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BIOFUELS FOR A
MORE
SUSTAINABLE
FUTURE
BIOFUELS FOR A
MORE
SUSTAINABLE
FUTURE
Life Cycle Sustainability
Assessment and Multi-Criteria
Decision Making

Edited by

JINGZHENG REN
ANTONIO SCIPIONI
ALESSANDRO MANZARDO
HANWEI LIANG
Elsevier
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The Boulevard, Langford Lane, Kidlington, Oxford OX5 1GB, United Kingdom
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© 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Notices
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ISBN: 978-0-12-815581-3

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Publisher: Candice Janco

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Contributors

Kathleen B. Aviso
Chemical Engineering Department, De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines
Eric Alberto Ocampo Batlle
Federal University of Itajubá—UNIFEI, Itajubá, Brazil
Monica Carvalho
Federal University of Paraı́ba—UFPB, João Pessoa, Brazil
Jos
e Luiz Casela
Industrial and Systems Engineering Graduate Program (PPGEPS), Polytechnic School,
Pontifical Catholic University of Paraná (PUCPR), Curitiba, Brazil
Maurizio Cellura
Department of Engineering, University of Palermo, Palermo, Italy
Hung Phuoc Duong
International Cooperation Department, Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment,
Ha Noi, Viet Nam
Francesco Guarino
Department of Engineering, University of Palermo, Palermo, Italy
Osiris Canciglieri Junior
Industrial and Systems Engineering Graduate Program (PPGEPS), Polytechnic School,
Pontifical Catholic University of Paraná (PUCPR), Curitiba, Brazil
Juarez Corr^ea Furtado Júnior
State University of Campinas—UNICAMP, Campinas, Brazil
Dinh Sy Khang
Ho Chi Minh City University of Natural Resources and Environment, Ho Chi Minh City,
Vietnam
Kai Lan
Department of Forest Biomaterials, North Carolina State University, Raleigh, NC, United
States
Ruojue Lin
Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University,
Hong Kong SAR, China
Yue Liu
Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University,
Hong Kong SAR, China
Sonia Longo
Department of Engineering, University of Palermo, Palermo, Italy

xi
xii Contributors

Electo Eduardo Silva Lora

Federal University of Itajubá—UNIFEI, Itajubá, Brazil
Yasuaki Maeda
Research Organization for University-Community Collaborations, Osaka Prefecture
University, Sakai, Japan
Yi Man
Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University,
Hong Kong SAR; School of Light Industry and Engineering, South China University of
Technology, Guangzhou, China
Rosana Adami Mattioda
Industrial and Systems Engineering Graduate Program (PPGEPS), Polytechnic School,
Pontifical Catholic University of Paraná (PUCPR), Curitiba, Brazil
Marina Mistretta
Department of Heritage, Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Reggio Calabria,
Reggio Calabria, Italy
Piergiuseppe Morone
Bioeconomy in Transition Research Group (BiT-RG), Unitelma Sapienza University of
Rome, Rome, Italy
Keito Nakagawa
Plant Engineering Division, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Environmental and Chemical
Engineering Co., Ltd., Yokohama, Japan
Tu Anh Nguyen
Graduate School of Humanities and Sustainable System Sciences, Osaka Prefecture
University, Sakai, Japan
Koji Otsuka
Graduate School of Humanities and Sustainable System Sciences, Osaka Prefecture
University, Sakai, Japan
Jos
e Carlos Escobar Palacio
Federal University of Itajubá—UNIFEI, Itajubá, Brazil
Sunkyu Park
Department of Forest Biomaterials, North Carolina State University, Raleigh, NC,
United States
Michael Angelo B. Promentilla
Chemical Engineering Department, De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines
Luis F. Razon
Chemical Engineering Department, De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines
 Contributors xiii

Jingzheng Ren
Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University,
Hong Kong SAR, China
Serenella Sala
European Commission, Joint Research Centre (JRC), Ispra, Italy
Laurence Stamford
School of Chemical Engineering and Analytical Science, The University of Manchester,
Manchester, United Kingdom
Andrzej Strzałkowski
Bioeconomy in Transition Research Group (BiT-RG), Unitelma Sapienza University of
Rome, Rome, Italy; University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland
Raymond R. Tan
Chemical Engineering Department, De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines
Almona Tani
Bioeconomy in Transition Research Group (BiT-RG), Unitelma Sapienza University of
Rome; Food and Agriculture Organization—FAO, Rome, Italy
David Ribeiro Tavares
Industrial and Systems Engineering Graduate Program (PPGEPS), Polytechnic School,
Pontifical Catholic University of Paraná (PUCPR), Curitiba, Brazil
Osvaldo Jos
e Venturini
Federal University of Itajubá—UNIFEI, Itajubá, Brazil
Yuan Yao
Department of Forest Biomaterials, North Carolina State University, Raleigh, NC, United
States
Krista Danielle S. Yu
School of Economics, De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines
Jadwiga R. Ziolkowska
Department of Geography and Environmental Sustainability, The University of Oklahoma,
Norman, OK, United States
CHAPTER 1

Biofuels technologies: An
overview of feedstocks, processes,
and technologies
Jadwiga R. Ziolkowska
Department of Geography and Environmental Sustainability, The University of Oklahoma, Norman, OK,
United States

Contents
1 Introduction 1
2 Biofuels technologies and feedstocks 3
2.1 Conventional (first generation) biofuels 5
2.2 Advanced biofuels 6
3 Biofuels processes 13
4 Summary and conclusions 14
References 15
Further reading 19

1 Introduction
Biofuels are defined as fuels produced from living plant matter or
by-products of agricultural production; they are primarily grouped into bio-
diesel and ethanol. Biofuels can be divided and separated into several groups
based on their technologies, processes, and feedstocks.
Biofuels technology can be defined as application of feedstocks in a
sequence of processes leading to the production of different biofuels types.
Biofuels processes are either natural or chemical stages of an industrial or pilot
project development leading to the final production of biofuels. Biofuels feed-
stocks are any living, dead, or decomposed plant materials suitable for pro-
cessing and conversion to biofuels by means of different processes.
From the perspective of the industrial development and market presence,
biofuels feedstocks, processes, and technologies can be classified as
“developed” (with well-established markets), “developing” (with newly
created or progressing market shares), or in the “demonstration” stage

Biofuels for a More Sustainable Future © 2020 Elsevier Inc.

https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-815581-3.00001-4 All rights reserved. 1
2 Biofuels for a More Sustainable Future

(describing pilot projects or potential future developments) (compare: Lane,

2017). Due to a high feedstock variability accessible to be utilized for bio-
fuels generation the existing biofuels technologies and processes have
expanded over time thus creating a wide net of production opportunities
and innovation potential in this field.
Generally, biofuels technologies can be divided into “conventional” and
“advanced” biofuels (Fig. 1.1). Conventional biofuels (also called “first gen-
eration biofuels”) designate ethanol and biodiesel generated from eatable
crops. Advanced biofuels (encompassing the “second, third and fourth gen-
eration biofuels”) are defined as liquid fuels from nonfood/nonfeed sustain-
ably grown feedstocks and agricultural (municipal) wastes. The need for
advanced biofuels originated from a concern about the competition for nat-
ural resources (e.g., water, energy, land) between fuel and food production
(Rathmann et al., 2010; Harvey and Pilgrim, 2011, Ajanovic, 2011).
Accordingly, advanced biofuels cannot create any competition with food
crop production, while they need to meet higher sustainability require-
ments, that is, contribute to greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction
by a larger percentage than conventional biofuels.
The designation of biofuels “generations” is directly linked and subject
to the specific technology and feedstock used for biofuels production. It also
relates to the temporal development trends over years and the complexity of

Fig. 1.1 Biofuels technologies with corresponding development stages. (Authors’

presentation modified from Ziolkowska, J.R., 2014. Prospective technologies, feedstocks
and market innovations for ethanol and biodiesel production in the US. Biotechnol.
Rep. 4, 94–98; Ziolkowska, J.R., 2018. Introduction to biofuels and potentials of
nanotechnology. In: Srivastava, N., Srivastava, M., Pandey, H., Mishra, P.K.,
Ramteke, P.W. (Eds.), Green Nanotechnology for Biofuel Production. Biofuel and
Biorefinery Technologies. Springer, Basel, pp. 1–15.)
 Biofuels technologies: An overview of feedstocks, processes, and technologies 3

the biofuels market with a growing number of potential feedstocks to be

used for biofuels production.
First generation biofuels are produced from food crops: (a) biodiesel
extracted from oil plants/plant materials (in the chemical process of transes-
terification and esterification), and (b) ethanol extracted from sugar-
containing plants/plant materials and converted to fuel in the process of
fermentation. Second generation biofuels are produced from nonfood crops
(e.g., crop waste, green waste, wood, and energy crops planted specifically
for biofuels production). Third generation biofuels are based on improvements
in biomass production, with algae being the main feedstock representing this
group as of today. Fourth generation biofuels aim at providing more sustainable
production options by combining biofuels production with capturing and
storing CO2 with the process of oxy-fuel combustion or by application
of genetic engineering or nanotechnology.
Due to the wide range of feedstock application and process development
the evaluation of different biofuels in terms of their sustainability will clearly
depend on the combination of those factors. Thus in the face of the multi-
tude of discussions in this field, a closer look at each of the biofuel types is
needed for a holistic and science-based evaluation.
Although this chapter does not aim at investigating sustainability of the
respective biofuels technologies, processes, and feedstocks per se, it will pro-
vide an overview for a better understanding of those issues to be addressed in
the following chapters in this book.

2 Biofuels technologies and feedstocks

Globally, the total biofuels production has increased over time, with an esti-
mated ethanol production at 160 billion liters (42.3 billion gallons) in 2019
and biodiesel production at 41 billion liters (11 billion gallons) (OECD,
2010) (Figs. 1.2 and 1.3). The feedstock composition in the global biofuels
production has varied and changed considerably over time as well. Accord-
ing to OECD (2010) projections, on the ethanol market, coarse grains
(including corn) have reached the peak in 2016, while ethanol production
from sugar cane will increase throughout 2019. An increasing trend was also
projected for biomass-based ethanol with 11 billion liters (2.9 billion gallons)
on the market in 2019. On the biodiesel market, vegetable oils constitute the
main feedstock that is expected to increase up to 30.7 billion liters (8.1 bil-
lion gallons) by 2019 (OECD, 2010). Also jatropha and other nonagricul-
tural feedstocks (animal fats) make a smaller share in the biodiesel
4 Biofuels for a More Sustainable Future

180
billion litres
160
Others feedstocks
140
Roots and tuber
120
Biomass based
(second generation)
100
Sugar beet

80 Molasses

60 Sugar cane

40 Wheat

20 Coarse grains

0
2007–09 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019

Fig. 1.2 Global ethanol production by feedstock—projections (2007–19). (Modified

from OECD-FAO, 2010. Agricultural Outlook 2010. Biofuel Production 2010–19;
Ziolkowska, J.R., 2018. Introduction to biofuels and potentials of nanotechnology. In:
Srivastava, N., Srivastava, M., Pandey, H., Mishra, P.K., Ramteke, P.W. (Eds.), Green
Nanotechnology for Biofuel Production. Biofuel and Biorefinery Technologies. Springer,
Basel, pp. 1–15.)

45
billion litres
40

35

30

Biomass-based
25 (second generation)
Jatropha
20
Nonagric.
15 (animal fats)
Vegetable oil
10

0
2007–09 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019

Fig. 1.3 Global biodiesel production by feedstock—projections (2007–19). (Modified

from OECD-FAO, 2010. Agricultural Outlook 2010. Biofuel Production 2010–19;
Ziolkowska, J.R., 2018. Introduction to biofuels and potentials of nanotechnology. In:
Srivastava, N., Srivastava, M., Pandey, H., Mishra, P.K., Ramteke, P.W. (Eds.), Green
Nanotechnology for Biofuel Production. Biofuel and Biorefinery Technologies. Springer,
Basel, pp. 1–15.)
 Biofuels technologies: An overview of feedstocks, processes, and technologies 5

production. However, their use has increased over time and could even
become of a higher importance in the future. Biodiesel production from
animal fats, however, has remained rather stable over time in terms of the
percentage share in the total biofuels production (Fig. 1.3).

2.1 Conventional (first generation) biofuels

The first attempts of biofuels engine operation (peanut oil engine run by
Rudolf Diesel in 1900 and vegetable oil run engines in 1930s) as well the
first industrial biofuels were based on food crops (Ziolkowska, 2018). In
the past decades, food crop application for biofuels production has increas-
ingly been criticized due to two major issues: “fuel vs. food” trade-off and
concerns about the real CO2 reduction potential of biofuels (some biofuels
could release more carbon in their production process than sequester it in the
feedstock growth process).
Because of these urgent issues, most studies in this area focus on compe-
tition for resources resulting from crop cultivation and their application
either for food/feed or biofuels production. This trade-off situation for food,
feed, fuel, and production factors can impact producers, distributors, and the
related markets, and finally regional and national economies (Tomei and
Helliwell, 2016; Baffes, 2013; Filip et al., 2017). Most attention in the lit-
erature has been given to land resources (Rathmann et al., 2010; Harvey
and Pilgrim, 2011) and impacts of biofuels production on food market prices
(Ak
e, 2017; Enciso et al., 2016; Tyner, 2013; Ajanovic, 2011).
Conventional biofuels encompass ethanol (produced from crops with
high sugar contents, e.g., corn, cereals, sugar beet/sugar cane) and biodiesel
(produced from high oleic plants, e.g., soybean, rapeseed, palm oil, animal
fats, waste oils).
In the past decades, conventional biofuels have developed into flourish-
ing fuel markets. In 2015 in the United States alone, the consumption of
ethanol in BTU energy units (1 BTU ¼ 1055 J) amounted to 1.14 quadril-
lion BTU, while biodiesel consumption totaled 0.26 quadrillion BTU. The
total capacity of ethanol consumption was estimated at 15 billion gallons (57
billion liters), while 2 billion gallons (7.6 billion liters) for biodiesel
(US EIA, 2016).
Production of conventional biofuels has varied in different parts of the
world, subject to feedstock availability. Global production of conventional
biofuels for the transport sector reached 140 billion liters (37 billion gal) in
2017 (IEA, 2018). In 2015, Brazil and the United States accounted for 70%
6 Biofuels for a More Sustainable Future

of the global biofuel supply of sugarcane- and corn-based ethanol (REN21,

2016; Araújo et al., 2017). Other suppliers, that is, European Union coun-
tries and Asia have entered the biofuels market in the last two decades. Bio-
fuels production in the European Union is mainly based on biodiesel from
waste, soybeans, rapeseed, and palm (Huenteler and Lee, 2015), while in the
Americas and Asia ethanol production is prevailing with the following feed-
stocks: sugarcane, corn, wheat, and cassava. In Asia, additional efforts and
investments in recent years have contributed to a growing biodiesel market
utilizing palm, soybean, rapeseed, and Jatropha feedstocks. The regional and
feedstock diversification has been recognized by several German associations
and agencies (GTZ, 2006) as potentially conducive to the formation of an
international biofuel commodities market.

2.2 Advanced biofuels

The development of advanced biofuels was propelled in response to con-
cerns related to the “fuel-food tradeoff” as well as environmental and eco-
nomic questions surrounding conventional biofuels (UN Report, 2007). By
utilizing biomass (not suitable either for food or feed purposes) and in many
cases grown on marginal lands, the problem of resource competition in
food/fuel production could potentially be mitigated to some degree. At
the same time, emerging recognitions and new knowledge about energy
value of biofuels (compared to fossil fuels) spurred questions about economic
efficiency of biofuels in general (Czekała et al., 2018). For instance, produc-
tion of cellulosic biofuel is highly energy intensive meaning that energy con-
tained in this type of biofuel is lower than the energy required for its
production (Ge and Li, 2018).
Environmental questions about advanced biofuels relate directly to CO2
emission reduction. Many studies provided evidence that biofuels contrib-
ute to CO2 emission reductions in the fuel burning process (Mendiara et al.,
2018; Kousoulidou and Lonza, 2016; Subramanian et al., 2018). However,
it needs to be emphasized that the exact emission reduction levels strongly
depend on the applied feedstock, with algae being acknowledged among the
leading feedstocks (Shuba and Kifle, 2018; Su et al., 2017; Savakis and Hel-
lingwerf, 2015) with carbon negative properties (Ziolkowska and Simon,
2014). However, concerns have been raised about other biomass feedstocks
(e.g., timber) pointing out that forest bioenergy is not carbon neutral due to
high CO2 emissions released in the wood burning process (Moomaw,
2018). According to US EIA (2016), the consumption of wood/forestry
 Biofuels technologies: An overview of feedstocks, processes, and technologies 7

biomass (including wood pellets, hog fuel, and wood chips) utilized for elec-
tricity and heat production in BTU energy units is larger than bioenergy
from conventional biofuels. In the United States alone, wood biomass con-
sumption amounted to 2.04 quadrillion BTU in 2015, while it totaled
11 million tons in wood pellet capacity.

2.2.1 Cellulosic ethanol (second generation biofuels)

Cellulosic ethanol can be produced from any material containing cellulose
and lignocellulose. The main feedstock sources for cellulosic ethanol pro-
duction can be divided as follows:
(a) Energy crops grown specifically for the purpose of conversion into
biofuels (e.g., switchgrass, miscanthus, wheat straw, poplar, willow,
jatropha).
(b) Green waste used as a by-product of other production processes (e.g.,
corn stover and other field residue, e.g., stalks and stubble (stems),
leaves, seed pods, as well as forest/park residues).
According to Chen et al. (2010), 40%–70% of hemicellulose and 72%–90%
of cellulose in corn cobs could be converted to ethanol using different bac-
teria and fungi. Also application of more unconventional feedstocks contain-
ing cellulose or lignin (e.g., kapok fiber, pineapple waste, waste papers, and
coffee residue waste for bioethanol production) has recently been investi-
gated (Dutta et al., 2014; Choi et al., 2012; Ruangviriyachai et al., 2010;
Chen et al., 2010).
The question of economic efficiency of the second generation biofuels
remains open due to high costs related to breaking down cellulose, making it
a lesser competitive feedstock and biofuel in general compared to fossil fuels.
Although many industrial and laboratory attempts have been undertaken in
the past decade to lower the production costs of cellulosic ethanol, the
experiments were not as successful as initially anticipated, with the average
price for cellulosic ethanol still not being competitive enough with tradi-
tional gasoline. As of 2010, production costs of cellulosic ethanol equaled
to $2.65/gal of fuel (Coyle, 2010), which was $1 more than costs of corn
ethanol. The more recent research studies and scenarios by the National
Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL) have proven that cellulosic ethanol
could be cost competitive at $2.15/gal (NREL, 2013). Due to this eco-
nomic limitation determining the market access, most studies in this area
are focused on improving technological processes of cellulose decomposi-
tion and breakdown (Liu and Bao, 2017; Gao et al., 2018; Shadbahr
et al., 2018; Song et al., 2018). Many studies attempted to provide solutions
8 Biofuels for a More Sustainable Future

to high costs of second generation biofuels by introducing microbial or fun-

gal systems facilitating more effective and faster cellulose breakdown and fer-
mentation process (Bhatia et al., 2017; Ziolkowska, 2014). However,
research and development in this field is ongoing and no wide-scale com-
mercial solution has been introduced, which again, will depend on the
respective feedstocks and their cellulose and lignin contents.
An advantage of advanced biofuels is that feedstocks used for their pro-
duction generally generate greater greenhouse gas emissions savings, and
thus are more sustainable and desirable from the environmental point of
view. For this reason, in the United States, with the 2007 Energy Indepen-
dence and Security Act, the Renewable Fuel Standards (RFS) were intro-
duced as a mandate to expand the quantity of renewable fuels blended into
transport fuel from 9 billion gallons (34.07 billion liters) in 2008 up to 36 bil-
lion gallons (136.27 billion liters) in 2022 (Ziolkowska, 2018; Ziolkowska
et al., 2010). Within these totals, starting in 2015, only 15 billion gallons
(56.78 billion liters) can be provided on the market from conventional eth-
anol, while the remaining annual mandated quantity needs to be supplied
from advanced feedstocks. In April 2010, the RFS2 was enacted by the
EPA as an extension of the original mandate specifying minimum quantities
from different feedstocks or biofuel types needed to be blended toward the
total mandate (FAPRI, 2010; Ziolkowska et al., 2010). Accordingly, the cel-
lulosic ethanol production was mandated to increase each consecutive year
with the goal of 16 billion gallons (60.5 billion liters) in 2022 (US EPA,
2010). Furthermore, cellulosic ethanol was assigned a Life Cycle Assessment
requirement to be effective with reducing GHG emissions by at least 60%
compared to the emission levels generated from combustion of traditional
gasoline (i.e., fossil fuels used in transportation) (Table 1.1). Due to the
2007 Energy Independence and Security Act and renewable fuel standards
established as mandates, production of cellulosic ethanol and compliance
with its supply for blending has been mainly discussed in the United States.
In Europe, where biofuels policy is based on voluntary targets rather than
mandates, cellulosic ethanol production took off at a later time and has
gained less attention in general.
It needs to be mentioned that in addition to bioethanol production from
the second generation feedstocks, also other advanced biofuels (isopropanol,
butanol, isobutanol, and farnesol) have been gaining on importance due to
their high energy density as well as lower hygroscopic properties and lower
corrosity to pipelines during transportation than other fuels (Chen et al.,
2013; Yua et al., 2011). In addition, metabolic engineering of biosynthetic
fuels can lead to even greater productivity of these alcohols.
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that countrey, a man knowing their conditions, and sober and
discreet of his owne cariage. At his first comming aboord of them,
they seemed to stand vpon their owne guard and defence, for they
were three great and strong ships: but he vsed himselfe so, that
they at the last willed him to come into the greatest of their ships,
which was aboue 450 tunnes. Then he declared to them our intent,
of comming thither, and that they should be there as sure from any
shew of violence or iniury offered them, as if they were in their owne
houses, and if they should thinke so good, his admirall would fraight
them for England, if they would be content with fraight reasonable,
and as they should agree, and it should be at their owne choise
whether to go or not, he would not force them, vnlesse it were to
their benefit and good liking. Although this people were somewhat
stubburne at the first, as that nation is in these causes, yet being
satisfied with good words and good dealing they came aland, and
after conference had with the admirall, they were so satisfied, that
they went thorow with a fraight: and then we ioyned with them, and
they with vs, and they serued vs as truely and as faithfully as our
owne people did, both at watch and ward, by sea and all other
seruices. Within two dayes after our comming in, about midnight, a
great number of Portugals and Indians with them, came downe vpon
vs with a very great cry and noise; but God be thanked, we were
ready for them: for our admirall supposing some such assault, had
prouided all our muskets with haile-shot, which did so gaule both
the Indians and the Portugals, that they made them presently
retreat. And this is to be noted, that there was both the horse and
his rider slaine both with one of these shot. Our men followed them
some fiue or sixe score, but no further. We lost in this conflict but
onely one man, but had diuers hurt. What was lost of their part, we
could not tell, for they had before day, after our retreat, caried away
all their dead. Within three or foure dayes after our comming in
appeared before the harborow 3 ships and 2 pinnesses, the
pinnesses being somewhat nere, discried our flags, and one of them
came in, which was a French pinnesse, declaring all the rest to be
French bottoms; which our admirall willed should come in: and so
they did. These were Frenchmen of war, and came thither for
purchase. The captaines came aland, and were welcomed; amongst
whom was one captaine Iohn Noyer of Diepe, that the yere before
had taken in our admirall at the iland of Mona in the West Indies,
where his ship was cast away, comming out of the East Indies. To
this man our admirall offered great kindnes, and performed it, and
was not vngratefull for his former benefit shewed vnto him. This
captaine desired of our admirall to bestow vpon him his ships lading
of Fernambuc-wood, which he granted him, and also his pinnesse,
and more, gaue him a carauel of about 50 tuns, and bid him lade
her with wood also; which with other benefits he gratefully receiued.
To the other two captaines he granted their ladings of wood, the one
captaine being of Diepe, the other of Rochel. The Abraham Cocke
captain of Diepe confessed that he met Abraham going for the riuer
Cocke certein moneths before, and being distressed of Plate, met
withall.
for want of water, gaue him some, and went with
him to a watering place where he had water enough, and so
departed from him, saying that his men were very weake. The
comming in of these ships did much strengthen vs; for our admiral
appointed both these French and the Flemings to keepe watch vpon
the riuer by night with their boats, euery boat hauing in her 12 men
at the least, and the boats well prouided. This was for feare of fired
ships or barks to come downe; which our admirall had great care
vnto, and caused our ships to ride by cables and haulsers, at all
aduantages to shun them, if by that meanes they should attempt to
put vs out of the harborow; giuing commandement to vs that
watched in the towne, that what fires soeuer we should espy or see,
not one man to start from his watch or quarter, vnlesse we were by
himselfe commanded to the contrary. Now this order put in all
things, and hauing viewed all the goods in the towne, and thinking
our selues sufficiently fortified, we began to vnlade our ships, which
came as full laden in as they went foorth, but not with so good
merchandize. And this order was taken about the vnlading of them,
and also the lading of goods out of the towne: our men were diuided
into halues, and the one halfe wrought one day, and the other halfe
the other day; alwayes those that wrought not kept the watch with
their furniture in their hands and about them, and none stept far off
or wandred from his colours, and those that wrought had all their
weapons in good order set and placed by them, so that at an instant
euery one knew where to go to his furniture: and this was very
carefully looked vnto.
The third day after our comming in, came down from the higher
towne, which might be about foure miles off vpon a hill, three or
foure of the principall gentlemen of the countrey, and sayd that from
the bishop, themselues, and the rest, they would haue some
conference with our admirall. This newes being brought to the
admirall he hung downe his head for a small season; and when he
had muzed a while, he answered, I must go aboord of the Flemings
vpon busines that importeth me, and therefore let them stay if they
will: and so he went and sate there with the Flemings from nine of
the clocke till two at the afternoone. In this space diuers messengers
went to the admirall, to come away, for these gentlemen stayd. To
whom he gaue this answere: Are they not gone yet? And about two
of the clocke he came aland, and then they tolde him they were
departed. Many of the better sort of our men maruelled, and
thought much, because he would not vouchsafe to come and haue
conference with such men of account as they seemed to be. But the
admiral made them this answere, Sirs, I haue bene brought vp
among this people, I haue liued among them as a gentleman,
serued with them as a souldier, and liued among them as a
merchant, so that I should haue some vnderstanding of their
demeanors and nature; and I know when they cannot preuaile with
the sword by force, then they deale with their deceiuable tongues;
for faith and trueth they haue none, neither will vse any, vnlesse it
be to their owne aduantage. And this I giue you warning, that if you
giue them parle, they will betray vs; and for my part, of all nations in
the world, it would grieue me most to be ouertaken by this nation
and the Spaniards: and I am glad it was my fortune to pay them
with one of their owne fetches, for I warrant you they vnderstand
me better then you thinke they do. And with this I pray you be
satisfied; I hope it is for all our goods: for what shall we gaine by
parle, when (by the helpe of God) we haue gotten already that we
came for, should we venture that we haue gotten with our swords,
to see if they can take it from vs by words and policy? there were no
wisedome in so doing. You know what it hath cost vs, and how
many men lie wounded that be not yet hole of this other nights
hurts: and therefore from hencefoorth I giue this commission, that if
any be taken, he be sent away with this order, although he come as
a friend, that if he or any other approch vs from henceforth, he
shalbe hanged out of hand: and other course then this I will not take
with them. Which course was followed, for within 3 or 4 dayes after
it was performed by two taken in the night: and after that we were
neuer troubled with spies: and although diuers slaues came running
from their men to vs, by which we vnderstood much of their working
and pretences, yet the admirall would enterteine few of them.
In this meane time that we began to worke, the Portugals with
the country people were not idle, for seeing vs so busie, about sixe
nights after our comming in, they priuily in the night cast vp a trench
in the sands about a sacar shot from our ships, minding there to
plant ordinance, which would haue offended our ships greatly; and
they would not haue bene able to haue rode there to take in their
lading, which now began to go aboord of them. The admirall hearing
this, about 3 of the clocke in the after noone marshalled our men,
and he and all the rest of the captaines marched toward them. The
Portugals and Indians perceiuing our comming, began to withdraw
themselues within the trench, meaning (as it should appeare) to
fight it out there: but we made no stand, neither did it behoue vs,
but presently approched the trenches with our muskets and pikes,
afore their trenches were thorowly finished: so that by Gods helpe
we entered them. And the Portugals and Indians left the place, and
left vnto vs 4 good peeces of brasse ordinance, with powder and
shot and diuers other necessaries, and among the rest 5 smal carts
of that countrey, which to vs were more worth then al the rest we
tooke, for the lading of our goods from the towne to the water side:
for without them we could not haue told what to haue done, much
of our goods being so heauie, that without carts we were not able to
weyld them: all these things we brought away and destroyed al
those platforms that they had made, and then we had rest with
them for certaine dayes, in which we went forward, deuiding our
marchandize with captaine Venner according to our consort, and
went daily lading them abord, euery ships company according as
their turnes fell out, but only the three Dutch ships: for the goods
being put into their boats their owne companies laded themselues.
And this farther good chance or blessing of God we had to helpe vs,
that assoone as we had taken our cartes, the next morning came in
a ship with some 60 Negros, 10 Portugal women, and 40 Portugals:
the women and the Negroes we turned out of the towne, but the
Portugals our Admirall kept to draw the carts when they were laden,
which to vs was a very great ease. For the countrey is very hote and
ill for our nation to take any great trauell in.
In this towne there is no fresh water to be had, and therefore
we were euery 5 or 6 dayes compelled to passe ouer the riuer into
the maine land to get fresh water, which after the first or second
time the Portugals kept and would haue defended our watering, so
that we were driuen to water of force, and at seuerall times some of
our men were hurt, and onely two or three slaine, and with this
danger we were forced to get our water.
 And as they molested vs in our watering, so they slept not in
other deuises, but put in practise to burne our ships or remoue them
out of the harbour. For within some 20 dayes after our comming in,
they had prepared 5 Carauels and filled them with such things as
would best take fire and burne: these they brought within a mile or
little more of our ships, and there set them on fire, for neerer they
could not well come because of our watch of boates, for, as is
abouesaid, the Admirall had alwaies 6 boates that kept watch aboue
halfe a mile from the ships for feare of such exploytes as these,
which was the cause they could not fire them so neere the ships as
they would haue done. But these fired Carauels had the tide with
them, and also the little winde that blewe was in their favour; which
caused them to come downe the streame the faster: which our
boats perceiuing made to them with as much expedition as
conueniently they could, but the tide and wind both seruing them,
they approched toward the ships with great expedition. Our men in
the towne began to be in some feare of them, yet no man mooued
or started from his quarter more then if there had bene nothing to
doe. Also the masters and such as were aboord, were somewhat
amased to see 5 so great fires to be comming downe among their
ships, but they prepared for to cleere them of it, as well as they
could, being prouided afore hande and iudging that some such
stratagems would be there vsed, the riuer being very fit therefore.
But (God be thanked) who was alwaies with vs and our best defence
in this voyage; by whose assistance we performed this so great an
attempt with so small forces. Our companie in the boats so played
the men when they saw the fires come neere our ships, that casting
grapnels with yron chaines on them, as euery boat had one for that
purpose, some they towed aground, and some they brought to a
bitter or anker, where they rode till all their force was burned out,
and so we were deliuered by Gods helpe from this fearefull danger.
Within some 6 nights after this, which might be about the 26 day
after our comming in and abode there, about 11 of the clocke at
night, came driuing downe other 3 great raftes burning with the
hugest fires that I haue seene. These were exceeding dangerous, for
when our men approched them, thinking to clap their grapnels vpon
them, as they had done vpon the Carauels the night before, they
were preuented: for there stooke out of the rafts many poles which
kept them from the body of the rafts, that they could not come to
throw their grapnels into them: and yet they had this inconuenience
worse then al the rest which most troubled vs. There stooke out
among the poles certaine hollow trunks filled with such prouision of
fire workes that they ceased not still (as the fire came downe to
those trunks to set them on fire) to spout out such sparkles, that our
boats hauing powder in them for our mens vse, durst not for feare
of frying themselues with their owne powder come neere those
sparkles of the raftes, but seeing them to driue neerer and neerer
our ships, they wet certaine clothes and laid vpon their flaskes and
bandelers and so ventured vpon them, and with their grapnels tooke
holde of them, and so towed them on ground, where they stooke
fast and were not burnt out the next day in the morning. Diuerse
logs and timbers came driuing along by our ships, and burning, but
with our boats we easily defended them. And thus (God be praysed)
we escaped the second fires. A third firing was prepared, as a Negro
gaue vs to vnderstand, but this we preuented by our departure. For
this third firing were very great preparations: and we were credibly
informed of certainetie, that this firing should be such as we should
neuer be able to preuent, and assuredly these fires be dangerous
things and not to be preuented vpon the sudden, vnlesse it be afore
prepared for and foreseene. For when it commeth vpon the sudden
and vnlooked for, and vnprouided for, it bringeth men into a great
amazement and at their wits ende. And therefore let all men riding
in riuers in their enemies countrey be sure to looke to be prouided
before hand, for against fire there is no resistance without
preparation.
Also it is a practise in these hot countreys, where there be such
expert swimmers, to cut the cables of ships: and one night it was
practised to cut the Admirals cable, and yet the boate rode by the
cable with two men in her to watch all the night, and the bwoy onely
was cut, but not the cable: but after that night, seeing then our
good watch, they neuer after attempted it.
 While all these things passed, our ships (God be thanked)
thorow the industry of our gouernours, and diligent labour of our
men, began to be wholly laden, and all the best marchandize
conueyed aboord our ships, so that our Admirall went to depart that
night, which was the 31 day after our entrance, or else on the next
day at the farthest, and so warning was giuen to all men to make
themselues readie. Our Admiral being aboord his ship the same
morning, espyed in the sands right against the place where the ships
rode, that there was a small banke of sand newly cast vp, vnder
which he perceiued now and then some people to be: presently he
tooke his boat and went to the towne and called all the Captaines
together, declaring that the enemies were about some pretence right
against the ships, consulting whether it were best to sally out and
see what they were doing, or depart that euening according to the
former determination. The Admirall was of opinion to depart that
night; saying it was but folly to seeke warres since we had no neede
to doe it: other affirmed, it were good to see what they did, least
the winde might be contrarie and the ships not get out, and so our
enemies may build vpon vs to our great disaduantage. Well, said the
Admiral, the matter is not great, for there can be no danger in this
sally, for where they worke it is within Falkonshot of our ships, and if
any power should come against you, the ships may play vpon them
with 40 pieces of ordinance at the least, so that a bird cannot passe
there but she must be slaine. I am somewhat vnwilling you should
go, for I haue not bene well these two dayes, and I am not strong to
march vpon those heauie sands: they answered all at once, you shall
not need to trouble your selfe for this seruice, for you see it is
nothing and of no danger, being so neere the ships, doubt you not
we will accomplish this seruice well ynough, and returne againe
within this houre. The Admirall answered: the danger cannot be
great, but yet you shall goe out strong for feare of the worst. And so
the Admirall marshalled them 275 men French and English, which
were vnder the conduct of Edmund Barker, captaine Barker of
Plimmouth, Viceadmirall to captaine Venner, captaine Addy, and the
three French captaines all going out together, and they were to
march vpon a narrow peece of ground to the place whether they
were sent vnto: in the brodest place betwixt the sea and the water
on the other side, it is aboue a stones cast for it is a bank of sand
lying betweene the riuer and the sea, so they needed not to feare
any comming on their backs or on their sides, and before them could
no man come, but he must passe by all the ships which no company
of men were able to do without present death. The Admirall
commanded them at their departure to go no further then the place
he sent them to, and so he himselfe went aboord the ships and
made readie all the ordinance for feare of the worst, not knowing
what might insue, although he saw no danger might follow. Thus we
marched quietly till we came to the place we were sent vnto, being
right ouer against the ships: out of which place came some dozen
shot, which seeing vs come, discharged and ran their wayes with
such as were working within the said platforme. So that we came
into it and perceiued they had begunne to lay plankes to plant
ordinance vpon. Our Admiral commanded, if there were any such
thing, to burne the plankes and returne in againe, which we might
haue done without hurting of any mans finger: but our leaders were
not content to haue performed the seruice committed them in
charge, but would needes expresly and against their order march on
further to fight with certaine Ensignes almost a mile off, cleane out
of the reach of the ordinance of all our ships, and where lay the
strength of the whole countrey. When our men began to draw neere
those Ensigns of men, the Ensignes seemed to retire with great
speed, which our men followed with such great hast that some
outrunning other some, our order was broken, and those ensignes
retyred themselues into the force of the whole countrey, so that our
formost men were in the midst of their enemies yer they were
aware, which were slaine yer the rest could come to succour them.
The enemies incouraged by this, came also vpon the rest, which
presently began to retire, and the enemies followed til they came
with the reach of the ordinance of our ships, where they were
beaten off and left their pursuit. In this conflict were slaine captain
Barker captaine of the Salomon, captaine Cotton the Admirals
Lieutenant, captaine Iohn Noyer a French captaine of Diepe, and
another French captaine of Rochel, with M. Iohn Barker and other to
the number of 35: for these were the formost and hottest in the
pursuit of the Ensignes aforesaid, and by their forwardnes came all
to perish. At our returne into the towne the Admiral came to vs
much bewayling the death of so many good men as were lost,
wondering what we ment to passe the expresse order that was
giuen vs. With this losse our men were much danted, but our
Admirall began againe to encourage them, declaring that the fortune
of the warres was sometimes to win and sometimes to loose. And
therewithall he wished euery man to prepare and make himselfe
readie: for that night (God willing) he would depart. For all our ships
were readie and laden, and he would not stay any further fortune.
The euening being come, the ships began to wey and go forth of the
harbour, and God be thanked of his goodnesse toward vs who sent
vs a faire wind to go foorth withall, so that by 11 of the clocke in the
night we were all forth in safety. The enemies perceiuing our
departing, planted a peece or two of ordinance, and shot at vs in the
night, but did vs no harme. We were at our comming foorth 15
sailes, that is, 3 sailes of Hollanders, the one of 450 tunnes, the
other of 350 tunnes, and the third of 300 tunnes, four sailes of
French and one ship which the admiral gaue the French Captain, 3
sailes of Captain Venners fleet of Plimmouth, and 4 sailes of our
Admirals fleete, all these were laden with marchandizes, and that of
good worth. We stayed in this harbour to passe all this businesse but
onely 31 dayes, and in this time we were occupied with skirmishes
and attempts of the enemie 11. times; in all which skirmishes we
had the better, onely this last excepted. To God be the honour and
praise of all, &c. The whole fleete being out in Peranjeu 40.
safety, the next day in the morning the Admirall leagues
gaue order to the whole fleete to saile toward northward of
Fernambuck.
Peraniew[30] a harbour lying some 40 leagues to
the Northward of Fernambucke, and there to take in fresh water and
to refresh themselues: and to make prouision for refreshing, our
Admirall had sent thither some 6 daies before two French men in a
smal pinnesse, which Frenchmen he had prouided from Diepe before
his comming out of England for that purpose. For both these two
spake the Indians language very perfectly: for at this port of
Peraniew and an other called Potaju some 6 leagues to the
Northward the Frenchmen haue had trade for brasil-wood, and haue
laden from thence by the Indians meanes, who haue fet it for them
some 20 leagues into the country vpon their backs, 3 or 4 ships
euery yere. Thus we all sailed toward Peraniew, at which place we
arriued in the night, so that we were forced to lie off and on with a
stiffe gale of wind, in which we lost the most part of our fleete, and
they not knowing this coast put off to the sea; and so went directly
for England. Our Admirall and some foure saile Peranjeu a very
more with him put into the harborow of Peraniew, good harbour.
and there watered and refreshed himselfe very well,
with hens, conies, hares and potatos, with other things, which the
two Frenchmen had partly prouided before his comming: this is a
very good harborow where ships may ride and refresh very well.
But, as I am giuen to vnderstand since our comming from thence,
the Portugals haue attempted the place and doe inhabite it, and
haue put the French from their accustomed trade. Here hauing
watered and refreshed our selues, we put to the sea, plying after the
rest of our fleete which were gone before, which we neuer heard of
till our arriuall in England at The downes in the moneth of Iuly,
where we vnderstood the rest of our consorts to be passed vp for
London, Captaine Venner and his fleete to be at Plimmouth, and the
French ships to be safe arriued at Diepe, which to vs was very great
comfort. At our setting sayle from The downes, according as the
custome is, finding the Queenes ships there, we saluted them with
certaine ordinance. The Gunner being carelesse, as they are many
times of their powder, in discharging certain pieces in the gunner
roome, set a barrel of powder on fire, which tooke fire in the gunner
roome, blew vp the Admirals caben, slew the gunner with 2 others
outright, and hurt 20 more, of which 4 or 5 died. This powder made
such a smoke in the ship with the fire that burnt the gunner roome
among all the fire workes, that no man at the first wist what to doe:
but recalling backe their feare, they began to cast water into the
gunner roome in such abundance (for the Queenes ships now and
also the other ships that were in our company came presently to our
helpe) that (God be praised) we put out the fire and saued all, and
no great harme was done to the goods. By this may be seene that
there is no sure safety of things in this world. For now we made
account to be out of all danger, where behold a greater came vpon
vs, then we suffered all the whole voyage. But the almightie be
praysed for euer, which deliuered vs out of this and many other in
this voyage. Our fire being well put out, and we taking in fresh men
(God be praysed) we came to Blacke-wall in safety.

[30] Probably the mouth of the River Pirangi, in the province of

Ceara.

A speciall letter written from Feliciano Cieça de

Carualsho the Gouernour of Paraiua in the most
Northerne part of Brasil, 1597, to Philip the
second king of Spaine, answering his desire
touching the conquest of Rio Grande, with the
relation of the besieging of the castle of
Cabodelo by the Frenchmen, and of the
discouerie of a rich siluer mine and diuerse
other important matters.

I receiued your Maiesties letter bearing date The king of

the ninth of Nouember 1596. whereby I Spaines resolution
vnderstande that your Maiestie doth determine to to proceed in the
discouerie and
proceede in the discouerie and conquest of Rio conquest of Rio
Grande according to the relation which was sent Grande.
your Maiestie by Don Francisco de Sousa,
Gouernour generall of this realme of Brasilia: together with a copie
of a letter, which your Maiestie sent vnto vs, bearing date the two
and twentieth of March 1596. Moreouer I receiued another letter
from your Maiestie bearing date the 15 of March 1597. Both which
letters were to one effect. It may please your Maiestie to vnderstand
that there are diuerse Gentlemen in these countreys of as good
abilitie as my selfe, which seeke to liue at home onely for their ease
and pleasure, and are not wont to hazard nor venture their bodies,
liues, and goods so often times in your Maiesties seruice as I haue
done and commonly doe; and can keepe their goods and riches, and
not spend nor wast them as I haue done, and dayly doe so wilfully:
yet neuerthelesse being spent in your Maiesties seruice, I am very
glad thereof. For I and they are alwayes readie at your Maiesties
commandement.
And as concerning your Maiesties The Captaineship
commandement in commanding me that I should of Paraiua
put to my helping hand in the conquest of Rio standeth in sixe
degr. 45 min. of
Grande: although this Captaineship of Paraiua and Southerly latitude.
countrey where I doe gouerne doth want abilitie for
that purpose, yet nevertheless your Maiestie shall always finde me
readie to doe your Maiestie the best seruice I can: for it is very well
knowen how forward I haue bene alwayes and am in this conquest,
and still doe put to my helping hand, as partly your Maiestie doth
vnderstand by a letter which I wrote to your Maiesty by my sonne,
bearing date the 19 of March 1596 wherein your Maiestie may
vnderstand what good seruice I haue alreadie done therein, and
always will be readie to my power to doe the like in furthering of the
said enterprise.
It may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that the third of Iuly
there was brought vnto me a Frenchman a prisoner, who presented
himselfe vnto me. And I examining of him, he tolde me that he came
running away from certaine French ships men of warre, which came
vpon this coast: and he tolde me that he had serued your Maiestie in
the warres of France. Likewise he told me that he The castle of
left me seuen great ships Frenchmen of warre Cabodelo
riding at an anker in Rio Grande, and that there besieged by the
French.
were 13 French ships of warre more, which had
giuen battery to the castle of Cabodelo, and landed 350 soldiers all
in white armour and the battery continued from Friday vntil the
Munday following both by sea and land, and great store of
Frenchmen were slaine, and two Captaines of the French. On our
side the Captaine of the castle was slaine, and other two Portugals
hurt: other harme they had none. There were but twentie Portugals
in the castle, and fiue pieces of ordinance. They ment to haue kept
the castle, and to haue traded with the Indian people. So seeing
they could not take the castle, they hoysed sayles, and went from
thence to Rio Grande: and being altogether they are in number 20
saile at an anker in Rio Grande. And some of them determine after
they be new trimmed and drest, and haue taken in fresh victuals,
and stayed there vntill Easter, then to depart from thence to the
Honduras, and so to burne and spoyle some townes thereabout.
I certified Manuel Mascarenhas of these informations by my
letters, requesting him to send me with all expedition those souldiers
which were in Fernambuck to ayde me, and to defende this
Captaineship from the enemie. But the Friers of The Couent would
not consent thereunto nor suffer them to be sent vnto me. So I was
forced to make shift with those souldiers only which The countrey of
I had in my gouernment and tooke them with me, Petiguar rebelleth
and marched to the place where the enemies were against the
Portugals.
entrenched, vpon Whitsunday in the euening about
three of the clock, hauing in my company a Negro of the countrey of
Petiguar, which was our guide, he brought vs where the enemies
campe was; and presently I did assault them and slew great score of
them, burning the villages and countrey of these rebels, which did
ioine with the Frenchmen, and tooke many of them prisoners. So
they told me that there were ten great French ships of warre which
were at an anker in Rio Grande.
Likewise I was informed, that there is a A rich siluer mine
Frenchman called Daurmigas, which hath found at Copaoba
discouered and found great store of siluer in a place within sixe dayes
iourney of
called Copaoba.[31] The siluer hath bene tried and Paraiua.
melted, it is very good and fine siluer, and there is
great quantite. The man which told me of this hath beene in the
mine, and hath seene it tried and melted. And I haue bene myselfe
once in the place: it is but 6 dayes iourney from this Captaineship.

[31] Perhaps Caproba.

Furthermore this Frenchman told me that one Monsieur Mifa a

French Captaine, and a kinsman of the gouernour and Vice-admirall
of Diepe in Normandie, had one of his armes strooken off at the
siege of the castle of Cabodelo; who is departed from Rio Grande,
with determination to come backe hither againe the next yeere in
the moneth of Ianuarie following, and to inhabite in this countrey of
Paraiba, which is 20 leagues from Fernambuck, because of the great
store of siluer, which they haue alreadie found here.
Moreouer I am enformed that a noble man of France called The
earle of Villa Dorca doth intend to come vpon this coast with a great
fleete from Rochel. It were good that your Maiestie would send into
France to knowe the certainetie thereof.
The Frenchman likewise told me that all the All the Canibals of
Canibals of Petiguar have ioyned themselues in Petiguar ioyne
companie with certaine Frenchmen, which were with the
Frenchmen
cast away in two ships vpon this coast. The one of against the
these ships which were cast away was one Rifoles, Portugals.
and the other ship was this mans. And those
Frenchmen which came vpon this coast did ioyne themselues with
those Canibals which did rebell, and did diuide themselues into two
squadrons. So I sent presently to Manuel Mascarenhas that he
should send me aide and munition. But he sent me word againe,
that he had none to spare, and that he did purpose with all speede
to goe himselfe to Rio Grande; and that he was not able to furnish
himselfe so well as he could wish, nor to bring his souldiers into the
field, for lacke of shot, powder, and other munition, which he did
want.
Hereupon once more the 29 of Iuly I with my souldiers marched
to the enemies campe, and there ioyning battell with the Indian
rebels, which ioyned with the Frenchmen that were their leaders, I
did set vpon them, and slew great store of them, and tooke
fourteene of them prisoners. They doe report the very same newes,
which the other Frenchmen did tell me as touching the ships which
were in the harbour of Rio Grande; and how their pretence was to
haue come and haue taken vs, and spoyled the countrey.
But now being put to flight and hauing received the overthrow,
they can get no victuals to victuall their shippes: which hath bene
the cause that they are mightily hindred in their intent, and dare not
come any more to attempt vs. And the Indians are so dismayed, that
in haste they will haue no more helpe nor aide of the Frenchmen. So
by these meanes of necessitie the Indians must submit themselues
vnto vs, considering they are quite spoyled and ouerthrowen for a
long time. Likewise they haue enformed me touching the siluer
mines which are found, that it is most true. For those French shippes
which were in Rio Grande haue laden great store of the oare.
Wherefore I certified Manuel de Mascarenhas of the Frenchmens
newes, and howe euery thing did stand wishing him to make readie
foure ships and three hundred souldiers, and so to take the harbour
of Rio Grande, being now cleered and voyde of the enemie: and to
search out the situation of the place, and where were best to fortifie
and to build some fortes for the defence of this riuer, where neede
shall require. Hereunto Mascarenhas sent me word, that when he
went himselfe, and found it true which hath beene reported touching
the siluer mines, that then he would send both men and ships.
Therefore your Maiestie must giue order, that the rest of the
Gouernours shall ayde and assist me in these warres: otherwise of
my selfe I am not able to doe more then I haue alreadie done in
defending of this countrey against our enemies which are many.
It may please your Maiestie to be aduertised, that from time to
time I haue written vnto Don Francisco de Sousa Gouernor general
of this realme, who is in Baia, as concerning these Frenchmen of
warre: but he will not answere me to any purpose because I do
write vnto him for such things as I doe want, which are shot,
powder, men, and munition requisite for your Maiesties seruice and
safegard of this captaineship. For here are neither shot, powder, nor
any thing els to defend vs from our enemies; nor any that wil put to
their helping hands for the defence of this countrey, and the service
of your Maiestie. And therefore it were needful that your Maiesty
should committ the charge and gouernement into the hands of
Diego Sierua, with expresse charge that all the captaines and
commanders vpon paine of death obey him and be readie at all
times to aide and assist him in your seruice. Otherwise this countrey
cannot be kept and maintained, hauing so great warres continually
as we haue, and are troubled withall. For this Diego Sierua is a very
good souldier, and hath good experience; and is fit to gouerne this
countrey. Your Highnesse is also to send his Commission with
expresse commandment to follow these wars; otherwise this
countrey cannot be kept, but daily they will rebell. For here are none
that will serue your Maiestie so iustly as he will do: who will haue a
great care in any thing which shal concerne you Maiesties seruice
touching the estate of this countrey. For the Gouernour Sousa doth
spend your Maiesties treasure in building his owne ingenios or sugar
milles.
And those Captaines which your Maiestie intendeth to send
hither must bring with them shot, powder, and all kind of weapons,
furniture, and munition for the defence and safegarde of this
countrey, and for the conquest of Rio Grande. For there is no kind of
munition in al this countrey to be had, if occasion should serue. It
were also good that your Maiestie should send order for the building
of a couple of Forts or Castles at Cabadelo, for they be very
needefull for the defence of the enemie, which dayly doth warre
against this Captaineship. For that man which shall The countrey of
gouerne this countrey, if he be no more fortunate Paraiua in danger
then I haue bene hitherto, shall not misse one time dayly to be lost.
or another, but he shall lose all the countrey. If Don Francisco de
Sousa had sent me those two hundred and fiftie souldiers which I
did send for, which were in garison in the castle of Arrecife, which
doe nothing but spend your Maiesties victuals and treasure, and had
not sent them to Baiha, where there was no neede, these warres of
Petiguar had bene ended long agone, and had saued your Maiesty a
great deale of charges which you had spent in folowing of this
conquest of Rio Grande. I have chosen one Captaine Iohn de Matas
Cardoso to be Gouernour of Cabodelo, who is a very sufficient man.
Furthermore, it may please your Maiestie to A great
vnderstand, that the chiefest Friers of this controuersie
Monasterie of S. Antonie haue complained on me to touching the
gouernment of
the lord Gouernour generall, and haue caused great the Indian
strife and debate betweene him and me touching townes.
the gouernment and rule of these Indian townes.
For the Friers would command and gouerne both the Indians and
their townes as well in Ecclesiasticall as Temporall causes, as
touching the punishment of the bodies of such as are offenders. But
I haue resisted them in your Maiesties name, and haue alleaged,
that none but your Maiestie must rule and gouerne them and their
countrey, and that the townes appertaine to your Maiestie, and not
vnto the Friers. But the Gouernour hath written a letter vnto me,
signifying that he hath pronounced a sentence against me in the
Friers behalfe, which is this. The King our master hath sent a decree
and certaine statutes touching the good gouernment and orders to
be executed and kept in those Indian townes: and that vpon sight
hereof I shall presently banish all the Mamalukes and white men
which dwell in any of those Indian townes with all speede, and that
none of them from hence forward shall enter into the said villages,
without commandement and consent of the said Friers. So this
sentence was presented vnto me by the Reuerend father Custodio,
Prior of Sant Anton of Brasil, with a further postcript of the
gouernour importing these words: I doe likewise charge and
commaund you the Gouernour of Paraiua, that presently vpon sight
hereof you shall restore those villages and houses which you haue
burned and destroyed in the last warres, and likewise the towne of
S. Augustine, and that you shall build them againe at your owne
proper cost and charges: for the Friers alleage that these townes
were giuen them, by a decree sent them from Pope Pius Quintus,
that the said Friers should gouerne and rule them.
On the other side I haue pronounced another sentence against
the said Friers in your Maiesties name, and for your Maiestie,
alleaging that those townes, villages, and subiects appertaine and
belong vnto your Maiestie, and that in temporall causes I am to
punish those offenders, which shall rebell against your Maiestie: and
as touching ecclesiasticall causes that the Vicar of this Cathedrall
church shall rule, gouerne and instruct them in the Christian religion.
So we both haue appealed vnto your Maiestie herein, and your
Maiestie may peruse all our writings, and then determine that which
shall be best and most profitable for your Maiesties seruice and
enlargement of your crowne. For through these broyles the
inhabitants of this Pariaua forsake their houses and dwelling places,
and so do some of the Friers, because they cannot be suffered to
rule and gouerne.
Also the Indians haue complayned against me, because I haue
burned their villages in this last rebellion. Wherefore if your Maiestie
doe not send some order for this countrey and see into these cases,
it will breed great dissension and rebellion among vs, and we shall
be readie to cut one anothers throat before it be long.
Thus I thought good, according to my humble bounden dutie,
and for the seruice of your Maiestie and quietnesse of this realme, to
certifie your Maiestie the truth of the whole matter; hoping in short
time that your Maiestie will send some good order to qualifie these
broyles: for there is great hatred and malice among vs. Iesus Christ
preserve and keepe the royall person of your Maiestie with long
health, as it pleaseth him. From the Captaineship of Paraiua this
present 20 of August. 1597.
Feliciano Cieça de Carualsho.
 A special note concerning the currents of the
sea betweene the Cape of Buena Esperança and
the coast of Brasilia, giuen by a French Pilot to
Sir Iohn Yorke knight, before Sebastian Cabote;
which Pilot had frequented the coasts of Brasilia
eighteene voyages.

Memorandum, that from Cabo de buena Esperança vnto Brasilia

the Sunne hath the like dominion ouer the tides there, as the Moone
hath ouer our tides here.
And that whensoeuer the Sunne is in any of these signes he
gouerneth the tides as followeth.[32]
The Sunne being in {Taurus, Gemini, Cancer} the tide hath his
course Northwest.
The Sunne being in {Leo, Virgo, Libra} no current.
The Sunne being in {Scorpio, Sagittarius, Capricorne} the tide
hath his course Southeast.
The Sunne being in {Aquarius, Pisces, Aries} no current.

[32] It may be as well to point out that the truth as to the

currents of the South Atlantic is as follows:—

From the Cape of Good Hope the current flows North along the
West Coast of Africa till it reaches a point somewhat North of the
Congo, when it turns to the West. North of Ascension it divides.
One portion, the South Equatorial Current, flows North West into
the Gulf of Mexico, while the other subdivides, and whilst part
flows South West down the coast of South America, the
remainder returns by the South of Tristan d'Acunha to the Cape of
Good Hope.

A ruttier or course to be kept for him that will

sayle from Cabo Verde to the coast of Brasil, and
 all along the coast of Brasil vnto the riuer of
Plate: and namely first from Cabo Verde to
Fernambuck.

The ship that goeth from Cabo Verde to Brasil, must goe
Southsoutheast: and when she is within 5 or 6 degrees of the
Equinoctial she must go Southeast and by South. And if she haue
the ternados, that is thundrings and lightnings, then thou must go
altogether South, or that way and by that boord that doth profit thee
most. And take this for aduise, that hauing the general winds, and if
the wind be at South or Southeast, then go Southwest, or
westsouthwest. And if the winde be South, then Ye that will sayle
goe Southwest, and by this way but little, for it is to Brasil, must not
not a way for thy profit, because the more thou come within 60 or
goest this way, the more will be thy trouble, 70 leagues of the
coast of Guinea.
because thou mayest not come neerer the coaste of
Guinea then 60 or 70 leagues vnto the sholde called Os baixos de
Santa Anna. And being this distance from the same, thou shall cast
about the other way towards Brasil, and the wind will be large.
Thou shalt vnderstand that the ship that keepeth this course to
Fernambuck, and goeth in October or after, and chanceth to goe to
windward of the Isle of Fernando de Loronha, when thou commest
to 8 degrees, or 8 and 1⁄ 2, [Ed: Of Southerly latitude] then thou
shalt go West and beare with the land. Thou must take this for a
warning, that if going West in 8 degrees thou see land, then looke to
the Northward, and thou shalt see certaine white cliffes. Then I
aduise thee that thou goe well to the Southward. And this is to bee
vnderstoode from October forward, for then the time is most subiect
to Northeast, and Eastnortheast winds. And if thou find thy selfe in
the sayd height aboue mentioned, and seest cliffes, and seest a cape
to the Southward, and seest no more land to the South, then make
accompt that thou art at Capiguoari: and from thence to
Fernambuck thou hast sixe leagues, and hast a good port.
 Thou shalt take this for a warning, that if in 8 degrees and a
halfe thou see land lying all flat, thou mayest goe neerer it, and be
bold till thou come in tenne or twelue fadomes: And then thou shalt
see a great grosse land along the sea-coast which is called
Capitagua: And being East and West with this land, and, as I haue
sayd, in tenne or twelue fadomes water; and the time being from
October to Februarie, then thou needest not to feare any thing: but
looke to the South and thou shalt see the cape of S. Augustine: and
looke to the North and thou shalt see a point, and to the Southeast
a point called Punta de Olinda, where Aponiquay standeth. And the
land from the cape to the poynt called Punta Olinda lieth North and
South.
I aduise thee that if thou be East and West with the cape of
Saint Augustine, thou shalt see within the land an high hill, hauing
as it were a saddle vpon it like to a camel: And thou shalt see to the
Southwards three hills along the sea, and then presently thou shall
see the coaste to lie Northeast and Southwest.
Thou shalt vnderstand that from this cape of The height of the
Saint Augustine, to the towne of Olinda, thou hast cape of S.
nine leagues to the North. And this cape standeth in Augustine, of
Olinda and
eight degrees and two third parts, and Olinda Fernambuck.
standeth in eight degrees and a quarter, and
Fernambuck standeth in eight degrees. And this course is to be
vnderstood to be obserued and kept, if thou depart from Lisbon in
October or Nouember.
Take this aduise, that if thou depart in February In what height
or March from Lisbone, then thou shalt goe to they shall seeke
beare with the land in nine degrees, because that land that depart
from Lisbon in
from March forwards raigne most commonly February or
Southeast and Southwest windes. And if by this March.
height and course thou bring thyselfe nigh to the
shore, feare not to bring thy ship into 18 or 20 fadomes, for all the
coast is cleane: and there are no more dangers, but such as the sea
doth breake vpon.
 And if after thy fall with the land thou haue How to know the
occasion to goe to the Northward, and so going cape of S.
seest certaine sholdes, doubt not to come for the Augustine.
North, and thou shalt see the cape of Saint Augustine, which lyeth
as it were sloaping to the seaward, and hath as it were a Whales
head, and hath vpon it a round hill, with many hilles round about it.
And if thou come along the sea coast much about the depth aboue
mentioned, thou shalt see a little Island called Saint Alexio: And from
this Island to the cape of Saint Augustine are foure leagues, and it
standeth in eight degrees and three quarters.

The course that a man must keepe to the bay

called A Bahia de Todos os Santos, that is to say,
The bay of all Saints, which lieth on the foresayd
coast of Brasil.

If thou goe for Bahia de Todos os Santos, thou must keepe the
course which I haue already set downe, and shalt obserue the time
from March forwards, as also from October forwards. Thou shalt
vnderstand that the Bahia de Todos os Santos The height of
standeth in 13 degrees and 1⁄ 3: and if thou goe in Bahia de Todos os
October or after October, then goe to fall with the Santos in 13
degrees and one
land in 12 degrees or 12 and a halfe. third part.
And take this for a warning, that when thou seest a white land,
and long bankes of white sand, which shew much like linnen cloth
when it is in whiting, then thou must go along from the North to the
South vntill this white land doe end: and thou needest not to feare
to goe along the coast, for there are no sholds. Before thou be
cleane past the white land or white sands, thou shalt haue sight of
an Island that standeth along the bay, I say on the Northside of the
bay, which is called Tapaon:[33] and here the land lieth West and by
South.
When thou art so farre shot as Tapaon, thou shalt see a certaine
great tree which is round, and standeth neere the sea vpon the very
point of the entrance into Bahia on the Northside. The situation of
the Isle of
And marke well that if thou looke to the Tapaon.
Southward, and seest no white grounds such as I
wrote of before, but that they be all behind thee to When a man may
beare in with
the Northward; then when thou seest none to the Bahia.
Southward, thou mayest bee bold to beare in with
Bahia. And if when thou goest into Bahia to the Northwest, and
seest the sea to breake, feare nothing: for it is the breach of a
certaine banke, whereon thou shalt haue alwayes 5 or 6 fadomes
water: and this be sure of.
Thou shalt vnderstand that if thou come for this place from
March to the end of April, I would wish thee not to fall to the
Southward of 13 degrees and a halfe. And falling The distance of O
with the land, and not seeing the white sands, thou morro de San
shalt striue to goe to the Northward. And seeing the Paulo from Bahia.
land in 13 degrees and a halfe, thou shalt haue sight of an hill along
the sea: And if thou be nigh the land, and cannot make it certaine
what land it is: thou shalt marke if it bee a round high hill along the
sea, that it is O morro de San Paulo, or, The hill of Saint Paul: and it
lieth blacke and bare on the top. And from thence to Bahia is tenne
leagues.

[33] Itaparica.

And here along this hill on the Northwest side Rio de Tinsare a
there is a great riuer called Tinsare: and it is a very very good riuer.
good riuer. And in the entrance of Bahia there are
sixe or seuen fadomes water in the chanell. And I aduise thee that
being in the height of 13 degrees and a halfe, thou come not neere
the land, for it hath a bay very dangerous.
And if thou goe from Bahia to Fernambuck, then I aduise thee
that thou take good heede of the coast on the Northeast and
Southwest, and thou shalt goe East, if the winde will suffer thee to
goe East: and so goe thirtie or forty leagues off to the sea.
 I aduise thee that thou beare not in with the The height of the
land of Fernambuck, but in the height of 9 or 10 bay called A
degrees, because that in 11 degrees thou shalt fall Enseada de
Vazabaris.
with the bay called A Enseada de Vazabaris. Also if
thou come from Portugal and fallest with the land in eleuen degrees,
beare not in with it, neither come neere it, for thou mayest hurt thy
selfe in so doing: but thou shalt shunne it, and goe to the
Southward. For if thou lie to the North thou shalt bring thy selfe into
some trouble.
This Bay of All Saints standeth in thirteene Baia de todos
degrees. And from thence to Fernambuck thou hast Santos in 13
a hundreth leagues: and the coast lyeth Northeast degrees.

and Southwest. And from thence to Rio das Ilhas,[34] that is, the
riuer of the Islands the coast runneth Northeast and Southwest, I
meane taking a quarter of the North and South.
 [34] At the mouth of the Caxoeira River.

The course for Baia das Ilhas, that is, The bay of
the Islands, which lie on the sayd coast of
Brasil, and the marks for the finding of them.

If thou goe for Baia das Ilhas thou must looke Baia das Ilhas
for it in fifteene degrees lacking a quarter. lieth in 15
degrees lacking a
If thou be minded as I sayd to goe for these quarter.
Isles, if it bee from March forward, thou shalt fall
with the land in 15 degrees and a halfe, and though it be in 15
degrees and 2⁄ 3, it is all the better.
And if thou haue sight of certaine high hilles, that seeme to
reach to the skie, these hilles are called As Serras Raiemores. Then
hauing sight of these hilles, thou shalt goe along the coast; and
feare nothing, for there are no sholdes along to the North. And when
thou seest the Islands, thou mayest make accompt they be these
which thou seekest, for there are no other on al this coast, and thou
shalt see a round hil along the sea. Thou shalt vnderstand that on
the North side of this hill is the going in of the riuer. But if it chance
that thou finde thy selfe in a time that will not suffer thee to goe in,
then goe along the Islands giuing them a bredth off. And thou
mayest well come to an ankor hard aboord them, for all is cleane
ground. And thou shalt finde eight or nine fadomes, and from thence
thou mayest goe into the riuer hard aboord the shore. And if it
chance that thou goe from the North to the South all along the great
Island, thou must keepe thy selfe from the land: and when thou hast
brought it Eastnortheast, then thou mayest ankor two cables length
from the shore: for all is cleane ground.
If thou chance to arriue on this coast in the In what height a
time of the Northeast windes, thou shalt seeke to man must fall
fall with the land in foureteene degrees. And if thou with this place in
see a lowe land, thou mayest make accompt it is
the land called Ciemana, and then thou shalt see time of the
Northeast winds.
Mangues: And also thou shalt come along this coast
to the South: and when thou seest an ende of the lowe land, then
thou shalt finde an high land along the sea like the other that I haue
made mention of before, that is, all sandie along the sea coast.
And thou must vnderstand, that where the high land beginneth,
there is a little riuer called Rio das Contas, but enter not into it: it
hath for a marke to be knowen by as it were a white mouth. And
from thence to the Islands thou hast nine leagues. And at the ende
of this high land to the Southward of it thou shalt find a great bay
within the land, and then thou shalt looke to the Westsouthwest,
and shalt see another high land, which lieth as it were in the
middest of the bay, and thou shalt there see certaine white houses
which are the Ingenios or houses wherein they make sugar of Lucas
Giraldo. From thence thou shalt see the Isles being so farre shotte
as Rio de Contas. And thou shalt see within the land a round hill
which is like Monte de laude, and it hath another copple[35] on the
South side.

[35] Summit.

The course to sayle to Porto Seguro, that is to

say, The safe hauen, lying on the foresayd coast
of Brasil, and the markes to know the same by.

If thou goe for Porto Seguro and goest in the To auoide Os

time of the Southeast windes, which is from March baixos dos
forwards, I aduise thee that thou fall not in more Abrolhos.
degrees then sixteen and a halfe, because of the sholdes called Os
baixos dos Abrolhos, which are very dangerous, and stretch very
farre into the sea. And also going West from them, that thou keepe
thy lead going and be often sounding. And if thou chance to see the
land, and an high hill and long withall, much like to The pike, it is
the hill that is called Monte Pasqual. And from thence thou must goe
to the North, and when thou hast brought it Southwest of thee, then
thou mayest beare with the land, but with great care to looke about
thee.
Marke when thou seest the land and commest to see a red
cliffe, then looke to the Southward, and thou shall see a great
smooth coast along the sea, and then on the North side thou shalt
descrie Porto Seguro. And going along the coast The place of
thou shalt see the towne of Porto Seguro standing comming to an
vpon the toppe of an hill; which hill is a white ankor before
Porto Seguro,
rocke: and on the North side of the sayd rocke
which standeth in
there is a very hie land. I aduise thee that when 16 deg. and one
thou art East and West with the sayd land, I meane third.
with this rocke, that then thou looke to the Northward, and thou
shalt see certaine rocks lying two leagues off into the sea, whereon
the sea doth breake, and to the Southward of them thou mayest
come to an ankor against the towne, and hast a good place to ride
in thirteen fadomes in sight of the towne.
And if it be thy chance to arriue in the time of
A dangerous riuer
the Northeast winds, and commest in the height of in 16 degrees.
fifteene degrees and two third parts, and seest not
certaine hilles, then thou must goe along the coast being in 16
degrees, and vnder the first hie land that thou shalt descrie, thou
shalt see certaine sandie bayes along the sea coast: And if thou
haue sight of a riuer in this height,[36] put not thy selfe into it,
neither beare with the land, for it hath many sholdes. And off them
lie certaine sunken grounds, called Os Baixos de Santo Antonio. And
from hence to the Southward lyeth Porto Seguro.

[36] Santa Cruz.

I aduise thee that going along the coast to the Southward, and
seeing such sholdes, and the sea to breake vpon them, as the other
which I last spake of, thou shall runne along them a sea boord of
them: and when thou art at the ende of them, then the towne will
beare West of thee: and then thou mayest goe to thine ankoring
place as is abouesayd, giuing these sholds a good birth.

The course to the hauen named Baia do Spirito

Santo, that is to say, The bay of the holy Ghost,
lying on the sayde coast of Brasil, and the
markes thereof.

Thou shall vnderstand that the ship that goeth Monzoins are
for Spirito Santo, [37] when it hath doubled the certaine set winds
sholdes called Os Baixos dos Abrolhos, and hath with which the
tides set.
brought it selfe in 20 or 19 degrees and a halfe,
then it may hall with the land in 18 or 19 degrees and a halfe, and in
twentie. And the sayd shippe must goe in this height, because on
this coast there are no Monçoins.

[37] A bay to the North of Victoria.

If thou chance to come in the height of 19 Marks on the

degrees 1⁄ 2 and seest lowe land to the Northwest North side of
off thee, then thou art on the North side of Spirito Spirito Santo.
Santo, and thou mayest make accomp that it is the land lying ouer
Criquare, and ouer the riuer called Rio dolce, that is the riuer of
sweete or fresh water. If thou come along the land thou shalt find
certaine high hilles: but trust not the first that thou seest only. For
besides the rest thou shalt see a round hie hill The situation of la
which is at the capes end, which is called la Sierra Sierra de Mestre
de mestre Aluaro. Aluaro.

Take heede that going for this land thou looke Rio dos Reyes
to the North and thou shalt see a riuer called Rio magos.
dos Reyes Magos: that is, The riuer of the three
kings. And comming to the Southward thou shalt see presently the
mouth of the bay to open. At the end of this hill on the South side,
thou hast a point of a rocke, which is called A punta do Tubaron.
And on the South side of the bay it hath two or three blacke hie
hilles, and in the middest of the bay thou shalt goe in westward.
I aduise thee that in going in thou take heede of a sholde which
lieth in the mouth of the bay: thou must leaue it to the Southward of
thee, and then plie to double a certaine Island which lieth within,
and thou must leaue it to the Northward of thee: and when it
beareth on the North or Northeast; thou mayest come to an ankor:
for all is cleane ground.
And if thou chance to come by this course, and A Sierra de
fallest in 20 degrees, and seest many hilles, and Gusriparim in 20
one among the rest very high and craggie: it is degrees.
called A Sierra de Guariparim, that is, the hill of Guaraparim, and
seest another hill on the North side, which is called A Sierra de Pero
Cam: both these lie on the South side of Spirito Santo. And from
these hils thou shalt see a little hill named Guaipel. And when thou
seest these hilles, thou shalt see three little Islands together, lying to
the Southward: And then from these thou shalt see another rockie,
bare and round Island: and to the land off this Island thou shalt see
a great bay. If thou wilt thou mayest ankor here safely. And if thou
wilt go in, thou shalt bring thy selfe East and West with the hill, and
so thou mayest go in. And thou shalt leaue a lowe land to the North
of thee, which is called A Ilha de Repouso, that is, the Isle of rest:
and this Isle lieth along the coast: and thou mayest be bold to ride
betwixt it and the maine, giuing it a breadth off.
From these three Islands to Spirito Santo are 12 leagues: and
running Northwards to come to Spirito Santo, thou shalt see another
Island, and shalt go a seaboord of it, and by and by the mouth of
the bay will open toward thee. And this bay standeth in 20 degrees.

The course from the bay de Spirito Santo to the

bay of S. Vincent, and the markes thereof. Also
the course from Saint Vincent to the riuer of
Plate.
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