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Test Bank for Calculus for Business,
Economics, Social & Life Sciences, 11th
Edition: Laurence D. Hoffmann
Full download version: https://testbankbell.com/product/test-bank-for-calculus-
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Chapter 1
1. Compute the indicated value of the given function.
f (x) = 2x 2 − x ; f (–1)
Ans: 3
Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

2. Compute the indicated value of the given function.

f (x) = 5x 2 − 3; f (–1)
Ans: 2
Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

3. Compute the indicated values of the given function.

f (x) = x – 3 + | x – 5| ; f (–4), f (–3), f (–2).
A) 8, 8, 8 B) –2, –2, –2 C) –6, –4, –2 D) 2, 2, 2
Ans: D Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

4. Compute the indicated value of the given function.

f (x) = | x – 3 | + x – 5; f (2)
A) –4 B) 2 C) –2 D) 1
Ans: C Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.1

5. Compute the indicated value of the given function.

f (x) = | x + 2 | + 3| x – 1 |; f (–3)
A) 13 B) –133 C) 9 D) 23
Ans: A Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.1

6. Compute the indicated value of the given function.

–3t + 5 if t < −1
f (t) =  2 ; f (–3)
 t + 6 if t ≥ −1

A) 14 B) –4 C) 15 D) –3
Ans: A Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

7. Compute the indicated value of the given function.

 x 2 −1 if x < 1

f (x) =  3 if x = 1; f (2)
 Page
1
 2 − 5x if x > 1
Ans: –8

Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.1

Page
2
 Chapter 1

8. Compute the indicated value of the given function.

 x 2 − 5 if x < 1

f (x) =  4 if x = 1; f (2)
7 − 8x if x > 1
Ans: –9

Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.1

9. Determine the domain of the given function.

x 2 − 25
f (x) =
x+2
A) all real numbers x
B) all real numbers x except x = –2
C) all real numbers x except x = 5 and x = 8
D) all real numbers x except x = 5, x = –5, and x = –2
Ans: B Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

10. Determine the domain of the given function.

f (x) = x 4 + 2x 3 + 3x +1
A) all real numbers x C) all real numbers x except x = –1
B) all real numbers x except x = 1 D) all real numbers x except x = 0
Ans: A Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

11. Determine the domain of the given function.

f (x) = x 4 + 5x 3 + 4x +1
Ans: all real numbers x
Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

12. Determine the domain of the given function.

f (x) = 2x − 3

3
Ans: All real numbers x for which x ≥
2

Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.1

13. Determine the domain of the given function.

f (x) = x − 3

A) all real numbers x C) all real numbers x for which x ≥ 3

B) all real numbers x except x = 3 D) all real numbers x for which x ≥ −3
Ans: C Difficulty: hard Section: 1.1

Page
3
 Chapter 1

14. Determine the domain of the given function.

t 2 −1
f (t) =
t −3
Ans: All real numbers t for which t ≥ 1 or t ≤ –1 except t = 3
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.1

15. Determine the domain of the given function.

t2 − 4
f (t) =
t −6
Ans: All real numbers t for which t ≥ 2 or t ≤ –2 except t = 6 .
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.1

16. Find the composite function f ( g ( x ) ) .

f (u) = u 3 + 2 , g(x) = x + 3
A) f (g(x)) = x3 + 5 C) f (g(x)) = x3 + 9x 2 + 27x + 27

B) f (g(x)) = x 3 + 6 D) f (g(x)) = x3 + x + 5

Ans: C Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

17. Find the composite function f ( g ( x ) ) .

1
f (u) = − u , g(x) = 2x – 3
u
−4x 2 +12x − 8
Ans: f (g(x)) =
2x − 3
Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

18. Find the composite function f ( g ( x ) ) .

1
f (u) = , g ( x) = x + 3
u
1 3
A) f (g(x)) = +3 C) f (g(x)) = 1+
x x

1 1
B) f (g(x)) = x + 3 + D) f (g(x)) =
x x+3

Ans: D Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

Page
4
 Chapter 1

f ( x + h) − f ( x)
19. Find the difference quotient, .
h
5
f ( x) =
x
f ( x + h) − f ( x) f ( x + h) − f ( x) 5
A) =1 C) =−
h h x ( x + h)
f ( x + h) − f ( x) f ( x + h) − f ( x) 5
B) =5 D) =
h h x+h

Ans: C Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.1

20. Find the indicated composite function.

1
f (x + 5) where f (x) =
x
1 1
A) f (x + 5) = C) f (x + 5) = x + 5 +
x+5 x
1 3
B) f (x + 5) = +5 D) f (x + 5) = 1+
x x

Ans: A Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

21. Find the indicated composite function.

f (4x – 5) where f (x) = 1 − x
x
–16x + 40x − 24
2
Ans: f (4x – 5) =
4x − 5
Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

22. Find functions h(x) and g(u) such that f (x) = g ( h(x) ) :
f (x) = 7 84 − 7x − 4x 2

Ans: h(x) = 84 − 7x − 4x 2 ; g(u) = 7 u is one possible answer.

Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1

23. Find functions h(x) and g(u) such that f (x) = g ( h(x) ) :

5
f (x) = +3 x+4
x+4

Ans: h(x) = x + 4; g(u) = 5 + 3 u is one possible answer.

u
Difficulty: easy Section: 1.1
Page
5
 Chapter 1

24. An efficiency study of the morning shift at a certain factory indicates that an average
worker who arrives on the job at 8:00 A.M. will have assembled f (x) = −x3 + 5x 2 +16x

transistor radios x hours later. How many radios will such a worker assemble between
10:00 and 11:00 A.M.?
A) 20 B) 22 C) 15 D) 18
Ans: B Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.1

25. To study the rate at which animals learn, a psychology student performed an experiment
in which a rat was sent repeatedly through a laboratory maze. Suppose the time required
2 4
for the rat to traverse the maze on the nth trial was approximately T (n) = 5 + − 2
n n
minutes. How many minutes does it take the rat to traverse the maze on the 2nd trial?
Ans: T(2) = 5 min
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.1

26. To study the rate at which animals learn, a psychology student performed an experiment
in which a rat was sent repeatedly through a laboratory maze. Suppose the time required
4 8
for the rat to traverse the maze on the nth trial was approximately T (n) = 8 + − 2
n n
minutes. How long does it take the rat to traverse the maze in the second trial?
Ans: T(2) = 8 minutes
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.1
27. A ball is thrown upward in such a way that t seconds later, it is H ( t ) = −16t + 64t + 80
2

feet above the ground. How many seconds later does the ball hit the ground?
Ans: H(t) = 0 at t = 5 seconds
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.1
28. A ball is thrown upward in such a way that t seconds later it is H ( t ) = –11t 2 + 44t + 55
feet above the ground. When does the ball hit the ground?
Ans: H(t) = 0 at t = 5 seconds.
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.1

29. At a certain factory, the total cost of manufacturing q units during the daily production
run is C(q) = q 2 + 2q + 297 dollars. On a typical workday, q(t) = 17t units are

manufactured during the first t hours of a production run. How many dollars are spent
during the first 3 hours of production?
Ans: $3,000
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.1

Page
6
 Chapter 1

30. At a certain factory, the total cost of manufacturing units during the daily production run
is C(q) = q 2 + 2q + 254 dollars. On a typical day, q(t) = 16t units are manufactured

during the first hours of a production run. How much is spent during the first 3 hours of
production?
Ans: $2,654
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.1

Page
7
 Chapter 1

31. Plot the given point in a rectangular coordinate system.

(4, –5)

(4, -5) y

A)
(Each gridline represents one unit.)

(4, -5)

B)
(Each gridline represents one unit.)

(4, -5)
y

C)
(Each gridline represents one unit.)

(4, -5

D)

Page
8
 Chapter 1

(Each gridline represents one unit.)

Ans: B Difficulty: easy Section: 1.2

32. Find the distance between the given points.

(–2, 1) and (7, –5)
A) D = 15 B) D = 15 C) D = 117 D) D = 3 13

Ans: D Difficulty: easy Section: 1.2

33. Sketch the graph of the given function.

f (x) = x 2 + 2

(Tick marks are spaced one unit apart.)

A) Graph a B) Graph b C) Graph c D) Graph d
Ans: D Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.2

34. Find the points of intersection (if any) of the given pair of curves.
y = 3x – 1 and y = 3 – 5x
Ans:  , 
1 1
2 2
Difficulty: easy Section: 1.2

35. Find the points of intersection (if any) of the given pair of curves.
y = x + 2 and y = 2x + 4
A) (–2, 0) B) (1, –4) C) (0, 6) D) (0, 2)
Ans: A Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.2

Page
9
 Chapter 1

36. Find the points of intersection (if any) of the given pair of curves.
y = 7x – 4 and y = 3x – 5
 1 23 
Ans: – , –
 4
 4 
Difficulty: easy Section: 1.2

37. Find the points of intersection (if any) of the given pair of curves.
y = x + 3 and y = 2x + 4
A) (1, –4) B) (–1, 2) C) (0, 3) and (1, 4) D) (1, 6)
Ans: B Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.2

38. Find the points of intersection (if any) of the given pair of curves.
y = x 2 and y = 3x – 2.

A) (0,0) B) There are no points of intersection. C) (2, 4) D) (1, 1), (2, 4)

Ans: D Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.2

39. If an object is thrown vertically upward with an initial speed of 128 ft/sec, its height (in
feet) t seconds later is given by H (t) = −16t 2 +128t . Graph the function H(t) and use

the graph to determine when the object will hit the ground.
Ans: 8 seconds

Difficulty: hard Section: 1.2

40. A ball is thrown upward in such a way that t seconds later, it is s = −16t 2 + 96t +144

feet above the ground. Sketch the graph of s(t) and determine the maximum height in feet
attained by the ball.
Ans: 288 ft
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.2

Page
10
 Chapter 1

41. Find the slope (if possible) of the line that passes through the given pair of points.
(–1, 5) and (7, 2)
3
Ans: −
8
Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

42. Find the slope (if possible) of the line that passes through the given pair of points.
(5, 0) and (3, 4)
1 1
A) –2 B) 2 C) − D)
2 2

Ans: A Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

43. Find the slope (if possible) of the line that passes through the given pair of points.
(11, 0) and (14, 11)
11 3 3 11
A) B) C) − D) −
3 11 11 3

Ans: A Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

44. Find the slope (if possible) of the line that passes through the given pair of points.
(19, 10) and (5, 8).
1
A) 7 B) C) 0 D) The slope is undefined.
7
Ans: B Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

45. Find the slope (if possible) of the line that passes through the given pair of points.
(6, 7) and (9, –1).
8
Ans: −
3
Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

46. Find the slope of the line passing through (4, 3) and (0, 4). Round your answer to two
decimal places, if necessary.
A) –0.25 B) –4.00 C) 4.00 D) 0.25
Ans: A Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

47. Find the slope and y-intercept of the line whose equation is given.
5y = 8x
8
A) slope 8, y-intercept 0 C) slope , y-intercept 0
5
8
B) slope 8, y-intercept 5 D) slope − , y-intercept 0
5
Ans: C Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.3

Page 10
 Chapter 1

48. Find the slope and y-intercept (if they exist) of the line 2y = 9x.
9
A) Slope is and y-intercept is 0. C) Slope is 9 and y-intercept is 0.
2
2
B) Slope is 9 and y-intercept is 2. D) Slope is and y-intercept is 0.
9
Ans: A Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

49. Find the slope and y-intercept of the line whose equation is given.
y = 2x – 5.
1
A) slope 2, y-intercept –5 C) slope , y-intercept –5
2
1
B) slope 2, y-intercept 5 D) slope , y-intercept 5
2
Ans: A Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

50. Find the slope of the line whose equation is given.

3x + 5y = –7
3
Ans: −
5
Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.3

51. Find the slope of the line whose equation is given.

3x – 5y = 9.
3
Ans:
5
Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.3

52. What is the slope of the line 7x + 8y = –3? Round your answer to two decimal places, if
necessary.
A) –1.14 B) 1.14 C) 0.88 D) –0.88
Ans: D Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

53. Find the slope of the line with the following equation 9x + 4y = –8.
9
Ans: Slope: −
4
Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.3

54. Find the slope and y-intercept of the line 3y – 7x = 1.

7 1
Ans: Slope: ; y-intercept:
3 3
Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.3

Page 11
 Chapter 1

55. Find the slope and y-intercept of the line whose equation is given.
x y
+ =1
3 5
5
Ans: Slope: − ; y-intercept: 5
3
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.3

56. Find the slope and y-intercept of the line whose equation is given.
x y
+ =1
2 3
3 1
A) Slope: − ; y-intercept: 3 C) Slope: ; y-intercept: 1

2 2
3 3 1
B) Slope: ; y-intercept: 1 D) Slope: ; y-intercept:
2 2 2
Ans: A Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.3

57. Write an equation for the line through (3, 0) with slope 2.
A) y = 2x – 6 B) y = 2x – 3 C) y = 2x + 6 D) y = 2x + 3
Ans: A Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.3

58. Write an equation for the line with the given properties.
Through (3, –1) with slope 2
Ans: y = 2x – 7
Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.3

59. Write an equation for the line through (5, 4) and parallel to the x-axis.
A) x = 5 B) x = –5 C) y = 4 D) y = –4
Ans: C Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

60. Find an equation of the line parallel to the line y-axis and through the point (3, 9).
Ans: x = 3.
Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.3

61. What is the equation of the line through the points (7, –3) and (5, 19)? Round numbers
to two decimal places, if necessary.
A) y = –0.09x + 74 C) y = –11x + 0.01
B) y = –0.09x + 0.01 D) y = –11x + 74
Ans: D Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

Page 12
 Chapter 1

62. Between August 29 and September 4, 2005, the price of gasoline increased steadily due
to the impact of hurricane Katrina. The average price per gallon in Cincinnati on August
29 was $2.60, and on September 4 if was $3.10. Write a linear function C(x) that
describes the cost per gallon of gas in Cincinnati in terms of days after August 29.
Round the slope to three decimal places, if necessary. Use your function to find how
much gas would have cost on October 1 if the price had continued to increase at that rate.
Ans: C(x) = 0.083x + 2.60; $5.34
Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.3

63. The cost of renting a backhoe at one distributor is $335, plus $35 per day. Write a linear
function C(x) that describes the cost of renting the backhoe for x days, then use your
function to find how much it would cost to rent it for 7 days.
A) C(x) = 335x + 35; $2,380 C) C(x) = 335 + 35x; $580
B) C(x) = 7 ( 335 + 35x ) ; $4, 060 D) C(x) = 35x + 328; $573

Ans: C Difficulty: easy Section: 1.3

64. Each unit of a certain commodity costs p = 11x + 12 cents when x units of the commodity
are produced. If all units are sold at this price, express the revenue derived from the sales
as a function of x.
A) x(11x + 12) cents C) 11x 2 +12 cents

B) 10x + 12 cents D) 12x + 12 cents

Ans: A Difficulty: hard Section: 1.4

65. A manufacturer's total cost consists of a fixed overhead of $250 plus production costs of
$70 per unit. Express the total cost in dollars as a function of the number of units
produced.
Ans: C(x) = 70x + 250
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.4

66. A manufacturer's total cost consists of a fixed overhead of $350 plus production costs of
$60 per unit. Express the total cost in dollars as a function of the number of units
produced.
Ans: C(x) = 60x + 350.
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.4

67. A farmer is planning to plant a rectangular garden with an area of 4,000 square yards.
The garden is to be fenced on all four sides. Express the number of yards of fencing
required as a function of x, the long side of the fence.
 4, 000 
Ans: s = 2x + 2
 
 x 
Difficulty: hard Section: 1.4

Page 13
 Chapter 1

68. A farmer is planning to plant a rectangular garden with an area of 400 square yards. The
garden is to be fenced on all four sides. Express the number of yards of fencing required
as a function of x, the long side of the fence.
800
Ans: 2x +
x

Difficulty: hard Section: 1.4

69. A rectangle is constructed inside a circle of radius r with the corners of the rectangle
lying on the circle. Express the area A of the rectangle as a function of the radius r if the
width of one side of the rectangle is 2.
Ans: A = 4 r 2 −1

Difficulty: moderate Section: 1.4

70. A closed cylindrical can has a surface area of 360π square inches. Express the volume
of the can as a function of its radius, r.
A) V (r) = πr(180 − r 2 ) cubic inches C) V (r) = 360 πr 2 cubic inches

B) V(r) = 180πr cubic inches D) V (r) = π (180 − r 3 ) cubic inches

Ans: A Difficulty: hard Section: 1.4

71. A cylindrical can is to have a volume of 36π cubic inches. The cost of the material used
for the top and bottom of the can is 4 cents per square inch, and the cost of the material
used for the curved side is 3 cents per square inch. Express the cost in cents of
constructing the can as a function of its radius.
216 π
Ans: C = 8πr 2 +
r

Difficulty: hard Section: 1.4

72. A cylindrical can is to have a volume of 45π cubic inches. The cost of the material used
for the top and bottom of the can is 4 cents per square inch, and the cost of the material
used for the curved side is 5 cents per square inch. Express the cost of constructing the
can as a function of its radius.
π
Ans: 8πr 2 + 450 cents
r

Difficulty: hard Section: 1.4

Page 14
Other documents randomly have
different content
 distinguished as to have it well constituted to secure
the rights and advance the happiness of the
community.”[148]
There also was John Adams himself, who was the least distinct of
all the Fathers on this question; but we find in the Preface to his
Defence of the American Constitutions a passage full of prophetic
meaning:—
“Thirteen governments, thus founded on the natural
authority of the people alone, without a pretence of
miracle or mystery, and which are destined to spread
over the northern part of that whole quarter of the
globe, are a great point gained in favor of the rights of
mankind.”[149]
Here is a plain assertion that our Thirteen States were founded
“on the natural authority of the people alone,” and that they were
destined to spread over all North America.
Charles Pinckney, in a speech on the adoption of the Constitution,
speaks for South Carolina:—
“The doctrine of representation is the fundamental
of a republic.… As to the United Netherlands, it is such
a confusion of states and assemblies, that I have
always been at loss what species of government to
term it. According to my idea of the word, it is not a
republic; for I conceive it as indispensable in a republic
that all authority should flow from the people.… A
republic is where the people at large, either collectively
or by representation, form the Legislature.”[150]
Luther Martin, an able representative of Maryland in the
Convention, while vindicating a prohibition or tax on the importation
of slaves, said:—
 “The privilege of importing them was unreasonable;
and it was inconsistent with the principles of the
Revolution, and dishonorable to the American
character, to have such a feature in the
Constitution.”[151]
Afterwards, in his address to the Legislature of Maryland, he
announced that both in the Committee and in the Convention he
was influenced by the argument,—
“that Slavery is inconsistent with the genius of
republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those
principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the
sense of the Equal Rights of mankind, and habituates
us to tyranny and oppression.”[152]
Thus was a “sense of the Equal Rights of mankind” one of the
principles on which Republicanism rested.
And here is one more word from Virginia: it is Colonel Mason, who
always spoke with so much point:—
“The true idea, in his opinion, was, that every man,
having evidence of attachment to and permanent
common interest with the society, ought to share in all
its rights and privileges.”[153]
Again we have a plain recognition of the Revolutionary idea.

Here, also, is another authority. I quote a Virginia writer on

Government,—John Taylor, of Caroline:—
“The end of the guaranty is ‘a republican form of
government.’ The meaning of this expression is not so
unsettled here as in other countries, because we agree
in one descriptive character as essential to the
 existence of a republican form of government. This is
representation. We do not admit a government to be
even in its origin republican, unless it is instituted by
representation; nor do we allow it to be so, unless its
legislation is also founded upon representation.”[154]
I close this array, illustrative of opinion, with the words of Daniel
Webster, in harmony with the rest:—
“Now, fellow-citizens, I will venture to state, in a few
words, what I take these American political principles
in substance to be. They consist, as I think, in the first
place, in the establishment of popular governments on
the basis of representation.… This representation is to
be made as equal as circumstances will allow.”[155]
Then again, on another occasion, he said:—
“This is the true idea of a State. It is an organized
government, representing the collected will of the
people, as far as they see fit to invest that government
with power.”[156]
Thus, at every stage, from the opening, when Otis announced the
master principle, “Taxation without representation is Tyranny,” all
along to Daniel Webster, we find “Representation” an essential
element in the American definition of republican government.

4. From authoritative opinions I pass to public acts, which testify

to the true idea of republican government. These are of two classes:
first, by the United States, in their collective character; and,
secondly, by the States individually.
 Looking at the States in their collective character, we find that at
the adoption of the National Constitution they refused to recognize
any exclusion from the elective franchise on account of race or color.
The Fathers knew too well the requirements of a republican
government to sanction such exclusion. Recognizing Slavery as a
transitory condition, soon to cease, they threw over it a careful
oblivion; but they were none the less jealous of the rights of all
freemen. The slave did not pay taxes, and, so far as he was a
person and not property, he was part of the family of his master, by
whom he was represented, so that in his case the commanding
principle of the Revolution was not disturbed. But, becoming a
freeman, the slave stepped at once within the pale of taxation, and
therefore necessarily of representation, since the two are
inseparable. And this consideration was the guide to our fathers.
The Continental Congress refused point-blank to insert the word
“white” in the Articles of Confederation. The question came up, June
25, 1778, on these words: “The free inhabitants of each of these
States (paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted)
shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the
several States.” The delegates from South Carolina moved, in behalf
of their State, to limit this guaranty to “free white inhabitants.” On
the question of inserting the word “white,” eleven States voted,—two
in favor of the insertion, one was divided, and eight were against it.
South Carolina, not disheartened, made another attempt, by moving
to add, after the words “the several States,” the further clause,
“according to the law of such States respectively for the government
of their own free white inhabitants,”—thus seeking again to limit the
operation of the guaranty. This proposition was voted down by the
same decisive majority of eight to three. And thus did our fathers
testify to the right of representation without distinction of color. On
other occasions, for successive years, they constantly gave the same
testimony.
A resolution of Congress in April, 1783, seconded by the report of
a Grand Committee, of which Mr. Jefferson was Chairman, in April,
1784, recommended an Amendment of the Articles of Confederation,
whereby the war expenses should be apportioned among the several
States according to “the whole number of white and other free
citizens and inhabitants,”—thus positively embracing colored
persons. In the Act for the Temporary Government of the Territory
“ceded or to be ceded” to the United States, April 23, 1784, and
drawn by Jefferson, the voters are declared to be the “free males of
full age,” without distinction of color. In the famous Ordinance for
the Government of the Northwestern Territory, drawn by Nathan
Dane, of Massachusetts, adopted by the Confederation July 13,
1787, and then reënacted by our Congress after the adoption of the
Constitution, the voters are declared to be “free male inhabitants of
full age,”—again without distinction of color. Then came successive
Acts of Congress for the government of Territories, where the rule in
the Ordinance for the Northwestern Territory was followed, and
there was no distinction of color. If this rule changed, it was only
when the partakers in the Revolution and the authors of the
Constitution ceased to exercise influence over public affairs. The
testimony of the Fathers was constant, and it is only of this that I
speak.

Turning from the States collectively, and looking at them

individually, we find the same testimony. By the Constitution of New
Hampshire, at the adoption of the National Constitution, the suffrage
was vested in “every male inhabitant of each town and parish,” with
certain qualifications, but without exclusion on account of color. By
the Constitution of Massachusetts the suffrage was vested in “every
male inhabitant,” with certain specified qualifications, but without
distinction of color. Rhode Island, at the adoption of the Constitution,
was under her original colonial charter, which provided for elections
by “the major part of the freemen of the respective towns or places,”
without distinction of color. Connecticut was likewise under her
original colonial charter, which also provided for elections by “the
major part of the freemen of the respective towns, cities, and
places,” without distinction of color. By the Constitution of New York
the suffrage was vested in “every male inhabitant of full age,” with
certain specified qualifications, but without distinction of color. By
the Constitution of New Jersey it was vested in “all inhabitants of
this Colony of full age,” with certain specified qualifications, but
without distinction of color. By the Constitution of Pennsylvania it
was vested in “every freeman of the full age of twenty-one years,”
with certain specified qualifications, but without distinction of color.
By the Declaration of Rights prefixed to the Constitution of Delaware
it was announced that “every freeman, having sufficient evidence of
a permanent common interest with and attachment to the
community, hath a right of suffrage,” without distinction of color; and
in the Constitution the suffrage was vested in “the freemen and
inhabitants of the respective counties,” with certain specified
exceptions, but without distinction of color. By the Constitution of
Maryland the suffrage was vested in “all freemen above twenty-one
years of age,” with certain specified qualifications, but without
distinction of color. By the Constitution of North Carolina the suffrage
was vested in “all freemen of the age of twenty-one years,” with
certain specified qualifications, but without distinction of color; and
this rule continued down to 1836, when the Constitution was
amended, or rather, let me say, perverted. That eminent citizen,
Judge Gaston, of North Carolina, in giving judgment at a later day,
said: “It is a matter of universal notoriety, that free persons, without
regard to color, claimed and exercised the franchise.”[157] To these
States I add Tennessee, which was carved out of North Carolina, and
followed her benign example. Her Constitution, adopted in 1796,
vested the suffrage in “every freeman of the age of twenty-one
years,” with certain qualifications, but without distinction of color;
and this rule continued down to the perversion of the Constitution in
1834. Mr. Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, once Postmaster General, is
reported to have said that he was originally elected to Congress by
the votes of colored persons, and I have heard Mr. John Bell make
the same confession with regard to himself.
 Virginia was inconsistent and uncandid. By the Declaration of
Rights prefixed to her Constitution it was announced that “all men,
having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with and
attachment to the community, have the right of suffrage,” without
distinction of color; and it is added, that they “cannot be taxed or
deprived of their property for public uses without their own consent
or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to
which they have not in like manner assented for the public good.”
This was entirely worthy of the eminent citizens who adorned that
State. But a subsequent provision of the Constitution preserved the
right of suffrage “as exercised at present”: thus embodying, without
naming, the legislative exclusion of free negroes, mulattoes, and
Indians, “although such persons be freeholders.” This discreditable
manœuvre becomes more notable in view of an incident in the early
history of Virginia, curious and important, and also applicable to all
the States during their colonial existence. It was on the enactment
of a statute in 1723, “that no free negro, mulatto, or Indian
whatsoever shall hereafter have any vote at the election of
burgesses, or any other election whatsoever,”[158] when the tyranny
here manifest was rebuked with unexpected plainness. The legal
authority in England, to whom this colonial statute was submitted for
review and approval, reported, in admirable words:—
“I cannot see why one freeman should be used
worse than another merely upon account of his
complexion.… To vote at elections of officers, either for
a county or parish, &c., is incident to every freeman
who is possessed of a certain amount of property.”[159]
Georgia was fitful. By her Constitution of 1777, in existence
immediately anterior to the National Constitution, suffrage was
confined to “male white inhabitants.” But a Constitution adopted May
6, 1789, and another adopted May 30, 1798, accorded suffrage to
“citizens and inhabitants,” with certain specified qualifications, but
without the word “white.”
 It only remains to speak of South Carolina, the persistent marplot
of republican institutions, where, by the Constitution, the suffrage
was vested in “every free white man, and no other person,” with
certain specified qualifications. This was the only State among the
original Thirteen, unless Georgia be grouped with South Carolina,
which at that time allowed a color discrimination in its Constitution.
It was the only State which, after uniting in a National Declaration
that “all men are created equal,” openly and audaciously commenced
the example of “a white man’s government.” This apostate idea,
which has since played such a part as a disturber of the national
peace, was then and there born, as the opposite idea was born in
Massachusetts, under the inspiring words of James Otis. And the
other States, in their Constitutions, followed this patriot voice. They
spoke of “persons,” “inhabitants,” “freemen,” or, better still, “men,”
without prefix of “white.” Color was not mentioned. But even in
South Carolina, which introduced the discreditable tyranny into her
Constitution, this exclusion was more apparent than real. In point of
fact, even as late as 1790, when the first census was taken, there
were in this State only one thousand eight hundred and one free
colored citizens. Of course their exclusion was wrong, mean, and
unrepublican; but I do not assert that it was such a case as to justify
the interference of the nation to reform it, especially where there
was no lapse of the State Government. On the other hand, its
sufferance cannot be interpreted as a waiver of the principles for
which the Revolution was fought. But even in South Carolina there
had been a spasm of virtue. In 1757 there was a “flourishing negro
school” at Charleston, and in 1709 we find a complaint that “even
negroes” had been admitted to vote. Though denounced as an
abuse, the precedent is authenticated by a disgusted inhabitant.[160]

Such are the public acts of the States, collectively and individually,
at the adoption of the National Constitution, illustrating with rare
harmony the American idea of a Republic, and testifying against any
exclusion founded on color. Add to these, that the National
Constitution, carefully excepting from the basis of Representation
“Indians not taxed,” pays open homage to the principle that there
can be no taxation without representation; add then that it expressly
founds the Government upon “the people,” not only in the preamble,
which begins “We the people,” but also in providing that the House
of Representatives shall be “chosen by the people of the several
States”; add also the crowning fact, that it recognizes no distinction
of color, that it treats all with the same impartial justice, that the
word “white” does not appear there, and who are we, Sir, who dare
foist into this Magna Charta an oligarchical idea which finds no
sanction in its republican text?

Here I bring this part of the argument to a close. We have seen

the origin of the controversy which led to the Revolution, when Otis,
with such solid claim, insisted upon Equal Rights, and then, giving
practical effect to the grand demand, sounded the battle-cry,
“Taxation without Representation is Tyranny”; we have followed the
controversy in its anxious stages, where these principles were
constantly asserted and constantly denied, until it broke forth in
battle; we have seen these principles adopted as the very frontlet of
the Republic, when it assumed its place in the family of nations, and
then again when it ordained its Constitution; we have seen them
avowed and illustrated in memorable words by the greatest
authorities of our history; lastly, we have seen them embodied in
public acts of the States collectively and individually; and now, out of
this concurring, cumulative, and unimpeachable testimony,
constituting a speaking aggregation absolutely without precedent, I
offer you the American definition of a Republican form of
government. In vain do you cite philosophers or publicists, or the
examples of former history. Against these I put the early and
constant postulates of the Fathers, the corporate declarations of the
Fathers, the avowed opinions of the Fathers, and the public acts of
the Fathers, all with one voice proclaiming, first, that all men are
equal in rights, and, secondly, that government derives its just
powers from the consent of the governed; and here is the American
idea of a Republic, which must be adopted in the interpretation of
the National Constitution. You cannot reject it. As well reject the
Decalogue in determining moral duties, or reject the multiplication-
table in determining a question of arithmetic.
Counter to this irresistible conclusion there can be only one
suggestion having any seeming plausibility, and this is founded on
the contemporary recognition of Slavery. On this point, it is enough,
if I remind you, first, that our fathers did not recognize Slavery as a
permanent part of our system, but treated it as exceptional and
transitory, while they concealed it from view by words which might
mean something else; secondly, that the slave was always regarded,
legally and politically, as part of the family of his master, according to
the nomenclature of Blackstone’s Commentaries, much read at the
time, where master and servant are grouped with husband and wife,
parent and child, and, as in the case of wife and child, the slave is
represented by the head of the family, who also paid taxes on his
account, so that in his case the cardinal principle of the Revolution,
associating representation and taxation together, was not essentially
violated; and, thirdly, that by the acts of the Continental Congress,
and generally by the State Constitutions, all distinction of color was
discarded in determining the elective franchise, and that illustrious
expounders of the National Constitution, as if anticipating the very
question before us, Alexander Hamilton and James Madison,
announced in the “Federalist,” if the laws were to restore the rights
which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an
equal share of representation with the other inhabitants. Such was the
understanding, and such the promise, at the adoption of the
Constitution. Such was the declared meaning of our fathers,
according to the concurrent contemporary testimony of Hamilton
and Madison. Therefore, while confessing sorrowfully the terrible
inconsistency in recognizing Slavery, and throwing over their shame
the mantle which the son of Noah threw over his father, we must
reject every argument or inference on this account against the true
idea of a Republic, which is none other than a government where all
citizens have an equal voice. As Washington, by divine example,
gave to mankind a new idea of political greatness, so did the
Fathers, by inspired teaching, give to mankind a new idea of
Government. Do you ask again for authority? I offer it in its many
forms. It is the early Vocabulary of James Otis, Samuel Adams,
Patrick Henry, and Benjamin Franklin; it is the Dictionary of the
Revolution; it is the Lexicon of our National History; it is the
Thesaurus of Public Acts. This new idea was the great discovery of
our fathers. Rob them of this, and you take their highest title to
gratitude. Columbus, venturing into an unknown sea, discovered a
New World of Space; but our fathers, venturing likewise, discovered
a New World of Public Duty. It is for us, their children, to profit by
their discovery.

For determining the meaning of our own Constitution in a

momentous requirement without precedent, American authority and
example are enough; but I would not have you forget that the
conclusion on which I rest is grandly sustained by France. Here I
shall be brief.
I cannot begin with a higher name than Montaigne, who, though
never defining a Republic, let drop words which, coming from such a
master, are invaluable:—
“Popular rule seems to me the most natural and
equitable.” “Equality is the first part of equity.”[161]
In the same spirit, Montesquieu, while failing to supply a precise
definition, helped to elevate the idea of republican government,
when he declared “virtue” its inspiration, and that virtue is the love
of equality.[162] A kindred thought is expressed by a publicist of our
time, in a remarkable study on Montesquieu, when he says, that
“the true principle of democracy is justice.”[163] But justice is equality.
 Contemporary with Montesquieu was the Marquis d’Argenson, a
minister of Louis the Fifteenth and the friend of Voltaire. In a work
written as early as 1739, but not seeing the light till 1764, some time
after his death, when it was attributed to Rousseau, this remarkable
character gives utterance to words worthy of perpetual memory:—
“It is only necessary to lay aside the most stupid
prejudice, to admit that two things are chiefly to be
desired for the good of the State: one, that all the
citizens shall be equal among themselves; the other,
that each shall be the son of his works.”[164]
A government where these two things are assured would be a
Republic indeed.
Voltaire, though not professing to define a Republic, taught its
dependence upon equality:—
“Civil government is the will of all, executed by one
or by many in virtue of laws for which all have voted.”
“The republican is undoubtedly the most tolerable of
all governments, because it is that which brings men
most nearly to natural equality.”[165]
In another place the same illustrious teacher said:—
“The people never desire, and never can desire,
anything but Liberty and Equality.”[166]
Advancing in time, the Republic becomes more manifest. Omitting
the fervid words of Jean Jacques Rousseau, I adduce Condorcet,
whose consecration to truth was sealed by a tragical death:—
“I have ever thought that a Republican Constitution,
having Equality for its basis, was the only one in
conformity with Nature, with reason, and with justice,
—the only one which could preserve the liberty of the
citizens and the dignity of the human race.”[167]
 Belonging to the ancient system of France, and, like Lafayette,
with the rank of Marquis, Condorcet, again like Lafayette, not only
accepted the Republic, but declared its true basis.
Another French authority, of eminent experience in diplomacy,
who wrote coldly and only according to the requirement of reason,
Gérard de Rayneval, asserts the same law of Equality:—
“Political Liberty consists in the right to participate in
public affairs. This participation is direct or indirect,
and it is more or less extended according to the form
of government. It is, then, necessarily unequal. For
example, in a Democracy all the citizens participate in
the legislative power. If they delegate it, they have
only a very indirect part in it; but all can become
delegates or representatives, all can arrive at
administrative employments, and all have the right to
protest against abuses. In aristocratic republics
political liberty is exclusively concentrated in the body
of Notables; they alone exercise all the power;
subjects have only civil liberty.”[168]
Such, in France, is the voice of political science.
It is also the voice of the French Revolution. The one idea which
that great event taught with prevailing influence was the Equal
Rights of All, explained and defined by the new-born formula, that
“all are equal before the Law.” Napoleon recognized the supremacy
of this principle, when, in an official address to the Council of State,
he said, “France loves Equality above everything”;[169] and he sought
to enforce it, when, in an early proclamation, he declared, “Let there
be no head which does not bend under the empire of Equality.”[170]
Such is human inconsistency, that shortly afterwards his own
ambition refused to bend under this empire, which none the less
disowned the sceptre he assumed and the nobles he created. But
the great truth, though trampled down, survived in the hearts of the
French people, to rise again and resume its heritage.
 As the Provisional Government of 1848 proclaimed the Republic, it
was careful, after proper deliberation, to proclaim at the same time
“universal suffrage,” which Lamartine, standing on the steps of the
Hôtel de Ville, and speaking in the name of the Government, said
was “the first truth and only basis of every National Republic.”[171]
This proclamation was itself submitted to the vote of “all the
citizens”; and on the terms of this submission another member of
the Government, of solid sense and perfect fidelity, thus expresses
himself:—
“By these words—all the citizens—the Provisional
Government intended to consecrate definitively the
fundamental principle of democracy; it intended to
proclaim boldly and forever the inalienable,
imprescriptible right inherent in each member of
society to participate directly in the government of his
country; it intended to put in practice really and loyally
the great principles hitherto shut up in the domain of
the abstract theories of philosophy.”[172]
The same person, M. Garnier-Pagès, who was at once an eminent
actor in these scenes and their most authentic historian, thus again
dwells on the true idea of a Republic:—
“The Republic, that government of all by all, where
each has his place, his duty, and his right; the
Republic, that is to say, Liberty itself, the liberty to do
every act and to give utterance to every thought not
prejudicial to others; the Republic, that fraternal
ground where are admitted all parties, the
representatives of the past as well as of the future,
where all minds, all associations, can have free
scope.”[173]
This precise definition is fitly crowned by the remarkable words
revealing the soul of De Tocqueville:—
 “I should, I think, have loved Liberty at all times, but
in the times in which we live I feel inclined to adore
it.… There is no legislator sufficiently wise and
sufficiently powerful to maintain free institutions, if he
does not take Equality for first principle and symbol. All
our contemporaries, then, who would create or assure
the independence and dignity of their fellow-men,
must show themselves the friends of Equality; and the
only worthy way of showing themselves such is to be
so. Upon this depends the success of their holy
enterprise.”[174]
To the authentic testimony of modern France, in harmony with our
own country, I add the definition of a very recent foreign publicist,
who, after dwelling on Equality as the idol sentiment of a Republic,
says:—
“This shows us the nature and the end of republican
government. It is a government founded on the
general interest and equality.”[175]
Admirable words!—in themselves a definition. And here, before
closing this testimony, let me call attention to two authorities,
contemporary with our fathers, which stand apart,—one English, and
the other German. The first is that of Dr. Richard Price, the friend of
John Adams, who very early appreciated the American Revolution,
and vindicated it before the world. Here is his idea of good
government, compendiously expressed:—
“Legitimate government, as opposed to oppression
and tyranny, consists only in the dominion of Equal
Laws made with common consent, or of men over
themselves; and not in the dominion of communities
over communities, or of any men over other men.”[176]
The German was none other than the great thinker, Emanuel Kant,
who, in his speculations on Perpetual Peace, says, that to this end
every state should be a Republic, which he defines:—
“That form of government where every citizen
participates by his representatives in the exercise of
the legislative power, and especially in that of deciding
on the questions of peace and war.”[177]
The statement of Kant is as simple as Pure Reason, which is the
title of his great work. It claims plainly for “every citizen” a share in
the government, and is the deliberate conclusion furnished by this
eminent philosopher, whose name, rarely quoted in politics, is an
unimpeachable authority.

Such is the definition of a republican form of government, as

found in the history, declarations, opinions, and public acts of the
Fathers of our country, reinforced by the authority of foreign
intelligence and the example of France. From this presentation of
authorities not to be questioned we pass easily to another stage of
the discussion, where the conclusion is the easy and irresistible
sequence.

III.

Bringing these lapsed States to the touchstone, we see at once

their small title to recognition as republican in form. Authentic
figures are not wanting. The census of 1860 discloses the population
of the States in question.

Colored Population,
States. White Population. Slave and Free,
including Indians.
Alabama 526,271 437,930
Arkansas 324,143 111,307
 Florida 77,747 62,677
Georgia 591,550 465,736
Louisiana 357,456 350,546
Mississippi 353,899 437,406
North Carolina 629,942 362,680
South Carolina 291,300 412,408
Tennessee 826,722 283,079
Texas 420,891 183,324
Virginia 1,047,299 549,019
5,447,220 3,656,112

A glance at this table is enough. Taking the sum total of

population in the eleven States, we find 5,447,220 whites to
3,656,112 colored persons; and you are now to decide, whether, in
the discharge of imperative duties under the National Constitution,
and bound to guaranty a republican form of government, you will
disfranchise this latter mass, shutting them out from those Equal
Rights promised by our fathers, and from all copartnership in the
government of their country. They surpass in numbers, by at least a
million, the whole population of the Colonies at the time our fathers
raised the cry, “Taxation without Representation is Tyranny”; and
now you are to decide whether to strip them of representation, while
you subject them to grinding taxation by tariff and excise, acting
directly and indirectly, dwarfing into insignificance everything
attempted by the British Parliament. Our fathers could not bear a
Stamp Act in making which they had no voice, and they braved
terrible war with the most formidable power of the globe rather than
pay a tax of threepence on tea imposed by a Parliament in which
they were unrepresented. Are you ready, Sir, in disregard of this
great precedent, and in disregard of all promises and examples of
past history, to thrust a single citizen out of all representation in the
Government, while you consume his substance with taxation, subject
him to Stamp Acts, compel him to pay a duty of twenty-five cents a
pound on tea, and then follow him with imposts in all the business of
life? Clearly, if you do not recognize his title to representation, you
must at least by careful legislation relieve him from this intolerable
taxation. Some of the millions you thrust out already contribute
largely to the public revenue. How, then, can you deny them
representation? Their money is not rejected. Why reject their votes?
But if you reject their votes, you cannot take their money. As you
detect no color in their money, you ought to detect no color in their
votes.
In this denial of the right to vote there is a surpassing tyranny,
being nothing less than a confiscation of the highest property the
citizen can possess. To take his money is robbery; to appropriate his
house or land is spoliation; but house and land are less than the
right by which the citizen is assured in all other rights. Lord Chief
Justice Holt spoke as became one of England’s greatest magistrates,
when he said from the bench: “A right that a man has to give his
vote at the election of a person to represent him in Parliament, there
to concur to the making of laws which are to bind his liberty and
property, is a most transcendent thing and of an high nature.”[178]
But this “most transcendent thing” is taken from a whole race on an
excuse insulting to them as members of the human family.
Unhappily, too many people discern the wrong only when they
personally feel its sting. Suppose now the case reversed, and white
citizens in South Carolina despoiled of this “most transcendent thing”
by the predominance of the colored race, so that “black” instead of
“white” marks participation in government. But, if such
discrimination is just where the white prevails, it would be equally
just where the black prevails, and it would be as constitutional in
one case as in the other. Unquestionably a black man’s government
is as constitutional as a white man’s government. But the white man
could not easily endure the degradation; nor can it be doubted that
Congress would promptly insist that it was inconsistent with
republican government, and would apply the proper remedy. Failing
in this duty, what other discrimination could it arrest? The Anglo-
Saxon might exclude the Celt; the Celt might exclude the Anglo-
Saxon; both might exclude the German, and the fearful antagonisms
of race would have full play. Other battles than the Boyne would be
the signal of discord, and other parties than Orangemen would stalk
upon the scene.
If, looking at these States together, the case is clear, it becomes
clearer when we look at them separately. Begin with Tennessee,
which disfranchises 283,079 citizens, being more than a quarter of
its whole “people.” Thus violating a distinctive principle of republican
government, how can this State be recognized as republican? The
question is easier asked than answered. But Tennessee is the least
offensive on the list. There is Virginia, which disfranchises 549,019
citizens, being more than a third its whole “people.” There is
Alabama, which disfranchises 437,930 citizens, being nearly one half
its whole “people.” There is Louisiana, which disfranchises 350,546
citizens, being one half its whole “people.” There is Mississippi, which
disfranchises 437,406 citizens, being much more than one half its
whole “people.” And there is South Carolina, which disfranchises
412,408 citizens, being nearly three fifths its whole “people.” A
republic is a pyramid standing on the broad mass of the people as a
base; but here is a pyramid balanced on its apex. To call such a
government “republican” is a mockery of sense and decency. A
monarch “surrounded by republican institutions,” as at one time was
the boast of France, would be less offensive to correct principles,
and give more security to Human Rights.
Plainly such a government is not a “democracy,” where all the
people assemble and govern in person; nor is it a “republic,” where
they assemble and govern by representatives, according to the
distinction presented by Madison in the “Federalist.”[179] A
representative government is a government by the people, not less
than a democracy, provided all the people are represented.
Representation is a modern invention of incalculable value to
embody the will of the people. A republic, like a democracy, cannot
tolerate inequality. Wherever a favored class appears, whether in
one or the other, its republican character ceases. It may be an
aristocracy or oligarchy, but it is not a democracy or a republic.
It is not difficult to classify our Rebel States. They are aristocracies
or oligarchies. Aristocracy, according to etymology, is the
government of the best. Oligarchy is the government of the few,
being not even aristocracy, but an abuse of aristocracy, as despotism
is the abuse of monarchy. Perhaps these States may be
characterized in either way; and yet aristocracy, especially in origin,
has something respectable, which cannot be attributed to a
combination whose single distinctive element is color of the skin.
The eminent French publicist, Bodin, in his definition of
aristocracy, says that it exists where a smaller body of citizens
governs the greater;[180] and this definition has been adopted by
others, especially by Montesquieu. But it is not satisfactory. Hallam,
whose judgment is of the highest value, after discussing its merits,
proposes the following most suggestive substitute:—
“We might better say, that the distinguishing
characteristic of an aristocracy is the enjoyment of
privileges which are not communicable to other
citizens simply by anything they can themselves do to
obtain them.”[181]
These words completely characterize the aristocracy of color; for
this aristocracy is plainly in the enjoyment of privileges not
communicable to other citizens by anything they can themselves do
to obtain them. Are we not reminded that “the Ethiopian cannot
change his skin,” neither can we “make one hair white or black,” and
“which of you by taking thought can add one cubit unto his stature”?
Aristotle, the great intelligence of Antiquity, whose illumination has
reached everywhere, used congenial language, when, in reply to
those who would have magistracy and power distributed unequally,
according to some rule of personal superiority, he said, “If this is a
correct rule, then complexion, or stature, or some similar advantage,