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 DIZZINESS
AND
VERTIGO
Dizziness and Vertigo describes the basic knowledge and practical skills necessary for managing patients
presenting with common symptoms of dizziness and vertigo. It provides practitioners with a comprehensive
overview of these conditions, steps for diagnosing patients and various treatment options.

Tis revised and updated edition provides a framework for the accurate diagnosis and management of patients
with dizziness and vertigo, covering clinical assessments and case studies. It also includes new methods for
treating Ménière’s disease and benign paroxysmal positional vertigo (BPPV) and in the feld of vestibular
rehabilitation.

Dizziness and Vertigo is an essential reference for all those who manage patients in the outpatient setting,
including general practice trainees, ear/nose/throat (ENT) specialists and physiotherapists.
 DIZZINESS
AND
VERTIGO
AN INTRODUCTION
AND PR ACTICAL GUIDE
SECOND EDITION

Edited by
Rahul G. Kanegaonkar, FRCS(ORL-HNS)
Consultant in Otolaryngology, Medway Maritime Hospital, Kent, UK
Clinical Lead, Multidisciplinary Balance Clinic, Royal London Hospital, London
James R. Tysome, MA, PhD, FRCS(ORL-HNS)
Consultant in Otolaryngology and Skull Base Surgery, Cambridge University Hospitals
Associate Professor, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
Cover image: Shutterstock ID. 2177049047, Mykola Mazuryk.

Second edition published 2024

by CRC Press
2385 NW Executive Center Drive, Suite 320, Boca Raton FL 33431

and by CRC Press

4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

CRC Press is an imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

© 2024 selection and editorial matter, Rahul G. Kanegaonkar and James R. Tysome; individual chapters, the contributors

First edition published by CRC Press 2014

Tis book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. While all reasonable eforts have been made
to publish reliable data and information, neither the author[s] nor the publisher can accept any legal responsibility or liability for
any errors or omissions that may be made. Te publishers wish to make clear that any views or opinions expressed in this book by
individual editors, authors or contributors are personal to them and do not necessarily refect the views/opinions of the publishers. Te
information or guidance contained in this book is intended for use by medical, scientifc or health-care professionals and is provided
strictly as a supplement to the medical or other professional’s own judgement, their knowledge of the patient’s medical history, relevant
manufacturer’s instructions and the appropriate best practice guidelines. Because of the rapid advances in medical science, any
information or advice on dosages, procedures or diagnoses should be independently verifed. Te reader is strongly urged to consult
the relevant national drug formulary and the drug companies’ and device or material manufacturers’ printed instructions, and their
websites, before administering or utilizing any of the drugs, devices or materials mentioned in this book. Tis book does not indicate
whether a particular treatment is appropriate or suitable for a particular individual. Ultimately it is the sole responsibility of the medical
professional to make his or her own professional judgements, so as to advise and treat patients appropriately. Te authors and publishers
have also attempted to trace the copyright holders of all material reproduced in this publication and apologize to copyright holders if
permission to publish in this form has not been obtained. If any copyright material has not been acknowledged please write and let us
know so we may rectify in any future reprint.

Except as permitted under U.S. Copyright Law, no part of this book may be reprinted, reproduced, transmitted, or utilized in any form
by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying, microflming, and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without written permission from the publishers.

For permission to photocopy or use material electronically from this work, access www.copyright.com or contact the Copyright
Clearance Center, Inc. (CCC), 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, 978–750–8400. For works that are not available on CCC please
contact [email protected]

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks and are used only for identifcation and
explanation without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Kanegaonkar, Rahul Govind, editor. | Tysome, James Russell, editor.
Title: Dizziness and vertigo : an introduction and practical guide / edited by Rahul Kanegaonkar and James Tysome.
Description: Second edition. | Boca Raton, FL : CRC Press, 2024. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifers: LCCN 2023052940 (print) | LCCN 2023052941 (ebook) | ISBN 9781032388243 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781032383514 (paperback) | ISBN 9781003346968 (ebook)
Subjects: MESH: Vertigo | Dizziness
Classifcation: LCC RB150.V4 (print) | LCC RB150.V4 (ebook) | NLM WB 143 | DDC 616.8/41—dc23/eng/20240410
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023052940
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023052941

ISBN: 978-0-323-88243 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-032-38351-4 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-34696-8 (ebk)

DOI: 10.1201/b23234

Typeset in Adobe Garamond Pro

by Apex CoVantage, LLC
 To
Dipalee, Amee and Deven,
and
Laura, George, Henry and Max
CONTENTS
Preface to the Second Edition ix
Contributors xi
1 Anatomy and Physiology of the Peripheral Vestibular System 1
Rahul G. Kanegaonkar
2 Clinical Assessment of Vertigo 9
Reshma Ghedia and Mudit Jindal
3 Imaging in Dizziness and Vertigo 19
Neshe Sriskandan and Steve Connor
4 Special Investigation 33
Phoebe Murphy
5 Differential Diagnosis 49
Rahul G. Kanegaonkar
6 Benign Paroxysmal Positional Vertigo 51
Nitesh Patel
7 Acute Peripheral Vestibular Loss 65
Ambrose Lee
8 Vestibular Migraine 77
Nitesh Patel
9 Multilevel Vestibulopathy 91
Mudit Jindal and Sanjay Suman
10 Cholesteatoma 95
Foteini Stefania Koumpa and Atilla Dezso
11 Ménière’s Disease 101
Neil Donnelly and Nathan Creber
12 Superior Semicircular Canal Dehiscence 111
Julien Dallaire and Richard Irving
13 Vestibular Schwannoma 119
James R. Tysome
14 Perilymph Fistula 123
Richard Gurgel

vii
 15 Central Pathology Causing Dizziness 127
C. Eduardo Corrales
16 Systemic Conditions Affecting Balance 133
Stephen Broomfeld
17 Psychological Aspects of Dizziness 143
Raj Attavar and Amalsha Vithanaarachichi
18 Vestibular Rehabilitation: Principles and Practice 151
Rachel Ritchie
19 Persistent Postural-Perceptual Dizziness 161
Diego Kaski
Index 169

viii Contents
PREFACE TO THE
SECOND EDITION
Following the success of the frst edition of Dizziness and Vertigo, we are
delighted to present an updated text. Several chapters include advances in the
diagnosis and management of various balance disorders. Te radiology chap-
ter, for example, now introduces readers to the potential use of gadolinium-
enhanced imaging of the inner ear to diagnose endolymphatic hydrops, whilst
the multilevel vestibulopathy chapter provides a broader holistic approach to
the management of these patients. Te book also includes a chapter dedicated
to the diagnosis and management of persistent postural-perceptual dizziness
(PPPD).

As with the previous edition, we are confdent that readers will be inspired
to successfully diagnose balance-disordered patients, initiate appropriate treat-
ment and ultimately transform the quality of life of their patients.

Rahul G. Kanegaonkar and James R. Tysome

ix
CONTRIBUTORS
Stephen Broomfeld
Consultant ENT Surgeon
North Bristol NHS Trust
Bristol, UK

Steve Connor
Consultant Radiologist
Guy’s and St Tomas’ NHS Foundation Trust
London, UK

C. Eduardo Corrales
Neurotology Fellow
Otolaryngology – Head and Neck Surgery
Stanford University School of Medicine
Palo Alto, California

Nathan Creber
Cambridge University Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust
Cambridge, UK

Julien Dallaire
Assistant Professor
ENT Department
Université de Sherbrooke, Canada

Atilla Dezso
Consultant Otologist and Implant Surgeon
Walsall Healthcare NHS Trust
West Midlands, UK

Neil Donnelly
Consultant Otoneurological and Skull Base Surgeon
Cambridge University Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust
Cambridge, UK

Reshma Ghedia
TWJ Otology Fellow
Dalhousie University, Halifax
Nova Scotia Canada

xi
 Richard Gurgel
Assistant Professor
Division of Otolaryngology – Head and Neck Surgery
University of Utah
Salt Lake City, Utah

Richard Irving
Consultant in Otology, Neurotology, and Skull Base Surgery
Birmingham Children’s Hospital
Queen Elizabeth Hospital
Birmingham, UK

Mudit Jindal
Consultant ENT Surgeon
Russell Hall Hospital
West Midlands, UK

Diego Kaski
Consultant Neurology and Associate Professor
University College London Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust
London, UK

Foteini Stefania Koumpa

Specialist Registrar
Barts Health NHS Trust
London, UK

Ambrose Lee
Consultant Otologist
Toronto General Hospital
Toronto, Canada

Phoebe Murphy
Adult Audiology Team Leader
Royal London Hospital
London, UK

Nitesh Patel
Consultant ENT Surgeon
Barts Health NHS Trust
Whipps Cross University Hospital
London, UK

Rachel Ritchie
Neurological Physiotherapist
Bedfordshire and North Herts, UK

xii Contributors
Neshe Sriskandan
Consultant Radiologist
Guy’s and St Tomas’ NHS Foundation Trust
London, UK

Sanjay Suman
Consultant Physician
Medway NHS Foundation Trust
Kent, UK

Contributors xiii
 1
ANATOMY AND
PHYSIOLOGY OF
THE PERIPHERAL
VESTIBULAR SYSTEM
Rahul G. Kanegaonkar

INTRODUCTION
Te ear is conventionally divided into three separate nerve. Tis cleft houses the ossicular chain and func-
but related anatomical subunits. Te external ear con- tions as a transformer mechanism to overcome the
sists of the pinna, external auditory canal and lateral impedance mismatch that occurs when transferring
aspect of the tympanic membrane. Te middle ear is sound energy from air to fuid.1 Te external and mid-
an air-flled space bounded laterally by the tympanic dle ear function to deliver sound energy to the inner
membrane and medially by the promontory, oval and ear (Figure 1.1).
round windows and horizontal portion of the facial

INNER EAR
Te inner ear is contained within a dense portion of membranous segments involved in the detection of
bone within the petromastoid part of the temporal movement.
bone referred to as the bony labyrinth. Derived from
the otic capsule during early embryonal development, Te saccule and utricle are responsible for detecting
this structurally complex organ is separated into two static and linear head movement, while the semicircular
functionally distinct parts: the cochlea responsible for canals function to detect head rotation (see Figure 1.3).
detecting sound and the peripheral vestibular system
responsible for detecting static, linear and angular head Te semicircular canals are orientated in approxi-
movement (Figure 1.2). mately orthogonal planes to each other2 and organised
into three functional pairs: the two lateral semicir-
Te bony labyrinth is flled with perilymph and com- cular canals, the superior canal and the contralateral
municates with the cerebrospinal fuid of the intracra- posterior canal and the posterior canal and the contra-
nial cavity. Contained within the bony labyrinth and lateral superior canal (note Figure 1.4).
supported by connective tissue is an anatomically and
biochemically distinct closed structure, the membra- Te sensory neuroepithelium responsible for detect-
nous labyrinth. Tis structure is flled with endolymph ing linear acceleration is limited to specifc regions,
and consists of fve confuent but functionally diferent the maculae. Whilst the macula of the saccule is

DOI: 10.1201/b23234-1 Anatomy and Physiology of the Peripheral Vestibular System 1

 External ear Middle ear Internal ear

Pinna Vestibular nerve

Cochlear nerve

External Cochlea
auditory
canal
Round window

Middle ear ossicles Eustachian tube

Figure 1.1 Cross section of the ear.

Oval window

Vestibular apparatus

Spiral lamina

Cochlea

Round window

Figure 1.2 The bony labyrinth.

orientated to principally detect linear acceleration produced causes depolarisation of the underlying hair
and head tilt in the vertical plane, the macule of the cells (Figure 1.5).
utricle detects linear acceleration and head tilt in the
horizontal plane.3 Te hair cells of the maculae are Te sensory neuroepithelium of the semicircular canals is
arranged in an elaborate manner and project into a limited to a dilated segment of each bony and membra-
fbro-calcareous sheet: the otoconial membrane. As nous labyrinth, the ampulla. A crest perpendicular to the
this membrane has a specifc gravity greater than the long axis of each canal bears a mound of connective tissue
surrounding endolymph, head tilt and linear move- within this region from which projects a layer of hair cells.
ment result in the otoconial membrane moving rela- Teir cilia protrude into a gelatinous mass, the cupula,
tive to the underlying hair cells. Te shearing force that may be defected during angular head movements.

2 DIZZINESS AND VERTIGO: AN INTRODUCTION AND PRACTICAL GUIDE

 Vestibular ganglion

Superior semicircular canal

Vestibular nerve
Utricle
Facial nerve
Saccule
Posterior semicircular canal

Lateral semicircular canal Cochlear nerve

Ampulla

Orientation of hair cells in the utricle

Cochlea

Striola

Orientation of hair cells in the saccule

Figure 1.3 The membranous labyrinth. The maculae of the saccule and utricle are orientated at 90 degrees
to each other in order to detect vertical and horizontal movement. In contrast to the ampullae, hair cells are
arranged around a curvilinear depression of the otoconial membrane, the striola. Arrows indicate the direction
of maximal stimulation for both neuroepithelial regions.

A
Superior
semicircular
canal

Utricle

Lateral L R
semicircular
canal

Posterior
semicircular P
canal

Figure 1.4 The orthogonal relationship of the semicircular canals.

Anatomy and Physiology of the Peripheral Vestibular System 3

 Striola

Otoconia

Stereocilia
Gel layer

Reticular membrane
Hair cell
Supporting cells

Gravitational force

Figure 1.5 The otoconial membrane. Static head position and movement results in a relative movement of the
relatively denser otoconial membrane.4

PHYSIOLOGY OF THE VESTIBULAR SYSTEM

Signal Transduction cilia. Tese are arranged in a stepwise fashion, becom-
ing progressively taller towards the longest cilium,
Te neuroepithelium of the ampullae and maculae are the kinocilium.5 Te distal tips of the cilia are con-
sensitive to movement by virtue of an arrangement nected by extracellular bridges, or tip-links. A shear-
of hair cells that constitute the transduction mecha- ing force, such as the relative endolymph fow during
nism for the peripheral vestibular organs.4 Of a total head rotation, causes the cilia to bend, with move-
of approximately 63,000 hair cells in each peripheral ment towards the kinocilium resulting in depolari-
vestibular organ, 23,000 are located in the cristae of sation, whilst movement in the opposite direction
the semicircular canals and 40,000 in the maculae of results in hyperpolarisation (Figure 1.6).6 Te hair
the saccule and utricle. cells on the cristae of the lateral semicircular canals
are arranged such that endolymphatic fow towards the
Te apical surface of each hair cell bears an asym- utricle (ampullofugal fow) results in depolarisation,
metrically arranged bundle of 50–100 nonmotile with fow away from the utricle (ampullopetal fow)

4 DIZZINESS AND VERTIGO: AN INTRODUCTION AND PRACTICAL GUIDE

 Neural fring rate
a.

b.

c.

Figure 1.6 (a—c) Cupula movement. Endolymph fow towards the kinocilium results in an increase above the
resting fring rate (b). Flow in the opposite direction results in a fall below the resting fring rate (c).

resulting in hyperpolarisation. Te reverse is the case in contact with both aferent and eferent nerve fbres
for the superior and posterior semicircular canals, with that are collectively held in place by supporting cells.
ampullopetal fow being excitatory and ampullofugal Tere is a continuous baseline discharge from the
fow being inhibitory. aferent nerves of these hair cells, which at rest is sym-
metrical for each labyrinth.8
An electrical gradient exists between the potassium-
rich endolymph and the sodium-rich cellular cyto- Neural Pathways
plasm.7 Defection of cilia towards the kinocilium
and subsequent opening of associated pores results Te vestibular labyrinth provides the major sensory
in a transduction current that induces permeabil- input to the vestibular nuclear complex that is located
ity changes on the basolateral membrane, leading to on the foor of the fourth ventricle.9 In humans,
depolarisation of the hair cell and subsequent neu- approximately 15,000 primary aferent fbres of the
rotransmitter release. Te basal surface of each cell is vestibulocochlear nerve relay signals centrally to

Anatomy and Physiology of the Peripheral Vestibular System 5

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which the soul of Spanish honour and politeness was displayed,
met the Prince again in the park, taking him into his own coach,
and placing him at his right hand. On parting, there was an
embarrassing ceremonial—the King insisting on conducting
Charles back to his carriage, Charles not suffering it. So they
parted midway on the road.
Charles’s days passed, indeed, in a manner peculiarly
agreeable to one of his disposition. On one occasion, having first
seen the King ride through the streets on horseback to a
monastery called La Merced, where the King had rooms
furnished for occasional residence, he went afterwards to take
the air by the fields on the river’s side; another day, he repaired
to the palace, and was conducted by Olivares through the back
way. “Your babie,” Buckingham wrote to the King, “desired to
kiss his (the King’s) hands privatelie in the pallace, which was
granted him, and thus performed. First, the King would not
suffer him to come to his chamber, but met him at the stare-
foote; then entered in the coch, and walked into the parke. The
greatest matter that passed between us at that time was
complements and particular questions of all our journaie; then,
by force, he would needs convaie him half way home; in doing
which they were almost overthrone in brick pits.”[444]
Many were the resources to which Charles turned for
relaxation during this interval of expectation. His mornings were
spent in his private affairs, among which we may reckon the
cultivation of his taste for pictures; in the afternoon,
accompanied by his beloved Steenie, he went forth into the
fields, where Bristol attended on him with his hawks; or he
visited a country house of the King’s, called Caso del Campo,
where, meeting Philip and his brothers, Don Carlos and Don
Fernando the Cardinal, they diverted themselves by watching
“men placed there to shoot at such kinds of game as were found
in the place;” hares were started, partridges sprang up, and
other fowl, all of which were killed, after the custom of that day,
as they went running or flying by the marksmen. Sometimes the
King, with the old Spanish courtesy, sent the Prince two horses,
desiring him to choose the best for himself, and to leave him the
worst to ride out on; then Charles would order the steeds to be
exercised in a garden near the Earl of Bristol’s house, and, not to
be outdone in politeness, he would himself try them both, and
send the best back for the King’s use.
At length the day arrived when Charles made his solemn entry
into Madrid, under circumstances of interest which almost
superseded even the imposing magnificence of the ceremonial.
On the sixteenth of March, he received the Inquisitor General,
and all the different Councils of the kingdom—the Corregidores
and the Regidores of Madrid—at the Monastery of San
Geronimo, whence the Kings of Spain always make their public
entrance. These public functionaries endeavoured, on being
presented to the Prince, to kiss his hand, but Charles resisted
this demonstration, considering that it was due only to the lawful
sovereign of the realm.
The magnificence of the procession that ensued owed much of
its picturesque beauty to its being on horseback. As they
approached the immediate precincts of Madrid—Charles riding
on the right of Philip—they were met by four and twenty
Legidores of the town—whose office it was to carry over the
King’s head a canopy of tissue, lined with crimson cloth of gold.
The King then took the Prince under the canopy, still keeping
him on his right hand; before them rode the Ministers of Justice,
next the grandees, sumptuously clad, for it is an old saying, that
no one dresses so plainly every day, nor so gorgeously on
occasions, as the Spaniards.[445] Their picturesque costumes,
their grave and stately bearing, their gallant steeds—so famed
throughout Europe—must have made this band of nobles one of
the fairest spectacles of the time.
They were apparelled, as the chronicler expresses it, “in
colours and great bravery,” their servants, in rich liveries,
attending.
After the King and Prince came Buckingham and Olivares, in
their respective offices of Master of the Horse, each of them with
a horse of state, as the ensign of the place he enjoyed. The
canopy held over these two favourites and ministers was
afterwards presented to Buckingham, as well as all other fees
belonging to the Master of the Horse—because he served that
day the Prince in whose honour the procession took place. Then
came Lord Bristol, Sir Walter Aston, and the Council of State,
with the gentlemen of the King’s bedchamber; and a part of that
“goodly guard,” called “de los archeros, bravely clad and
arrayed.”
This unrivalled procession passed along through streets hung
here and there with rich draperies, or adorned with curious
pictures, and “sprinkled” with scaffoldings, on which stood the
chief magistrates of Madrid; in some streets, also, there were
dancers, comedians, and musicians, to amuse the royal pair as
they rode gracefully onwards. At length, the King and Charles
reached the palace, where some time was consumed by ancient
ceremonials, each contending for the hindmost place; but, “in
fine,” writes the chronicler, “they went hand-in-hand, or rather,
with their arms round each other, until they came into the
presence of the Queen.”
Her Majesty was seated under a cloth of state, at the
extremity of a large room, where the chairs were placed. This
apartment was superbly furnished; but the chief riches, it is said,
consisted in that “living tapestry of ladies, and of the children of
noblemen who stood near the walls.” The Queen, not awaiting
the approach of Charles, went forward to welcome him; he was
then conducted to the apartments destined for him, the Queen
herself, with the King, seeing him to the very doors, where her
royal brothers-in-law stood to receive him. There was then a
courteous dispute, the Prince wishing to attend His Majesty back
to his own part of the palace; Philip insisting that Charles should
only make one step in that direction. Scarcely an hour had
elapsed, before a great basin of massive gold, carried by two
men, and containing an embroidered nightgown, laid double in
it, was brought—a present from the Queen to Charles; besides
which, she sent him two large trunks, bound in hands of pure
gold, and thickly stuck with gold nails—with a gold lock and key;
the coverings of the trunks were of amber leather, whilst their
contents consisted of curious linens and perfumes. In addition to
these, there was also presented a rich desk, every drawer of
which was full of rarities; Buckingham, at the same time,
receiving a “noble present” from the Condessa Olivares. That
night the old town was illuminated both with torches and
fireworks, which were kept up for eight days.
Such was the commencement of Charles’s residence in Spain.
It was decreed that he should be attended only by nobles, and
served and addressed as a King; The Condé de Gondomar and
the Condé de Plueba were to act as Majordomos; the Condé de
Monterey, brother-in-law of Olivares, was to be his chief
Majordomo. The most delicate attention of all was, however, the
King’s giving two gilt keys to the Prince, requesting him to
present one of them to those of his attendants whom he most
preferred, in order that the whole of the palace might be open to
him or his retinue. The keys were, of course, given to
Buckingham and Bristol.
Whilst such delicate hospitality was being manifested in Spain,
James, at home, was collecting all the jewels he could with any
propriety send, and some which he had no right to give away, to
add to the grandeur of Babie and Steenie. His letter, on this
occasion, is most characteristic of his infatuation for the Spanish
match, and of his easy conscience on matters connected with
religion.[446]
He writes thus:—

“My Sweete Boyes,

“I wrytte nou this sevint (seventh) letre unto you upon the
sevinteent of March,[447] sent in my ship called the Adventure, to
my tuo boyes, adventurers, quhom God ever blesse! And now to
beguinne with Him:—A Jove principium—I have sent you, my
babie, two of youre Chaplains, fitted for this purpose, Mawe and
Wrenne, together with all ornaments and stuffe fit for the service
of God. I have fullie instructed them in all theyre behavioure,
and theyre service shall, I hoape, prove decent and agreeable to
the puritie of the Primitive Churche, and yett as near the
Romane forme as can lawfullie be done, for it hath ever been my
way to goe with the Church of Rome, usque et aras. All the
particulars hereof I remitte to the relation of youre before-
named chaplens.”

The King then mentions that he sent the robes of the Order of
the Garter. “Quhache,” he says, “you must not forgette to wear
on St. George’s Day, and dine together in thaime,” if they arrived
in time, which he hoped to God would be the case, for it would
be “a goodlie sight for the Spaniards to see my two boyes dine in
thaime.”
The King next enumerates the jewels he despatched:—

“For my babies’ presenting his mistresse, I sende an olde

double crosse of Lorraine, not so rich as anciente, yet not
contemtible for the valewe: a goodly looking-glasse, with my
picture in it, to be hung at her girdle, quhiche ye must tell her ye
have caused it so to be enchawnted by a vile magike, as,
quhensoever she shall be pleased to look into it, she shall see
the fairest ladie that ather her brother’s or youre father’s
dominions can afforde.[448] Ye shall present her also,” James
continues, “two faire long dyamonts, sett lyke an anker, and a
faire pendant dyamont hanging at thaime; a goodlie roape of
pearles,” a collar, or carcanet, of thirteen great ballas rubies, and
thirteen knots or cinques of pearls; together with a “head-
dressing, and two-and-twentie great pear pearls;” also, three
pear-shaped diamonds, the largest of which was to be worn “at
a needle,” in the middle of her forehead, and one in each ear.
His “babie,” the King decreed, was to have his own round
brooch of diamonds, and he sent also a famous jewel called the
“Three Brethren,” consisting of a great pointed diamond, with
three great pearls attached to it, and a large pendent pearl; also,
the “Mirror of France,” “the fellowe of the Portugal Dyamont,”
which, says the King, “I would wishe you to weare alone in your
hatte, with a little blakke feather. Ye have also,” he adds, “goode
dyamont buttons, of your own, to be sett to a doublett or jerkin.
As for your Ｔ, it maye serve for a present to a Don.”[449]

Steenie was furnished with a fair table diamond, which the

King wanted to have given him before, but Buckingham had
refused it; to this a “faire pewre pearl” was now suspended, “for
wearing,” said the thoughtful monarch, more occupied with
these details than with the good of England, “in thy hatte, or
quhaire thow plessis; and if my babie will spaire thee the two
long dyamonts in form of an anker, with the pendant dyamont, it
were fitt for an admirall to weare, and he hath enough better
jewels for his mistresse.”
Then follows a trait of the gentle Marchioness, quite in keeping
with the whole of her character:
“Thow hes of thyne owne thy goode olde jewell, thy three
pindars dyamonts, the picture-cace I gave Kate, and the greate
dyamont chaine I gave her, quho wolde have sent thee the best
paire she hadde, if I hadde not stayed her.”
Divers other jewels were to be sent with the fleet for presents,
“for saving of chairges quhair have too much nede.” These were
to be presents to Spanish grandees.
The King then concludes:—

“Thus ye see how, as long as I want the sweete comfort of my

boyes’ conversation, I ame forced, yea, and delytes, to converse
with thaime by long letres. God bless you both, my sweete
boyes; and sende you, after a successful journey, a joyful and
happie returne in the armes of your dear dad,
“James R.
“Dated from Newmarket, on Saint Patrick’s Day, quho of olde
was too well patronized in the cuntrey ye are in.”

A few kind and amiable expressions from the Marchioness of

Buckingham to her husband reached him too at this time.[450] “I
thanke you for sending me so good nuse of our younge mistres.
I am very glad she is so delicat a creaturr, and of so sweett a
disposicion. Indeed, my Lady Bristol sent me word she was a
very fine lady, and as good as fine. I am very glad of it, and that
the Prince liks her so well, for the King ses (says) he is
wonderfully taken with her. It is a wonderfull good hairing, for it
were great pettye but the Prince should have on (one) he can
love; because I thinke he’ll make a very honest husband, which
is the greatest comfort in this world, to have man and wife love
truly. I tould the King of the private message the Infanta sent to
the Prince, to wear a great rouffe (ruff). He laft heartely, and
seed (said) it was a very good sign.”
The Prince and Buckingham adopted a practice of writing joint
letters; for which Charles, in the next dispatch, apologized. “I
hope in writing jointly as we doe,” the Prince wrote, “we plase
you best, for I assure your Majesty it is not for saving
paines.”[451] To which James answers:—“I wonder quhy ye
shoulde aske me the question if ye should send me any more
jointe letters or not. Alace! sweet hairts, it is all my comforte in
your absence that ye wrytte jointe unto me, besides the great
ease it is both to me, and ye neede not doubte but I will be
wairie enough in not acquainting my counsel with any secrete in
your letres. But I have been troubled with Hamilton,[452] quho,
being presente by chawnce at my ressaving both of your firste
and seconde paquette out of Madrid, wold needs peere over my
shoulder quhen I was reading them, ofring ever to help me to
reade any harde words, and, in good faith, he is in this
busynesse, as in all things else, as variable and uncertaine as the
Moone.”
A hint from Charles showed that he both feared his father’s
indiscretion, and also apprehended opposition from the Council.
“I beseech your Majesty,” he now wrote, “advyse as little with
your counsel in these busineses as you can.”
James, indeed, had the unthankful task of extorting, from
unwilling hands at home, money for those abroad.[453]
“But, in earniste, my babie,” he afterwards wrote, “ye must be
as spairing as ye can in your spending thaires, for youres.”
 Amongst the jewels transmitted to Spain was a collar of gold,
weighing thirteen great ballaces, and thirteen pieces of gold,
with thirteen links of pearl between them. This valuable was, in
1606, annexed to the crown of England, or, as it was stated in
the deed, “to the kingdoms of this realm.” It is evident that
James had incurred some censure for sending what was not his
own property away, for he seems to have exercised greater
caution afterwards. The demands from Spain were, indeed,
insatiable. Charles modestly wrote to his father thus:—[454]

“Sir,—I confess that ye have sent more jewels than at my

departure I thought to have had use of; but, since my coming,
seeing manie jewels worne heere, and that my braverie can
consist of nothing else besydes;—that sume of them which ye
have appointed me to give the Infanta, in Steenie’s oppinion and
myne, ar nott fitt to be given to her; therefore I have taken this
bouldness to intreate your Majesty to send more for my owen
wearing and for giving to my mistress; in which I thinke your
Majestie shall not doe amiss to take Carlile’s[455] advyce.”

This letter was in the Prince’s hand-writing.

Buckingham’s less humble spirit was shown in the following
postscript, which was in his own hand, and forms a singular
contrast with the respectful tone of that of the Prince on the
same topic:—
“I, doge; ye sayes you have manie jewels neyther fit for your
one (own), your sone’s, nor your daughter’s[456] wearing; but
verie fitt to bestow of those here, who must necessarilie have
presents, and this way will be least chargeable to your Majestie
in my poore opinione.”[457]
Three days after, the Duke wrote again in a still more insolent
tone; and gave His Majesty his “poore and sausie opinion of
what would be fittest to send.”
Hitherto, the Marquis said, the King had been so sparing, that
when he thought to have sent the Prince sufficient for his own
use, and for presents to the Infanta, and to lend to himself, he,
on the contrary, had been forced to lend jewels to the Prince.[458]
“You neede not aske,” Buckingham continued, “who made me
able to do it. Sir, he hath neither chaine nor hat-band, and I
beseech you consider how rich they are in jewells here. Then
what a poore equipage he came in, how he hath no other
meanes to appear as a King’s sonne, how they are usefullest at
such a tyme as this, when they may doe yourselfe, your sonne,
and the nation’s honor: and lastlie, how it will neyther caust nor
hasard you anie thinge. These resons, I hope, since you have
ventured allreadie your chiefest jewel, your sonne, will serve to
persuade you to let louse theese more after him: first, your best
hat-band; the Portingall diamond; the rest of the pendant
diamonds to make up a necklace to give his mistress; and the
best roape of pearls, with a rich chaine or tow, for himselfe to
waire, or else your doge must want a collar,[459] which is the
readie way to put him into it. There are manie other jewells
which are of no mean qualitie, as they deserve not that name,
but will save much in your purs, and serve very well for presents.
They had never so good and great an occasion to take the aire
out of their boxes as at this time. God knowes when they shall
have such another, and they had need sometimes to get near
the sonne, to continue them in there perfection.
“Madrid, 25th of Aprill, 1623.”
In a postscript, Buckingham announced that he had sent the
King four asses, five camels, and one elephant, “which,” he adds,
“is worth your seeing, and a Barbarie horse from Walter Aston.”
The animals Buckingham sent he had “imprudentlie begged for:”
and he promised “to lay waitte for all the rare color birds” that
could be heard of. “But if you doe not send your Babie jewells
eneugh,” thus his letter concludes, “ile stope all other presents;
therefore, looke to it.”
The King, taking this impertinence as a joke, thanked his
“sweet Steenie gossip” for his “kind, drolling letter,” and
suggested that should Babie not think it fit to present all the
jewels to the Infanta, they should be brought home again; and
ventured to propose also that with regard to a present to the
Condé Olivares, horses, dogs and hawks, and such like stuff sent
out of England, “by the sweete boyes, would be a far more
acceptable present than a jewel.” He began, perhaps, to feel
some remorse at his lavish folly. Prince Henry’s sword—which
another father would have valued, independently of the costly
diamonds with which the handle was set—had been given to the
King of Spain. It was considered next in value to the Prince’s
crown, and bestowed on Prince Henry by his royal mother at his
creation as Prince of Wales; and had been sent in a masque, in
the fanciful fashion of the day, as from Tethys to one of the
Meliades.[460] All these jewels were, however, honourably
returned during the year the Spanish match was broken off.[461]
After the important matter of the jewels had been discussed,
Charles received from his father a few lines, protesting, on the
word of a King, that whatsoever his son should promise in his
name should be punctually performed. Charles had asked for
something explicit under His Majesty’s own hand,[462] to show
that he had full powers; the request was presumptuous, but
Charles, who wrote it, and Buckingham, who advised it, knew to
whom they applied. “It were a strange trust,” the King answered,
“that I wold refuse to putte upon my owne son, and upon my
best servante.”
This servant he was now resolved to honour above all other
great ones of the land, by creating him a Duke. Buckingham had
probably been desirous of obtaining this honour ever since his
being created Marquis, and had been employing every means of
compassing his ends, by the aid of his dependents and partisans
at home. Through the exertions of Secretary Conway, he had
been addressed as “your Excellency.” Since that distinction is
only applied to ambassadors, it is possible that Bristol may have
considered it an infringement on his province to give it to
Buckingham.
It was, however, one of Buckingham’s most cherished objects
of ambition to assert a pre-eminence over Bristol at the Court of
Spain.
 There was, at this time, no English dukedom; that of York
having merged into the title of Prince of Wales. The Duke of
Lennox, the King’s near relation, was the only Scottish nobleman
who bore the title; and he had, for forty years, held this
distinction. In order to avoid placing the new duke above this
nobleman, Lennox was created Earl of Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
and Duke of Richmond, on the seventeenth of May, and
Buckingham was raised to the dukedom on the eighteenth. It
was at the same time in contemplation to create two more
Dukes; the Marquis of Hamilton was to be Duke of Cambridge;
the Earl of Arundel, Duke of Norfolk, that nobleman refusing
anything less than the restitution of that title. These creations
did not take place, partly owing to the pride of the Duchess of
Lennox, who wished to stand alone, and partly to that of
Buckingham, whose letter to the King, on this occasion, shows
his great ambition, and proves his audacity and influence.
It had been at first proposed to make him Duke of
Buckingham and Clarence, thus reviving in his person a title used
hitherto only by the Princes of the blood.

“Dear Dad and Gossope,[463]

“It cannot but have bine an infinite trouble to have written so
longe a letter, and so sone, especiallie at this painfull time of
your armes; yet wish I not a word omitted, though the reading
forsed blouses (blushes), deserving them no better; neyther is it
fitt I should dissemble with my master, wherefore I confess I am
not a gott (jot) sorie for the paines you have taken. This might
argue I love myselfe better than my master: but my
disobedience in all my future actions shall witnes the contrarie;
and I can trulie say it is not in the power of your large bountiful
hand and hart, ever hereafter, eyther to increase my dutie and
love to you, or to overvalue myselfe as you doe by thinking it fitt
I should be set so farre above my fellows. There is this
difference betwixt that noble hand and hart: one may surfitt by
the one, but not by the other, and soner by yours than his one
(own). Therefore give me leave to stope with mine that hand
which hath bine but too redie to execute the motions and
affections of that kind obliging hart to me. As for that argument,
that this can be no leading case to others, give me leave to say
it’s trew onele in one (but that’s a greate and the maine) poynt,
for I grant that I am more than confident you will never love
moree of your servants (I will pausie here) better than Steenie.
“Thus it will be no leadeing, but you can not denie but it may
be a president of emulation hereafter to those that shall succeed
you, to expres as much love as you have done to me, and I am
sure they may easelie find better subjects. So, if it be unfit in
respect of the number (of Dukes that may be created), this way
it will be increased; but I mayntaine it’s unfitt in respect there is
not here (in Spain), as in other places, a distinction between
Duckes’ and Kings’ children, and before I make a gape or a stepe
to that paritie between them, I’le disobey you—which is the
most I can say or doe. I have not so much unthankfulness to
denie what your Majesty sayeth, that my former excus of the
disproportion of my estate is taken away, for you have filled a
consuming purse, given me faire howses, more land than I am
worthie, and to maintain both me and them, filled my coffers as
full with patents of honer that my shoulders cannot bare more.
This, I say, is a still great argument for me to refuse; but have
not bine contented to rest here, when I thought you had done
more than enough, and as much as you could; but hath found
out a way which, to my heart’s satisfaction, is far above all, for
with this letter you have furnished and enriched my cabinett with
so precious a witnes of your valuation of me, as in future tymes
it cannot be sayde that I rise, as most courtiers doe, through
importunitie, for which caracter of me, and incomparable favor
from, I will sine (sign) with as contented, nay, as proud a hart,
from your poare Steenie, as Duke of Buckingham.”

Meantime, festivities were carried on in Spain which rivalled

the most brilliant spectacles witnessed in that age of pageantry,
during which chivalric manners and chivalric sports were for the
last time seen in England, since they were never revived after
the Rebellion.
On Easter Sunday a masque was performed in honour of the
strangers. The Queen, clad in white, in remembrance of the
Resurrection, and decked in jewels, dined in public, first having
duly observed the solemn religious services of the festival.
Prince Charles also dined in public; the gentlemen-tasters, it is
especially noted, attended, and the Earl of Bristol gave them the
towel.
After vespers, the Court assembled, and the palace was
thronged with strangers from the various provinces, all eager to
see the “wooer.” Charles was then in the full vigour of his youth;
he is depicted by Velasquez, at or about this period, as
possessing that bloom which care so early destroys; his face was
ever rather interesting and picturesque than handsome; but it
may easily be imagined how, set off by the charm of manner, the
graces of his person may have been exaggerated by those who
now welcomed him as a suitor to the young princess. He had, on
this occasion, adopted, for the first time, the Spanish national
costume, and was in a black dress, “richly garded,” after the
Spanish fashion, with the George about his neck, hanging by a
watchet ribbon. “The enamelled garter,” so states the Spanish
chroniclers, “exceeded that colour” (the watchet) “in brightness,
and his Majesty might as clearly be discerned as a sun amid the
stars. This being not the meanest action and demonstration of
his prudence, that being a travelling guest, who came by the
post, not being able to shine with equal lustre, he came to
participate of the Spanish sun.”[464]
From this observation it appears that the jewels promised by
James had not then arrived. The Prince must, therefore, have
acted as a contrast, though not a foil, to King Philip, who was
resplendent in a dress of ash colour, with an immense Golden
Fleece, and a huge chain, baudrick-wise, around his neck,
“robbing,” as the annalist declared, in his girdle, and other
jewels, the “glory of Phœbus’ beams;” in his hat he displayed a
large waving plume. Then came Buckingham, whom the
chroniclers of the day style the Admiral, and Olivares, and they
repaired to the Queen’s apartments, where the Infanta, with her
Majesty, came out to receive them. At the interview which then
took place, Sir Walter Aston acted as interpreter; in that capacity
he wished the Queen a happy Easter; the young and blushing
Infanta, standing by, received these compliments, which were
presumed to come direct from Charles, with a modesty and
gravity far beyond her years. Then their Majesties went to the
window of the south gallery to see the trial of arms in the Court
of the Palace.
The whole beauty, rank, and splendour of Spain were
assembled in this gallery, but none were more remarkable for
grace, and for the knowledge of the Court, than the Condessa
Olivares—whose name was afterwards coupled with
Buckingham’s in scandalous terms. She is expressively said to
have given “a life to all actions of greatness and courtship.” She
was only exceeded in address by her husband, between whom
and Buckingham a coolness soon afterwards commenced. A trial
of arms, the champions and their attendants being masked, then
took place, beginning from the house occupied by Buckingham,
near the Royal Hospital of Misericordia, and extending to the
palace, upon which were set the cartels of challenge, to which
the Marquis de Alcanizas, on the part of the Spaniards, and
Buckingham, on that of the English, were respondents.
Buckinghams’s “livery,” on this occasion, was very costly. It
consisted of hoods of orange, tawny, and silver cloth, set with
flowers and Romaine devices of black cloth, edged with silver in
circles, with turbans in Moorish fashion, and white plumes. Two
courses were run in the palace-court, the chief masker being the
flattered favourite of King James. Amid the gallant throng, four
maskers, in Turkish costume, attracted especial notice. One of
them was discovered, by the brightness of his hair, and his
stateliness in running at the ring, to be the King, who thus
testified the honour he wished to pay to Buckingham by joining
in the same sport.[465]
 The Bull-fight, or Panaderia, followed the trial of arms, and
took place during Pentecost. This cruel diversion had been
repeatedly prohibited by Papal bulls, but to no purpose. So
common was it to have several men killed during a bull-fight,
that priests were always on the spot, ready to confess the dying;
and according to Howell, who was present on this occasion, it
was not unusual to see a man dangling on each horn of the bull,
with his entrails hanging from him.[466]
The bull-fight at which Charles and Buckingham were present,
was held on the first of June; and scarcely had the day dawned,
when a concourse of nobility rushed to the Panaderia or
Bullangerie, as it is called in the old chronicle; where, in the
centre of a space encircled by twelve arches of unpolished stone,
a gilded scaffolding was erected, the lower part of which was
covered with cloth of gold and silver, mingled with crimson. On
either side were smaller scaffoldings, divided from the principal
one by partitions of crimson cloth, spotted with gold. This
erection had only been once used, when the Duc de Maine had
visited Madrid for the espousals, by proxy, with Anne of Austria.
On the left hand there was a portal by which persons seated on
the scaffolding might go in and out of the scaffolding; and on
the summit of all were two canopies of Florence cloth, of
carnation-colour, interspersed with gold rays, with chairs of cloth
of gold and silver underneath them, and hung with rich tapestry.
On these various stages stood the nobility of Spain and the
Council; whilst, beneath the canopy, their Majesties were seated,
the Pope’s Nuncio standing on the right hand, and the several
ambassadors on the left. The Corregidores of Madrid, with their
eight servants and four lacqueys, in “glorious liveries” of plain
black velvet, with embroidered skirts, cloaks of black cloth, and
doublets of black lace, and feathers of a colour “which all the
place admired and wondered at,” received the Council,—“that
high senate,” so writes the chronicler, entering with a wonderful
majesty, and so taking their places.
All the ladies of the Court, the nobility and Council and
Corregidores, being placed according to degree, the Queen and
the Infanta made their appearance, driving to the Panaderia in
their coaches. These two Princesses were dressed in dark grey,
embroidered with lentils of gold, and wore plumes and jewels in
their hair. The Queen’s carroche, as it was called in the old
language of the day, was followed by numerous other coaches,
in which sat the flower of the Court, all ladies of the highest
rank, who, how sombre soever the fashion of their dresses,
displayed in their equipages the gayest colours, according well
with the rich hues which nature, at that season, produced. This
procession was escorted by the Alcaldes on horseback, whose
troop was augmented by a number of English and Spanish
knights, officers, and grandees. As the Queen and Infanta
alighted, they were conducted by the captain of the guard, clad
“in a brave livery of dark yellow,” and wearing a plume, to their
seats.
Amid the escort who did honour to the Queen that day,
appeared most conspicuously the then gay and sanguine Charles
the First, in the brief may-day of his life. He rode on a parti-
coloured horse, curbed with no bit, which seemed, beneath its
royal burden, to have laid aside its high spirit, and to submit to
the skilful management of the young equestrian. The Prince, it is
specified, looked “relucent in black and white plumes;” he
accompanied the King, mounted on a dapple grey, also without
the bit. Philip wore the dark-coloured suit of his country. Then
came Buckingham, with the Condé Olivares, the Master of the
Horse, preceding the band of English gentry, and riding with the
Council of State and Chamber of Spain.
Having taken their appointed seats, Charles and his
countrymen beheld, first, fifty lacqueys in high-Dutch costume of
cloth of silver, with caps of wrought silver, follow the Duke de
Cea, into the enclosure. Behind the Duke rode the combatants,
distinguished by great tawny plumes, and hose of tawny cloth,
laced with silver. They were scrupulously alike. Scarcely had this
gallant Spanish noble paid his homage to the royal personages
present than the Duke de Maqueda, looking, says the
enthusiastic chronicler, “like one of the Roman Cæsars,” and
followed by many noblemen, attended by a hundred lacqueys in
dark-coloured serge, banded with lace, and relieved with silver
belts and white garters, rode gallantly into the palace.
Next appeared the Condé de Villamor, with his fifty lacqueys in
white printed satin, with doublets of azure, silk, and gold, set out
with tufts of gold and silver lace, with white plumes on their
hats; and amid this gorgeous throng, on a chestnut horse, rode
the Condé, his horse’s main and tail being drawn out with silver
twist, “surpassing even the horses of Phœbus’ chariot.” Such was
the waving of feathers, that it was, says the beholder, like “a
moving garden, or an army of Indians.”
And now came the two combatants—Gaviria and Bonifaz; or,
as they were called, Kill-bulls. They, too, had their lacqueys—
Bonifaz in white plumes, whilst those of Gaviria were
distinguished by dark green suits. Lastly, appeared the Cavalier
de la Morzilla, who came to “try his fortune with lance and
target.”
Although by right the office of Marshal, on this occasion,
belonged to the Condé Olivares, it was surrendered to
Buckingham, Charles giving precedence to his favourite; so that
it was the proud office of the once lowly Villiers to appear chief
in the court of Spain, as he had often done in that of England.
He stood, therefore, behind the Infanta, Don Carlos, and by the
side of Olivares, who acted not only as an adviser, but also as
interpreter—the Duke, it seems, having never acquired Spanish.
The part thus allotted to Olivares, though a subordinate one,
was performed with due punctilio and courtesy; and as one
sensible of the honour which James had done him in the “letters,
full of wisdom and gravity,” with which he had honoured him.
Then the lacqueys drew back, and looking in their blue and
red colours like a harvest in June blown about by the breeze, left
their lords to the perilous encounter. The bull-fight witnessed by
Charles and Buckingham differed little from that still unhappily
the chief delight of the Spaniards in our own times, except that,
to pay the more refined tribute to the Prince and his favourite,
the combatants were of high rank. As the Condé de Villamor, to
whom the first encounter was allotted, rode to the assault, his
retainers showered darts on the bull; whose hide resembled,
according to the flowery narrative of Mendoza, a quiver, or
recalled “the thorny hedges of Helvetia;” but the bystanders,
seeing the poor animal’s agonies, took out the arrows with great
velocity, although, in so doing, they were in imminent danger of
their lives. De Magueda signalised himself by many brave
attempts; but it was the glory of a combatant named Cantillana
that he killed a bull. Bonifaz and Gaviria made such desperate
attacks on the poor animals, that their assaults could not be
counted; but the greatest praise was due to De Velada; who
overthrew two or three hulls by “dint of sword and gore of
lance,” but having wounded one of these infuriated creatures
between the eyes, ran so great a risk that the King; would not
suffer him to enter a second time into the lists. Numerous,
indeed, were the feats that might incite to poetry, or to song,
had not the conflict been of so cruel and so debasing a nature;
so that the valour which was so largely displayed might even be
said to verge upon brutality. Mendoza enumerates them with a
savage enthusiasm. Amid the most successful of the bull-killers
appeared the famous Montezuma, who did credit to his royal
blood and established bravery by putting a bull to flight, the
animal having unaccountably showed signs of fear; he was
pursued by Montezuma, and, struck by a cleaving blow of the
sword, was left for dead. As the fight drew near its close,
Antonio Gamio, the Duke de Cea’s second, made one of the
bravest assaults of the day upon a furious bull, upon which he
rushed, leaving half of his lance within him, whilst cries of
delight and shouts of exultation rang through the air, and the
bull fell down dead by the side of the fearless combatant; the
horse stood perfectly still, showing to what a degree of
perfection management had brought the courser; so intrepid
when urged onward, so docile when occasion required.
The bull-fight being ended, the Queen and Infanta returned,
beneath a shower of rain, which surprised them in that season,
to the palace, where they sought repose after the exciting
scenes, in which even the young and gentle Infanta took a
delight apparently inconsistent with her character. Nothing,
indeed, can exceed the raptures of Andres de Mendoza, from
whose animated pages this narrative is drawn. “Since the report
is Festival,” he says, referring to his own exaggerated
descriptions, “it is but like to that which was to be seen with the
eye. You would have said as much if you had but seen them
fight with those furious beasts, showing themselves the more
valiant, in that they were undaunted and resolved Spaniards.”[467]
END OF VOL I.

R. BORN, PRINTER, GLOUCESTER STREET, REGENT’S PARK.

 ERRATA.

VOL. I.
Page 12, lines 5 and 16—for Brokesby read Brookesby.
” 13, ” 1—for Brokesby, read Brookesby.
” 43, ” 21—for Lord de Ross, read Lord de Roos.
” 87, —note.—for Endysmoir Porter, read Endymion Porter.
” 92, line 6—for Abbo, read Abbot.
” 97, delete first line.
” 108, line 6—for favours read favour.
” 155, ” 17—for King James’s room; though, read King
James’s room, where.
” 163, ” 13—for pours out of contention, read comes out
of contention.
” 172, ” 18—for a young lady of the seven, read a young
lady of the seventeenth century.
” 186, ” 27—for of his succession, read of his successor.
 Footnotes

1. Calendar, edited by Mr. Bruce, for 1628, 1629, p. 270.

2. Brodie’s Constitutional History, vol. i., p. 337.

3. Sully’s Memoirs, vol. i., p. 309.

4. History of the Rebellion.

5. Bishop Hacket’s Life of the Lord Keeper Williams, p. 39.

6. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ. Life of Geo. Villiers, Duke of Buckingham,

p. 208.

7. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ.

8. Quoted in Nichols’s History of Leicestershire, vol. iii., p. 189.

9. Nichol’s History of Leicestershire.

10. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ, p. 208.

11. Fuller’s Worthies of Leicestershire.

12. Sanderson’s Lives of Mary, Queen of Scots, and her Son, p.

467.

13. An officer appointed to serve up a feast.

14. It is situated nine miles from Leicester, and six from Melton
Mowbray.

15. Nichols’s History of Leicestershire, vol. iii., p. 189.

 16. In 1591. Nichols’s History of Leicestershire.

17. Collins’s Peerage. Edited by Sir Egerton Brydges. Art., Jersey.

18. Roger Coke’s Detection of the Court of James I., vol. i., p. 81.
See, also, note in the Secret History of the Court of King James I.,
vol. i., p. 444, edited by Sir Walter Scott.

19. Sir Anthony Weldon, speaking of the Duke of Buckingham,

observes, that his “father was of an ancient family, his mother of a
mean, and a waiting gentlewoman, with whom the old man (Sir
George Villiers) fell in love.” Secret History, vol. i., p. 442, edited by
Sir Walter Scott.

20. Secret History, vol. i., edited by Sir Walter Scott.

21. Nichols’s Progresses of James I., vol. iv., p. 688.

22. Fuller styles him the second son of his mother, and the fourth
of his father.—Fuller’s Worthies of Leicestershire.

23. Nichols’s Hist. of Leicestershire, p. 189.

24. This title, the 109th baronetcy, ceased in 1711, when the elder
branch of the Villiers family became extinct by the death of the third
Baronet, Sir William, without issue.

25. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ.

26. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ.

27. Disparity between Robert Davereux, Earl of Essex, and the

Duke of Buckingham, by Lord Clarendon.

28. Ibid.

29. Coke’s Detection, p. 81.

 30. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ.

31. Fuller’s Worthies of Leicestershire.

32. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ, 171.

33. Henry IV. was stabbed by Ravaillac on the 14th of May, 1610.

34. The women, in some instances, refused to take food, by way

of shewing their grief for the murder of Henry, and even the men
gave way to despondency. “Plusieurs des meilleurs citoyens de la
ville,” says Lacretelle; “se sont sentis frappés du coup de la mort, en
apprenant cette nouvelle; d’autres, qui expirent plus lentement, se
plaignent de survivre trop long temps a ce bon roi.”—Lacretelle
“Histoire de France,” pendant les Guerres de Religion, tome iv., p.
385.

35. “Howell’s Familiar Letters,” p. 39.

36. It is as well to remind the reader that before the year 1752,
the civil or legal year began on the 25th of March (Lady Day), while
the historical year began on the 1st of January, for civilians called
each day within that period one year earlier than historians. The
alteration in the calendar took place by Act of Parliament, on the 2nd
day of September, 1752, when it was enacted that the day following
should be the 14th instead of the 3rd of September.—“Nicolas’s
Notitia Historica.”

37. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ, p. 209.

38. Sir Henry Wotton.—“Reliquiæ Wottonianæ,” p. 208.

39. Quotation from Birch’s work on the Colonies. See Brydges’

Peers of England in the Time of James I., p. 171.

40. Clarendon’s History of England, vol. i., p. 55.

 41. Nichols’s Progresses of James I., vol. iii., page 19, note.

42. Court of James I., by Dr. Godfrey Goodman, edited by the Rev.
T. S. Brewer, vol. i., p. 16.

43. Carte’s History of England, vol. ii., p. 42.

44. Bishop Goodman, 1, p. 18.

45. Carte, vol. ii., p. 43.

46. Life of Sir Symonds D’Ewes, edited by Halliwell, vol. i., p. 86.

47. Life of Sir Symonds D’Ewes.

48. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ, p. 210; and Nichols’s Progresses

Sir Thomas Lake is said to have ushered of James I., vol. iii, p. 19.

49. Kennet’s History of England, p. 706.

50. Fuller’s Worthies of Leicestershire.

51. Fuller’s Worthies of Hants. There is a curious account of the

mysterious affair of the Lakes, in Bishop Goodman’s Court and Times
of King James, vol. i., pp. 193-197; also some letters of Lady Lake’s,
in the second volume of that work. The State Paper Office contains
more upon the same subject, as yet, inedited.

52. Grainger’s Biography.

53. He addresses her in one of these in the following terms:—

“Lucy, you brightness of our sphere, who are

Life of the Muses’ day, their Morning Star;
If works [not authors] their own grace should look,
Whose poems would not wish to be your books?”

54. Lodge’s Historical Portraits, Art. Lucy Harrington.

 55. Clarendon, vol. i., p. 85; also, Lodge’s Portraits.

56. Clarendon, vol. i., p. 85; also, Lodge’s Portraits.

57. Peck’s Desiderata Curiosa, xiv., p. 541; Grainger’s Biographical

History of England, Art. Pembroke.

58. The death of this nobleman was remarkable. It had been

foretold by his tutor and Lady Davis that he should not outlive his
fiftieth birthday. The fatal day arrived; it found his Lordship very
“pleasant and healthful,” and he supped that evening at the
Countess of Bedford’s; he was then heard to remark that he should
never trust a lady prophetess again. He went to bed in the same
good spirits; but was carried off by a fit of apoplexy in the night.
Before his interment it was resolved to embalm his body; when one
of the surgeons plunged his knife into it, the Earl is said by a
tradition in the family to have lifted up one of his hands. The Lady
Davis, who had foretold the death of this nobleman, was imprisoned
for some time. The Earl died in 1630.

59. Inedited letter in the State Paper Office, from Mr. Chamberlain
to Sir Dudley Carlton, September 22nd, 1619.

60. Letter from Mr. Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carlton, November,

1614, given in Nichols’s Progresses of James I., vol. iii., p. 26.

61. Reliquiæ Wottonianæ, p. 210.

62. Fuller’s Worthies of Leicestershire.

63. 1613. To the sagacity of the Earl of Suffolk, and not to that of
James I., was the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot ascribed. See
Winwood’s Memorials, vol. ii., p. 186.

64. Winwood’s Memorials, vol. ii., p. 48.

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