink.
There is now (1893) in this city, an account-book kept which
was at a Chicago grocery store in the thirties, wherein appear
many charges reading: "One quart whisky to B. Caldwell." The
book is in possession of Julian Rumsey, Esq., a relative of Mrs.
Juliette (Magill) Kinzie, author of "Wau-Bun."
When the inevitable separation came, and the Indians, after a grand
farewell war-dance (August 18, 1835),[AW] departed on their migration toward
the setting sun, Caldwell went with them, and died September 28, 1841, at
Council Bluffs, Iowa. His old friend Mark Beaubien, had named after him the
first and most noted of Chicago's real hotels, the "Sauganash," lovingly
remembered by many of the "first families."
[AW] See Appendix I.

Letter written by the Sauganash [Billy Caldwell] and Shabonee [Chambly].

Council Bluffs, March 23rd, 1840.
To General Harrison's Friends:
The other day several newspapers were brought to us; and peeping over them, to
our astonishment we found that the hero of the late war was called a coward. This
would have surprised the tall braves, Tecumseh, of the Shawnees, and Round Head
and Walk-in-the-water of the late Tomahawkees. The first time we got acquainted
with General Harrison, it was at the council fires of the late Old Tempest, General
Wayne, on the headquarters of the Wabash at Greenville, 1796. From that time till
1811 we had many friendly smokes with him; but from 1812 we changed our
tobacco smoke into powder smoke. Then we found that General Harrison was a
brave warrior and humane to his prisoners, as reported to us by two of Tecumseh's
young men, who were taken in the fleet with Captain Barclay on the 10th of
September, 1813, and on the Thames, where he routed both the red-men and the
British, and where he showed his courage and his humanity to his prisoners, both
white and red. See report of Adams Brown and family, taken on the morning of the
battle, October 5th, 1813. We are the only two surviving of that day in this country.
We hope the good white men will protect the name of General Harrison. We remain
your friends forever.
Chamblee [Shabonee], Aid to Tecumseh.

ME-TEE-A; A SIGNER OF THE TREATY OF

1821.
 APPENDIX I.

FAREWELL WAR-DANCE OF THE

INDIANS.
ARLY in 1833 Indians to the number of five thousand or more,
assembled at Chicago, around the fort, the village, the rivers and
the portage, to treat for the sale of their entire remaining
possessions in Illinois and Wisconsin. John Joseph Latrobe, in his
"Rambles in North America," gives the following realistic sketch of
the state of things hereabouts just sixty years ago:
A mushroom town on the verge of a level country, crowded to its utmost
capacity and beyond, a surrounding cloud of Indians encamped on the
prairie, beneath the shelter of the woods, on the river-side or by the low sand-hills
along the lake, companies of old warriers under every bush, smoking, arguing,
palavering, pow-wowing, with no apparent prospect of agreement.

The negotiations dragged on for weeks and months, for the Indians were
slow to put an end to their jollification, an occasion when they were the guests
of the Government, and fared sumptuously with nothing to pay. The treaty had
still to be ratified by the senate before its provisions could be carried out and
the settlement made. This took about two years.