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 C# & C++

5 books in 1 - The #1 Coding Course

From Beginner to Advanced

MARK REED
 C++

The Ultimate Beginners Guide to Learn

C++ Programming Step-by-Step
 © Copyright 2023 - All rights reserved.
The content contained within this book may not be reproduced, duplicated
or transmitted without direct written permission from the author or the
publisher.
Under no circumstances will any blame or legal responsibility be held
against the publisher, or author, for any damages, reparation, or monetary
loss due to the information contained within this book, either directly or
indirectly.
Legal Notice:
This book is copyright protected. It is only for personal use. You cannot
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within this book, without the consent of the author or publisher.
Disclaimer Notice:
Please note the information contained within this document is for
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to present accurate, up to date, reliable, complete information. No
warranties of any kind are declared or implied. Readers acknowledge that
the author is not engaged in the rendering of legal, financial, medical or
professional advice. The content within this book has been derived from
various sources. Please consult a licensed professional before attempting
any techniques outlined in this book.
By reading this document, the reader agrees that under no circumstances is
the author responsible for any losses, direct or indirect, that are incurred as
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including, but not limited to, errors, omissions, or inaccuracies.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS
BOOK 1
C++
The Ultimate Beginners Guide to Learn C++ Programming Step-by-Step

Introduction
Chapter 1: Setting up a C++ Development Environment
Chapter 2: Basics of C++, Principles of Programming
Overview of the C++ Syntax
Chapter 3: Variables and Data Types
Chapter 4: Operations in C++
Chapter 5: Decision Making in C++
Chapter 6: Creating Functions
Conclusion and Final Notes
Index
References
BOOK 2
C++
The Ultimate Beginners Guide to Effectively Design,
Develop & Implement a Robust Program Step-by-Step

Introduction
Chapter One: Getting Started With C++ Programming
Chapter Two: Basic Concepts in Object Oriented Programming
Chapter Three: Working with Classes and Objects
Chapter Four: Extending Classes via Inheritance
Chapter Five: Polymorphism
Chapter Six: Constructors and Destructors
Chapter Seven: Templates
Chapter Eight: C++ Input and Output Streams
Chapter Nine: Exception Handling
Final Words
References
BOOK 3
C#
The Ultimate Beginners Guide to Learn C# Programming Step-by-Step

Introduction
Chapter 1: C# An Overview
C# and The .NET Platform
Chapter 2: Types and Variables
Data Types
Variables, Value and Reference Types
Literals
Chapter 3: Operators and Expressions
Operators
Type Conversion
Expressions
Chapter 4: Console Input and Output
Understanding the Console
Console.WriteLine() vs Console.Write()
String Concatenation
Console.ReadLine() vs. Console.Read()
Chapter 5: Conditional Statements
Role of Comparison Operators in Conditional Statements
“if “and “if-else”
Chapter 6: Loops
 While Loops
Do-While Loops
For Loops
Nested Loops
Chapter 7: Arrays
Array Declaration
Elements of an Array
Chapter 8: Numeral Systems
Non-Positional Numeral Systems
Number Conversion
Binary Numeral Operations
Chapter 9: C# Methods
Declaring Methods
Method Implementation
Chapter 10: Recursion
Recursive Calculations
Recursion vs. Iteration
Chapter 11: Exception Handling
Hierarchy of Exceptions
Chapter 12: Strings and Text Processing
String Operations
Chapter 13: Defining Classes
Elements of a Class
Implementing Classes and Objects
Using Namespaces in Classes
Modifiers and Visibility
Chapter 14: Working with Text Files
 Streaming Basics
Types of Streams
Working with Text Streams
Chapter 15: Data Structures
Working with Lists
ArrayList Class
Conclusion
References
BOOK 4
C#
The Ultimate Intermediate Guide To Learn C# Programming Step-By-Step

Chapter 1: Introduction - Setup and History of C#

Running C# on Windows
Chapter 2: C# Interfaces
Properties in Interfaces
Chapter 3: Namespaces
Chapter 4: Advanced Decision Statements and Flow Control
The != Operator
Conditional Operators: && and ||
Chapter 5: Reflection
MethodInfo
Chapter 6: Collections
ArrayList
Stack
Queue
SortedList
Chapter 7: Indexers
Chapter 8: Generics
Generic Classes
Chapter 9: Garbage Collection
Chapter 10: Lambda Expressions and Expression Trees
Lambda Expressions
Expression Trees
Chapter 11: Nullable Types
Structures of Nullable types in C#
Syntax for Nullable types in C#
The HasValue and Value Property
The Null Coalescing Operator
Chapter 12: Anonymous Types
Var Statement
Creating and Using Anonymous Types in C#
Comparing Two Anonymous Instances
Chapter 13: LINQ
Query Operators
Working with Other Data Types
Working with XML
Chapter 14: The Factory and Composite Pattern
Factory Pattern
Composite Pattern
Chapter 15: The Observer Pattern
The Observer Pattern, in C#
Implementing the Observer Pattern
Chapter 16: The Facade Pattern
How the Facade Pattern Works
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 The Facade Pattern, in C#
Applying the Facade Pattern
Chapter 17: Asynchronous Programming
Async
Await
Chapter 18: Game Development
Content Pipeline
The Structure of a MonoGame Program
Textures
Taking in Information from Keyboard and Mouse
Basic Unit Collision
Artificial Intelligence
Conclusion
References
 BOOK 5
C#
The Ultimate Advanced Guide To Master C# Programming

Introduction
Chapter 1: Advanced C# Language Features
Indexer Methods
Operator Overloading
Extension Methods
Anonymous Types
Pointer Types
Summary
Chapter 2: Building Class Libraries
Defining Custom Namespaces
Nested Namespaces
The Purpose of .NET Assemblies
Summary
Chapter 3: Type Reflection and Late Binding
Type Metadata
Reflection
Late Binding
Summary
Chapter 4: Attribute-Based Programming
Attribute Consumers
Attributes in Action
Attributes at the Assembly Level
Reflection, Late Binding and Custom Attributes
Summary
Chapter 5: CIL and Dynamic Assemblies
Why Bother with CIL?
CIL Directives, Attributes and Opcodes
Round Trip Engineering
Dynamic Assemblies
Summary
Chapter 6: Windows Presentation Foundation
Purpose
WPF Assemblies
WPF for Graphics Rendering
Summary
Chapter 7: ASP .NET
The MVC Pattern
Summary
Chapter 8: NET Core
The Purpose of NET Core
Components
Summary
Conclusion
References
INTRODUCTION
This book is fit for beginners and for coders who are interested in getting
into backend programming. Although C++ is sometimes portrayed as a
specter of days past, the language is still with us and it continues to be
behind some of the biggest technologies we use today–not mentioning its
big imprint in the gaming world. Its power and versatility continue to make
it one of the most important languages of our time. It is not going anywhere
and learning it will expand your horizons.
C++ is often utilized as a backend language for big data because of its little
processing overhead. Companies like Spotify, Adobe, YouTube, and
Amazon power their backend with C++, and you will soon see why.
C++ is also behind powerful gaming engines. Gaming engines allow
programmers to build a game without coding everything from scratch and
to effectively render content. The Unity Game Engine and the Unreal
Engine are examples of gaming engines that run on C++.
C++ is a beautiful, efficient language because of the favorable
power/hardware ratio: it uses little hardware for the amount of power it
gives us. This is why those who learn it love it.
In this book we will cover the following topics:
Programming terminology and principles in programming
Setting up a C++ environment
Getting Started: Syntax, Data Types, and Variables
Power of C++: Operations, Loops, Switches, and Decision
Making
Creating custom functions in C++
You will also find a useful glossary at the end so that you can use the book
as a reference once you get cracking.
CHAPTER 1:
Setting up a C++ Development
Environment
At its most basic, programming is writing a list of instructions in code that
the machine can understand. The code resides in executables files. These
files come with file extensions that tell a compiler what language is in the
file. These extensions are the suffixes you often see at the end of the file,
like “.js”. “.cpp” or “.hpp”.
To write code and save it in an executable file you need the following
things:
1. A text editor: this will allow you to write and edit the code.
2. A language compiler: This program takes the code you have
written and translates it into machine language that your
computer can understand and follow.
All programming languages work like this except HTML, CSS, and
JavaScript - these programs are interpreted and executed by the browser
(“Introduction,” n.d.). This means browser languages like JavaScript are
software-based, while C++ is compiled and then run directly on your
machine, not in a software environment.
This means C++ is an assembly language. Assembly languages are low-
level programming languages that need a compiler so they can run on a
machine (Lithmee, 2018). In this context, the word low-level does not carry
a bad connotation; it is descriptive, meaning that the language is closer to
the machine or just a step away from it.
As you can probably guess, C++ is a general-purpose language that can run
almost anywhere. This means it can be assembled and compiled in several
different ways. This will largely depend on your operating system and the
creation utilities you are using.
Our C++ exercises will be compiled on an online IDE. IDE stands for
Integrated Development Environment and it is used to edit and compile
code. I bet that description sounds familiar. Yes, an IDE is an example of a
text editor, but unlike a plain text editor, it has extra features that are
important to the programming process. An IDE can do things like compile
code, debug code, highlight code, warn you of syntax errors, and more.

Geeks for Geeks IDE: A web-based Program

Compiler
This IDE can be found at https://ide.geeksforgeeks.org/ and has several
programming languages. We will be focusing on C++. This IDE has many
coding utilities: a tabbed working space, an input box, and a code manager.
This code manager includes the two bottom buttons highlighted on the left.
These code manager buttons allow you to download and upload code as
files with their corresponding file extension. This IDE also allows you to
run and generate a URL that saves the result. We’ll be using these generated
URLs to manage our lessons.
In this book, we will use a Geeks for Geeks web-based IDE, but you should
learn to set up a local IDE. For the majority of your programming career,
that is where you will be working. Plus, you can customize the IDE to fit
your needs and spruce up your code.

Setting up Your Text Editor

IDE environments that are focused on programming always have to have a
text editor and a compiler within them. Non-IDE environments separate
compilers and plain text editors. The text editor serves as a programming
interface in non-IDE setups; this simply means the text editor will be the
place you tinker with the code.

When looking for a text editor, you need one with syntax highlighting and
indenting as all programming languages follow their syntax. This is because
you want to be able to read your code easily and you want collaborators to
be able to do so, too. These text editors help by improving readability. This
is especially important because coding is no longer and has never been a
solitary task. There is no one-man genius like in the movies.
Github and Pastebin are code aggregators that have syntax highlighting
add-ons enabled. Github will allow you to host your entire project on their
site, while Pastebin only allows code snippets. On these platforms, you can
save code in a variety of languages.
They are very useful to programmers because they allow programmers to
share code, collaborate, test, and so forth. Learning how to deploy a project
to Github is one of the most important things in programming because it has
become so standardized. So, maintaining a Github profile has also become
important, as it holds all the projects you are working on, have worked on,
and your activity (Peshev, 2017). To a potential employer or collaborator,
this information is invaluable.
C++ Code Syntax Example
This is a screenshot from Paste Bin with syntax highlighting enabled (“C++
Code,” 2015). Syntax highlighting and tabbed spacing help with making the
code more comprehensible. All text editors with syntax highlighting will
use this scheme: libraries in green, and functions, data types, and data in
blue. Strings will show up as red.
When you are working locally you will not have luxuries like these readily
available. The first text editor you will find on your system if you are using
windows is Notepad. Wordpad is another one that has more GUI features.
What you will notice as you open these programs is how plain and boring
they are. They are like Word but worse, because they shouldn’t be simple
word processors if writing efficient, elegant code is important to us. Their
word processor-like aspects make them more suitable for writing words in
them, not code, although you can code in them.
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a vast collection of ebooks across various
genres, available in popular formats like
PDF, EPUB, and MOBI, fully compatible with
all devices. Enjoy a seamless reading
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quality materials in just a few simple steps.
Plus, don’t miss out on exciting offers that
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Exploring the Variety of Random
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Gardiner's; and no sooner did that worldly prelate perceive the
impression she had made, than he informed Henry that Barnes,
whom neither Gardiner nor Henry could forget, had been Cromwell's
agent in bringing about the marriage of Anne of Cleves; that
Cromwell and Barnes had done this, without regard to the feelings of
the king, merely to bring in a queen pledged to German
Protestantism; and that, instead of submitting to the king's religious
views, they were bent on establishing in the country the detestable
heresies of Luther.

THOMAS CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. (After the Portrait by Holbein.)

Henry, whose jealousy was now excited, recollected that when he
proposed to send Anne of Cleves back, Cromwell had strongly
dissuaded him, and as Anne had now changed her insubordinate
behaviour to him, he immediately suspected that it was at the
suggestion of Cromwell. No sooner had this idea taken full
possession, than down came the thunderbolt on the head of the
great minister. The time was come, all was prepared, and, without a
single note of warning—without the change of look or manner in the
king—Cromwell was arrested at the council-board on a charge of
high treason. In the morning he was in his place in the House of
Lords, with every evidence of power about him; in the evening he
was in the Tower.
In his career, from the shop of the fuller to the supreme power in
the State, next to the king, Cromwell had totally forgotten the wise
counsel of Wolsey. He had not avoided, but courted, ambition. He
had leaned to the Reformed doctrines secretly, but he had taken
care to enrich himself with the spoils of the suppressed monasteries,
and many suspected that these spoils were the true incentives to his
system of reformation. The wealth he had accumulated was, no
doubt, a strong temptation to Henry, as it was in all such cases, and
thus Cromwell's avarice brought its own punishment. In his
treatment of the unfortunate Romanists whom he had to eject from
their ancient houses and lands, his conduct had been harsh and
unsparing; and by that party, now in power, he was consequently
hated with an intense hatred; and this was a second means of self-
punishment. But above all, in the days of his power, he had been
perfectly reckless of the liberties and securities of the subject. He
had broken down the bulwarks of the Constitution, and advised the
king to make his own will the sole law, carrying for him through
Parliament the monstrous doctrine embodied in the enactment that
the royal proclamation superseded Parliamentary decrees, and that
the Crown could put men to death without any form of trial. Under
the monstrous despotism which he had thus erected, he now fell
himself, and had no right whatever to complain. Yet he did complain
most lamentably. The men who never feel for others, concentrate all
their commiseration on themselves; and Cromwell, so ruthless and
immovable to the pleadings of his own victims, now sent the most
abject and imploring letters to Henry, crying, "Mercy, mercy!"
His experience might have assured him that, when once Henry
seized his victim, he never relented; and there was no one except
Cranmer who dared to raise a voice in his favour, and Cranmer's
interference was so much in his own timid style, that it availed
nothing. His papers were seized, his servants interrogated, and out
of their statements, whatever they were—for they were never
produced in any court—the accusations were framed against him.
These consisted in the charges of his having, as minister, received
bribes, and encroached on the royal authority by issuing
commissions, discharging prisoners, pardoning convicts, and
granting licences for the exportation of prohibited merchandise. As
Vicar-General, he was charged with having not only held heretical
opinions himself, but also with protecting heretical preachers, and
promoting the circulation of heretical books. Lastly, there was added
one of those absurd, gratuitous assertions, which Henry always
threw in to make the charge amount to high treason, namely, that
Cromwell had expressed his resolve to fight against the king himself,
if necessary, in support of his religious opinions; and Mount was
instructed to inform the German princes that Cromwell had
threatened to strike a dagger into the heart of the man who should
oppose the Reformation, which, he said, meant the king. He
demanded a public trial, but was refused, being only allowed to face
his accusers before the Commissioners. Government then proceeded
against him by bill of attainder, and thus, on the principle that he
had himself established, he was condemned without trial, even
Cranmer voting in favour of the attainder. His fate was delayed for
more than a month, during which time he continued to protest his
innocence, with a violence which stood in strong contrast to his
callousness to the protestations of others, wishing that God might
confound him, that the vengeance of God might light upon him, that
all the devils in hell might confront him, if he were guilty. He drew
the most lamentable picture of his forlorn and miserable condition,
and offered to make any disclosures demanded of him; but though
nothing would have saved him, unluckily for him, Henry discovered
among his papers his secret correspondence with the princes of
Germany. He gave the royal assent to the bill of attainder, and in five
days—namely, on the 28th of July—Cromwell was led to the scaffold,
where he confessed that he had been in error, but had now returned
to the truth, and died a good Catholic. He fell detested by every man
of his own party, exulted over by the Papist section of the
community, and unregretted by the people, who were just then
smarting under the enormous subsidy he had imposed. As if to
render his execution the more degrading, Lord Hungerford, a
nobleman charged with revolting crimes, was beheaded with him.
 CHAPTER IX.
REIGN OF HENRY VIII. (concluded).
Divorce of Anne of Cleves—Catherine Howard's Marriage and
Death—Fresh Persecutions—Welsh Affairs—The Irish
Insurrection and its Suppression—Scottish Affairs—Catholic
Opposition to Henry—Outbreak of War—Battle of Solway Moss—
French and English Parties in Scotland—Escape of Beaton—
Triumph of the French Party—Treaty between England and
Germany—Henry's Sixth Marriage—Campaign in France—
Expedition against Scotland—Capture of Edinburgh—Fresh
Attempt on England—Cardinal Beaton and Wishart—Death of
the Cardinal—Struggle between the Two Parties in England—
Death of Henry.

The death of Cromwell was quickly followed by the divorce of Anne

of Cleves. The queen was ordered to retire to Richmond, on
pretence that the plague was in London. Marillac, the French
ambassador, writing to Francis I., said that the reason assigned was
not the true one, for if there had been the slightest rumour of the
plague, nothing would have induced Henry to remain; "for the king
is the most timid person in the world in such cases." It was the
preliminary step to the divorce, and as soon as she was gone, Henry
put in motion all his established machinery for getting rid of wives.
The Lord Chancellor, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Duke of
Norfolk, and others of the king's ministers, procured a petition to be
got up and presented to his Majesty, stating that the House had
doubts of the validity of the king's marriage, and consequently were
uneasy as to the succession, and prayed the king to submit the
question to Convocation. Of course, Henry could refuse nothing to
his faithful peers, and Convocation, accordingly, took the matter into
consideration. The marriage was declared—like his two former ones
with Catherine and Anne Boleyn—to be null and void; and the same
judgment of high treason was pronounced on any one who should
say or write to the contrary. The queen being a stranger to the
English laws and customs, was not called upon to appear personally,
or even by her advocates, before Convocation.
All this being settled, the Duke of Suffolk, the Earl of Southampton,
and Wriothesley proceeded to Richmond, to announce the decision
to the queen. On the sight of these ministers, and on hearing their
communication, that the marriage was annulled by Parliament, the
poor woman, supposing that she was going to be treated like Anne
Boleyn, fainted, and fell on the floor. On her return to consciousness,
the messengers hastened to assure her that there was no cause of
alarm; that the king had the kindest and best intentions towards
her; that, if she would consent to resign the title of queen, he
proposed to give her the title of his sister; to grant her precedence
of every lady except the future queen and his daughters, and to
endow her with estates to the value of £3,000 per annum.
Anne received some of the spoils of the fallen Cromwell in different
estates which were made over to her for life, including Denham Hall,
in Essex. She resided principally at her palace of Richmond, and at
Ham House; but we find her living at different times at Bletchingley,
Hever Castle, Penshurst, and Dartford. Though she was queen only
about six months, she continued to live in England for seventeen
years—seeing two queens after her, and Edward VI. and Queen
Mary on the throne—greatly honoured by all who knew her, and
much beloved by both the princesses Mary and Elizabeth. Not in
seventeen years, but in sixteen months, she saw the fall and tragedy
of the queen who supplanted her; so that one of her maids of
honour, Elizabeth Bassett, could not help exclaiming at the news,
"What a man the king is! how many wives will he have?" For which
very natural expression the poor girl was very near getting into
trouble. As for Anne herself, she appeared quite a new woman when
she had got clear of her terrible and coarse-minded tyrant, so that
the French ambassador, Marillac, wrote to his master that "Madame
of Cleves has a more joyous countenance than ever. She wears a
great variety of dresses, and passes all her time in sports and
recreations." No sooner was she divorced than Henry paid her a
visit, and was so delighted by her pleasant and respectful reception
of him, that he supped with her merrily, and not only went often
again to see her, but invited her to Hampton, whither she went, not
at all troubling herself that another was acting the queen.
Anne's marriage was annulled by Parliament on the 9th of July, and
on the 8th of August Catherine Howard appeared at Court as the
acknowledged queen. For twelve months all went on well, and the
king repeatedly declared that he had never been happy in love or
matrimony till now; that the queen was the most perfect of women,
and the most affectionate of wives. To gratify his new queen, and to
accomplish some objects of importance, Henry this summer made a
progress into the north, and took Catherine with him. One object
was to judge for himself of the state of the northern counties, where
the late insurrections in favour of the old religion had broken out. He
promised himself that his presence would intimidate the disaffected;
that he should be able to punish those who remained troublesome,
and make all quiet; but still more was he anxious for an interview
with his nephew, James V. of Scotland. The principles of the
Reformation had been making rapid progress in that country, and
the fires of persecution had been lit up by the clergy. Patrick
Hamilton, a young man of noble family, who had imbibed the new
doctrines abroad, and Friar Forrest, a zealous preacher of the same,
had suffered at the stake. But far more dangerous to the stability of
the Catholic Church, was the fact that the Scottish nobility, poor and
ambitious, had learnt a significant lesson from what had been going
on in England. The seizure of the monastic estates there by the king,
and their liberal distribution amongst the nobility, excited their
cupidity, and they strongly urged James to follow the example of his
royal uncle. In this counsel they found a staunch coadjutor in Henry,
who never ceased exciting James to follow his example, and, to
make sure of his doing so, invited him to an interview at York, to
which he consented.
Notwithstanding great preparations had been made, the King of
Scots excused his coming. The very first announcement of such a
project had struck the clergy of Scotland with consternation. They
hastened to point out to James the dangers of innovation—the
certain mischief of aggrandising the nobility, already too powerful,
with the spoils of the Church—the jeopardy of putting himself into
the hands of Henry and the English, and the loss of the friendship of
all foreign powers, if he was induced by Henry to attack the Church,
which would render him almost wholly dependent on England. They
added force to these arguments by presenting him with a gratuity of
£50,000; promised him a continuance of their liberality, and pointed
out to him a certain source of income of at least £100,000 per
annum in the confiscations of heretics. These representations and
gifts had the desired effect. James sent an excuse to Henry for not
being able to meet him at York; and the disappointed king turned
homeward in great disgust. The fascinations of the young queen,
however, soon restored his good humour, and they arrived at
Windsor, on the 26th of October, in high spirits.
Little did the uxorious monarch dream that he was at this moment
standing on a mine that would blow all his imagined happiness into
the air and send his idolised wife to the block. But at the very time
that he and Catherine had been showing themselves as so
beautifully conjugal a couple to the good people of the north, the
mine had been preparing. It was the misfortune of all the queens of
Henry VIII. that they had not only to deal with one of the most
vindictive and capricious tyrants that ever existed, but that they
were invariably, and necessarily, the objects of the hatred of a
powerful and merciless party, which was ready to destroy its
antagonist, and, as the first and telling stroke in that progress, to
pull down the queen. Catherine Howard was now the hope of the
Romanists. She was the niece of the Duke of Norfolk, the most
resolute lay-Papist in the kingdom, and the political head of that
party. The public evidences of the growing influence of Catherine
with the king in the northern progress, had been marked by the
Catholics with exultation, and by the Protestants with proportionate
alarm. Both Rapin and Burnet assert that Cranmer felt convinced,
from what he saw passing, that unless some means were found to
lessen the influence of the queen, and thus dash the hopes of the
Catholics, he must soon follow Cromwell to the block. A most
ominous circumstance which reached him was, that the royal party
took up their quarters for a night at the house of Sir John Gorstwick,
who, but in the preceding spring, had denounced Cranmer in open
Parliament, as "the root of all heresies," and that at Gorstwick's
there had been held a select meeting of the Privy Council, at which
Gardiner, the unhesitating leader of the Romanists, presided. It was
the signal for the Protestants to bring means of counter-action into
play, and such means, unfortunately for the queen, were already
stored up and at hand.
It was discovered that the queen had been guilty of numerous
improprieties before marriage, chiefly with a man called Derham,
and it was now alleged that an intrigue had been going on between
Catherine and her cousin, Thomas Culpepper, in the northern
progress, at Lincoln and York, and that one night Culpepper was in
the same room with the queen and Lady Rochford for three hours.
But when it was attempted to establish this fact on the evidence of
women in attendance, Catherine Tylney and Margaret Morton, this
evidence dwindled to mere surmise. Tylney deposed that on two
nights at Lincoln, the queen went to the room of Lady Rochford, and
stayed late, but affirmed "on her peril that she never saw who came
unto the queen and my Lady Rochford, nor heard what was said
between them." Morton's evidence amounted only to this, that, at
Pontefract, Lady Rochford conveyed letters between the queen and
Culpepper, as was supposed; and one night when the king went to
the queen's chamber, the door was bolted, and it was some time
before he could be admitted. This circumstance must have been
satisfactorily accounted for to Henry at the time, jealous person as
he was, yet on such paltry grounds was it necessary to build the
charge of criminal conduct in the queen.
 CATHERINE HOWARD BEING CONVEYED TO THE TOWER. (See p. 185.)
On the 21st of January, 1542, a bill of attainder of Catherine
Howard, late Queen of England, and of Jane, Lady Rochford, for
high treason; of Agnes, Duchess of Norfolk, Lord William Howard,
the Lady Bridgewater, and four men and five women, including
Derham and Culpepper, already executed, was read in the Lords. On
the 28th, the Lord Chancellor, impressed with a laudable sense of
justice, proposed that a deputation of Lords and Commons should
be allowed to wait on the queen to hear what she had to say for
herself. He said it was but just that a queen, who was no mean or
private person, but a public and illustrious one, should be tried by
equal laws like themselves and thought it would be acceptable to the
king himself if his consort could thus clear herself. But that did not
suit Henry: he was resolved to be rid of his lately beloved model
queen; and as there was no evidence whatever of any crime on her
part against him, he did not mean that she should have any
opportunity of being heard in her defence. The bill was, therefore,
passed through Parliament, passing the Lords in three and the
Commons in two days. On the 10th of February the queen was
conveyed by water to the Tower, and the next day Henry gave his
assent to the bill of attainder. The persons sent to receive the
queen's confession were Suffolk, Cranmer, Southampton, Audley,
and Thirlby. "How much she confessed to them," Burnet says, "is not
very clear, neither by the journal nor the Act of Parliament, which
only say she confessed." If she had confessed the crime alleged
after marriage, that would have been made fully and officially
known. Two days afterwards, February 12th, she was brought to the
block.
Thus fell Catherine Howard in the bloom of her youth and beauty,
being declared by an eye-witness to be the handsomest woman of
her time, paying for youthful indiscretions the forfeit of her life to the
king, though some think she had not sinned against him. So
conscious was Henry of this, that he made it high treason, in the Act
of Attainder, for any one to conceal any such previous misconduct in
a woman whom the sovereign was about to marry. With Catherine
fell the odious Lady Rochford, who had long deserved her fate, for
her false and murderous evidence against her own husband and
Anne Boleyn.
Having thus destroyed his fifth wife, Henry now turned his attention
to the regulation of religious affairs and opinions. In 1539 he had
attempted to set up a standard of orthodoxy by the publication of
"The Institution of a Christian Man," or "The Bishops' Book," as it
was called, because compiled by the bishops under his direction.
After that he published his "Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any
Christian Man," which was called "The King's Book." In this it was
observable that, instead of approaching nearer to the Protestant
creed, he was going fast back into the strictest principles of
Romanism. He had allowed the people to read the Bible, but he now
declared that, though the reading of it was necessary to the
teachers of religion, it was not so necessary for the learners; and he
decreed, by Act of Parliament, that the Bible should not be read in
public, or be seen in any private families but such as were of noble
or gentle birth. It was not to be read privately by any but
householders and women who were well-born. If any woman of the
ordinary class, any artificer, apprentice, journeyman, servant, or
labourer dared to read the Bible, he or she was to be imprisoned for
one month.
Gardiner and the Papist party were more and more in the ascendant,
and the timid Cranmer and the more liberal bishops were compelled
not only to wink at these bigoted rules, but to order "The King's
Book," containing all the dogmas which they held to be false and
pernicious, to be published in every diocese, and to be the guide of
every preacher. By this means it was hoped to quash the numerous
new sects which were springing from the reading of the Bible, and
the earnest discussions consequent upon it. Such a flood of new
light had poured suddenly into the human mind, that it was
completely dazzled by it. Opinion becoming in some degree free, ran
into strange forms. There were Anabaptists, who held that every
man ought to be guided by the direct inspiration of the Holy Ghost,
and that, consequently, there was no need of king, judge,
magistrate, or civil law, or war, or capital punishment. There were
Antinomians, who contended that all things were free and allowable
to the saints without sin. There were Fifth-Monarchy men; members
of the Family of Love, or Davidians, from one David George, their
leader; Arians, Unitarians, Predestinarians, Libertines, and other
denominations, whom we shall find abundant in the time of the
Commonwealth. What was strangest of all was to see King Henry,
who would allow no man's opinion to be right but his own, and who
burnt men for daring to differ from him, lecturing these contending
sects on their animosities in his speech in Parliament, and bidding
them "behold what love and charity there was amongst them, when
one called another heretic and Anabaptist, and he called him again
Papist, hypocrite, and pharisee;" and the royal peacemaker
threatened to put an end to their quarrellings by punishing them all.
During the four remaining years of his reign, he burnt or hanged
twenty-four persons for religion—that is, six annually—fourteen of
them being Protestants. During these years "The King's Book" was
the only authorised standard of English orthodoxy.
It is now necessary to take a brief glance at the proceedings of
Henry's government in Ireland and Wales, and towards Scotland. In
the Principality of Wales the measures of the king were marked by a
far wiser spirit than those which predominated in religion. Being
descended from the natives of that country, it was natural that it
should claim his particular attention. Wales at that time might be
divided into two parts, one of which had been subjected by the
English monarchs, and divided into shires, the other which had been
conquered by different knights and barons, thence called the lords-
marchers. The shires were under the royal will, but the hundred and
forty-one small districts or lordships which had been granted to the
petty conquerors, excluded the officers and writs of the king
altogether. The lords, like so many counts palatine, exercised all
sovereign rights within their own districts, had their own courts,
appointed their own judges, and punished or pardoned offenders at
pleasure. This opened up a source of the grossest confusion and
impunity from justice; for criminals perpetrating offences in one
district had only to move into another, and set the law at defiance.
Henry, by enacting, in 1536, that the whole of Wales should
thenceforth be incorporated with England, should obey the same
laws and enjoy the same rights and privileges, did a great work. The
Welsh shires, with one borough in each, were empowered to send
members to Parliament, the judges were appointed solely by the
Crown, and no lord was any longer allowed to pardon any treason,
murder, or felony in his lordship, or to protect the perpetrators of
such crimes. The same regulations were extended to the county
palatine of Chester.
The proceedings of Henry in Ireland were equally energetic, if they
were not always as just; and in the end they produced an equally
improved condition of things there. Quiet and law came to prevail,
though they prevailed with severity. On the accession of Henry to
the throne, the portion of the island over which the English authority
really extended was very limited indeed. It included merely the chief
sea-ports, with the five counties of Louth, Westmeath, Dublin,
Kildare, and Wexford. The rest of the country was almost
independent of England, being in the hands of no less than ninety
chieftains—thirty of English origin, and the rest native—who
exercised a wild and lawless kind of sway, and made war on each
other at will. Wolsey, in the height of his power, determined to
reduce this Irish chaos to order. He saw that the main causes of the
decay of the English authority lay in the perpetual feuds and
jealousies of the families of Fitzgerald and Butler, at the head of
which were the Earls of Kildare and of Ormond. The young Earl of
Kildare, the chief of the Fitzgeralds, who succeeded his father in
1520, was replaced by the Earl of Surrey, afterwards the Duke of
Norfolk, whom we have seen so disgracefully figuring in the affairs
of Anne Boleyn and Catherine Howard, his nieces. During the two
years that he held the Irish government, he did himself great credit
by the vigour of his administration, repressing the turbulence of the
chiefs, and winning the esteem of the people by his hospitality and
munificence.
Unfortunately for Ireland, Surrey had acquired great renown by his
conduct under his father at Flodden, and when Henry, in 1522,
declared war against France, he was deemed the only man fitted to
take command of the army. The government of Ireland, on his
departure, was placed in the hands of Butler, Earl of Ormond. In the
course of ten years it passed successively from Ormond again to
Kildare, from Kildare to Sir William Skeffington, and back for the
third time to Kildare.
Kildare, relieved from the fear of Wolsey, who had now fallen, gave
way to the exercise of such acts of extravagance, that his own
friends attributed them to insanity. At the earnest recommendations,
therefore, of his hereditary rivals, the Butlers, he was called to
London in 1534, and sent to the Tower. Still, he had left his Irish
government in the hands of his son, Lord Thomas Fitzgerald—a
young man of only one-and-twenty, brave, generous, but with all the
impetuosity of Irish blood. Hearing a false report that his father was
beheaded in the Tower, young Fitzgerald flew to arms. He appeared
at the head of 140 followers before the council, resigned the sword
of State, and demanded war against Henry of England.
Cromer, the Archbishop of Armagh, earnestly entreated him not to
plunge himself into a quarrel so hopeless as that with England; but
in vain. The strains of an Irish minstrel, uttered in his native tongue,
had more influence with him, for they called on him to revenge his
father, to free Ireland; and the incensed youth flew to arms. For a
time success attended him. He overran the rich district of Fingal; the
natives flocked to his standard; the Irish minstrels, in wild songs,
stirred the people to frenzy; and surprising Allen, the Archbishop of
Dublin, on the very point of escaping to England, and supposed to
be one of the accusers of the Earl of Kildare, they murdered him in
presence of the young chief and his brothers. He then sent a
deputation to Rome, offering, on condition that the Pope should give
him the support of his sanction, to defend Ireland against an
apostate prince, and to pay a handsome annual tribute to the Holy
See. He sent ambassadors also to the Emperor, demanding
assistance against the prince who had so grossly insulted him by
divorcing his aunt, Queen Catherine. Five of his uncles joined him,
but he was repulsed from the walls of Dublin. The strong castle of
Maynooth was carried by assault by the new deputy, Sir William
Skeffington; and in the month of October Lord Leonard Gray, the son
of the Marquis of Dorset, arriving from England at the head of fresh
forces, chased him into the fastnesses of Munster and Connaught.
On hearing of this ill-advised rebellion, the poor Earl of Kildare,
already stricken with palsy, sickened and died in the Tower.
Lord Gray did not trust simply to his arms in the difficult country into
which the Fitzgeralds had retired; he employed money freely to bribe
the natives, who led him through the defiles of the mountains, and
the passable tracks of the morasses, into the retreats of the enemy.
He found the county of Kildare almost entirely desolated. Six out of
the eight baronies were burnt; and where this was not the case, the
people had fled, leaving the corn in the fields. Meath also was
ravaged; and the towns throughout the south of Ireland, besides the
horrors of civil war, found fever and pestilence prevailing, Dublin
itself being more frightfully decimated than the provincial towns. The
English Government sent very little money to the troops, and left
them to subsist by plunder; and they first seized all the cattle, corn,
and provisions, and then laid waste the country by fire. By March,
1535, Lord Thomas Fitzgerald was reduced to such extremity that he
wrote to Lord Gray, begging him to become intercessor between the
king and himself. Lord Gray, there can be little doubt, promised
Fitzgerald a full pardon, on which he surrendered. But Skeffington
wrote to the king that, finding that O'Connor, his principal supporter,
had come in and yielded, "the young traitor, Thomas Fitzgerald, had
done the same, without condition of pardon of life, lands, and
goods."

CAPTURE OF THE FITZGERALDS. (See p. 189.)

But this assertion is clearly contradicted by the council in Dublin,
who wrote entreating the king to be merciful to the said Thomas, to
whom they had given comfortable promises. O'Connor had been too
wise to put himself into the power of Henry on the strength of any
promises: he delivered only certain hostages as security for his good
behaviour; but Lord Thomas was carried over to England by Lord
Gray, where he was committed to the Tower. Gray was immediately
sent back to Ireland, with the full command of the army there, and
he was instructed above all things to secure the persons of the five
uncles of Lord Fitzgerald. Accordingly, on the 14th of February, 1536,
the council of Ireland sent to Cromwell, then minister, an exulting
message, that Lord Gray, the chief justice, and others, had captured
the five brethren, which they pronounced to be the "first deed that
ever was done for the weal of the king's poor subjects of that land."
They added, "We assure your mastership that the said lord justice,
the treasurer of the king's wars, and such others as his grace put in
trust in this behalf, have highly deserved his most gracious thanks
for the politic and secret conveying of the matter." But the truth was,
that this politic and secret management was one of the most
disgraceful pieces of treachery which ever was transacted—the
Fitzgeralds being seized at a banquet to which both parties had
proceeded under the most solemn pledges of mutual faith. They
were conveyed at once to London, and in February, 1537, the young
earl and his five uncles were beheaded, after a long and cruel
imprisonment in the Tower. Their unprincipled betrayer, however, did
not long enjoy the fruits of his treachery. He was made Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland as a reward for his dishonourable service, but
was soon removed on charges of misconduct, committed to one of
the very cells which his victims had occupied, and was beheaded on
Tower Hill, as a traitor, on the 28th of June, 1541, ending his life,
according to Godwin, very quietly and godlily. Gray certainly
deserved better treatment from Henry; for, though his conduct was
infamous to the Fitzgeralds, it was most useful to the English king.
The rival factions of Fitzgeralds and Butlers continuing to resist the
English power, Gray contended against them till, by his brilliant
victory at Bellahoe, he broke the power of O'Neill, the northern
chieftain, and confirmed the power of England. Yet, being uncle, by
his sister, to the last surviving male heir of the Fitzgeralds—Gerald,
the youngest brother of the unfortunate Lord Thomas, a boy of only
twelve years of age—he was accused of favouring his escape, and all
his services were forgotten by his ungrateful sovereign. The young
Gerald Fitzgerald escaped to the Continent by the aid of a sea
captain of St. Malo, and ultimately to Italy, where he lived under the
patronage and protection of his kinsman, Cardinal Pole, till he
eventually recovered the honours and estates of his ancestors, in the
reign of Queen Mary, at the suggestion of the cardinal.
After the recall of Lord Gray, O'Connor, O'Neill, M'Murdo, and the
O'Tooles excited fresh insurrections, but they were speedily put
down, and in 1541 Anthony St. Leger found both the Irish chiefs and
the lords of the pale eagerly outstripping each other in professions
of loyalty. In 1541 Henry raised Ireland from the rank of a lordship
to that of a kingdom, and granted letters patent to the Irish chiefs,
by the advice of Sir Thomas Cusake, though unwillingly. Thus, by
securing them in possession of their lands, and raising them to new
honours, he gained their devoted attachment. Henry gave them
houses in Dublin, which they were to inhabit when summoned as
peers of the Irish Parliament. Ulick Burke was made Earl of
Clanricarde, Murroch O'Brien Earl of Thomond, and the great O'Neill
became henceforth known by his new title of Earl of Tyrone. The
Irish council was instructed to proceed with the suppression of the
monasteries, though cautiously, not urging the monks too rigorously,
lest they stirred up opposition, but desirably persuading them that
"the lands of the Church were his proper inheritance." These matters
were so well carried out, that the ascendency of England had never
appeared so firmly established since the first invasion of the island
by Henry II.
In Scotland the French and Catholic party was all powerful. James V.
married a French wife, Mary of Guise, in 1538, and in 1539 David
Beaton succeeded his uncle, James Beaton, in the primacy, when the
Pope, to add additional honours to so devoted a servant, presented
him with a cardinal's hat. It was at this crisis that the Pope, acting in
concert with France and Spain, sent Cardinal Pole to co-operate with
the Scots in annoying Henry, and James being applied to by the
Pontiff Paul, declared himself willing to unite with Francis I. and the
Emperor in the endeavour to convert or punish the heretical English
king. As if to show Henry that there was no prospect of any co-
operation of James with him, the fires of persecution were kindled
by Beaton and his coadjutors against the Protestants in that
kingdom, and this again drove the Reformers to make common
cause with the Earl of Angus and other Scottish exiles in England.
Henry, to encourage the Protestants, and to warn James if possible,
sent to him his rising diplomatist, Sir Ralph Sadler, who represented
to James that Henry was much nearer related to him than were any
of the Continental sovereigns, and who endeavoured to prevent
there the publication of the bill of excommunication.
But it became necessarily a pitched battle between the Papist party
in Scotland and Henry. They beheld with natural alarm his
destruction of the Papal Church in England, an example of the most
terrible kind to all other national churches of the same creed; and
Henry, on the other hand, knew that so long as that faith was in the
ascendant in Scotland, there would be no assured quiet in his own
kingdom. It was the one proximate and exposed quarter through
which the Pope and his abettors on the Continent could perpetually
assail him. From this moment, therefore, Henry spared no money, no
negotiation, no pains to break down the Roman Catholic ascendency
in Scotland.
In the spring of 1541 Cardinal Beaton, and Panter, the Royal
secretary, were despatched to Rome with secret instructions. This
alarmed Henry, and yet afforded him a hope of making an
impression on his nephew whilst the cardinal was away. Once more,
therefore, he invited James to meet him at York. Lord William
Howard, who was his envoy on the occasion, induced James to
promise to meet Henry there, and we have seen him on his way
accompanied by his bride, Catherine Howard, to the place of
rendezvous. But James came not; and Henry, enraged, vowed that
he would compel James by force to do that which he would not
concede to persuasion.
The Romanist party in Scotland were better pleased with a hostile
than a pacific position, for they greatly dreaded that Henry might at
length warp the king's mind towards his own views. The leaders on
both sides were, in fact, never at peace. On the one side, the exiled
Douglases were always on the watch to recover their estates by their
swords, and the fugitives in Scotland, on account of the Pilgrimage
of Grace, were equally ready to fight their way back to their homes
and fortunes. In the August of 1542, accordingly, there were sharp
forays, first from one side of the Border, and then from the other. Sir
James Bowes, the warden of the east marches, accompanied by Sir
George Douglas, the Earl of Angus, and other Scottish exiles, and
3,000 horsemen, rushed into Teviotdale, when they were met at
Haddenrig by the Earl of Huntly and Lord Home, who defeated
them, and took 600 prisoners.
Henry, having issued a proclamation declaring the Scots the
aggressors, ordered a levy of 40,000 men, and appointed the Duke
of Norfolk the commander of this army. He was attended by the
Earls of Shrewsbury, Derby, Cumberland, Surrey, Hertford, Rutland,
with many others of the nobility. This imposing force was joined by
the Earl of Angus and the rest of the banished Douglases who had
escaped the slaughter at Haddenrig. After some delay at York the
royal army, issuing a fresh proclamation, in which Henry claimed the
crown of Scotland, advanced to Berwick, where it crossed into
Scotland, and, advancing along the northern bank of the Tweed as
far as Kelso, burned two towns and twenty villages. Norfolk did not
venture to advance farther into the country, as he heard that James
had assembled a powerful force, whilst Huntly, Home, and Seton
were hovering on his flanks. He therefore contented himself with
ravaging the neighbourhood, and then crossed again at Kelso into
England.
James, indignant at the invasion and the injuries inflicted on his
subjects, marched from the Burghmuir at Edinburgh, where he was
encamped at the head of 30,000 men, in pursuit of the English. But
he soon found that different causes paralysed his intended
chastisement. Many of the nobles were in favour of the Reformation,
and held this martial movement as a direct attempt to maintain the
Papal power and the influence of Beaton and his party. Others were
in secret league with the banished Douglases, who were on the
English side; and there were not wanting those who sincerely
advised a merely defensive warfare, and pointed out the evils which
had always followed the pursuit of the English into their own
country. They urged the fact that Norfolk and his army, destitute of
provisions and suffering from the inclemency of the weather, were
already in full retreat homewards. But James would not listen to
these arguments; he burned to take vengeance on the English, and
after halting on Fala Muir, and reviewing his troops, he gave the
order to march in pursuit of Norfolk; but, to his consternation, he
found that nearly every nobleman refused to cross the Border. They
pleaded the lateness of the season, the want of provisions for the
army, and the rashness of following the English into the midst of
their own country, where another Flodden Field might await them.
James was highly exasperated at this defection, and denounced the
leaders as traitors and cowards, pointing out to them their
unpatriotic conduct, when they saw all around them the towns and
villages burnt, the farms ravaged, and the people expelled or
exterminated along the line of Norfolk's march. It was in vain that he
exhorted or reproved them; they stole away from his standard, and
the indignant king found himself abandoned by the chief body of his
army. For himself, however, he disdained to give up the enterprise.
He despatched Lord Maxwell with a force of 10,000 men to burst
into the western marches, ordering him to remain in England laying
waste the country as long as Norfolk had remained in Scotland.
James himself awaited the event at Caerlaverock Castle; but,
discontented with the movements of Lord Maxwell, whom he
suspected of being infected by the spirit of the other insubordinate
nobles, he sent his favourite, Oliver Sinclair, to supersede Lord
Maxwell in the command.
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