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Transforming
Healthcare
Analytics
 Wiley and SAS
Business Series
The Wiley and SAS Business Series presents books that help senior-
level managers with their critical management decisions.
Titles in the Wiley and SAS Business Series include:

Analytics: The Agile Way by Phil Simon

The Analytic Hospitality Executive by Kelly A. McGuire
The Analytics Lifecycle Toolkit: A Practical Guide for an Effective Analytics
Capability by Gregory S. Nelson
Analytics in a Big Data World: The Essential Guide to Data Science and Its
Applications by Bart Baesens
A Practical Guide to Analytics for Governments: Using Big Data for Good
by Marie Lowman
Bank Fraud: Using Technology to Combat Losses by Revathi Subramanian
Big Data Analytics: Turning Big Data into Big Money by Frank Ohlhorst
Big Data, Big Innovation: Enabling Competitive Differentiation through
Business Analytics by Evan Stubbs
Business Analytics for Customer Intelligence by Gert Laursen
Business Intelligence Applied: Implementing an Effective Information and
Communications Technology Infrastructure by Michael Gendron
Business Intelligence and the Cloud: Strategic Implementation Guide by
Michael S. Gendron
Business Transformation: A Roadmap for Maximizing Organizational
Insights by Aiman Zeid
The Cloud-Based Demand-Driven Supply Chain by Vinit Sharma
Connecting Organizational Silos: Taking Knowledge Flow Management to
the Next Level with Social Media by Frank Leistner
Data-Driven Healthcare: How Analytics and BI Are Transforming the
Industry by Laura Madsen
Delivering Business Analytics: Practical Guidelines for Best Practice by
Evan Stubbs
Demand-Driven Forecasting: A Structured Approach to Forecasting (Sec-
ond Edition) by Charles Chase
Demand-Driven Inventory Optimization and Replenishment: Creating a
More Efficient Supply Chain by Robert A. Davis
Developing Human Capital: Using Analytics to Plan and Optimize your
Learning and Development Investments by Gene Pease, Barbara Beres-
ford, and Lew Walker
The Executive’s Guide to Enterprise Social Media Strategy: How Social
Networks Are Radically Transforming Your Business by David Thomas
and Mike Barlow
Economic and Business Forecasting: Analyzing and Interpreting Econo-
metric Results by John Silvia, Azhar Iqbal, Kaylyn Swankoski, Sarah
Watt, and Sam Bullard
Economic Modeling in the Post Great Recession Era: Incomplete Data,
Imperfect Markets by John Silvia, Azhar Iqbal, and Sarah Watt House
Enhance Oil & Gas Exploration with Data-Driven Geophysical and Petro-
physical Models by Keith Holdaway and Duncan Irving
Foreign Currency Financial Reporting from Euros to Yen to Yuan: A Guide
to Fundamental Concepts and Practical Applications by Robert Rowan
Harness Oil and Gas Big Data with Analytics: Optimize Exploration and
Production with Data Driven Models by Keith Holdaway
Health Analytics: Gaining the Insights to Transform Health Care by
Jason Burke
Heuristics in Analytics: A Practical Perspective of What Influences Our
Analytical World by Carlos Andre Reis Pinheiro and Fiona McNeill
Human Capital Analytics: How to Harness the Potential of Your Organi-
zation’s Greatest Asset by Gene Pease, Boyce Byerly, and Jac Fitz-enz
Implement, Improve and Expand Your Statewide Longitudinal Data Sys-
tem: Creating a Culture of Data in Education by Jamie McQuiggan and
Armistead Sapp
Intelligent Credit Scoring: Building and Implementing Better Credit Risk
Scorecards (Second Edition) by Naeem Siddiqi
JMP Connections: The Art of Utilizing Connections in Your Data by John
Wubbel
Killer Analytics: Top 20 Metrics Missing from Your Balance Sheet by
Mark Brown
Machine Learning for Marketers: Hold the Math by Jim Sterne
On-Camera Coach: Tools and Techniques for Business Professionals in a
Video-Driven World by Karin Reed
Predictive Analytics for Human Resources by Jac Fitz-enz and John
Mattox II
Predictive Business Analytics: Forward-Looking Capabilities to Improve
Business Performance by Lawrence Maisel and Gary Cokins
Profit-Driven Business Analytics: A Practitioner’s Guide to Transforming
Big Data into Added Value by Wouter Verbeke, Cristian Bravo, and
Bart Baesens
Profit from Your Forecasting Software: A Best Practice Guide for Sales
Forecasters by Paul Goodwin
Project Finance for Business Development by John E. Triantis
Retail Analytics: The Secret Weapon by Emmett Cox
Social Network Analysis in Telecommunications by Carlos Andre Reis
Pinheiro
Statistical Thinking: Improving Business Performance (Second Edition)
by Roger W. Hoerl and Ronald D. Snee
Strategies in Biomedical Data Science: Driving Force for Innovation by
Jay Etchings
Style & Statistic: The Art of Retail Analytics by Brittany Bullard
Taming the Big Data Tidal Wave: Finding Opportunities in Huge Data
Streams with Advanced Analytics by Bill Franks
Too Big to Ignore: The Business Case for Big Data by Phil Simon
The Value of Business Analytics: Identifying the Path to Profitability by
Evan Stubbs
The Visual Organization: Data Visualization, Big Data, and the Quest for
Better Decisions by Phil Simon
Using Big Data Analytics: Turning Big Data into Big Money by Jared Dean
Win with Advanced Business Analytics: Creating Business Value from
Your Data by Jean Paul Isson and Jesse Harriott
For more information on any of the above titles, please visit www.
wiley.com.
 Transforming
Healthcare
Analytics
The Quest for Healthy
Intelligence

Michael N. Lewis
Tho H. Nguyen
Copyright © 2020 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. All rights reserved.

Published by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey.

Published simultaneously in Canada.

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transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:

Names: Lewis, Michael N., author. | Nguyen, Tho H., 1972- author.
Title: Transforming Healthcare Analytics: the quest for healthy
intelligence / Michael N. Lewis, Tho H. Nguyen.
Description: Hoboken, New Jersey : Wiley, [2020] | Series: Wiley & SAS
business series | Includes index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019053586 (print) | LCCN 2019053587 (ebook) | ISBN
9781119613541 (hardback) | ISBN 9781119613572 (adobe pdf) | ISBN
9781119613589 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Medical informatics—Technological innovation. |
Medicine—Data processing.
Classification: LCC R858 .L493 2020 (print) | LCC R858 (ebook) | DDC
610.285—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019053586
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019053587

COVER DESIGN: WILEY

COVER IMAGE: © MIRAGEC / GETTY IMAGES

Printed in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
This book is dedicated to my wife, Shelia, whose love,
support and inspiration gave me the courage and
strength to just write the damn book already! To my
kids, Nicholas, Nevin, Natalie, Emily, Charlie, and
Annie, who taught me that, through perseverance
and determination, anything can be accomplished,
you only have to try. To my dad, who taught me
the important traits of being a successful leader and
provided me invaluable career advice no matter how
insignificant it seemed at the time. And finally, to my
mom, who recently passed away from cancer. She was
always there to lend a supportive ear and encouraged
me to be the best person I could.
– Michael Lewis

This book is dedicated to my wife and kids who

provided their unconditional love and unrelenting
support with all the late nights, frantic weekends,
and even working vacations to write this book. My
family has been my greatest inspiration, giving me the
flexibility and focus needed to complete this book in a
timely manner. To all refugees around the world, hard
work and persistence will open many opportunities.
– Tho H. Nguyen
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 Contents

About the Authors xi

Acknowledgments xiii

Foreword xvii

Chapter 1 Introduction 1

Chapter 2 People 33

Chapter 3 Process 87

Chapter 4 Technology 125

Chapter 5 Unifying People, Process, and Technology 161

Chapter 6 The Future in Healthcare 197

Chapter 7 Final Thoughts 231

Index 253

ix
 About the Authors

Michael Lewis is Senior Director of Enterprise Analytic at Cleveland

Clinic. Michael graduated from Cleveland State University in 1987
with a Bachelor of Business Administration with a concentration in
Quantitative Business Analysis. He went on to receive his Master of
Business Administration from Baldwin-Wallace College in 1991. He
also earned the Health Insurance Associate Designation from Ameri-
ca’s Health Insurance Plans.
Michael was also a professor with Tiffin University where he
taught graduate and undergraduate-level classes in Analytical Math-
ematics, Management Analysis and Research, Management Informa-
tion Systems, and Information and Decision Support Systems.
He has spent his entire career of 30+ years in healthcare develop-
ing world-class analytics programs that promote a culture of fact-based
decision-making and measurable continuous improvement. He has
held the role of Senior Director of Enterprise Analytics since December
2015. He leads an industry-leading, cross-functional team to promote
the design, implementation, and monitoring of innovative advanced
analytical disciplines and solutions through the coordinated and system-
atic use of clinical and encounter-based data, related business insights,
and multidisciplinary skill set for planning, management, measurement,
and learning. Previously, he joined Cleveland Clinic in June 2012 as the
Director of Contract Economics. He developed and implemented strate-
gic reimbursement models, self-help analytics, and discovery dashboards
to meet Enterprise metrics on US$8.0 billion+ of revenue.
Before joining Cleveland Clinic, Mike started his career in healthcare
in 1988 working for Medical Mutual of Ohio (MMO) (formerly known
as Blue Cross Blue Shield of Ohio). During his 24+ years at MMO, he
held a variety of positions. As an Actuarial Analyst and Senior Financial
Analyst in Provider Reimbursement and Data Analysis, he developed
and implemented analytical models that enhanced the company margins
by 3 percent. As a Regional Network Manager, he architected the build-
ing of proprietary hospital networks in Indiana and Northeast Georgia.

xi
xii About the Authors

He built analytical models that help identify reimbursement unit costs

opportunities that were contractually implemented network-wide.
In his spare time, Mike is an avid sports fan and options investor.
He enjoys spending time with his wife, traveling, reading, and listen-
ing to podcasts. He is a foodie and craft beer enthusiast. Mike enjoys
exploring exotic foods with Tho any time they are together.

Tho H. Nguyen came to the United States in 1980 as a refugee from

Vietnam with his parents, five sisters, and one brother. As the young-
est in the family, Tho has tremendous admiration for his parents, who
sacrificed everything to come to America. Sponsored by the St. Francis
Episcopal Church in Greensboro, North Carolina, Tho had enormous
guidance and support from his American family who taught him Eng-
lish and acclimated him and his family to an opportunistic and prom-
ising life in America.
Tho holds a Bachelor of Science in Computer Engineering from
North Carolina State University and an MBA degree in International
Business from the University of Bristol, England. During his MBA
studies, He attended L’École Nationale des Ponts et Chaussées (ENPC)
in Paris, France – University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong – and Berkeley
University, California. Tho proudly represented the Rotary Club as an
Ambassadorial Scholar, which provided him a global perspective and
a deep appreciation for the world of kindness.
With more than 20 years of experience, Tho has various leader-
ship roles in data management and analytics. Integrating his technical
and business background, Tho has extensive experience in alliance
management, global marketing, and business/strategy management.
Tho is an author, an active presenter/keynote speaker at various con-
ferences, and a technology enthusiast.
In his spare time, He does volunteer work for various non-profit
organizations and has held leadership positions for the Vietnamese-­
American Association of Raleigh, NC and Asian Focus NC. He has donated
all of his proceeds from his first book to charities locally and globally, and
gave two scholarships to pay it forward. Tho enjoys spending time with
his family, traveling, running, and playing tennis. He is a foodie who is
very adventurous, tasting different and exotic foods around the world.
You can connect with him via LinkedIn https://www.linkedin
.com/in/thohnguyen/.
 Acknowledgments

First, I would like to recognize my co-author, Tho H. Nguyen, for his

understanding, guidance, and support during this new chapter in my
life. Tho is a leading expert in how technology can play a role in your
analytics strategy. Tho’s first book, Leaders and Innovators, is a must
read and inspired me to share my experiences. Second, I would like to
recognize you, the reader of this book. By showing interest in learning
how to bring to life an analytics strategy, your quest for health intel-
ligence will be a positive disruptor for the healthcare industry.
There are many people at Cleveland Clinic, who started this journey
before I arrived, who believed in me and allowed me to help shape the
analytics strategy of the future. First is Chris Donovan, whose leader-
ship, mentorship, and relentless pursuit of perfection gives me the drive
to put forth world-class analytics for a world-class organization. Second
is Andrew Proctor and Eric Hixson. As business partners in Enterprise
Analytics, it is their clinic and operational knowledge and expertise that
allows the converging work to be more meaningful to the organiza-
tion. An extra thanks to Eric for always taking the time to debate the
merits of any and all methods and models considered. To my analytics
team, especially, Don McLellan, Cathy Merriman, Joe Dorocak, Michael
Bromley, John Urwin, Colleen Houlahan, Dan Rymer, and James Allen,
and those not named, for your tireless attention to details and putting
up with my crazy ideas. I know we are making a difference and it starts
with your dedication to our patients and organization.
I cannot thank everyone enough who tirelessly spent long nights
reviewing and providing input, chapter by chapter, especially Lau-
ree Shepard, Tho Nguyen, and Michael Bromley. Trying to bring to
life real-world learnings, following my logic, opinions, and trying to
understand how you put an analytics strategy into words can be mad-
dening, but you did it with kindness, compassion, and thoughtfulness.
I owe you gratitude beyond expression for your tremendous dedica-
tion to making sure the message is easily consumable and usable to
the readers.

xiii
xiv Acknowledgments

A special salute to all healthcare professionals whom I have inter-

acted personally with and those I have not. Your dedication to caring
for the sick and trying to cure life-changing medical events contin-
ues to ignite my passion to solve healthcare challenges as they arise.
Finally, to my wife and children, thank you for brightening my life
every day and allowing me to share yours.
– Michael N. Lewis

First, I would like to recognize my co-author, Michael N. Lewis, for his

passion and patience writing this book with me. Mike brings the deep
knowledge and insightful experience to make this book relatable. Sec-
ond, I would like to recognize you, the reader of this book. Thank you
for your interest to learn and be the agent of change in the healthcare
industry. I am contributing the book proceeds to worthy charities that
focus on technology and science to improve the world, from fighting
hunger to advocating education to innovating social change.
There are many people who deserve heartfelt credit for assisting
me in writing this book. This book would have not happened with-
out the ultimate support and guidance from my esteemed colleagues
and devoted customers. A sincere appreciation to my colleagues who
encouraged me to share my personal experience and helped me to
stay focused on what’s relevant.
I owe a huge amount of gratitude to the people who reviewed and
provided input word by word, chapter by chapter, specifically Lauree
Shepard, Clark Bradley, Paul Segal, and Michael Lewis. Reading pages
of healthcare jargon, trying to follow my thoughts, and translating my
words in draft form can be an overwhelming challenge but you did
it with swiftness and smiles. Thank you for the fantastic input that
helped me to fine-tune the content for the readers.
A sincere appreciation goes to James Taylor, all healthcare profes-
sionals, IT specialists, and business professionals whom I have inter-
acted with over the years. You have welcomed me, helped me to learn,
allowed me to contribute, and provided real intelligence for this book.
Finally, to all my family (the Nguyen and Dang crew), the St. Francis
Episcopalian sponsors, the Rotary Club (the Jones Family, the Veale
Family) – all of whom have contributed to my success – I would not
 Acknowledgments xv

be where I am today without them. To my wife and children, thank

you for being the love of my life and bringing light and purpose to
my day.
– Tho H. Nguyen

DISCLAIMER

The views expressed in this book are those of the individual authors
representing their own personal views and not necessarily the posi-
tion of either of their employers.
 Foreword

by James Taylor1

I have been working with advanced analytics for nearly 20 years.

The market has matured dramatically to the point where analytics,
machine learning, and AI are now common topics of conversation
in every industry. Once, analytic models were handcrafted for a few
high-value scenarios. Now, companies are automating the creation of
advanced analytics and using them to solve a wide range of problems.
The time to develop and deploy advanced analytics has gone from
months to seconds, even as the amount of data being analyzed has
exploded. Every industry is focused on being more data-driven and
healthcare is no exception.
Tho and I met many years ago through our work as faculty mem-
bers of the International Institute for Analytics. We have a shared
interest in the technologies and approaches of analytics and in how
organizations can truly take advantage of their data.
Healthcare is an industry that impacts everyone throughout their
life. New drugs, new treatments, and new understanding drives con-
tinual and rapid innovation. Yet even as healthcare technology and
treatments get more effective, populations in many countries are
struggling with older populations and an epidemic of obesity. Drug
resistance is an increasing problem and costs continue to rise. The
healthcare industry needs to find ways to use data to tackle these and
many other challenges.

1
James is CEO and Principal Consultant, Decision Management Solutions and a fac-
ulty member of the International Institute for Analytics. He is the author of Digital
Decisioning: Using Decision Management to Deliver Business Impact from Artificial Intelligence
(MK Press, 2019) and Real-World Decision Modeling with DMN with Jan Purchase (MK
Press, 2017). He also wrote Decision Management Systems: A Practical Guide to Using Business
Rules and Predictive Analytics (IBM Press, 2012) and Smart (Enough) Systems (Prentice Hall,
2007) with Neil Raden. James is an active consultant, educator, speaker, and writer
working with companies all over the world. He is based in Palo Alto, CA and can be
reached at [email protected].

xvii
xviii Foreword

Healthcare organizations have a particular challenge when it

comes to analytics. Healthcare data is uniquely complex and uniquely
sensitive. It must capture the state of a complex, living person. It is
only imperfectly digitized and much of it is image related, time series
related, or both – hard classes of data to manage and analyze. It is also
intensely personal, so its use is regulated and controlled to protect
people’s privacy and prevent health-related discrimination. Taking
advantage of this data to reduce costs and improve outcomes is both
essential and complex.
Over the years I have worked with hundreds of organizations
that are using analytics to improve their decision-making. Like Tho
and Mike, I have come to see that people and process are as essen-
tial as technology – perhaps even more so. Building cross-functional
teams, engaging a broad set of skills, and having a process that focuses
on decision-making are all necessary if analytic technology is to be
applied effectively.
Take one healthcare provider I was working with recently. A tech-
nical team had developed some potentially useful analytic models. But
working alone they could get no traction. We engaged clinical and
operations staff in a discussion of the current decision-making. We
applied design thinking and decision modeling to see how that deci-
sion might be improved with the analytic. With this shared under-
standing the technical team could see what a minimum viable product
would require and could execute a series of Agile sprints to deliver it.
People, process, and (analytic) technology.
With this book, Tho and Mike hope to show healthcare profes-
sionals how to transform their industry with data and analytics. Right
from the start, they emphasize the importance of people, process,
and technology – not just the coolest, newest technology. Real-world
stories of healthcare problems addressed by insight-driven decisions
show healthcare professionals what’s possible and what technology
exists. The stories help bring to life how analytics might create a more
effective future state in healthcare.
The core chapters on People, Process, and Technology are full of
great advice. There is a discussion of the skills needed, especially in
analysis and business understanding. The need to invest in a wide
range of roles (not just hire unicorns) and the importance of changes in
Visit https://ebookmass.com today to explore
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suppose = 1.4 9.16 perch ordinates in the direction of the stream,
equal to the odd numbers, 3, 5, 7, 9 perch, these ordinates will
represent the additional velocities of the water per second of time,
at the depth of their respective abscissæ, and will terminate in a
curve, a f g h i,) which will represent the velocity of their current in
every point, and the whole mass of water passing on in a second of
time.[19] This would be the theory of the motion of rivers, were
there no friction; but the bottom being rough, its friction with the
lower sheet or lamina of water will retard that lamina; the friction or
viscosity of the particles of which, again, with those of the one next
above, will retard that somewhat less, the 2d retard the 3d, the 3d
the 4th, and so on upwards, diminishing till the retardation becomes
insensible; and the theoretic curve will be modified by that cause, as
at n o, removing the maximum of motion from the bottom
somewhere upwardly. Again, the same circumstances of friction and
viscosity of the particles of water among themselves, will cause the
lamina at the surface to be accelerated by the quicker motion of the
one next below it, the 2d still more by the 3d, the 3d by the 4th, and
so on downwards, the acceleration always increasing till it reached
the lamina of greatest motion. The exact point of the maximum of
motion cannot be calculated, because it depends on friction; but it is
probably much nearer the bottom than top, because the greater
power of the current there sooner overcomes the effect of the
friction. Ultimately, the curve will be sensibly varied by being swelled
outwardly above, and retracted inwardly below, somewhat like a k l
m n o, in the preceding diagram.
Indulging corollaries on this theory, let us suppose a plane surface,
as a large sheet of cast-iron, let down by a cable from a boat, and
made to present its surface to the current by a long vane fixed on its
axis in the direction of the current. Would not the current below,
laying hold of this plate, draw the boat down the stream with more
rapidity than that with which it otherwise moves on the surface of
the water? Again, at the cross current of the surface which flows into
the Chafaleya, and endangers the drawing boats into that river, as
you mention, page 18, would not the same plane surface, if let down
into the under current, which moves in the direction of the bed of
the main river, have the effect of drawing the vessel across the
lateral current prevailing at its surface, and conduct the boat with
safety along the channel of the river?
The preceding observations are submitted to your consideration. By
drawing your attention to the subject, they will enable you, on
further reflection, to confirm or correct your first opinion. If the
latter, there would be time, before we print a volume, to make any
alterations or additions to your paper which you might wish. We
were much indebted for your communications on the subject of
Louisiana. The substance of what was received from you, as well as
others, was digested together and printed, without letting it be seen
from whom the particulars came, as some were of a nature to excite
ill-will. Of these publications I sent you a copy. On the subject of the
limits of Louisiana, nothing was said therein, because we thought it
best first to have explanations with Spain. In the first visit, after
receiving the treaty, which I paid to Monticello, which was in August,
I availed myself of what I have there, to investigate the limits. While
I was in Europe, I had purchased everything I could lay my hands on
which related to any part of America, and particularly had a pretty
full collection of the English, French and Spanish authors, on the
subject of Louisiana. The information I got from these was entirely
satisfactory, and I threw it into a shape which would easily take the
form of a memorial. I now enclose you a copy of it. One single fact
in it was taken from a publication in a newspaper, supposed to be
written by Judge Bay, who had lived in West Florida. This asserted
that the country from the Iberville to the Perdido was to this day
called Louisiana, and a part of the government of Louisiana. I wrote
to you to ascertain that fact, and received the information you were
so kind as to send me; on the receipt of which, I changed the form
of the assertion, so as to adapt it to what I suppose to be the fact,
and to reconcile the testimony I have received, to wit, that though
the name and division of West Florida have been retained; and in
strictness, that country is still called by that name; yet it is also
called Louisiana in common parlance, and even in some authentic
public documents. The fact, however, is not of much importance. It
would only have been an argumentum ad hominem. Although I
would wish the paper enclosed never to be seen by anybody but
yourself, and that it should not even be mentioned that the facts and
opinions therein stated are founded in public authority, yet I have no
objections to their being freely advanced in conversation, and as
private and individual opinion, believing it will be advantageous that
the extent of our rights should be known to the inhabitants of the
country; and that however we may compromise on our Western
limits, we never shall on the Eastern.
I formerly acquainted you with the mission of Captain Lewis up the
Missouri, and across from its head to the Pacific. He takes about a
dozen men with him, is well provided with instruments, and qualified
to give us the geography of the line he passes along with
astronomical accuracy. He is now hutted opposite the mouth of the
Missouri, ready to enter it on the opening of the season. He will be
at least two years on the expedition. I propose to charge the
Surveyor-general N. of Ohio, with a survey of the Mississippi from its
source to the mouth of the Ohio, and with settling some other
interesting points of geography in that quarter. Congress will
probably authorize me to explore the greater waters on the western
side of the Mississippi and Missouri, to their sources. In this case I
should propose to send one party up the Panis river to its source,
thence along the highlands to the source of the Radoneas river and
down it to its mouth, giving the whole course of both parties,
corrected by astronomical observation. These several surveys will
enable us to prepare a map of Louisiana, which in its contour and
main waters will be perfectly correct, and will give us a skeleton to
be filled up with details hereafter. For what lies north of the Missouri,
we suppose British industry will furnish that. As you live so near to
the point of departure of the lowest expedition, and possess and can
acquire so much better the information, which may direct that to the
best advantage, I have thought, if Congress should authorize the
enterprise, to propose to you the unprofitable trouble of directing it.
The party would consist of ten or twelve picked soldiers, volunteers
with an officer, under the guidance of one or two persons qualified
to survey and correct by observations of latitude and longitude, the
latter lunar, and as well informed as we can get them in the
departments of botany, natural history, and mineralogy. I am told
there is a Mr. Walker in your town, and a Mr. Gillespie in North
Carolina, possessing good qualifications. As you know them both,
you can judge whether both are qualified, should two persons go, or
which is best, should but one be sent, or whether there is any other
person better qualified than either. Their pay would probably not
exceed $1000 a year, to which would be added their subsistence. All
preparations would be to be made at Natchez and New Orleans on
your order. Instructions similar to those of Captain Lewis would go
from here, to be added to by what should occur to yourself, and you
would be the centre for the communications from the party to the
government. Still this is a matter of speculation only, as Congress
are hurrying over their business for adjournment, and may leave this
article of it unfinished. In that case what I have said will be as if I
had not said it.
There is such a difference of opinion in Congress as to the
government to be given to Louisiana, that they may continue the
present one another year. I hope and urge their not doing it, and the
establishment of a government on the spot capable of meeting
promptly its own emergencies. Accept my friendly salutations, and
assurances of great esteem and respect.

TO GIDEON GRANGER.

Monticello, April 16, 1804.

Dear Sir,—* * * * *
In our last conversation you mentioned a federal scheme afloat, of
forming a coalition between the federalists and republicans, of what
they called the seven eastern States. The idea was new to me, and
after time for reflection I had no opportunity of conversing with you
again. The federalists know, that eo nomine, they are gone forever.
Their object, therefore, is how to return into power under some
other form. Undoubtedly they have but one means, which is to
divide the republicans, join the minority, and barter with them for
the cloak of their name. I say, join the minority; because the
majority of the republicans not needing them, will not buy them. The
minority, having no other means of ruling the majority, will give a
price for auxiliaries, and that price must be principle. It is true that
the federalists, needing their numbers also, must also give a price,
and principle is the coin they must pay in. Thus a bastard system of
federo-republicanism will rise on the ruins of the true principles of
our revolution. And when this party is formed, who will constitute
the majority of it, which majority is then to dictate? Certainly the
federalists. Thus their proposition of putting themselves into gear
with the republican minority, is exactly like Roger Sherman's
proposition to add Connecticut to Rhode Island. The idea of forming
seven eastern States is moreover clearly to form the basis of a
separation of the Union. Is it possible that real republicans can be
gulled by such a bait? And for what? What do they wish that they
have not? Federal measures? That is impossible. Republican
measures? Have they them not? Can any one deny, that in all
important questions of principle, republicanism prevails? But do they
want that their individual will shall govern the majority? They may
purchase the gratification of this unjust wish, for a little time, at a
great price; but the federalists must not have the passions of other
men, if, after getting thus into the seat of power, they suffer
themselves to be governed by their minority. This minority may say,
that whenever they relapse into their own principles, they will quit
them, and draw the seat from under them. They may quit them,
indeed, but, in the meantime, all the venal will have become
associated with them, and will give them a majority sufficient to
keep them in place, and to enable them to eject the heterogeneous
friends by whose aid they get again into power. I cannot believe any
portion of real republicans will enter into this trap; and if they do, I
do not believe they can carry with them the mass of their States,
advancing so steadily as we see them, to an union of principle with
their brethren. It will be found in this, as in all other similar cases,
that crooked schemes will end by overwhelming their authors and
coadjutors in disgrace, and that he alone who walks strict and
upright, and who, in matters of opinion, will be contented that
others should be as free as himself, and acquiesce when his opinion
is fairly overruled, will attain his object in the end. And that this may
be the conduct of us all, I offer my sincere prayers, as well as for
your health and happiness.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

May 30, 1804.

Although I know that it is best generally to assign no reason for a

removal from office, yet there are also times when the declaration of
a principle is advantageous. Such was the moment at which the New
Haven letter appeared. It explained our principles to our friends, and
they rallied to them. The public sentiment has taken a considerable
stride since that, and seems to require that they should know again
where we stand. I suggest therefore for your consideration, instead
of the following passage in your letter to Bowen, "I think it due to
candor at the same time to inform you, that I had for some time
been determined to remove you from office, although a successor
has not yet been appointed by the President, nor the precise time
fixed for that purpose communicated to me;" to substitute this, "I
think it due to candor at the same time to inform you, that the
President considering that the patronage of public office should no
longer be confided to one who uses it for active opposition to the
national will, had, some time since, determined to place your office
in other hands. But a successor not being yet fixed on, I am not able
to name the precise time when it will take place."
My own opinion is, that the declaration of this principle will meet the
entire approbation of all moderate republicans, and will extort
indulgence from the warmer ones. Seeing that we do not mean to
leave arms in the hands of active enemies, they will care the less at
our tolerance of the inactive. Nevertheless, if you are strongly of
opinion against such a declaration, let the letter go as you had
written it.

TO BARON DE HUMBOLDT.

June 9, 1804

Thomas Jefferson asks leave to observe to Baron de Humboldt that

the question of limits of Louisiana, between Spain and the United
States is this. They claim to hold to the river Mexicana or Sabine,
and from the head of that northwardly along the heads of the waters
of the Mississippi, to the head of the Red river and so on. We claim
to the North river from its mouth to the source either of its eastern
or western branch, thence to the head of Red river, and so on. Can
the Baron inform me what population may be between those lines,
of white, red, or black people? And whether any and what mines are
within them? The information will be thankfully received. He tenders
him his respectful salutations.

TO MRS. ADAMS.

Washington, June 13, 1804.

Dear Madam,—The affectionate sentiments which you have had the

goodness to express in your letter of May the 20th, towards my dear
departed daughter, have awakened in me sensibilities natural to the
occasion, and recalled your kindnesses to her, which I shall ever
remember with gratitude and friendship. I can assure you with truth,
they had made an indelible impression on her mind, and that to the
last, on our meetings after long separations, whether I had heard
lately of you, and how you did, were among the earliest of her
inquiries. In giving you this assurance I perform a sacred duty for
her, and, at the same time, am thankful for the occasion furnished
me, of expressing my regret that circumstances should have arisen,
which have seemed to draw a line of separation between us, The
friendship with which you honored me has ever been valued, and
fully reciprocated; and although events have been passing which
might be trying to some minds, I never believed yours to be of that
kind, nor felt that my own was. Neither my estimate of your
character, nor the esteem founded in that, has ever been lessened
for a single moment, although doubts whether it would be
acceptable may have forbidden manifestations of it.
Mr. Adams' friendship and mine began at an earlier date. It
accompanied us through long and important scenes. The different
conclusions we had drawn from our political reading and reflections,
were not permitted to lessen personal esteem; each party being
conscious they were the result of an honest conviction in the other.
Like differences of opinion existing among our fellow citizens,
attached them to one or the other of us, and produced a rivalship in
their minds which did not exist in ours. We never stood in one
another's way; for if either had been withdrawn at any time, his
favorers would not have gone over to the other, but would have
sought for some one of homogeneous opinions. This consideration
was sufficient to keep down all jealousy between us, and to guard
our friendship from any disturbance by sentiments of rivalship; and I
can say with truth, that one act of Mr. Adams' life, and one only, ever
gave me a moment's personal displeasure. I did consider his last
appointments to office as personally unkind. They were from among
my most ardent political enemies, from whom no faithful co-
operation could ever be expected; and laid me under the
embarrassment of acting through men whose views were to defeat
mine, or to encounter the odium of putting others in their places. It
seems but common justice to leave a successor free to act by
instruments of his own choice. If my respect for him did not permit
me to ascribe the whole blame to the influence of others, it left
something for friendship to forgive, and after brooding over it for
some little time, and not always resisting the expression of it, I
forgave it cordially, and returned to the same state of esteem and
respect for him which had so long subsisted. Having come into life a
little later than Mr. Adams, his career has preceded mine, as mine is
followed by some other; and it will probably be closed at the same
distance after him which time originally placed between us. I
maintain for him, and shall carry into private life, an uniform and
high measure of respect and good will, and for yourself a sincere
attachment.
I have thus, my dear Madam, opened myself to you without reserve,
which I have long wished an opportunity of doing; and without
knowing how it will be received, I feel relief from being unbosomed.
And I have now only to entreat your forgiveness for this transition
from a subject of domestic affliction, to one which seems of a
different aspect. But though connected with political events, it has
been viewed by me most strongly in its unfortunate bearings on my
private friendships. The injury these have sustained has been a
heavy price for what has never given me equal pleasure. That you
may both be favored with health, tranquillity and long life, is the
prayer of one who tenders you the assurance of his highest
consideration and esteem.

TO GOVERNOR PAGE.

Washington, June 25, 1804.

Your letter, my dear friend, of the 25th ultimo, is a new proof of the
goodness of your heart, and the part you take in my loss marks an
affectionate concern for the greatness of it. It is great indeed.
Others may lose of their abundance, but I, of my want, have lost
even the half of all I had. My evening prospects now hang on the
slender thread of a single life. Perhaps I may be destined to see
even this last cord of parental affection broken! The hope with which
I had looked forward to the moment, when, resigning public cares to
younger hands, I was to retire to that domestic comfort from which
the last great step is to be taken, is fearfully blighted. When you and
I look back on the country over which we have passed, what a field
of slaughter does it exhibit! Where are all the friends who entered it
with us, under all the inspiring energies of health and hope? As if
pursued by the havoc of war, they are strewed by the way, some
earlier, some later, and scarce a few stragglers remain to count the
numbers fallen, and to mark yet, by their own fall, the last footsteps
of their party. Is it a desirable thing to bear up through the heat of
the action, to witness the death of all our companions, and merely
be the last victim? I doubt it. We have, however, the traveller's
consolation. Every step shortens the distance we have to go; the
end of our journey is in sight, the bed wherein we are to rest, and to
rise in the midst of the friends we have lost. "We sorrow not then as
others who have no hope;" but look forward to the day which "joins
us to the great majority." But whatever is to be our destiny, wisdom,
as well as duty, dictates that we should acquiesce in the will of Him
whose it is to give and take away, and be contented in the
enjoyment of those who are still permitted to be with us. Of those
connected by blood, the number does not depend on us. But friends
we have, if we have merited them. Those of our earliest years stand
nearest in our affections. But in this too, you and I have been
unlucky. Of our college friends (and they are the dearest) how few
have stood with us in the great political questions which have
agitated our country; and these were of a nature to justify agitation.
I did not believe the Lilliputian fetters of that day strong enough to
have bound so many. Will not Mrs. Page, yourself and family, think it
prudent to seek a healthier region for the months of August and
September? And may we not flatter ourselves that you will cast your
eye on Monticello? We have not many summers to live. While
fortune places us then within striking distance, let us avail ourselves
of it, to meet and talk over the tales of other times.
Present me respectfully to Mrs. Page, and accept yourself my
friendly salutations, and assurances of constant affection.

TO JUDGE TYLER.

Washington, June 28, 1801.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 10th instant has been duly received.
Amidst the direct falsehoods, the misrepresentations of truth, the
calumnies and the insults resorted to by a faction to mislead the
public mind, and to overwhelm those entrusted with its interests, our
support is to be found in the approving voice of our conscience and
country, in the testimony of our fellow citizens, that their confidence
is not shaken by these artifices. When to the plaudits of the honest
multitude, the sober approbation of the sage in his closet is added, it
becomes a gratification of an higher order. It is the sanction of
wisdom superadded to the voice of affection. The terms, therefore,
in which you are so good as to express your satisfaction with the
course of the present administration cannot but give me great
pleasure. I may err in my measures, but never shall deflect from the
intention to fortify the public liberty by every possible means, and to
put it out of the power of the few to riot on the labors of the many.
No experiment can be more interesting than that we are now trying,
and which we trust will end in establishing the fact, that man may
be governed by reason and truth. Our first object should therefore
be, to leave open to him all the avenues to truth. The most effectual
hitherto found, is the freedom of the press. It is therefore, the first
shut up by those who fear the investigation of their actions. The
firmness with which the people have withstood the late abuses of
the press, the discernment they have manifested between truth and
falsehood, show that they may safely be trusted to hear everything
true and false, and to form a correct judgment between them. As
little is it necessary to impose on their senses, or dazzle their minds
by pomp, splendor, or forms. Instead of this artificial, how much
surer is that real respect, which results from the use of their reason,
and the habit of bringing everything to the test of common sense.
I hold it, therefore, certain, that to open the doors of truth, and to
fortify the habit of testing everything by reason, are the most
effectual manacles we can rivet on the hands of our successors to
prevent their manacling the people with their own consent. The
panic into which they were artfully thrown in 1798, the frenzy which
was excited in them by their enemies against their apparent
readiness to abandon all the principles established for their own
protection, seemed for awhile to countenance the opinions of those
who say they cannot be trusted with their own government. But I
never doubted their rallying; and they did rally much sooner than I
expected. On the whole, that experiment on their credulity has
confirmed my confidence in their ultimate good sense and virtue.
I lament to learn that a like misfortune has enabled you to estimate
the afflictions of a father on the loss of a beloved child. However
terrible the possibility of such another accident, it is still a blessing
for you of inestimable value that you would not even then descend
childless to the grave. Three sons, and hopeful ones too, are a rich
treasure. I rejoice when I hear of young men of virtue and talents,
worthy to receive, and likely to preserve the splendid inheritance of
self-government, which we have acquired and shaped for them.
The complement of midshipmen for the Tripoline squadron, is full;
and I hope the frigates have left the Capes by this time. I have,
however, this day, signed warrants of midshipmen for the two young
gentlemen you recommended. These will be forwarded by the
Secretary of the Navy. He tells me that their first services will be to
be performed on board the gun boats.
Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and
respect.

TO J. MADISON.

July 5, 1804.

We did not collect the sense of our brethren the other day by regular
questions, but as far as I could understand from what was said, it
appeared to be,—1. That an acknowledgment of our right to the
Perdido, is a sine qua non, and no price to be given for it. 2. No
absolute and perpetual relinquishment of right is to be made of the
country east of the Rio Bravo del Norte, even in exchange for
Florida. [I am not quite sure that this was the opinion of all.] 3. That
a country may be laid off within which no further settlement shall be
made by either party for a given time, say thirty years. This country
to be from the North river eastwardly towards the Colorado, or even
to, but not beyond the Mexican or Sabine river. To whatever river it
be extended, it might from its source run north-west, as the most
eligible direction; but a due north line would produce no restraint
that we should feel in twenty years. This relinquishment, and two
millions of dollars, to be the price of all the Floridas east of the
Perdido, or to be apportioned to whatever part they will cede.
But on entering into conferences, both parties should agree that,
during their continuance, neither should strengthen their situation
between the Iberville, Mississippi, and Perdido, nor interrupt the
navigation of the rivers therein. If they will not give such an order
instantly, they should be told that we have for peace sake only,
forborne till they could have time to give such an order, but that as
soon as we receive notice of their refusal to give the order we shall
intermit the exercise of our right of navigating the Mobile, and
protect it, and increase our force there pari passu with them.
 TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.

Washington, July 7, 1804.

Dear Sir,—In a letter of the 17th of April, which I wrote you from
Monticello, I observed to you that as the legislative council for the
territory of Orleans, was to be appointed by me, and our distance
was great, and early communication on the subject was necessary,
that it ought to be composed of men of integrity, of understanding,
of clear property and influence among the people, well acquainted
with the laws, customs, and habits of the country, and drawn from
the different parts of the territory, whose population was
considerable. And I asked the favor of you to inform me of the
proper characters, with short sketches of the material outlines for
estimating them; and I observed that a majority should be of sound
American characters long established and esteemed there, and the
rest of French or Spaniards, the most estimable and well affected.
When in daily expectation of an answer from you, I received your
favor of May 29th, whereby I perceive that my letter to you has
never got to hand. I must therefore, at this late day, repeat my
request to you, and ask an early answer, because after receiving it, I
may perhaps have occasion to consult you again before a final
determination. A letter written any time in August will find me at
Monticello, near Milton, and had better be so directed. A blank
commission for a Surveyor and Inspector for the port of Bayou St.
John, will be forwarded to you to be filled up with any name you
approve. I would prefer a native Frenchman, if you can find one
proper and disposed to co-operate with us in extirpating that
corruption which has prevailed in those offices under the former
government, and had so familiarized itself as that men, otherwise
honest, could look on that without horror. I pray you to be alive to
the suppression of this odious practice, and that you bring to
punishment and brand with eternal disgrace every man guilty of it,
whatever be his station.
 TO P. MAZZEI.

Washington, July 18, 1804.

My Dear Sir,—It is very long, I know, since I wrote you. So constant

is the pressure of business that there is never a moment, scarcely,
that something of public importance is not waiting for me. I have,
therefore, on a principle of conscience, thought it my duty to
withdraw almost entirely from all private correspondence, and chiefly
the trans-Atlantic; I scarcely write a letter a year to any friend
beyond sea. Another consideration has led to this, which is the
liability of my letters to miscarry, be opened, and made ill use of.
Although the great body of our country are perfectly returned to
their ancient principles, yet there remains a phalanx of old tories and
monarchists, more envenomed, as all their hopes become more
desperate. Every word of mine which they can get hold of, however
innocent, however orthodox even, is twisted, tormented, perverted,
and, like the words of holy writ, are made to mean everything but
what they were intended to mean. I trust little, therefore,
unnecessarily in their way, and especially on political subjects. I shall
not, therefore, be free to answer all the several articles of your
letters.
On the subject of treaties, our system is to have none with any
nation, as far as can be avoided. The treaty with England has
therefore not been renewed, and all overtures for treaty with other
nations have been declined. We believe, that with nations as with
individuals, dealings may be carried on as advantageously, perhaps
more so, while their continuance depends on a voluntary good
treatment, as if fixed by a contract, which, when it becomes
injurious to either, is made, by forced constructions, to mean what
suits them, and becomes a cause of war instead of a bond of peace.
We wish to be on the closest terms of friendship with Naples, and
we will prove it by giving to her citizens, vessels and goods all the
privileges of the most favored nation; and while we do this
voluntarily, we cannot doubt they will voluntarily do the same for us.
Our interests against the Barbaresques being also the same, we
have little doubt she will give us every facility to insure them, which
our situation may ask and hers admit. It is not, then, from a want of
friendship that we do not propose a treaty with Naples, but because
it is against our system to embarrass ourselves with treaties, or to
entangle ourselves at all with the affairs of Europe. The kind offices
we receive from that government are more sensibly felt, as such,
than they would be, if rendered only as due to us by treaty.
Five fine frigates left the Chesapeake the 1st instant for Tripoli,
which, in addition to the force now there, will, I trust, recover the
credit which Commodore Morris' two years' sleep lost us, and for
which he has been broke. I think they will make Tripoli sensible, that
they mistake their interest in choosing war with us; and Tunis also,
should she have declared war as we expect, and almost wish.
Notwithstanding this little diversion, we pay seven or eight millions
of dollars annually of our public debt, and shall completely discharge
it in twelve years more. That done, our annual revenue, now
thirteen millions of dollars, which by that time will be twenty-five,
will pay the expenses of any war we may be forced into, without
new taxes or loans. The spirit of republicanism is now in almost all
its ancient vigor, five-sixths of the people being with us. Fourteen of
the seventeen States are completely with us, and two of the other
three will be in one year. We have now got back to the ground on
which you left us. I should have retired at the end of the first four
years, but that the immense load of tory calumnies which have been
manufactured respecting me, and have filled the European market,
have obliged me to appeal once more to my country for a
justification. I have no fear but that I shall receive honorable
testimony by their verdict on those calumnies. At the end of the next
four years I shall certainly retire. Age, inclination and principle all
dictate this. My health, which at one time threatened an unfavorable
turn, is now firm. The acquisition of Louisiana, besides doubling our
extent, and trebling our quantity of fertile country, is of incalculable
value, as relieving us from the danger of war. It has enabled us to
do a handsome thing for Fayette. He had received a grant of
between eleven and twelve thousand acres north of Ohio, worth,
perhaps, a dollar an acre. We have obtained permission of Congress
to locate it in Louisiana. Locations can be found adjacent to the city
of New Orleans, in the island of New Orleans and in its vicinity, the
value of which cannot be calculated. I hope it will induce him to
come over and settle there with his family. Mr. Livingston having
asked leave to return, General Armstrong, his brother-in-law, goes in
his place: he is of the first order of talents.
********
Remarkable deaths lately, are, Samuel Adams, Edmund Pendleton,
Alexander Hamilton, Stephens Thompson Mason, Mann Page, Bellini,
and Parson Andrews. To these I have the inexpressible grief of
adding the name of my youngest daughter, who had married a son
of Mr. Eppes, and has left two children. My eldest daughter alone
remains to me, and has six children. This loss has increased my
anxiety to retire, while it has dreadfully lessened the comfort of
doing it. Wythe, Dickinson, and Charles Thompson are all living, and
are firm republicans. You informed me formerly of your marriage,
and your having a daughter, but have said nothing in your late
letters on that subject. Yet whatever concerns your happiness is
sincerely interesting to me, and is a subject of anxiety, retaining as I
do, cordial sentiments of esteem and affection for you. Accept, I
pray you, my sincere assurances of this, with my most friendly
salutations.

TO MRS. ADAMS.

Washington, July 22, 1804.

Dear Madam,—Your favor of the 1st instant was duly received, and I
would not have again intruded on you, but to rectify certain facts
which seem not to have been presented to you under their true
aspect. My charities to Callendar are considered as rewards for his
calumnies. As early, I think, as 1796, I was told in Philadelphia that
Callendar, the author of the Political Progress of Britain, was in that
city, a fugitive from persecution for having written that book, and in
distress. I had read and approved the book; I considered him as a
man of genius, unjustly persecuted. I knew nothing of his private
character, and immediately expressed my readiness to contribute to
his relief, and to serve him. It was a considerable time after, that, on
application from a person who thought of him as I did, I contributed
to his relief, and afterwards repeated the contribution. Himself I did
not see till long after, nor ever more than two or three times. When
he first began to write, he told some useful truths in his coarse way;
but nobody sooner disapproved of his writing than I did, or wished
more that he would be silent. My charities to him were no more
meant as encouragements to his scurrilities, than those I give to the
beggar at my door are meant as rewards for the vices of his life, and
to make them chargeable to myself. In truth, they would have been
greater to him, had he never written a word after the work for which
he fled from Britain. With respect to the calumnies and falsehoods
which writers and printers at large published against Mr. Adams, I
was as far from stooping to any concern or approbation of them, as
Mr. Adams was respecting those of Porcupine, Fenno, or Russel, who
published volumes against me for every sentence vended by their
opponents against Mr. Adams. But I never supposed Mr. Adams had
any participation in the atrocities of these editors, or their writers. I
knew myself incapable of that base warfare, and believed him to be
so. On the contrary, whatever I may have thought of the acts of the
administration of that day, I have ever borne testimony to Mr.
Adams' personal worth; nor was it ever impeached in my presence,
without a just vindication of it on my part. I never supposed that any
person who knew either of us, could believe that either of us
meddled in that dirty work. But another fact is, that I "liberated a
wretch who was suffering for a libel against Mr. Adams." I do not
know who was the particular wretch alluded to; but I discharged
every person under punishment or prosecution under the sedition
law, because I considered, and now consider, that law to be a nullity,
as absolute and as palpable as if Congress had ordered us to fall
down and worship a golden image; and that it was as much my duty
to arrest its execution in every stage, as it would have been to have
rescued from the fiery furnace those who should have been cast into
it for refusing to worship the image. It was accordingly done in every
instance, without asking what the offenders had done, or against
whom they had offended, but whether the pains they were suffering
were inflicted under the pretended sedition law. It was certainly
possible that my motives for contributing to the relief of Callendar,
and liberating sufferers under the sedition law, might have been to
protect, encourage, and reward slander; but they may also have
been those which inspire ordinary charities to objects of distress,
meritorious or not, or the obligation of an oath to protect the
Constitution, violated by an unauthorized act of Congress. Which of
these were my motives, must be decided by a regard to the general
tenor of my life. On this I am not afraid to appeal to the nation at
large, to posterity, and still less to that Being who sees himself our
motives, who will judge us from his own knowledge of them, and
not on the testimony of Porcupine or Fenno.
You observe, there has been one other act of my administration
personally unkind, and suppose it will readily suggest itself to me. I
declare on my honor, Madam, I have not the least conception what
act was alluded to. I never did a single one with an unkind intention.
My sole object in this letter being to place before your attention, that
the acts imputed to me are either such as are falsely imputed, or as
might flow from good as well as bad motives, I shall make no other
addition, than the assurances of my continued wishes for the health
and happiness of yourself and Mr. Adams.

TO JAMES MADISON.

Monticello, August 15, 1804.

Dear Sir,—Your letter dated the 7th should probably have been of
the 14th, as I received it only by that day's post. I return you
Monroe's letter, which is of an awful complexion; and I do not
wonder the communications it contains made some impression on
him. To a person placed in Europe, surrounded by the immense
resources of the nations there, and the greater wickedness of their
courts, even the limits which nature imposes on their enterprises are
scarcely sensible. It is impossible that France and England should
combine for any purpose; their mutual distrust and deadly hatred of
each other admit no co-operation. It is impossible that England
should be willing to see France re-possess Louisiana, or get footing
on our continent, and that France should willingly see the United
States re-annexed to the British dominions. That the Bourbons
should be replaced on their throne and agree to any terms of
restitution, is possible; but that they and England joined, could
recover us to British dominion, is impossible. If these things are not
so, then human reason is of no aid in conjecturing the conduct of
nations. Still, however, it is our unquestionable interest and duty to
conduct ourselves with such sincere friendship and impartiality
towards both nations, as that each may see unequivocally, what is
unquestionably true, that we may be very possibly driven into her
scale by unjust conduct in the other. I am so much impressed with
the expediency of putting a termination to the right of France to
patronize the rights of Louisiana, which will cease with their
complete adoption as citizens of the United States, that I hope to
see that take place on the meeting of Congress. I enclosed you a
paragraph from a newspaper respecting St. Domingo, which gives
me uneasiness. Still I conceive the British insults in our harbor as
more threatening. We cannot be respected by France as a neutral
nation, nor by the world ourselves as an independent one, if we do
not take effectual measures to support, at every risk, our authority
in our own harbors. I shall write to Mr. Wagner directly (that a post
may not be lost by passing through you) to send us blank
commissions for Orleans and Louisiana, ready sealed, to be filled up,
signed and forwarded by us. Affectionate salutations and constant
esteem.
 TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.

Monticello, August 13, 1804.

Dear Sir,—Various circumstances of delay have prevented my

forwarding till now, the general arrangements of the government of
the territory of Orleans. Enclosed herewith you will receive the
commissions. Among these is one for yourself as Governor. With
respect to this I will enter into frank explanations. This office was
originally destined for a person[20] whose great services and
established fame would have rendered him peculiarly acceptable to
the nation at large. Circumstances, however, exist, which do not now
permit his nomination, and perhaps may not at any time hereafter.
That, therefore, being suspended and entirely contingent, your
services have been so much approved as to leave no desire to look
elsewhere to fill the office. Should the doubts you have sometimes
expressed, whether it would be eligible for you to continue, still exist
in your mind, the acceptance of the commission gives you time to
satisfy yourself by further experience, and to make the time and
manner of withdrawing; should you ultimately determine on that,
agreeable to yourself. Be assured that whether you continue or
retire, it will be with every disposition on my part to be just and
friendly to you.
********
I salute you with friendship and respect.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

Monticello, September 8, 1804.

Dear Sir,—As we shall have to lay before Congress the proceedings

of the British vessels at New York, it will be necessary for us to say
to them with certainty which specific aggressions were committed
within the common law, which within the admiralty jurisdiction, and
which on the high seas. The rule of the common law is that
wherever you can see from land to land, all the water within the line
of sight is in the body of the adjacent county and within common
law jurisdiction. Thus, if in this curvature you can see from a
to b, all the water within the line of sight is within common law
jurisdiction, and a murder committed at c is to be tried as at
common law. Our coast is generally visible, I believe, by the time
you get within about twenty-five miles. I suppose that at New York
you must be some miles out of the Hook before the opposite shores
recede twenty-five miles from each other. The three miles of
maritime jurisdiction is always to be counted from this line of sight.
It will be necessary we should be furnished with the most accurate
chart to be had of the shores and waters in the neighborhood of the
Hook; and that we may be able to ascertain on it the spot of every
aggression. I presume it would be within the province of Mr. Gelston
to procure such a chart, and to ascertain the positions of the
offending vessels. If I am right in this, will you be so good as to
instruct him so to do?
I think the officers of the federal government are meddling too much
with the public elections. Will it be best to admonish them privately
or by proclamation? This for consideration till we meet. I shall be at
Washington by the last day of the month. I salute you with affection
and respect.

TO MRS. ADAMS.

Monticello, September 11, 1804.

Your letter, Madam, of the 18th of August has been some days
received, but a press of business has prevented the acknowledgment
of it: perhaps, indeed, I may have already trespassed too far on your
attention. With those who wish to think amiss of me, I have learned
to be perfectly indifferent; but where I know a mind to be
ingenuous, and to need only truth to set it to rights, I cannot be as
passive. The act of personal unkindness alluded to in your former
letter, is said in your last to have been the removal of your eldest
son from some office to which the judges had appointed him. I
conclude then he must have been a commissioner of bankruptcy. But
I declare to you, on my honor, that this is the first knowledge I have
ever had that he was so. It may be thought, perhaps, that I ought to
have inquired who were such, before I appointed others. But it is to
be observed, that the former law permitted the judges to name
commissioners occasionally only, for every case as it arose, and not
to make them permanent officers. Nobody, therefore, being in office,
there could be no removal. The judges, you well know, have been
considered as highly federal; and it was noted that they confined
their nominations exclusively to federalists. The Legislature,
dissatisfied with this, transferred the nomination to the President,
and made the offices permanent. The very object in passing the law
was, that he should correct, not confirm, what was deemed the
partiality of the judges. I thought it therefore proper to inquire, not
whom they had employed, but whom I ought to appoint to fulfil the
intentions of the law. In making these appointments, I put in a
proportion of federalists, equal, I believe, to the proportion they bear
in numbers through the Union generally. Had I known that your son
had acted, it would have been a real pleasure to me to have
preferred him to some who were named in Boston, in what was
deemed the same line of politics. To this I should have been led by
my knowledge of his integrity, as well as my sincere dispositions
towards yourself and Mr. Adams.
You seem to think it devolved on the judges to decide on the validity
of the sedition law. But nothing in the Constitution has given them a
right to decide for the executive, more than to the executive to
decide for them. Both magistrates are equally independent in the
sphere of action assigned to them. The judges, believing the law
constitutional, had a right to pass a sentence of fine and
imprisonment; because the power was placed in their hands by the
Constitution. But the executive, believing the law to be
unconstitutional, were bound to remit the execution of it; because
that power has been confided to them by the Constitution. That
instrument meant that its coordinate branches should be checks on
each other. But the opinion which gives to the judges the right to
decide what laws are constitutional, and what not, not only for
themselves in their own sphere of action, but for the Legislature and
executive also, in their spheres, would make the judiciary a despotic
branch. Nor does the opinion of the unconstitutionality, and
consequent nullity of that law, remove all restraint from the
overwhelming torrent of slander, which is confounding all vice and
virtue, all truth and falsehood, in the United States. The power to do
that is fully possessed by the several State Legislatures. It was
reserved to them, and was denied to the General Government, by
the Constitution, according to our construction of it. While we deny
that Congress have a right to control the freedom of the press, we
have ever asserted the right of the States, and their exclusive right,
to do so. They have accordingly, all of them, made provisions for
punishing slander, which those who have time and inclination, resort
to for the vindication of their characters. In general, the State laws
appear to have made the presses responsible for slander as far as is
consistent with its useful freedom. In those States where they do
not admit even the truth of allegations to protect the printer, they
have gone too far.
The candor manifested in your letter, and which I ever believed you
to possess, has alone inspired the desire of calling your attention,
once more, to those circumstances of fact and motive by which I
claim to be judged. I hope you will see these intrusions on your time
to be, what they really are, proofs of my great respect for you. I
tolerate with the utmost latitude the right of others to differ from me
in opinion without imputing to them criminality. I know too well the
weakness and uncertainty of human reason to wonder at its
different results. Both of our political parties, at least the honest part
of them, agree conscientiously in the same object—the public good;
but they differ essentially in what they deem the means of
promoting that good. One side believes it best done by one
composition of the governing powers; the other, by a different one.
One fears most the ignorance of the people; the other, the
selfishness of rulers independent of them. Which is right, time and
experience will prove. We think that one side of this experiment has
been long enough tried, and proved not to promote the good of the
many; and that the other has not been fairly and sufficiently tried.
Our opponents think the reverse. With whichever opinion the body
of the nation concurs, that must prevail. My anxieties on this subject
will never carry me beyond the use of fair and honorable means, of
truth and reason; nor have they ever lessened my esteem for moral
worth, nor alienated my affections from a single friend, who did not
first withdraw himself. Whenever this has happened, I confess I
have not been insensible to it; yet have ever kept myself open to a
return of their justice. I conclude with sincere prayers for your health
and happiness, that yourself and Mr. Adams may long enjoy the
tranquillity you desire and merit, and see in the prosperity of your
family what is the consummation of the last and warmest of human
wishes.

TO J. F. MERCER, ESQ.

Washington, October 9, 1804.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of September 28th, in behalf of Mr. Harwood,

was duly received; the grounds on which one of the competitors
stood, set aside of necessity all hesitation. Mr. Hall's having been a
member of the Legislature, a Speaker of the Representatives, and a
member of the Executive Council, were evidences of the respect of
the State towards him, which our respect for the State could not
neglect. You say you are forcibly led to say something on another
subject very near your heart, which you defer to another
opportunity. I presume it to be on your political situation, and
perhaps the degree in which it may bear on our friendship. In the
first case I declare to you that I have never suffered political opinion
to enter into the estimate of my private friendships; nor did I ever
abdicate the society of a friend on that account till he had first
withdrawn from mine. Many have left me on that account, but with
many I still preserve affectionate intercourse, only avoiding to speak
on politics, as with a Quaker or Catholic I would avoid speaking on
religion. But I do not apply this to you; for however confidently it
has been affirmed, I have not supposed that you have changed
principles. What in fact is the difference of principle between the two
parties here? The one desires to preserve an entire independence of
the executive and legislative branches on each other, and the
dependence of both on the same source—the free election of the
people. The other party wishes to lessen the dependence of the
Executive and of one branch of the Legislature on the people, some
by making them hold for life, some hereditary, and some even for
giving the Executive an influence by patronage or corruption over
the remaining popular branch, so as to reduce the elective franchise
to its minimum. I shall not believe you gone over to the latter
opinions till better evidence than I have had. Yet were it the case, I
repeat my declaration that exclusive of political coincidence of
opinion, I have found a sufficiency of other qualities in you to value
and cherish your friendship.

TO MR. LITHSON.

Washington, January 4, 1805.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of December 4th has been duly received. Mr.
Duane informed me that he meant to publish a new edition of the
Notes on Virginia, and I had in contemplation some particular
alterations which would require little time to make. My occupations
by no means permit me at this time to revise the text, and make
those changes in it which I should now do. I should in that case
certainly qualify several expressions in the nineteenth chapter, which
have been construed differently from what they were intended. I
had under my eye when writing, the manufacturers of the great
cities in the old countries, at the time present, with whom the want
of food and clothing necessary to sustain life, has begotten a
depravity of morals, a dependence and corruption, which renders
them an undesirable accession to a country whose morals are sound.
My expressions looked forward to the time when our own great cities
would get into the same state. But they have been quoted as if
meant for the present time here. As yet our manufacturers are as
much at their ease, as independent and moral as our agricultural
inhabitants, and they will continue so as long as there are vacant
lands for them to resort to; because whenever it shall be attempted
by the other classes to reduce them to the minimum of subsistence,
they will quit their trades and go to laboring the earth. A first
question is, whether it is desirable for us to receive at present the
dissolute and demoralized handicraftsmen of the old cities of
Europe? A second and more difficult one is, when even good
handicraftsmen arrive here, is it better for them to set up their trade,
or go to the culture of the earth? Whether their labor in their trade is
worth more than their labor on the soil, increased by the creative
energies of the earth? Had I time to revise that chapter, this
question should be discussed, and other views of the subject taken,
which are presented by the wonderful changes which have taken
place here since 1781, when the Notes on Virginia were written.
Perhaps when I retire, I may amuse myself with a serious review of
this work; at present it is out of the question. Accept my salutations
and good wishes.

TO J. TAYLOR, ESQ.

Washington, January 6, 1805.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of December 26th has been duly received, as a

proof of your friendly partialities to me, of which I have so often had
reason to be sensible. My opinion originally was that the President of
the United States should have been elected for seven years, and
forever ineligible afterwards. I have since become sensible that
seven years is too long to be irremovable, and that there should be a
peaceable way of withdrawing a man in midway who is doing wrong.
The service for eight years, with a power to remove at the end of
the first four, comes nearly to my principle as corrected by
experience; and it is in adherence to that, that I determine to
withdraw at the end of my second term. The danger is that the
indulgence and attachments of the people will keep a man in the
chair after he becomes a dotard, that re-election through life shall
become habitual, and election for life follow that. General
Washington set the example of voluntary retirement after eight
years. I shall follow it. And a few more precedents will oppose the
obstacle of habit to any one after awhile who shall endeavor to
extend his term. Perhaps it may beget a disposition to establish it by
an amendment of the Constitution. I believe I am doing right
therefore in pursuing my principle. I had determined to declare my
intention, but I have consented to be silent on the opinion of friends,
who think it best not to put a continuance out of my power in
defiance of all circumstances. There is, however, but one
circumstance which could engage my acquiescence in another
election; to wit, such a division about a successor, as might bring in
a monarchist. But that circumstance is impossible. While, therefore, I
shall make no formal declaration to the public of my purpose, I have
freely let it be understood in private conversation. In this I am
persuaded yourself and my friends generally will approve of my
views. And should I, at the end of a second term, carry into
retirement all the favor which the first has acquired, I shall feel the
consolation of having done all the good in my power, and expect
with more than composure the termination of a life no longer
valuable to others or of importance to myself. Accept my affectionate
salutations and assurances of great esteem and respect.
 TO MR. GALLATIN.

January 26, 1805.

The question arising on Mr. Simons' letter of January 10th is whether

sea-letters shall be given to the vessels of citizens neither born nor
residing in the United States. Sea-letters are the creatures of
treaties. No act of the ordinary Legislature requires them. The only
treaties now existing with us, and calling for them, are those with
Holland, Spain, Prussia, and France. In the two former we have
stipulated that when the other party shall be at war, the vessels
belonging to our people shall be furnished with sea-letters; in the
two latter that the vessels of the neutral party shall be so furnished.
France being now at war, the sea-letter is made necessary for our
vessels; and consequently it is our duty to furnish them. The laws of
the United States confine registers to home-built vessels belonging
to citizens; but they do not make it unlawful for citizens to own
foreign-built vessels; and the treaties give the right of sea-letters to
all vessels belonging to citizens.
But who are citizens? The laws of registry consider a citizenship
obtained by a foreigner who comes merely for that purpose, and
returns to reside in his own country, as fraudulent, and deny a
register to such an one, even owning home-built vessels. I consider
the distinction as sound and safe, and that we ought not to give sea-
letters to a vessel belonging to such a pseudo-citizen. It
compromises our peace, by lending our flag to cover the goods of
one of the belligerents to the injury of the other. It produces
vexatious searches on the vessels of our real citizens, and gives to
others the participation of our neutral advantages, which belong to
the real citizen only. And inasmuch as an uniformity of rule between
the different branches of the government is convenient and proper, I
would propose as a rule that sea-letters be given to all vessels
belonging to citizens under whose ownership of a registered vessel
such vessel would be entitled to the benefits of her register.
Affectionate salutations.
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