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Steven F. Daniel
BIRMINGHAM - MUMBAI
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Android Wearable Programming
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About the Author
He was the cofounder and Chief Technology Officer (CTO) of SoftMpire Pty Ltd., a
company that focused primarily on developing business applications for the iOS and
Android platforms.
Steven is the author of various book titles, such as Xcode 4 iOS Development Beginner's
Guide, iOS 5 Essentials, iPad Enterprise Application Development Blueprints, and
Xcode 4 Cookbook, all by Packt Publishing. You can check out his blog at http://www.
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Acknowledgments
No book is the product of just the author — he just happens to be the one with his
name on the cover. A number of people contributed to the success of this book and
it would take more space than I have to thank each one individually.
I would personally like to thank two special people who have been an inspiration
and who have provided me with so much support during the writing of this book:
Vivek Anantharaman, my acquisition editor, who is the reason that this book
exists, for being a wonderful guide throughout this whole process, and Amey
Varangaonkar for his understanding and support, as well as his brilliant suggestive
approaches during the chapter rewrites. Thank you for everything, guys.
Lastly, to my reviewers: thank you so much for your valuable suggestions and
improvements, making this book what it is today. I am extremely grateful to each
and every one of you.
Also, thanks to the entire Packt Publishing team for working so diligently to help
bring out a high-quality product. Finally, a big thank you to the engineers at Google
for creating the Android platform and providing developers with the tools to create
fun and sophisticated applications.
Finally, I'd like to thank all of my friends for their support, understanding, and
encouragement during the writing process. It is a privilege to know each and
every one of you.
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About the Reviewers
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Dr. Jibo He is currently an assistant professor at Wichita State University. He
graduated from Peking University in 2007 and the University of Illinois in 2012
with a research specialty in engineering psychology. He won the Star of Tomorrow
Award from Microsoft and was voted the Most Valuable Graduate by the University
of Illinois. He directs the Human Automation Interaction Lab at Wichita State
University. His lab does research on user experience, mobile devices, driving safety,
aviation psychology, and human computer interaction. The goal of his research is
to understand the human cognitive processes and develop technologies to improve
performance, increase user experience, and mitigate human error. He has experience
in developing for Google Glass, Android, iPhone, and smartwatches.
He runs the R&D group for Guam's largest media company, where he also
co-anchors the nightly news.
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To my favorite uncle, Benjamin Jacob Daniel, for always making me smile and
inspiring me to work hard and achieve my dreams, I miss you a lot.
Chan Ban Guan, for the continued patience, encouragement, and support,
and most of all for believing in me during the writing of this book.
This book would not have been possible without everyone's love and understanding
and I would like to thank you all from the bottom of my heart.
Table of Contents
Preface v
Chapter 1: Understanding Android Wearables and Building
Your First Android Wear App 1
Introducing Android wearables 2
Understanding the Android Wear architecture 3
Setting up an Android development environment 6
Installing the Android Wear support library 7
Setting up and configuring the Android (AVD) Emulator 8
Building a simple Android wearable application 10
Creating the mobile activity component 12
Creating the Android Wear activity component 14
Summary 19
Chapter 2: Creating Notifications 21
Introducing Android notifications 22
Creating a basic notification for wearables 23
Specifying the form factors 24
Adding and customizing a blank activity 25
Adding dependencies to Gradle scripts 26
Creating a custom notification for wearables 33
Receiving voice input within a notification 39
Receiving multiple notifications through a process called
page stacking 43
Summary 49
Chapter 3: Creating, Debugging, and Packaging Wearable Apps 51
Creating an Android wearable watch face app 52
Presenting information inside the WatchFace class 55
Creating a custom watch face service class 60
[i]
Table of Contents
[ ii ]
Table of Contents
[ iii ]
Preface
Android Wear is becoming extremely popular, and offers a great opportunity for
developers to learn how to build applications for the Android Wear platform, which
is a special version of the core Android OS, and has been tailored for wearable
computing devices such as smartwatches. These wearable devices come with a brand
new user interface, which is the result of Google working with their customers to
understand how they use their phones today and how they can be more in touch
with their environment.
In this book, I have tried my best to keep the code simple and easy to understand
by providing a step-by-step approach, with lots of screenshots at each step to make
it easier to follow. You will soon be mastering the different aspects of Android
Wear programming, as well as the technology and skills needed to create your
own applications for the Android Wear platform.
[v]
Preface
Chapter 3, Creating, Debugging, and Packaging Wearable Apps, focuses on designing and
creating custom watch faces to present information within the Android wearable
watch area. You will learn how to effectively debug your app over Bluetooth, before
finally learning how to package your wearable app so that it can be used within the
handheld mobile device.
Chapter 4, Sending and Syncing Data, introduces you to the Data Layer API and
the Message API frameworks, so that you can synchronize image data from the
handheld device with the wearable, as well as use the Message API to communicate
between the handheld and the wearable to send and receive messages.
Chapter 5, Working with Google Glass, explores how to build effective user interfaces
for the Google Glass platform by creating user interfaces that display content that
responds to voice input commands, before finally learning how we can access the
Glass camera to take a snapshot and save the image to local storage.
Chapter 6, Designing and Customizing Interfaces for Android TV, provides you with the
background and understanding of how to effectively present your app within the
main user interface and how you can design your app by following the Android
TV UI Patterns to help users get the content they want quickly. Also, you will learn
how to create and use fragments that allow information to be presented within the
Android TV interface to represent your content.
[ vi ]
Preface
Conventions
In this book, you will find a number of styles of text that distinguish between
different kinds of information. Here are some examples of these styles, and an
explanation of their meaning.
Code words in text are shown as follows: "We can include other contexts through
the use of the include directive."
When we wish to draw your attention to a particular part of a code block, the
relevant lines or items are set in bold:
dependencies {
compile fileTree(dir: 'libs', include: ['*.jar'])
compile 'com.android.support:appcompat-v7:21.0.3'
compile 'com.android.support:support-v4:20.0.+'
}
[ vii ]
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Gardner, at Tver, makes porcelain, 275
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—— —— report on contemporary porcelain, 389-394
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—— de cheminée in Chinese porcelain, 139
Geneva, porcelain painters at, 271, 311
Gersaint, his catalogue of Oriental porcelain, 230
Ginori family at Doccia, 320-321
Glass, possible influence on early Chinese glazes, 57
—— made by Hu imitated in porcelain, 113
Glazes, 12, 30-38
—— preparation of, 30
—— applied to unbaked ware by Chinese, 30
Glazes, called oil by Chinese, 31
—— distinguished from enamels, 31
—— fusibility of, 32
—— on Egyptian fayence, 32
—— composition of ancient, 33, 144-154
—— three main classes of, 34
—— on Chinese porcelain, 35
—— relation to subjacent paste, 35
—— containing lime, 35-36
—— at Sèvres of two types, 36
—— on European porcelain, composition of, 36
—— on Chinese porcelain, composition of, 37
—— when first used by Chinese, 69
—— sole source of decoration on early Chinese porcelain, 70
—— for French soft pastes, 281
—— for hard pastes at Sèvres and Limoges, 306
‘Glozing’ or glazing oven, 27
Gold as source of red colour (see also Rouge d’or), 89
Gotzkowski, Berlin banker, 262
Gotha, Museum at, early Chinese porcelain, 72, 174, 212
—— porcelain made at, 269
Gouyn, Charles, manager at Chelsea, 333
Granite, primary source of both kaolin and petuntse, 9
Granitic rocks, varieties of, 9
Granja, La, porcelain gabineto at, 323
Gravant, potter at Sèvres, 290, 294
Graviata bowls, 115
Green and blue enamels not successfully united by Chinese, 98 note
—— —— on two vases of Ming porcelain in British Museum, 99 note
—— glazes on Chinese porcelain, 149
—— of famille verte, how applied, 99-100
Grieninger, manager at Berlin, 263
Growan-stone and clay, 377
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Some English porcelain is stated by Professor Church to have a hardness equal
to that of quartz. See below, ‘Bristol Porcelain.’
[2] We have thought it well, once for all, to treat briefly of the scientific aspect of
our subject, but those who are not interested in this point of view may pass over the
next few pages.
[3] I shall return to this point in a later chapter. I lay the more stress on this fact, as
it is often stated that the hard and slightly translucent stonewares, such as the Fulham
ware of Dwight, which contains as much as eighty per cent. of silica, form one degree
of a series of which true porcelain is the next term. The fact is, those who sought to
make porcelain by a refinement in the manufacture of stoneware were as much astray
as those who started from a fusible glass frit.
[4] The china-stone of Cornwall might, in part at least, be claimed as an old
volcanic rock, and that used in the Imari district of Japan is distinctly of volcanic
origin. Both these rocks, however, consist essentially of a mixture of quartz and
felspar.
[5] For further details consult the authorities quoted in the Handbook of the
Jermyn Street Collection, p. 5; for sections showing the relation of the beds of kaolin
to the surrounding rock, see Brongniart’s Traité des Arts Céramiques, vol. i.
[6] It is to the scattered notices and essays of Mr. William Burton that we must go
for information in this country. In his new work on English Porcelain he does not
treat upon this side of the subject.
[7] The most complete work on the processes of manufacture is now Dubreuil’s La
Porcelaine, Paris, 1885. It forms part forty-two in Fremy’s Encyclopédie Chimique.
This volume brings up to date and replaces in some measure the great work of
Alexandre Brongniart, the Traité des Arts Céramiques (two volumes, with a quarto
volume of plates), Paris, 1844. M. Georges Vogt in La Porcelaine, Paris, 1893, gives
valuable details of the processes employed at Sèvres.
[8] The cailloux of the French. This material is often described as felspar, but I
think that quartz can seldom be completely absent.
[9] I should, however, be inclined to class not only much of the porcelain of Japan,
but some of that made in Germany and in south-west France, rather in the ‘severe’
kaolinic than in the intermediary class of M. Vogt.
[10] We can, however, distinguish, in the tomb paintings of the Middle Empire, an
earlier form without the lower table. This earlier type, moved by hand from the upper
table, was that used by the Greeks at least as late as the sixth century B.C., and a
similar primitive wheel is still used in India. On later Egyptian monuments of
Ptolemaic time, the potter is seen moving the wheel by pressing his foot on a second
lower table, as now at Sèvres and elsewhere. Both forms of wheel appear to have
been used by the Italian potters of the Renaissance.
[11] This seam is often visible on vases of old Chinese porcelain, and may be
taken as a sign that the object has been moulded.
[12] Porcelain in China followed, as we shall see, in the wake of the more early
developed arts of the bronze-caster and the jade-carver. Hence the prevalence in the
early wares of shapes unsuitable to the wheel.
[13] I think that this is a more practical division than the one made by M. Vogt and
adopted by Dr. Bushell.
[14] An important exception is to be noted in the case of the firing of large vases in
China.
[15] A good instance of the first case is the finding of crow-claws in the rubbish-
heaps of Fostât or Old Cairo. As to the method of support indicating the place of
origin, see what is said below about the celadon ware of Siam.
[16] There is only one exception of any importance—the porcelain of Chantilly,
much of which has an opaque stanniferous glaze.
[17] So we can infer from the magnificent wall decoration of the Achæmenian
period brought home from Susa by M. Dieulafoi.
[18] A glaze of this nature was in the Saracenic East applied to a layer of fine
white slip, which itself formed a coating on the coarse paste. Such a combination,
often very difficult to distinguish from a tin enamel, we find on the wall-tiles of
Persia and Damascus.
[19] Metallic gold has, of course, been applied to the decoration of porcelain in all
countries.
[20] The colour of the ruby glass in our thirteenth century windows has a very
similar origin. In this case the art was lost and only in a measure recovered at a later
period. As in the case of the Chinese glaze, the point was to seize the moment when
the copper was first reduced and, in a minute state of division, was suspended in
floccular masses in the glass.
[21] With these colours a dark blue is sometimes associated. Is this derived like the
turquoise from copper? It is a curious fact that we have here exactly the same range
of colours that we find in the little glass bottles of Phœnician or Egyptian origin, with
zig-zag patterns (1500-400 B.C.).
[22] See Vogt, La Porcelaine, p. 219. The problem is really more complicated. For
simplicity’s sake we have ignored the changes that take place in the glaze that lies
between the enamels and the paste.
[23] The same result may be obtained by painting one colour over the other, as we
find in the black ground of the famille verte.
[24] In Persia, where for three centuries at least the Chinese wares have been
known and imitated, the word chini has almost the same connotation. See below for a
discussion of the route by which this word reached England.
[25] During the eighteenth century, however, the French missionaries remained in
friendly relation with the Chinese court, especially with the Emperor Kien-lung, a
man of culture and a poet. The Père Amiot sent home not only letters with valuable
information, but from time to time presents of porcelain from the emperor. He was in
correspondence with the minister Bertin, who was himself a keen collector of
porcelain. See the notes in the Catalogue of Bertin’s sale, Paris, 1815.
[26] Thanks to the industry of the present curator, Herr Zimmermann, the same
may now be said of the great collection at Dresden.
[27] For a discussion, and for many illustrations of the art of these early dynasties
which survives chiefly in objects of jade or bronze, see Paléologue, Art Chinois,
Paris, 1887.
[28] The wild statements as to the transparency, above all, of the Sung and even
the Tang porcelain may, however, appear to receive some confirmation from the
reports of the old Arab travellers. But how much credence we can give to these
authorities may be gleaned from a description of the fayence of Egypt, by a Persian
traveller of the eleventh century. ‘This ware of Misr,’ he says, ‘is so fine and
diaphanous that the hand may be seen through it when it is applied to the side of the
vessel.’ He is speaking not of porcelain, but of a silicious glazed earthenware!
[29] Pekin Oriental Society, 1886; see also Bushell’s Ceramic Art, p. 132 seq.
[30] See the passage in his History (chapter ix.) where this stern censor, referring
to the passion for collecting china, rebukes the ‘frivolous and inelegant fashion’ for
‘these grotesque baubles.’
[31] The name Céladon first occurs in the Astrée, the once famous novel of
Honoré D’Urfé. When later in the seventeenth century Céladon, the courtier-
shepherd, was introduced on the stage, he appeared in a costume of greyish green,
which became the fashionable colour of the time, and his name was transferred to the
Chinese porcelain with a glaze of very similar colour, which was first introduced into
France about that period.
[32] Julien translated the word ching as blue, an unfortunate rendering in this case,
which has been the cause of much confusion. He was so far justified in this, in that
the same word is used by the Chinese for the cobalt blue of our ‘blue and white,’
while it was not applied by them to a pronounced green tint.
[33] I shall return to this point when treating of English porcelain.
[34] Somewhat later the Chinese were for a time neighbours of the Sassanian
empire, where the arts of glazing pottery and making glass were highly developed.
Sassanian bronzes, and probably textiles, have found their way to Japan.
[35] The salt-glazed ware of Europe seems to be the only important exception to
this perhaps rather sweeping generalisation.
[36] It is possible, however, that some of the various tints of brown used from
early Ming times, especially that known to the Chinese as ‘old gold,’ may have been
suggested by this copper lustre. The ground on which this lustre is superimposed in
some old Persian wares is of a very similar shade. Dr. Bushell mentions a tradition
that the old potters tried to produce a yellow colour by adding metallic gold to their
glaze, but that the gold all disappeared in the heat of the grand feu. They had
therefore to fall back upon the or bruni.
[37] Consult for this ware the beautifully illustrated monographs of Mr. Henry
Wallis on early Persian ceramics.
[38] The cobalt pigment itself, when not of native origin, was known to the
Chinese in Ming times as Hui-hui ch’ing or ‘Mohammedan blue.’ The other names
for the material, sunipo and sumali, probably point in the same direction.
[39] A little white oval vase, in the Treasury of St. Mark’s, at Venice, may possibly
be of this old Ting ware. The decoration is in low relief, and four little rings for
suspension surround the mouth. In any case this is the only piece in this famous
collection that has any claim to be classed as porcelain.
[40] The style of this cloisonné decoration is almost identical with that seen in the
two magnificent lacquer screens with landscapes and Buddhist emblems at South
Kensington. The chains of pearls and pendeloques are characteristic of a style of
painting often found on the beams and ceilings of the old Buddhist temples of Japan.
This is, I think, a motif not found elsewhere on Chinese porcelain.
[41] The late M. Du Sartel gives in his work on Chinese porcelain good
photographs of some jars of this class in his collection. He was one of the first to call
attention to this ware.
[42] This dull surface is especially noticeable in some of the specimens with
Arabic inscriptions in the British Museum; these date from the Cheng-te period
(1505-21).
[43] In Persia, too, and in that country accompanied by many other varieties of
Chinese porcelain. For examples of these wares see above all the collection at South
Kensington.
[44] Relations des Musulmans avec les Chinois. It is not impossible, however, that
further research may bring to light some information on this subject. Since writing
this I hear from Dr. Bushell that some specimens of Saracenic enamelled glass,
presumably of the fourteenth century, have lately been purchased in Pekin. The Arab
trade with China was probably never more active than in the first half of the fifteenth
century. It is with the Memlook Sultans, then ruling a wide empire from Cairo, that
we must associate most of this enamelled glass, and the Eastern trade was in their
hands.
[45] See Bushell, p. 454.
[46] Note that cobalt as an enamel colour was not applied on porcelain during
Ming times.
[47] There is, however, a curious old bowl in the Salting collection with the nien-
hao of Cheng-te (1505-21), on which a design of iron red, two shades of green, a
brownish purple, and a cobalt blue of poor lavender tint, all these colours over the
glaze, is combined with an underglaze decoration of fish, in a full copper red. Note
also the early use of a cobalt blue enamel, sur couverte, in the Kakiyemon ware of
Japan.
[48] Much of this kind was translated by Julien, and a good summary may be
found in Hippisley’s paper contributed to the Smithsonian Institute, but the
information from the same and other sources is more accurately translated and
critically analysed in the seventh and eighth chapters of Dr. Bushell’s great work.
[49] Yung-lo, according to the Chinese reckoning, did not commence his reign
until the new year’s day following the death of his predecessor (1403). I have,
however, thought it better to adopt the European method of reckoning dates.
[50] The name Sentoku that they give to it is the Japanese reading of the characters
forming this emperor’s name.
[51] We may mention that a pair of wide-mouthed vases of this ware, shown at the
Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1896, bore the nien-hao of Kia-tsing (1521-66) inscribed
round the mouth.
[52] More properly a fresh name was given to the period, but for the sake of
brevity we here as elsewhere identify the emperor’s name with that given to the nien-
hao.
[53] The Trenchard bowls, mentioned below, belong probably to this or to the
following reign.
[54] But this name is also applied by some to the older Su-ma-li blue.
[55] Perhaps the earliest nien-hao on a piece of blue and white in which we can
place any confidence.
[56] A predecessor of his as viceroy and superintendent at King-te-chen was Lang
Ting-tso, from whom the famous Lang yao, the sang de bœuf, had its name, though
this derivation is not absolutely certain. It could only have been quite in the last days
of the latter viceroy’s rule that much good work was turned out from the kilns.
[57] It will be observed that the turquoise blue and the green, both derived from
copper, so happily combined in the wall-tiles of the Saracenic East, are in China
rarely found united in the decoration of the same piece, and this arises from practical
difficulties connected with the fluxes and the firing. At least the two colours are never
successfully combined, for the attempt was apparently made in Ming times, and of
this some instances are given in the following note. Indeed I should be inclined to
regard such a combination on any piece as an evidence of early, probably of Ming,
origin.
[58] I would especially point to a remarkable water-vessel, about ten inches high,
in the collection at Dresden. This vase is in the form of a phœnix. Green, as well as
turquoise, purple and yellow are all found in the decoration, and the colours are all
well developed. There is in the British Museum—a collection in many ways
remarkable for the number of exceptional types illustrated—a jar with cover, of this
class. The ground is a dull purple covered with small spirals of black; the rest of the
decoration—rocks, waves, flowers, and jewels—is mainly green of two shades with a
little yellow. On some of the flowers, however, we see a poor attempt at turquoise
blue. Next to this example stands a baluster-shaped vase with tall, straight neck (Pl.
vii. 2.). The ground is here of a pale greyish yellow, with crackles of a darker shade—
so far, in fact, of a Ko yao type. The decoration is of a predominant leafy green, with
a little purple and yellow here and there; but on the flowers we find, in addition, an
enamel of turquoise, poor in colour, indeed, but certainly a copper blue. Both these
examples are classed as Ming, and both would seem to show that the combination of
the turquoise enamel (essentially a silicate of copper and soda) with the lead-fluxed
green had been attempted in Ming times. It was, however, impossible to obtain
satisfactory results in this way, so that in Kang-he’s time the turquoise was reserved
for the demi grand feu, and the green alone used as an enamel over the glaze.
[59] ‘Muffle-colours,’ of course in these later examples painted over the glaze, and
therefore to be classed as enamels.
[60] In this respect we may compare such decoration to a dark water-colour
drawing on white paper, where advantage is only taken of the white ground for
scattered lights here and there.
[61] We must always think of this great man in connection with his contemporary
in France, Louis xiv. Omitting the early years of the French king, before he attained
his majority, the two long reigns run almost exactly together.
[62] This list is to be found in Julien’s book. Dr. Bushell has since given a more
accurate translation, accompanied by a careful analysis (Chinese Ceramics, chapter
xii.).
[63] The red paste of early times was, however, imitated, and a ‘copper paste’ is
also mentioned in connection with these old wares. The last expression is obscure, but
it has certainly nothing to do with an enamel on copper.
[64] On the other hand, on some large showy vases of this time we can trace a
series of rings, giving an uneven surface. These are caused either by the undue
pressure of the potter’s fingers (vissage), or perhaps in part by the way in which the
successive stages of the jar were built up with ‘sausage-shaped’ rolls of clay.
[65] How this iron red was manipulated, apparently at a transition period, so as to
obtain an effect approaching that of the rouge d’or, is described on page 162.
[66] A ruby-red can be obtained by careful manipulation from gold alone. We may
regard the addition of tin as a convenient method of developing the colour which was
apparently known to the mediæval alchemists.
[67] It would be a point of special interest to determine the date when these two
colours—the pink (used as a ground) and the opaque turquoise blue—were first used
in China. Their presence together with the lemon-yellow gives perhaps the first note
of a period of decline. There is in the British Museum a bowl and saucer covered on
the outside with this rose enamel and bearing this unusual inscription—‘the Sin-chou
year occurring again.’ This expression was referred by Franks to the sixty-first year of
the reign of Kang-he, when the cyclical year in which his reign began recurred again,
an unprecedented fact in Chinese history. In the same collection is a saucer-shaped
plate with a pale pink ground with the mark of the period Yung-cheng. But the
evidence in favour of a somewhat later date for the fully developed use of the rouge
d’or seems to me fairly strong. Dr. Bushell, however, tells me that he has seen other
examples where the same inscription is found upon ware decorated with the rouge
d’or, and that he accepts the early date (1722) on the Sin-chou plate. I return to this
question on page 136.
[68] Julien omitted this curious passage in his translation as devoid of interest!
[69] There are two magnificent vases of the black lacquered ware, each about eight
feet high, in the Musée Guimet, and of the brown variety a well-preserved spherical
bowl may be seen at South Kensington.
[70] The snuff-bottles of the Chinese represent the inro of the Japanese. Both were
originally used for pills and for eye medicine.
[71] Dr. Bushell tells us that she is an accomplished artist and calligraphist, and
that her autograph signature is much valued. She is said to have sent down from the
palace, to be copied at King-te-chen, bowls and dishes of the time of Kien-lung, just
as that emperor in his day forwarded from Pekin examples of Sung and Ming wares
with the same object. So the old tradition is kept up!
[72] These references are to the plates of marks at the end of the book.
[73] See, however, p. 110 note, for a curious instance of its use.
[74] A good example of a date-mark of Wan-li in this position may be seen on the
vase reproduced on Pl. vii. Fig. 2.
[75] Why, by the way, do we find, in catalogues otherwise well edited, porcelain
ascribed to the Kang-he dynasty? One might as well speak of the Louis xiv. dynasty.
[76] At least such was the case when the Canal was in working order. For some
time since, the Grand Canal has only been navigable when the country is flooded.
[77] I cannot find the exact date of the first publication of these letters. In the
eighteenth century we find them generally quoted from Du Halde.
[78] This is a passage made use of by Longfellow in those often-quoted lines
beginning—
[79] If we are to understand by this ‘transparent pebble’ some form of arsenic, for
it would seem that arsenic (and not tin as with us) is the base of the opaque white
enamels of the Chinese, it is difficult to believe that so volatile a substance could be
thus prepared.
[80] For the use of steatite in English porcelain see chap. xxii. At Vinovo, in
Piedmont, another magnesian mineral has been employed for the paste.
[81] In the following summary I have kept to the Père D’Entrecolles’s words as far
as possible, but with considerable abbreviations.
[82] We must here think of the more sober famille verte lantern at South
Kensington, rather than of the magnificent specimen of pierced work in the Salting
collection, which is of later date.
[83] The unique bowl of Chinese porcelain illustrated in Du Sartel’s book, of
which the outside is decorated in black and gold in imitation of the Limoges enamel
of the renaissance, may have had some such origin. This piece, on which even the
initials of the original French artist have been copied, was formerly in the Marquis
collection, and is now to be seen in the Grandidier Gallery at the Louvre.
[84] We have already alluded to this point, à propos of a bowl in the British
Museum; see p. 110 note.
[85] This branch of the subject is fully worked out in chapter xvii. of Dr. Bushell’s
work.
[86] When compared with a similar collection of European wares, perhaps the
most noticeable difference is the small number of vessels adapted to pouring. So
much is this the case that when we find a spout or lip on a specimen of Chinese
porcelain, the piece takes at once a somewhat exotic aspect, and we are reminded of
the Arab Ibraik, or the European ewer.
[87] It is a curious fact that London chemists now send out their pills in little glass
bottles almost identical in shape and size with these Chinese yao-ping.
[88] The word is used in a restricted sense as explained above.
[89] We have far too often to fall back on names of French origin. Our colour-
vocabulary in the case of the enamels and glazes of porcelain is a sadly poor one.
[90] In the case of some monochrome ware the colour may have been painted on
the raw paste or on the biscuit, and a colourless glaze then added; or again, as in the
case of the coral red mentioned below, it may be painted like an enamel over the
glaze.
[91] It must, however, be remembered that this carved lacquer itself is sometimes
applied as a coating to porcelain in China.
[92] It would be convenient to have a name to include the whole series—the
flambé, the sang de bœuf, the lavender Yuan, and perhaps also the peach-bloom and
the ‘robin’s egg.’ I would propose to include all these classes under the head of
transmutation glazes.
[93] A French writer compares the effect to the ‘palette d’un coloriste montrée
sous un morceau de glace’ (E. de Goncourt, La Maison d’un Artiste).
[94] There were many kinds of ‘furnace transmutations’ known to the Chinese,
mostly of a miraculous nature (see Bushell, p. 219).
[95] When applied to the whole surface, a similar slip forms the ground on which
the decoration is painted in the case of many kinds of European and Saracenic
fayence, but in such ware the slip is used to conceal a more or less coarse and
coloured paste.
[96] It may, however, be noticed, on close examination, that the crackles do not
seem to be developed in the lower glaze covered by the slip. This would rather point
to both the first and the second coats of glaze, as well as the intermediate slip, being
all applied before the firing.
[97] Not that we need claim any great age for these plates, but it is in such places
that old types (as e.g. the celadon) are likely to continue in fashion.
[98] We may perhaps connect the first steady export of ‘blue and white’ direct to
Europe with the establishment of the Dutch at Nagasaki, where they probably
employed Chinese workmen.
[99] So what is by far the most successful imitation of Chinese ‘blue and white’
ever produced in Europe was made by the Dutch, in the enamelled fayence of Delft,
about the middle of the century.
[100] In Japanese art also we find the prunus as a symbol of the approaching
spring, but there the branches are covered with freshly fallen snow. The contrast of
the weather in early spring, in China and Japan respectively, could not be better
expressed—by ice in the one case, by soft thawing snow in the other.
[101] Dr. Zimmermann, the curator of the Dresden Museum, regards the black
division of the famille verte as a product of the demi grand feu, i.e. he holds that the
black and green was painted on the biscuit. But this is certainly not the case with the
fully developed examples. I may say that this class is only represented at Dresden by
some small roughly painted plates.
[102] We find it so used, however, upon the Japanese ‘Kakiyemon’ porcelain,
some of which cannot be much later than the middle of the seventeenth century.
[103] Since writing this I have discovered a tall-necked bottle of this ware at South
Kensington, which is stated to have been purchased in Persia (Pl. xx.).
[104] That is to say, no attempt was ever made to imitate the material—the hard
paste.
[105] An important collection of armorial china was bequeathed to the Museum in
1887 by the Rev. Charles Walker.
[106] This plate belongs to a group in which the arms, above all the mantlings, are
in the style of the seventeenth century. On these the gules is always rendered by an
opaque iron-red, although the new rouge d’or is freely used in the rest of the
decoration. I learn from my friend Colonel Croft Lyons that the arms on this plate are
those of Leake Okeover, who was born in 1701. The initials, repeated four times on
the margin, L. M. O., stand for Leake and his wife Mary. The plate, therefore, cannot
well have been painted before, say, 1725.
[107] This class of Kuang yao must not be confused with the old heavy pieces of
Yuan ware mentioned on p. 77.
[108] I quote, with a few contractions, from the edition of 1774.
[109] I have examined the Korean pottery in the British Museum, at Sèvres, and
that in some of the German museums, but I have not seen the specimens in the
Ethnographical Museum at Hamburg, which are said to be very remarkable.
[110] For an account of the exploration of Sawankalok, see Man, the volume for
1901. By the kind permission of Mr. Read I have been able to closely examine the
specimens which are now deposited in the British Museum.
[111] We may mention that the Japanese appear also to give the name of Kochi to
other wares, especially to the deep blue and turquoise porcelain with decoration in
ribbed cloisons which we have attributed to early Ming times.
[112] We may compare with this the impulse given, some four hundred years later,
in Europe, to the spread of the use of porcelain at the time when tea was first
introduced in the West.
[113] See page 66. This Sung ware is known to the Japanese as ‘Temmoku,’ and is
highly esteemed by them.
[114] Many, however, of these so-called Jesuit plates were probably painted at
King-te-chen at a later date. Christianity was finally and ruthlessly crushed in Japan
after the rebellion of 1637: in China it was tolerated up to the close of the reign of
Kang-he (1721). I must refer back to a quotation from the Père D’Entrecolles given
on p. 133. See also a curious note in Marryat, where a statuette of Quanyin, with the
boy patron of learning, is described as ‘a Virgin and Child.’—Pottery and Porcelain,
p. 293.
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