Frame, Flow and Reflection: Ritual and Drama as Public Liminality

Author(s): Victor Turner

Source: Japanese Journal of Religious Studies , Dec., 1979, Vol. 6, No. 4 (Dec., 1979), pp.
465-499
Published by: Nanzan University

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 Frame, Flow and Reflection:
Ritual and Drama as Public Liminality

Victor TURNER

What, at first glance, could be less close, less akin than drama
and reflection? Drama demands a stage, actors, a heightened
atmosphere, spectators, the smell of the crowd, the roar
of the greasepaint. Reflection is at least one of the things
one does with one's solitude. But to counter this opposi-
tion an anthropologist tends to think in terms not of solitary
but of plural reflection, or, much better, plural reflexivity,
the ways in which a group or community seeks to portray,
understand, and then act on itself. Essentially, public
reflexivity takes the form of a performance. The languages
through which a group communicates itself to itself are
not, of course, confined to talking codes: they include ges-
tures, music, dancing, graphic representation, painting,
sculpture, and the fashioning of symbolic objects. They
aredramatic, that is literally "doing" codes. Public reflex-
ivity is also concerned with what I have called "liminality."
This term, literally "being-on-a-threshold," means a state
or process which is betwixt-and-between the normal, day-
to-day cultural and social states and processes of getting
and spending, preserving law and order, and registering
structural status. Since liminal time is not controlled by
the clock it is a time of enchantment when anything might,
even should, happen. Another way of putting it would be
to say that the liminal in socio-cultural process is similar
to the subjunctive mood in verbs - just as mundane socio-

Reproduced by permission of the author and of the publisher from Performance

in postmodern culture (Madison, Wisconsin: Coda Press, Inc., 1977). The section
heads (except for the last) have been added by the editor.

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 6/4 December 1979 465

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Victor TURNER

structural activities resemble the indicative mood. Limi-

nality is full of potency and potentiality. It may also be
full of experiment and play. There may be a play of ideas,
a play of words, a play of symbols, a play of metaphors.
In it, play's the thing. Liminality is not confined in its ex-
pression to ritual and the performative arts. Scientific
hypotheses and experiments and philosophical speculation
are also forms of play, though their rules and controls are
more rigorous and their relation to mundane "indicative"
reality more pointed than those of genres which proliferate
in fantasy. One might say, without too much exaggeration,
that liminal phenomena are at the level of culture what vari-
ability is at the level of nature.

Liminal rites. Liminality is the term used by the Belgian

folklorist van Gennep to denominate the second of three
stages in what he called a "rite of passage." Such rites are
found in all cultures, and are seen as both indicators and
vehicles of transition from one sociocultural state and status
to another - childhood to maturity, virginity to marriage,
childlessness to parenthood, ghosthood to ancestorhood,
sickness to health, peace to war and vice versa, scarcity to
plenty, winter to spring, and so on. He did, however, dis-
tinguish between those rites performed at life-crises, such
as birth, puberty, marriage, death, and those performed
at crucial points in the turning year, or on occasions of
collective crisis when a whole society faces a major change,
peace to war, health to epidemic, and so forth. The first
set were mainly performed for individuals in secret or hid-
den places and related to upward mobility. The latter were
performed for collectivities, were public in character, and
often portrayed reversals or inversions of status or confu-
sion of ordinary everyday categories. Van Gennep distin-
guished the three stages as (1) separation (from ordinary
social life); (2) margin or limen (meaning threshold), when
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

the subjects of ritual fall into a limbo between their past

and present modes of daily existence; and (3) re-aggregation,
when they are ritually returned to secular or mundane life -
either at a higher status level or in an altered state of con-
sciousness or social being. I have written at length about
initiation rites or rites of status elevation. I am now ex-
tremely interested in the other major type of rites. I use
to call it "ritual or status reversal," from the fact that in
many cultures rituals performed at major calendrical tur
portrayed turnabouts of normal social status: the poor
played at being rich, the rich at being poor; kings and no-
bles were abased and commoners wore the insignia of rule.
But these ritual reversals are only part of the story. Just
as important are the ways a society finds in these public
rituals of commenting on and critiquing itself. Here there
is not so much the symbolism of birth, maturation, death,
and rebirth - that is, of linear developments - but rather
the continuous presence of a metalanguange - that is, codes
or presentation and expression which enable participants
and spectators to realize just how far they have fallen short
of or transgressed their own ideal standards, or even, in some
kinds of ritual, to call those very ideals into question under
conditions of sharp social change.
I have spoken about liminal time. I now distinguish be-
tween everyday social space and liminal space. In public
metasocial rites we have to do with public liminality, and
such rites are often performed in the village or town square,
in full view of everyone. They are not secret affairs, per-
formed in caves or groves or in lodges protected from
profanation by poisoned arrows. All performances require
framed spaces set off from the routine world. But meta-
social rites use quotidian spaces as their stage; they merely
hallow them for a liminal time.

The argument. Now the gist of my argument is simply this:

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 6/4 December 1979 467

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Victor TURNER

that for every major social formation there is a dominant

mode of public liminality, the subjunctive space time that
is the counterstroke to its pragmatic indicative texture. Thus,
the simpler societies have ritual or sacred corroborees as
their main metasocial performances; proto-feudal and feudal
societies have carnival or festival; early modern societies
have carnival and theater; and electronically advanced so-
cieties, film. I am aware that this is a gross oversimplifi-
cation, that there are many other performative genres,
such as spectacles, parades, processions, circuses, even art
exhibitions, and television, and that in each of the four
divisions (mentioned earlier) there are many subdivisions.
But to get a preliminary hold upon the relationship between
social processes and performative genres it is perhaps best
to start with bold strokes and attempt to fill in the fine
details later.
To look at itself a society must cut out a piece of itself
for inspection. To do this it must set up a frame within
which images and symbols of what has been sectioned off
can be scrutinized, assessed, and, if need be, remodeled and
rearranged. In ritual what is inside the frame is what is often
called the "sacred," what is outside, the "profane," "secular,"
or "mundane." To frame is to enclose in a border. A sa-
cralized space has borders. These may be permanent, in
the case of the temple, or situational, as in the case of many
central African rituals I have observed where sacred space
may be demarcated by an improvised fence or merely b
the anticlockwise circling of a tree or cleared area by ritua
adepts. Time also enters the framing, since rituals, as va
Gennep has shown, have a well-defined beginning, middle,
and end. Often audible markers are used: bell-ringing,
shouting, singing, percussion sounds. By such means sa-
cred time is dramatically separated from secular time. Ritual
time is ordered by rules of procedure, written or unwritten.
A ritual contains an explicit scenario or score. Modern views
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

of ritual stress its rigid and obsessional character. But tribal

rituals are anything but rigid. One should rather regard
them as orchestrations of a wide range of performative
genres, symphonies in more than music, comprising several
performative genres. These may include dancing, gesturing,
singing, chanting; the use of many musical instruments;
mimetic displays; and the performance of drama during
key episodes. All the senses are enlisted, and the symbolic
actions and objects employed are in every sensory code.
Since the rise of puritanism we have been inclined, in the
West, to stress the pervasively solemn and strict character
of ritual. But the majority of rituals still performed in the
world contain festive, joyful, and playful episodes and in-
cidents. What Huizinga has called the "ludic" interacts with
the solemn in complex fashion. Again, while there are fixed,
stereotyped sequences of symbolic action, there are also
episodes given over to verbal and nonverbal improvisation.
Indeed, if we adopt the standpoint of culture history it is
clear that full-scale rituals of this sort are the matrix from
which later performative genres have sprung, both serious
and entertaining.
Rituals have form, but it is a special sort of form which
arises after secular social structure has been suspended to
allow it to emerge. Preritual and postritual social life is
governed by a multiplicity of laws, rules, regulations, and
customs which make up a system of social control. These
are for the most part culture's indicative mood, as I have
said. 'But in ritual an even more complex situation comes
into being. On the one hand, the framing process, which
continues throughout the entire ritual process, since it es-
tablishes and articulates the sequence of phases and episodes
composing the ritual, is subject to firm procedural, even
rubrical rules. But, on the other hand, the subjunctivity
of ritual, that part of it which expresses supposition, desire,
and possibility, rather than actual fact, particularly in the
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 6/4 December 1979 469

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Victor TURNER

central liminal phase, may rather be described in such terms

as "charismatic," "numinous," "sacred reality," "illud
tempus," "a time of wonders," and so on. This is the world
of the exhibition of sacra, symbols or a higher reality; of
the dramatization of creation stories; of the appearance
of masked and monstrous figures; of the construction of
complicated shrines; of the revelation of figurines or wall
paintings used to instruct and catechize naked or painted
novices undergoing initiatory transformation. In times of
radical social change, some of these sacred items and sym-
bolic processes burst out of the secrecy of lodges and enter
the public arena as part of the repertoire of prophetic
leaders who mobilize the people against invaders or over-
lords threatening their deep culture.

Public rituals. But it is not of initiatory secrets that I would

speak here. It is of the great public festivals where public
events come under the lens of liminal attention. Such rituals
have very frequently a satirical, lampooning, comedic quality
Furthermore, they tend to stress the basic equality of all,
even if this involves a status reversal and the setting up of
hierarchies of roles, occupied by those who are normally
underlings, which caricature the normative indicative hier-
archy's power, wealth, and authority. In my book The ritual
process (1969: 178-188) I have mentioned a number of
these public rituals, such as the Hori festival in the Indian
village, Kishan Garhi, described by McKim Marriott in "The
feast of love" (1966: 210-212), and the Apo ceremony of
the northern Ashanti of Ghana, in which there is a reversal
of secular social status, and social inferiors are privileged
to upbraid and lampoon their "betters." Quite often, how-
ever, public ritual dramatizes secular, political, and legal
status relationships. Even in those cases, episodes of status
reversal, including the direct manifestation of what I have
called communitas, the mutual confrontation of human
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

beings stripped of status role characteristics - people, "just

as they are," getting through to each other - may strikingly
occur. For example, the great ethnographer Henri Junod
(1962: 397-404) discusses the major public rituals of the
Thonga of Mozambique, the "luma of bukanyi," in the fol-
lowing terms: The nkanyi from which the ritual derives
its name is a large tree bearing a plum-like fruit from which
a mildly intoxicating liquor is brewed. Political hierarchy
is at first in evidence here, for the rites must be inaugurated
by the paramount chief, followed at the district level by
sub-chiefs, who pray to their deceased royal ancestors in
sacred woods. The term luma means that a major restriction is
being lifted. Things are being tabooed. No one may gather
the fruit or brew its ,beer until the rites have been inaugu-
rated. When someone lumas the ban is lifted. What I have
said about the public and visible nature of calendrical ritual
for the bukanyi is considered to mark the beginning of th
new year - is exemplified in Junod's description of what
occurs after the chiefly prayers.

The young people are now assembled to clean up the public

square and all the roads. The ball room must be prepared!
The women of the capital start out early in the morning ....
and they go all over the country gathering the golden fruit;
this is piled up in an enormous heap on the public square.
The women of the capital brew ten or fifteen huge casks
of the precious liquor. . . . A convocation of the entire male
portion of the tribe is held in the capital, but the first to
respond to the call must be .. . . the warriors of the army,
who come in full array, with all their ornaments, and carrying
their small clay shields. One cask of beer is selected, into
which is thrown the black powder, the great medicine of

the land.Each
villages. .... Now comes
district themust
chief third act: the drinking
commence to luma ininthe
the
presence of his subjects, and not until he has done so can
the people drink freely in the villages (p. 399).

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 6/4 December 1979 471

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Victor TURNER

Here I would like to interpolate that the various com-

ponents of the national political structure, here principally
the chiefs and the warriors, have the role of first framing,
then punctuating the episodes of the ritual. Structure is
used in the service of communitas. The content of the ritual
relates to the unity and continuity of the nation and the
land, transcending all structural oppositions of chief and
commoner, men and women. I now wish to return to Junod's
account, which stresses the Dionysian communitas which
is the ground swell of the bukanyi, and which here escapes
its Apollonian framing by male authority.

From this moment (i.e., the chief's prayer) there is no further

description. Drinking continues day and night, night and
day! When the supply is finished in one village, they go
to the next. These feasts are the Saturnalia, the Bacchanalia,
the carnival of the tribe (here I would criticize Junod's no-
menclature: I would reserve all three of these terms for
performative genres in societies more complex than the
Thonga). During these weeks some individuals are in a con-
tinual state of semi-intoxication. Orgies on all sides, songs
and dances! .... How far does sexual license go during
bukanyi? Not to the point of general promiscuity as amongst
the Ba-Pedi (another southern Bantu people) after the cir-
cumcision school. However, many cases of adultery occur.
Men and women forget the elementary rules of conduct.
They attend to the wants of nature in the same places, which
is taboo under ordinary circumstances: "Nau, a wa ha tiyi," -
"The law is no longer in force" (p. 401).

But social structure, after its dip in communitas, emerges

renewed when the district chiefs send their people to the
capital with supplies of "new wine." This is followed by
a series of return visits by the chief to villages of his sub-
jects, with further dancing, singing, and drinking.
Junod, who as early as 1912 knew his van Gennep well,
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

was aware of these polarities of public ritual, although he

did not, of course, use my vocabulary: "structure and anti-
structure," or "social structure and communitas." tgut he
did write that: "These rites are . . . . dictated by the sense
of hierarchy (Junod's emphasis). A subject must not pre-
cede his chief, nor a younger brother the elder in the use
of the new harvest, else they would kill those in authority.
Such an act is against order" (p. 404). Junod then goes
on to stress the idea of passage, following van Gennep:
"There is a passage from one year to another .... though
the luma rites do not bear all the characteristics of a true
passage rite, like those of circumcision or moving, we may
observe in the luma or bukanyi a kind of marginal perio
of general license, when the ordinary laws are more or less
suspended" (p. 404).
Junod does not mention the use of antistructural process
here as a metasocial critique, or, even at the simplest level,
as an opportunity for the common folk to speak frankly
to chiefs and aristocrats. That this aspect was probably
present is suggested by evidence from other Southern Bantu
speaking peoples. For instance, Eileen Jensen Krige (1950)
finds it in the Great Umkhosi or National First-fruit Cere-
monies of the Zulu of Natal. The Zulu, it must be remem-
bered, had largely converted this agricultural ritual into
a grand review of the army and a celebration of the military
kingship established by Shaka, that genius of war. Never-
theless the agricultural basis remains, and the king's song
is said to bring rain for the crops. Krige writes:

A remarkable feature of this review of the army was that

considerable freedom of speech was allowed on this occa-
sion, and the king could be in'sulted with impunity. Various
people would leave the ranks of the warriors, who were
made to sit down during the discourse, and there (were)
free interrogations to which the king (was) bound to reply.

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 6/4 December 1979 473

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Victor TURNER

Sometimes they denounced him in the presence of all, blamed

his acts, stigmatized them as infamous and cowardly,
obliged him to explain, destroyed the reasoning in his answers,
dissecting them and unmasking their falsehood, then threat-
ening him proudly, and ending with a gesture of contempt
(p. 260).

Thus the highest becomes the lowest; the equality of all

outside social structure is asserted.

Carnival. Instances of a similar kind could be multiplied

from many standard ethnographies. I will now consider
the second major performative genre I mentioned earlier:
carnival. I should interpolate that growing evidence con-
vinces me that new ways of modeling or framing social reality
may actually be proposed and sometimes legitimated in
the very heat of performance, emerging as a sort of artifact
or popular creativeness. That is why public liminality has
often been regarded as "dangerous" by whatever powers-
that-be who represent and preside over established structure.
Public liminality can never be tranquilly regarded as a safety
valve, mere catharsis, "letting off steam." Rather it is com-
munitas weighing structure, sometimes finding it wanting,
and proposing in however extravagant a form new paradigms
and models which invert or subvert the old. Carnival is a
particularly interesting illustration of this ambiguity. As
Natalie Z. Davis has said (Society and culture in early modern
France, 1975: 97): "Festive life can on the one hand per-
petuate certain values of the community, even guarantee
its survival, and on the other hand criticize political order."
I cannot today discuss in detail how the historical religions
of the book (Judaism, Christianity, Islam) have come, by
and large, to emphasize the solemn in their official liturgical
structures, while merely countenancing with some misgiving
the festive and ludic, as parallel "fold" processes fit for fairs

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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

and feasts perhaps, but not for "serious" ritual to their major
calendrical rituals. But to the eye of the investigator, the
"solemn" and the "ludic," often regarded as equivalent to
the sacred and the profane by religious professionals, must
surely be analyzed as polarities of the same ritual field.
Solemn liturgies dramatize paradigms of axiomatic value.
Festivals and carnivals allow considerable creative latitude
for collective scrutiny of the contemporaneous social struc-
ture, often with lampooning liberty. People stand back
from their lives and weigh their quality. We have seen how
in Thonga, Zulu, and other "tribal" ritual, solemn and ludic
are interdigitated, penetrate one another. Now at a more
advanced stage of the social division of labor we must turn
our attention to performative genres that are specialized
in the direction of festal play, however rough that playful-
ness may often be.
Carnivals differ from rituals in the further respect that
they seem to be more flexibly responsive to social and even
societal change, change in the major political and economic
structures. Strictly speaking, "carnival" refers to the period
of feasting and revelry just before Lent, including Mardi
Gras in France, Fastnacht in Germany and Shrove Tide in
England. The popular and probably fictitious etymological
derivation "carne vale," "flesh, farewell," hits off its ludic
and liminal quality, poised between mundance and solemn
modes of living - with more than a hint of desperation. All
things of the flesh, including the "things that are Caesar's,"
are being brought to the fore of social attention, the pleasur-
able to be indulged in, and the politically and legally unjust to
be given a long hard look. It is perhaps no accident that the
two best American historians of carnival in my view, Natalie
Davis and Robert J. Bezucha, should consistently acknowledge
their debt both for theory and data to Arnold van Gennep, the
spiritual father of modern cultural processualism whose Manuel
du folklore frangais is as influential for historians as his Rites
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 6/4 December 1979 475

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Victor TURNER

de passage is for anthropologists. Both have studied carnival

rather late in European history, Davis in the later middle
ages and the sixteenth century, Bezucha in the nineteenth
century. Both have worked in France, where change has
always been more reflexive, or at least more self-conscious,
than elsewhere. I would like to spend some time with these
scholars whose data admirably illustrate my case that public
limiliminality is the eye and eyestalk which society bends
round upon its own condition, whether healthy or unsound.
Essentially, Davis and Bezucha are interested in the re-

sponsiveness to sociocultural change of the various ,genres,

born in the Middle Ages, which Davis has catalogued as:

masking, costuming, hiding; charivaris (noisy, masked demon-

strations to humiliate some wrongdoer in the community),
farces, parades, and floats; collecting and distributing money
and sweets; dancing, music-making, the lighting of fires;
reciting of poetry, gaming and athletic contests - the list
in all its forms and variations would be longer than the 81
games in Bruegel's famous painting or the 217 games that
Rabelais gave to Gargantua. They took place at regular
intervals, and whenever the occasions warranted it; they were
timed to calendar of religion and season (the twelve days
of Christmas, the days before Lent, early May, Pentecost,
the feast of Saint Jean-Baptiste in June, the Feast of the
Assumption in mid-August, and All Saints) and timed also
to domestic events, marriages, and other family affairs
(pp. 97-98).

Post-feudal carnivals. Natalie Davis concerns herself in her

chapter four, "The reasons of misrule," with one liminal
category of French citizens: unmarried men in peasant
communities who have reached the age of puberty. "Since
village boys usually did not marry until their early or mid-
dle twenties in the fifteenth through seventeenth centuries,
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

their period of jeunesse lasted a long time and the number

of bachelors relative to the total number of men in the vil-
lage was quite high" (p. 104). For carnival purposes each
year before Lent, after Christmas, or at some other time,
they elected a King or Abbott from among their midst. This
officiant was the head of what was widely called "an Abbey
of Misrule" (Abbe de Maugouvert), a carnival group put
on "by an informal circle of friends and family, sometimes
by craft or professional guilds and confraternities, and very
often by organizations that literary historians have called
'socidtis joyeuses' (or 'fool-societies' or 'play-acting so-
cieties')" (p. 98). Indeed, I well remember how, on Shrove
Tuesday in Glasgow, students from the University, dressed
in all kinds of bizarre garb, with much transvestitism, used
to take over the city and swarm aboard all its public trans-
portation, bullying and cajoling the citizenry into giving
generous alms to charity - obviously a latter day Abbey
of Misrule in action! The medieval festive Abbeys later
came to assume a political nature, and in a remarkable
chapter, "Women on top," Davis shows how males in masks
and female garb caricatured female attributes. It was sup-
posed in the carnival frame - which here merely replicated
the dominant thought of a patrilineal society - that wom-
an's dominant attribute was "unruliness," or "disorder-
liness." As Davis puts it: "the lower ruled the higher within
the woman ... and if she were given her way, she would
want to rule over those above her outside. Her disorderli-
ness led her into the evil arts of witchcraft, so ecclesiastical
authorities claimed; and when she was embarked on some
behavior for which her allegedly weak intellect disqualified
her, such as theological speculation or preaching, that was
blamed on her disorderliness too" (p. 125). The Kingdoms
and Abbeys of Misrule had "officers" who presided over
their carnival behavior. Among these roles, played by men,
were "Princesses and Dames and especially Mothers; we
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 6/4 December 1979 477

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Victor TURNER

find Mere Folle in Dijon, Langes, and Chilon-sur-Sa6ne;

MWre Sotte in Paris and Compiegne; and Mere d'Enfance
in Bordeaux. .... In all of this there was a double irony:
the young villager who became an Abbott, the artisan who
became a Prince directly adopted for their Misrule an object
of licit power; the power invoked by the man who became
Mere Folle, however, was already in defiance of natural
order - a dangerous and vital power, which his disguise
made safe for him to assume" (pp. 139-40).
What one sees here in Davis's material is evidence of an
institution originally committed to maintaining a cyclical
repetitive order, in which the natures and virtues of the
sexes as structurally classified are clearly figured. Never-
theless, although both male and female offices of the Abbeys
of Misrule may be said to belong to the liminal domain of
carnival, the female ones are quintessentially liminal, since
they represent persons who, even in the mundane "indica-
tive" world, by reason of their status inferiority and mar-
ginality, have a "subjunctive" penumbra reinforced and
reduplicated in the carnival setting. The danger here is not
simply that of female "unruliness." This unruliness itself
is a mark of the ultraliminal, of the perilous realm of possi-
bility of "anything may go" which threatens any social order
and seems the more threatening, the more that order seems
rigorous and secure. The powers of the weak - to curse
and criticize - set limits on the power of the strong - to
coerce and ordain.
The subversive potential of the carnivalized feminine
principle becomes evident in times of social change when
its manifestations move out of the liminal world of Mardi
Gras into the political arena itself. Natalie Davis has written
at some length of peasant movements and protests by other
kinds of groups, in which men, clad in the carnival "drag"
usually associated with Mare Folle and her Infanterie, putting
on feminine "unruliness" so to speak, projected the carnival
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

right of criticism and mockery into situations of real, "in-

dicative" rebellion (p. 147).
She gives several instances of how "ritual and festive inver-
sion" was put to new overtly political uses (p. 147). In the
Beaujolais in the 1770s, male peasants blackened their faces
and dressed as women "and then attacked surveyors measuring
their lands for a new landlord" (p. 147). In England, in
1629, (the so-called) "Captain" Alice Clark, a real female,
headed a crowd of women and male weavers dressed as wom-
en in a grain riot near Maldon in Essex (p. 148). In 1631,
in the dairy and grazing sections of Wiltshire, bands of men
rioted and leveled fences against the king's enclosure of
their forests. They were led by men dressed as women,
who called themselves "Lady Skimmington." In April 1812,
"General Ludd's Wives," two weavers dressed as women,
led a crowd of hundreds to smash steam looms and burn
a factory in Stockport (p. 148). Among other examples
Davis cites the "Whiteboys" of Ireland, who, for almost
a decade, from 1760-70, dressed in long white frocks and,
with blackened faces, "set themselves up as an armed popular
force to provide justice for the poor 'to restore the ancient
commons and redress other grievances."' She says that these
"Ghostly Sallies" were the prototypes of the "Molly Maguires
and the Ribbon societies of the nineteenth century" (p. 149).
What has been happening, of course, is that the rebellious
potential of the unruly female persona, hitherto confined
to the "play" world of carnival, has been put to new use
by men in the traditionally masculine realm of political
action. As Davis writes: "On the one hand, the disguise
freed men from the full responsibility for their deeds and
perhaps, too, from fear of outrageous revenge upon their
manhood. After all, it was 'merely women' who were acting
in this disorderly way. On the other hand, the males drew
upon the sexual power and energy of the unruly woman
and on her license (which they had long assumed at carnival
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Victor TURNER

and games) - to promote fertility, to defend the commu-

nity's interests and standards, and to tell the truth about
unjust rule" (p. 149).

Early modern carnivals. Another historian who has made

use of popular festivity not only as an index, but also as
an agency of sociocultural and political change is Robert
Bezucha, of Syracuse University, whose period for inten-
sive study is the Second Republic in France. In a paper
delivered at the Davis Center at Princeton in 1975 he fol-
lowed Maurice Agulhon (La Republique au village) (1960:
265-66) in tracing a double evolution in popular "mentalit6"
during the early nineteenth century in France from tradi-
tional to progressive in political life and from folklore (in
the French sense of this term, that is, as the nexus of tradi-
tional customs, beliefs, and practices - Americans might
call it "folk culture") to modernity in daily life. These
processes, though parallel, were not synchronized so that
when villagers wished to express an advanced political idea,
they often did so within the context of a folkloresque event.
In doing so they carried further the normal lampooning
license of the carnival, of which van Gennep has written:
there is "the temporary suspension of the rules of normal
collective life ... one profits from this period of traditional
license to mock the constraints of the State and the Govern-
ment to which the collectivity submits in normal times"
(1938-58, vol. l:xx; vol. 3:981-82). How far they carried
it may be seen from the fact that most of Bezucha's data
were drawn from reports by Procureurs Generaux in the
Archives Nationales on incidents officially classified as
affaires politiques that occurred on Mardi Gras or Ash
Wednesday (the key days of the Careme-Carnaval cycle)
between 1848 and 1851. Carnival contained many tradi-
tional symbols and symbolic actions; these were used in
new ways to express political attitudes, while new symbols,
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

such as the Phrygian caps of the French Revolution, were

introduced into carnival processions. Bezucha also records
instances of the transvestitism discussed by Davis, but this
has ceased to be a dominant symbolic motif by the time
of the brief Second Republic. Let me give two examples
from Bezucha's talk; one represents a critique from the Right,
the other from the Left, of the rapidly changing political
scene from Louis Napoleon's Revolution of 1848 to his
proclamation of himself as Emperor in 1852 - a period
characterized by increasing repression of the rural masses.
The first comes from a report on the town of Uzes in the
department of Gard in southern France (Popular festivities
and politics during the Second Republic, pp. 12-13). The
year is 1849.

February 21 was Ash Wednesday. On this day in the Midi

of France, the young people belonging to the popular class
(la classe du peuple) are accustomed to hold a burlesque
divertissement whose theme is the burial of Carnival. They
cover or blacken their faces, don bizarre costumes, arm them-
selves with kitchen bellows, and go through the streets of
the town, one after the other, each trying to use the bellows
on the person in front of him. At the head of the procession,
they carry a mannequin called Carimantran (Carime entrant:
the arrival of Lent) which they dance around at each stop
and end by throwing into the water.
This year, its authors, since they belong to the legitimist
party (seeking the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty) have
not neglected to give to the festivities a significance which
was insulting to the Republic. In place of a bellows, each
of them carried a broom, and at a signal they all began to
sweep, raising a cloud of dust, while at the same time singing
a song called "The Song of the Sweeps" (Ramoneurs).
But what gave the parody an extremely clear meaning
was another smaller group of persons preceding the sweepers
and who, by the various emblems they wore, obviously repre-

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Victor TURNER

sented the Republic (i.e., the government of Louis Napol6on).

One of them rode a wretched nag and held a dirty tricolored
flag which from time to time he let trail on the ground behind
him.
From time to time the sweepers would draw close to
this flag bearer, pretending to hit him with their brooms
and to force him to descend and give his place to another.
In addition, five or six persons on foot and wearing clothing
of various colors, in contrast to the completely white cos-
tumes of the sweepers, marched in front of them with an
issue of the journal La Riforme displayed on their chests.
Thus, it seemed that the white troupe was sweeping away
the tricolored flag and those gathered around it.

Here, again, we have an instance of improvisation during

performance itself - of the introduction of a new element -
broom replacing bellows; and critical commentary on current
events. Bezucha fills in for us some features of the relevant
historical and cultural contexts (pp. 13-16). He sees in the
danse des soufflets ("dance of the bellows") an instance of
a class of Ash Wednesday snake dances popular in southern
French towns, which van Gennep believed were themselves
parodies of the processions of the penitents, the religious
fraternities of Provence. In these dances there was much
ritual tranvestitism. Masked youths dressed in women's
petticoats or nightshirts amused the spectators by trying
to grab the persons dancing in front of them, whether to
set his skirts on fire or strew him with ashes. But the 1849
carnival at Uzes made additional use of old custom. The
Gard department has witnessed religious conflict from the
Camisard wars of the seventeenth century to the White Terror
of the restoration. After the Revolution of 1830, the Protes-
tant elite of Uzes had gained control of the town's adminis-
tration and National Guard. When Guizot, a Protestant,
fell in 1848, power went over to their old foes the impover-
ished Catholic majority. The Protestants feared that a third
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

restoration of the Bourbons was imminent. In other towns,

this group might have been "men of Order"; here many
supported the Left, "the democratic and social Republic,"
as a means of opposing a government they distrusted. As
in so many small towns, at Uzes, religion, politics and social
structure formed a single sociocultural field. Even before
the Carnival, "the Republican cafe" had assaulted dancing
Catholics with billiard cues, while Catholic youths retaliated
by attacking Protestant homes and businesses - why does
this script seem so familiar these days? Bezucha summarizes
the events of 1849 as a "popular demonstration by the Right
against an elite on the Left. The costumes of the sweepers
were indeed traditional, but the color white also symbolized
the legitimist, Catholic party. Their dance was a customary
one, but by substituting brooms for bellows and adding a
tricolored flag and a few copies of a newspaper they changed
the meaning of the parody. Its theme was no longer the
burial of Carnival, rather the burial of the Republic ... this
mechanism of innovation set off a chain of violence" (pp.
15-16).
Color symbolism plays a clear role here. I wish I had
time to speak more about it, for I have written extensively
on the initiatory significance of what I can only consider
the culturally "primary" colors, white, red, and black, in
studies of tribal cultures. But it is importantly used in pro-
vincial France during the Second Republic, as Bezucha's
second example demonstrates. This case is from a procur-
eur's notes on Ash Wednesday 1849 in the town of Issoire
in the Puy-de-D6me, in the north. Here the Whites are put
down and the Reds prevail.

On the 21st of this month a masquerade thusly composed

appeared on the main square of Issoire: an individual wearing
bourgeois clothing, his face covered with a mask of white
material and holding a cattle pik in his hand, pretended to

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Victor TURNER

be a herdsman driving cattle. Behind him were two persons

joined together by a yoke and dressed like workers, their
faces covered by masks of red material. Following them
came a cart pulled by a horse and containing five or six per-
sons supporting a straw dummy which in this part of the
country is called Guillaume. The allegory was highly trans-
parent: the bourgeois aristocracy was forcing the people
[emphasis in the original text] under the yoke of its power.
At the same time in another part of town, another group
of maskers was going about in a cart; one person wore a
red bonnet and carried a wooden staff which he jabbed into
the side of a straw dummy which was wearing a white bonnet.
This last masquerade was the opposite, or rather the comple-
ment, of the first allegory: it was the people in turn taking
its vengeance by the destruction of the aristocratic bour-
geoisie.
Finally, elsewhere in the town, a band of young peasants
went about shaking their fists, singing, and shouting A bas
les blancs! (p. 16).

Issoire had the reputation of being a turbulent town,

strongly anticarlist and hostile to the bourgeoisie. The color
symbolism had potent cultural meaning here too. Red was
not only contra-Carlist but also pro-revolutionary. If white
and Right stood for order, red and Left stood, not for dis-
order, but for a new order based on the (often bloody) over-
throw of the old order. The figure of Guillaume, the Straw
Man, is interesting. Traditionally he was a buffoon or clown,
who represented Turncoatism, like the Vicar of Bray in the
English song. He was the person who put opportunism before
principle. In Bezucha's interpretation (p. 18) he had ceased
to be, as he once was, "a symbolic representation of carnival,"
with its plasticity of commentary as against the rigidity of
a structure accepted by all, but was now "the personification
of the maskers' enemy, the so-called bourgeois aristocracy."
He was petrified in a new structural role - if only in the
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

labile world of carnival.

Four days after this Ash Wednesday parade, which still
preserved many traditional features, a local chambr~e or
Republican club mounted a procession, presumably to cele-
brate the first year of the Republic, which represented a
conscious combination of traditional carnival allegory and
elements of the fetes revolutionnaires, the official pageants
staged in the 1790s. As Bezucha describes it:

In a horse-drawn cart decorated with red cloth, green gar-

lands, and the motto Honneur au travail, rode a costumed
figure representing Liberty, her (his, for Liberty was played
by a man) hands on the shoulders of The Worker and The
Farmer. Behind Liberty stood her children, Genius and
Instruction; next to here were two men, one with a large
open book and the other with a sign reading La Republique
fera le tour du monde. The cart was led by a villager dressed
as a Roman herald and followed by the figure of Time.
An honor guard of ten persons preceded the cart and
behind it came five persons in chains: one was dressed as
a priest or jesuit, a second in white, a third in black, and
the final two as nobles wearing signs marked Privilege in
their hats. Completing the procession was a crowd of per-
haps one hundred and fifty men, marching arm in arm and
singing La Marseillaise and Le Chant du dcpart. As they
passed the home of the retired subprefect, a peasant was
heard to shout Vive le sang! (pp. 18-19).

The thought of the guillotine must have made shivers

run down several backs that night! Indeed, in other Mardi
Gras parades recorded by Bezucha from that period, symbolic
guillotines were taken on procession on carts. At Schirmeck
in the Bas-Rhin department, for example, one such "guillo-
tine" was accompanied by an "executioner," wearing a red
belt and smeared with a colored substance imitating blood.
The procession stopped outside the homes of local notables,

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Victor TURNER

while the group shouted "Long live Robespierre! Long

live the guillotine!"

Stage drama. The examples of public liminality I have given -

calendrical rites in tribal cultures and carnivals in post-feudal
and early modem culture - stress the role of collective in-
novatory behavior, of crowds generating new ways of framing
and modelling the social reality which presses on them in
their daily lives. Here all is open, plurally reflexive, the
folk acts on the folk and transforms itself through becoming
aware of its situation and predicament. I now want to turn
to a major reflexive genre, which in keeping with its origin
in cultures which recognize the category of "the individual"
as the significant decision-making and ethical unit, attributes
to individuals the authorship of its scenarios - I refer to
stage drama. But stage plays are, of course, as much public
as private performative modes. They involve actors, audience,
producers, stagehands, often musicians and dancers, and,
most of all, their plots and messages are communicated by
various written and oral networks to a general public which
varies in span and composition from society to society and
epoch to epoch. It is a moot point whether plays derive
from rituals - as carnivals clearly do - or whether they
originated in the retelling of hunting and headhunting ad-
ventures, with pantomimic accompaniments. In either case
they are liminal phenomena, with a good deal of reflexive
commentary interwoven with the descriptive narrative.

Flow. In considering drama, we should consider flow. There

can certainly be flow in ritual and carnival, but it is not so
central to these genres as framing and plural reflexivity.
What is flow? My colleague at Chicago, the psychologist
Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, has recently devoted a whole book
(Beyond boredom and anxiety, 1975) to the study of this
elusive concept. For him flow is a state in which action
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

follows action according to an inner logic which seems to

need no conscious intervention on our part; we experience
it as a unified flowing from one moment to the next, in
which we feel in control of our actions, and in which there
is little distinction between self and environment, between
stimulus and response, or between past, present, and future.
He sees flow as a common, though by no means inevitable
experience when people act with total involvement, whether
in play and sport, in the creative experiences in art and litera-
ture, or in religious experiences. He assigns to flow six attri-
butes or distinctive features, marking it off from other interior
states.

1. Action and awareness are experienced as one.

2. Attention is centered on a limited stimulus field: in
games by formal rules and such motivational means as com
petitiveness. Rules, motivations, rewards, the will to partic
pate are seen as framing devices, necessary limitations for
the centering of attention.
3. Loss of ego: the "self" which is ordinarily the broker
between one person's actions and another simply becomes
irrelevant. The actor, immersed in the flow, accepts the
framing rules as binding which also bind the other actors -
no "self" is needed to bargain about what should or should
not be done or to "negotiate" about the meaning to be as-
signed to actions.
4. The actor finds himself in control of his actions and
environment. He may not know it when "flowing," but
reflecting on it "in tranquillity" he may realize that his skill
were perfectly matched to the demands made upon him
by ritual, art, or sport. Outside the framed and willingly
limited flow situation such a subjective sense of control
is hard to attain, due to the enormous number of stimuli
and cultural tasks that press on us. If skills outmatch de-
mands, boredom results; if skills are inadequate, anxiety -
hence the book's title.

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Victor TURNER

5. Flow usually contains coherent, noncontradictory

demands for action and provides clear, unambiguous feed-
back to a person's actions. Culture reduces flow possibilities
to defined channels, for example, chess, polo, gambling,
prescribed liturgical action, miniature painting, a yoga exer-
cise, attempting a specific ascent by well-tested rock-climbing
techniques, the practice of surgery, and so forth. One can
throw oneself into the cultural design of the game, art, pro-
cedure, and know whether one has done well or not when
one has completed the round of culturally predetermined
acts. Flow differs from everyday activities in that its framing
contains explicit rules which make action and the evalua-
tion of action unproblematic. Thus cheating breaks flow -
you have to be a believer, even if this implies temporary
"willing suspension of disbelief," that is, choosing to believe
that the rules are in some way axiomatic. If many forms
of play or ritual occur in liminal space-time, that time is
framed by rules that give credence to whatever make-
believe or innovative behavior, whatever subjective action,
goes on within the frame.
6. Finally, flow is what Csikszentmihalyi calls "auto-
telic," that is, it seems to need no goals or rewards outside
itself. To flow is its own reward: it is to be as happy as a
human being can be - in one sense the specific rules that
trigger and frame flow, whether of chess or a meditative
technique, are irrelevant. This, Csikszentmihalyi concludes,
is important for any study of human behavior, since if it
is true it follows that people will deliberately manufacture
cultural situations and frames which will release flow, or,
as individuals, seek it outside their ascribed statuses or sta-
tions in life, if these are, for one reason or another, "flow-
resistant," that is, conducive to boredom or anxiety.

Frame. It is obvious that flow is an ingredient in any kind

of successful cultural performance. But what is its relation-
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

ship to frame and reflexivity? Let us first consider Erving

Goffman's recent views on framing as expressed in his Frame
analysis (1974). Frames, for him, are "the principles of
organization which govern events" (p. 10). They are divided
into a number of types: natural frames refer to unguided
events, while social frames refer to "guided doings" (p. 22).
Ritual, carnival, and stage drama would be "socially framed."
Frames may also be primary, where the interpretation of
meaning is imposed on a scene that would otherwise be
meaningless (p. 21), a view close to that of the phenome-
nological sociologists such as Schutz, Garfinkel and Cicourel.
Here social life may itself be seen as an endless negotiation
about which cultural frame of meaning should surround
and account for a given bit of behavior. I do not think that
flow can often occur in relation to primary framing unless
it can be shown early that there are prior shared under-
standings about, say, the moral or aesthetic values of a given
event or action, for negotiating often divides action from
awareness. Goffman speaks of such performative genres
as movies and the theater as secondary frames. He also uses
the term fabricated frames where an activity is managed so that
one or more others has a false belief about what is going
on, as in the frame created by a confidence trickster (p. 83).

Reflection. Now I would argue that in Goffman's terms,

while ritual, carnival, and theater are all socially framed
guided doings, the first two genres, since they are more
deeply located in social structure, defined by Peter L. Berger
and Thomas Luckmann as the element of continuity or ob-
jectification of reality (The social construction of reality.
A treatise in the sociology of knowledge, 1966), owe their
flow qualities to the degree to which participants identify
themselves with the traditional scenario - the procedural
outline - which itself may constitute a reflexive metacom-
mentary on the history of the group - while flow in stage
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Victor TURNER

drama comes from the fidelity with which actors convey

the dramatist's individually-based appraisal of the social
structure. In all cases, the actors themselves are not re-
flexive, since reflexivity inhibits flow, but in the flow of
their mutually interconnected performances they convey
the reflexive message of the scenario or script. Part of the
potency of a "great performance" comes precisely from
this: the author reflects; the actors flow. There is a fruitful
tension between the opposites. The audience is "moved."
A cultural problem is irradiated into full visibility for the
audience to reflect upon passionately. In ritual and carnival
it may not be too fanciful to see social structure itself as
the author or source of scenarios. The cases presented by
Natalie Davis and Robert Bezucha are interesting because
we can detect in them social structure divided against istelf:
one part authoring the downfall of another in mime and
mask. No longer is social structure relatively solidary; class
and gender have become self-conscious, reflexive, and one
part of the social system employs formerly shared cultural
symbols to provide a critique of others. It is at this point
that collective reflexive genres seem to become clumsy in-
struments of periodic self-appraisal for modernizing societies.
Here Goffman's notion that transformation may occur be-
tween frames - a process he also calls "keying," the "set
of conventions by which a given activity, one already meaning-
ful in terms of some primary framework, is transformed into
something patterned on this activity but seen by the par-
ticipants to be something quite else" - may be relevant.
Carnival - or ritual - may key into stage drama. The former
seems to have happened, for example, in the case of the
Commedia dell'Arte, whose actors, masked virtuosi of
spontaneous stage business, flourished in the atmosphere
of the great fairs, such as the Fair of Saint-Germain and
the Fair of Saint Laurent in Paris. The Noh play of Japan,
which took its present form in the fourteenth century, seems
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

to have developed out of several earlier performative genres.

One was Gigaku, a form of entertainment brought from
Korea early in the seventh century A.D., which "made use
of music, dance, masking, and miming and was often of a
satirical nature, but was part, nevertheless, of religious fes-
tivals" (Henry W. Wells, "Noh" in The reader's encyclopedia
of world drama, 1969:602). Other major theatrical genres
have carnivalesque origins, such as Greek comedy which
has been conjectured to originate in a processional cele-
bration with a song or dance at entrance, a debate or dis-
pute, and an address to the onlookers - characters are
ridiculed and represented as absurd or offensive. Medieval
European comedy has been held to have been affected by
the carnivalesque Feast of Fools, which itself derived in
part from the Roman Saturnalia. H.J. Rose thus describes
the Saturnalia (1948:77): "During it there were no social
distinctions, slaves had a holiday and feasted like their mas-
ters, and all restrictions were relaxed ... civilians and soldiers
alike celebrated it, it was usual to choose by lot a Lord of
Misrule (Saturnalicius princeps, 'leading man of the Satur-
nalia') and gifts were exchanged."

The liminal and the liminoid. Stage dramas are genres that
I would be inclined to call "liminoid," "liminal-like," rather
than "liminal"; that is, they are historically connected with
and often displace rituals which possess true liminal phases,
and they also share important characteristics with liminal
processes and states, such as "subjectivity," escape from
the classifications of everyday life, symbolic reversals, de-
struction - at a deep level - of social distinctions, and the
like; nevertheless, liminoid genres differ from liminal phases
in ways which indicate major differences in the societies
of which they respectively constitute major modes of re-
flexive stocktaking.
Liminoid genres - which would include the writing of
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Victor TURNER

novels and essays, the painting of portraits, landscapes and

crowd scenes, art exhibitions, sculpture, architecture, and
so on, as well as individually written plays - contrast with
liminal phenomena in the following ways. Liminal phe-
nomena tend to dominate in tribal and early agrarian so-
cieties; they are collective, concerned with calendrical,
biological, and social structural cycles; they are integrated
into the total social process; they reflect the collective ex-
perience of a community over time; and they may be said
to be "functional" or "eufunctional," even when they seem
to "invert" status hierarchies found in the nonliminal domain.
Liminoid phenomena, on the other hand, flourish in societies
of more complex structure, where, in Henry Maine's terms,
"contract has replaced status" as the major social bond,
where people voluntarily enter into relationships instead
of being born into them. Perhaps they begin to appear in
what Georges Gurvitch calls "city-states on their way to
becoming empires" (of the Graeco-Roman, Etruscan and
Umbrian type) and in late feudal societies. But they be-
come really prominent mainly in Western Europe in nascent,
capitalistic societies, with the beginnings of industrialization
and mechanization, and the emergence of socioeconomic
classes. Liminoid phenomena may be collective (and, when
they are so, are often derived, like carnivals, parades, spec-
tacles, circuses, and the like, from liminal predecessors)
or individually created - though, as I said, they have mass
or collective effects. They are not cyclical but intermit-
tent, generated often in times and places assigned to the
leisure sphere. Liminoid phenomena, unlike liminal phe-
nomena, tend to develop apart from central political and
economic processes, along the margins, in the interstices,
on the interfaces of central and servicing institutions - they
are plural, fragmentary (representing, in some cases, the
dismemberment, or sparagmos, of holistic, pivotal, pan-
societal rituals) and often experimental in character. Fur-
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

thermore, since they are often assigned to individuals as

scenario writers they tend to be more idiosyncratic and
quirky, more "spare, original and strange" than liminal
phenomena. Their symbols are closer to the personal-
psychological than to the objective-social typological pole.
Cliques, schools, and coteries of liminoid authors and artists
emerge, but these are bonded more by optation, by choice,
than by obligation - in the liminal case, persons have to
undergo ritual by virtue of their natal status. Competition
emerges in the later liminoid domain; individuals and schools
compete for the recognition of a "public" and are regarded
as ludic offerings placed for sale on a free market - at least
in nascent capitalistic and democratic-liberal societies. Limi-
noid phenomena, unlike liminal, do not so much invert as
subvert quotidian and prestigious structures and symbols.
This subversive quality inheres in many structural and anti-
structural perspectives, for example, ritual liminality reasserts
itself against secularization in the manifestos of Antonin
Artaud. Let me quote here and there from The theater
and its Double (1958):

Where alchemy, through its symbols, is the spiritual Double

of an operation which functions only on the level of real
matter, the theater must also be considered as the Double,
not of this direct, everyday reality of which it is gradually
being reduced to a mere inert replica - as empty as it is
sugar-coated - but of another archetypal and dangerous
reality, a reality of which the Principles, like dolphins, once
they have shown their heads, hurry to dive back into the
obscurity of the deep (p. 48).

Here Artaud seems to see theatrical reflexivity as being

a confrontation of modern quotidian reality with the "in-
human" (to use his term) depth of the fecund and primordial
depths of a "cosmos in turmoil," subverting thus our glib
acceptance of surface, rational realities. Subversion for
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Victor TURNER

Artaud implies a curious "retribalization," not disakin to

Jung's. We seek for replenishment from the myths which
coil within us and must out. For Artaud, Oriental theater,
for example the Balinese, had a therapeutic effect: it broke
"through language in order to touch life:'." Subversion often
takes the form of rational critique of the established order -
from various structural perspectives: didacticism is explicit
in the theater of Shaw, Ibsen, Strindberg, and Brecht, im-
plicit in the work of Pinter, Becket, and Arrabal. Drama,
and other liminoid genres and media, exposes the injustices,
inefficiencies, immoralities, alienations, and the like, held
to be generated by mainstream modern economic and po-
litical structures and processes.
Of course, liminal and liminoid phenomena have always
coexisted, though in various ratios. Religions, clubs, fra-
ternities, secret societies, in modern societies, have their
initiation rituals with liminal phases. In tribal societies,
there are liminoid games and experimental practices in art
and dance. But the trend from liminal to liminoid is dis-
cernible, as are those from status to contract, mechanical
to organic solidarity, and so on.
Putting our initial terms together we might say that
liminal genres put much stress on social frames, plural re-
flexivity, and mass flow, shared flow, while liminoid genres
emphasize idiosyncratic framing, individual reflexivity, sub-
jective flow, and see the social as problem not datum.

Postscript. I have recently been in earnest dialogue with

Dr. Richard Schechner, co-Director of the Performance
Group, who is both a theorist of drama and a producer of
plays - outstanding in both capacities. Dr. Schechner, like
Jerzy Grotowski, is professionally concerned with the re-
lationship between ritual and drama. Grotowski's article
"The theatre's New Testament" is, indeed, included in a
volume published in 1976, Ritual, play, and performance,
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

edited by Schechner and Mady Schuman. Grotowski, quite

frankly, regards his theater as a type of rite de passage, an
initiation rite, for modern man. For him "it is necessary
to abolish the distance between actor and audience by
eliminating the stage, removing all frontiers" (p. 189). The
play is to become the liminal phase of an initiatory scenario
directed to the spectator (hardly a spectator any more,
rather a participant) "who does not stop at an elementary
stage of psychic integration, content with his own petty,
geometrical, spiritual stability, knowing exactly what is
good and what is evil, and never in doubt. For it was not
to him that El Greco, Norwid, Thomas Mann and Dosto-
yevsky spoke, but to him who undergoes an endless process
of self-development, whose unrest is not general but di-
rected towards a search for the truth about himself and
his mission in life" (p. 188). Clearly, it is to the modern
individual Grotowski addresses himself, to the man con-
fronted by a preponderance of "liminoid" genres. But
Grotowski wishes to "reliminalize" or "retribalize" if not
all modern men, at least that handful which could consti-
tute a cult group of shamans. In answer to the question:
"Does this imply a theatre for the elite?" Grotowski answers:
"Yes, but for an elite which is not determined by the social
background or financial situation of the spectator, nor even
education. The worker who has never had any secondary
education can undergo this creative process of self-search,
whereas the university professor may be dead, permanently
formed, moulded into the terrible rigidity of a corpse ....
We are not concerned with just any audience, but a special
one" (p. 188).
Grotowski's anti-intellectual bias, evidenced here, is not
the most important component to his Poor Theater, heir
to the Polish Laboratory Theater of Wroclav. His is a sort
of secular Franciscanism with, indeed, latterly, the require-
ment that neophytes must travel to a sacred mountain in
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Victor TURNER

Poland, as pilgrims, on foot, to work with his core group

of actor-adepts, if they wish to be "stimulated into self-
analysis" (p. 189). Clearly, Grotowski is still working within
a liminoid frame, since he is prepared to admit the validity,
however limited, of other types of theater. But within this
frame he wishes to use what the anthropological eye clearly
detects as a sequence of initiatory rituals as a means of
creating a community of "saved" persons, who in finding
themselves through the psychic discipline and carefully
designed physical exercises of Grotowski's rehearsal pro-
cedures, also find others, thus gradually disseminating what
Berdyaev would have called "an aristocracy of the spirit"
throughout a world of "alienated" individuals. The limi-
noid character of his enterprise is revealed by his reversal
of the tribal ordering - in which liminal rites indicate an-
tecedent social structures and form thresholds between
significant states and statuses of those structures. Grotow
uses his "rites" (I use quotes to mark their liminoid charac
as the constructions of a postmodern man) to create firs
existential communitas, then normative communitas. He
begins with the "threshold" and generates the structures
on either side of it. This is how the founders of millenarian
movements have operated - Wovoka for the Ghost Dance,
Isaiah Shembe in South Africa. Evangelizing fervor per-
vades Grotowski's vocabulary: "the theater's New Testa-
ment," the "holy actor," "secular saints like Stanislawski" -
even though he protests that one must not take the word
"holy" in a religious sense (p. 190).
Schechner now takes a more detached stance towards
this ritual/theater issue. For him "the entire binary
ficacy/ritual-entertainment/theater' is performance." "P
formance," the generic term, comprehends "the impulse
to be serious and to entertain; to collect meanings and to
pass the time; to display symbolic behavior that actualizes
'there and then' and to exist only 'here and now'; to be
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 Frame, Flow and Reflection

oneself and to play at being others; to be in a trance and

to be conscious; to get results and to fool around; to focus
the action on and for a select group sharing a hermetic lan-
guage, and to broadcast to the largest possible audiences
of strangers who buy a ticket" (p. 218). However, I think
that if we are to prehend more fully than before the dy-
namics of sociocultural process, we have to see cultural
performances as constituting the reflexivity of human groups
and to see growing reflexivity embodied in a developmental
sequence of cultural genres. Schechner's "performance"
is a fairly precise labelling of the items in the modern pot-
pourri of liminoid genres - but it indicates by its very
breadth and tolerance of discrepant forms that a level of
public reflexivity has been reached totally congruent with
the advanced stages of a given social form - Western capi-
talist liberal democracy.
As a personal footnote I would like to add that I see the
liminoid as an advance in the history of human freedom.
For this reason I relish the separation of an audience from
performers and the liberation of scripts from cosmology
and theology. The concept of individuality has been hard-
won, and to surrender it to a new totalizing process of
reliminalization is a dejecting thought. As a member of
an audience I can see the theme and message of a play as
one among a number of "subjunctive" possibilities, a variant
model for thought or action to be accepted or rejected after
careful consideration. Even as audience people can be
"moved" by plays; they need not be "carried away" by
them - into another person's utopia or "secular sacrum,"
to use Grotowski's phrase. Liminoid theater should present
alternatives; it should not be a brainwashing technique. As
Blake said: "One Law for the Lion and the Ox is Oppres-
sion."

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 6/4 December 1979 497

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Victor TURNER

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