13

2
WHEN THE EMPEROR IS A WOMAN:
THE CASE OF WU ZETIAN 武則天 (624–​705), THE “EMULATOR OF HEAVEN”

ELISABETTA COLLA

男不言內女不言外 chapter delineates how Wu Zetian faced the problem of legit-

Men do not speak of internal matters; imacy. She was aware of being a woman claiming the power
women do not speak of external affairs1 destined, by Chinese tradition, to men, and her greatest
innovation was to look to the ancient Chinese past as a model,
Introduction as well as her use of religion, magic, and symbolism to legit-
imize her swift rise to the dragon throne, where she remained
This chapter analyzes the specific case of the most con- for almost fifty years.5
troversial sovereign ruler in Chinese imperial history: Wu Women Shall Not Rule is the provocative title of Keith
Zetian, and her founding of the Zhou2 dynasty (690–​705). Wu McMahon’s book, reminding the reader how difficult it was
Zetian’s reign (690–​705)3 occurred during the Tang dynasty for any woman to aim to ascend the throne in imperial China.
(618–​906) and was regarded as a milestone in the history of The Chinese traditional bureaucratic structure was not
Chinese dynastic changes and legitimacy processes, for she conceived for women, and they could not participate directly
was a woman and the sole female emperor (Huangdi 皇帝)4 in in the political, economic, and social leadership of the empire.
Chinese history. After a short biographical introduction, this

1 From the Book of Rites (Liji 禮記); see neize 內則 (Principle of Inner
within a walled compound, constituted by different buildings or halls
Realm), in Ruan, Shisanjing zhushu, 1462, and translated by Legge,
within the imperial capital. Between the Ming (1368–​1644) and Qing
Li Chi: Book of Rites, 454–​70; see also McMahon, Women Shall Not
(1644–​1912) dynasties, it was also known as the “Forbidden City”
Rule, 35.
(jincheng 禁城). Besides the emperor and his immediate family, such
2 Zhou 舟 was the name of her father’s fief and was a homophone as the heir apparent (taizi 太子), the empress (Huanghou 皇后) and
of Zhou 周, the name of the dynasty considered the “Golden Age” of the various consorts (fei 妃) were admitted to the palace, together
Chinese history by Confucian sources. Wu Zetian not only took the with personal attendants (among which were the eunuchs). Hucker,
name of this emblematic dynasty, but reshaped the bureaucracy A Dictionary of Official Titles, 3. For a more specific description of the
according to the nomenclature from the Zhouli 周禮 (Rites of Zhou), female actors and their connection to central power between the sev-
reintroduced the Zhou calendar and followed the Zhou ceremonials. enth and ninth centuries, see Silvia Ebner von Eschenbach, in Kralle
See Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 10. and Schilling, Schreiben über Frauen in China, 253–​84. At the end of
3 As can actually be read below, the complete title was Zetian her essay, the author provides a highly detailed map of Chang’an, the
dasheng huanghou 則天大聖皇后, or “Zetian 則天” (“Emulator of imperial capital (today’s Xi’an in Henan province), with the distribu-
Heaven”), the posthumous name given to her in 705. Although she tion of the princesses’ residences.
changed her title many times during her reign, “Wu Zetian” is how 5 Wu Zetian was heavily criticized by traditionalists and considered
she is commonly remembered, and therefore this will be the name a usurper. As Denis Twitchett and Edwin Pulleyblank point out,
used throughout this chapter. Guisso, “Empress Wu,” 323. there were some Confucian scholars and historians who already
4 The title Huangdi was coined by the first emperor of imperial questioned her legitimacy to rule during the compilation of the
China in 221 BCE, Qin shi huangdi 秦始皇帝, who considered him- standard histories. Among these historians, Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 (661–​
self not simply a new ruler but the supreme one. Starting from this 721) was extremely critical along these lines in his “History of Tang”
date, and up to the foundation of the Republic of China in 1912, this (Tangshu 唐書). Twitchett, The Writing of Official History, 168, note
title was used to identify the emperor. Emperors generally lived 28; Pulleyblank, “The Tzyjyh Tongjiann Kaoyih.”
14

14 When the Emperor Is a Woman

This did not mean that women were not powerful, of course. somewhat different. In fact, due to her aptitude, some of the
In this sense, McMahon’s book presents many examples of sources emphasize her charisma and capability in surviving
court ladies (imperial wives and concubines, among others) at the top of the empire for half a century.10
and demonstrates how they were not mere “wantons” 6 Women were not outlawed from rule; nevertheless,
but actually played a key role in Chinese imperial politics. as Zhao Fengjie 趙鳳喈 (1896–​1969) pointed out, there
Women were powerful in China and treated political affairs was a silently observed prohibition of a woman becoming
as if they were playing chess, manipulating and influencing emperor.11 The ground to justify this attitude resulted from
heirs apparent or weak emperors, most of the time hidden multiple causes, most of which were in existence before the
behind the curtain of their seraglio. Chinese history contains foundation of the empire during the Qin dynasty (221–​206
plenty of stories about arriviste concubines, malicious emp- BCE). At least from the Zhou dynasty onwards (1054–​221
ress dowagers, and female status seekers, in general depicted BCE), patriarchy was the base of the state organization,12 and
as orchestrators of intricate plots aimed to influence the family lineage sacrifices to the ancestors13 were performed
imperial power in their favour. 7 Women’s actions were by male descendants. From the Han dynasty onwards, with
planned “from within,” never overtly acted, developing a kind the canonization of Confucius, as one can read in the Analects
of “shadow power.” Stories about women who tried to take [LY 17.25],14 a Confucian-​influenced misogynous position
over the government were mostly part of the official rhetoric was also promoted. Women symbolized calamity, such as
aimed at promoting the maintenance of a specific “natural” Yang Yuhuan 楊玉環 (719–​756), who succumbed to her tragic
order of things largely based on the Confucian ideology, fate, being considered the paradigm of the cataclysm that
which—​as it was structured—​inevitably encouraged gender gradually brought the Tang dynasty to an end.15
inequality. In the mainstream of Chinese imperial history,
both the patriarchal system and the polygamous marital
institution were considered means of reproducing the 10 Richard Guisso, although aware that Chinese historiography is full
family while maintaining the social hierarchy imposed by of negative examples of female rule, and that this will die hard, has
Confucianism. Although one cannot assume that imperial always tried in his research, at least when analyzing Wu Zetian’s rise
China was characterized by a homogeneous history,8 his- to power and rulership, to contradict this trend; see also Twitchett
toriography has tended to show coherence in the exegetical and Wechsler, “Kao-​tsung,” 246n8.

arguments. According to these arguments, as Richard Guisso 11 Zhao, Zhongguo funü zai falüshang zhi diwei, 111; see also
Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 1.
has stressed in his research, Chinese women were depicted
in official texts by Chinese authors as “inferior by nature” and 12 Loewe and Shaughnessy, The Cambridge History of Ancient
China, 557.
as the “ruination of the states.”9 The case of Wu Zetian was
13 In general terms, there was constant contact between the human
and divine spheres. Sacrifices, rituals, and divination aimed to con-
6 Chinese women were depicted in Confucius’s rhetoric as mali- trol and keep the balance between these two worlds. Ancestors, who
cious, promiscuous, lascivious, and wicked. McMahon, Women Shall were linked to a specific temple, were placed within a ritual system
Not Rule, 77. designed by the living from the late Shang dynasty onwards.
7 Extending this privilege to their clan. The interrelation within 14 The Master said, “Women and mean people are particularly hard
the network of clans linked to the imperial family (via maternal or to manage: if you are too familiar with them, they grow insolent, but
paternal lines, or thanks to marriage policies) was crucial and helps if you are too distant they grow resentful” 子曰：「唯女子與小人為
in the understanding of the equilibrium of forces at the top level of 難養也，近之則不孫，遠之則怨。」[LY 17.25]. A similarly mis-
the imperial bureaucracy. The influence of families directly affected ogynistic position can be found in the Analects for Women (Nü lunyu
the decision making. During Wu Zetian’s reign, the clans of Wu, Li, 女論語) by Song Ruozhao 宋若照 (d. ca. 820) and Song Ruoxin 宋若
and Wei were among the families constantly struggling for power. 新: “Listen carefully to and obey whatever your husband tells you.”
8 It is important to stress that, although, both during the Sui For more on the Analects for Women, see De Bary and Bloom, Sources
(589–​618) and Tang (618–​907) dynasties, the Yang and Li families of Chinese Tradition, 827–​31.
claimed to be legitimate successors of the Han imperial line, they 15 The “Song of Lasting Pain” (Changhen ge 長恨歌), written by
were actually the result of the long-​lasting interaction between the Bai Juyi 白居易 (772–​846), about the tragic love between Emperor
pastoral nomads of the steppe and the sedentary Chinese people. Wu Xuanzong 玄宗 (685–​762) and his favourite concubine. This ballad
Zetian’s mother belonged to the Yang clan. is generally interpreted by Confucian-​influenced readership as the
9 Guisso and Johannesen, Women in China, 59; see also Kelleher, paradigm of Yang Guifei’s fate. Considered to be at the origin of the
“Confucianism,” 135. An Lushan 安祿山 rebellion, she was finally forced to commit suicide.
15

Elisabetta Colla 15

The Chinese cosmological view emerged from a com- Confucian social order of things. In titling herself as emperor,
plex set of discursive relationships, among which were those Wu Zetian was challenging not just the tradition but also
based on the yin 陰–​yang 陽,16 or female and male, dichotomy. the cosmic order of things, and therefore she was not legit-
The yin–​yang relation, with its cyclical alternation, grounded imate to rule; neither could she be recognized as supreme
on correlative thinking,17 had a strong impact on individuals, leader of “everything below heaven” (tianxia 天下). In this
their environment, and the cosmos. Since ancient times, context, and to be legitimized, she had to propose an alter-
and throughout the imperial period, Chinese society was native model, which could be defined as a kind of “parallel
organized according to a strict gender hierarchy regulated universe.” In the words of N. Harry Rothschild, “Even if she
by a specific rituality, which in the case of women was based continued to honour this canonical lineage of ideal rulers,
on the “threefold following” (sancong 三從). A woman was sages, and worthies, she constructed a parallel pantheon of
generally confined to the domestic realm (nei 內) and was female divinities and paragons drawn from every ideological
dependent on man18 in the following order: first, in following persuasion—​including Buddhist devis, Confucian exemplars
her father; then, in following her husband; and, finally, in (like the mother of Mencius), and Daoist goddesses, such as
following her son.19 This order of things was perceived as the the Queen Mother of the West.”21
emanation of the cosmic order, and, according to the tianren
heyi 天人合一 formula, human beings were an integral part
Wu Zetian: “One, No One and
of nature. The emperor and the empress, who represented One Hundred Thousand”
the Sun and the Moon respectively, had to keep a perfect
balance of yang and yin within the imperial court; in this way Nobody knows who Wu Zetian really was. She was described
they were respecting the heavenly patterns on Earth. When in different ways, and even a careful and deep analysis of
this order of things was unattended to then, the emperor, all the historical sources available would not be enough to
who was considered the “Son of Heaven” (tianzi 天子), lost challenge or deconstruct the popular myth that presents
his mandate (tianming 天命)20 to rule. In this complex set of her as being a cruel woman. One, No One and One Hundred
relations, which was anthropocentric of a kind, both man and Thousand,22 the title of the famous Luigi Pirandello novel, has
woman played codified roles. been borrowed in order to stress that the image we have of
Wu Zetian not only succeeded in subverting these roles Wu Zetian is the result of multifaceted descriptions, most of
but also challenged male authority in various respects: first, which have come from mere speculation. Although the story
as a simple concubine; then, as a mother of the heir apparent, proposed by Pirandello has nothing to do with China, never-
as empress dowager and, finally, in 690, as emperor. In half theless the message conveyed by his main character is very
a century she succeeded in questioning the traditional interesting. In Pirandello’s novel, the main character is alter-
natively characterized by others as the embodiment of one,
no one and a hundred thousand different people. Similarly,
A translation of the ballad can be found in Owen, An Anthology of the way Wu Zetian was perceived could result in different
Chinese Literature, 442–​47. On Yang Guifei, see McMahon, Women
stories, changing over time: she was “one” before the eyes
Shall Not Rule, 211; and Mair, The Columbia History of Chinese
Literature, 14. of the emperor, but, at the same time, “a hundred thousand”
16 Isabel Robinet has defined yin and yang as “lines of force,
directions whose nature is to cross and mingle, to play against
and with each other, both self-​g enerating and self-​p ropelling, 21 Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 2.
disappearing and alternating”: Robinet, Taoism, 9. 22 Uno, nessuno e centomila was published in 1926 and is considered
17 See Graham, Yin–​Yang. a classic work of Italian literature. Through this masterpiece, Luigi
Pirandello aimed specifically to understand the dynamics that lie
18 Who belong to the outer realm (wai 外). On the duality neiwai
behind relationships between human beings with different person-
內外, see Watson and Ebrey, Marriage and Inequality; and Rosenlee,
alities. More specifically, Pirandello magisterially pinpointed that
Confucianism and Women.
the perception that one has of oneself is different from the image
19 This concept appears in the Liji or “Book of Rites.” Rosenlee, conveyed to the other. “One” represents the perception that one has
Confucianism and Women, 70, 92. of oneself; “no one” is the character that the protagonist of the story
20 “Revolution” in Chinese uses the characters geming 革命, which chooses to become; and, finally, “one hundred thousand” represents
literally means “dismiss the mandate.” On the Mandate of Heaven and the different perceptions that others have of us. Pirandello, Uno,
the cosmic order of things, see Puett, To Become a God, 54–​61. nessuno e centomila.
16

16 When the Emperor Is a Woman

before her court ladies and scholars, and “no one” when she Maid”]. During her life she was addressed by different names
was wiped out of some sources by Confucian historians. and titles, which she has been accumulating post mortem.
Many authors have tried to reconstruct her biography, and According to Rothschild, she “was reputedly born in Lizhou
have had trouble successfully delineating a clear border 利州”29 (Sichuan province), where she is still adored as a
between speculation and reality. As a result, she has appeared goddess.30 Her father, Wu Shiyue 武士彠 (577–​635), who
and disappeared in Chinese history, and her biography has during the Sui dynasty (581–​618) resided in Shanxi province,
been written, rewritten, censored, imagined, and adapted was a merchant31 and rapidly became an eminent figure of his
for centuries. Today most people would remember her as time when he joined the army. At the end of the Sui dynasty
proposed by the famous TV drama Wu meiniang chuanqi 武媚 he took part in the foundation of the Tang dynasty (618–​907)
娘传奇,23 in which Fan Bingbing 范冰冰 (b. 1981), the main process, which was headed by the future Tang emperor
actress, created a charming and powerful Wu Zetian, quite [Tang] Gaozu [唐]高祖 (r. 618–​626), née Li Yuan 李淵.32 The
different from the depiction proposed by S. K. Chang in 1939. improvement of Wu Shiyue’s social status was very beneficial
Other representations include the “true story” of “Madame for his family, which steadily became closer to the imperial
Wu” presented by Lin Yutang 林語堂 (1895–​1976),24 or as entourage. Wu Zetian’s mother, Lady Yang (579–​670), was
proposed by Guo Moruo 郭沫若 (1892–​1978) in a drama the daughter of Yang Da 楊達, cousin of [Sui] Yangdi [隋]煬帝
directed by Jiao Juyin 焦菊隐(1905–​1975),25 in which Wu (569–​618), also known as Emperor Ming明帝 (r. 604–​618).
Zetian appeared much more as an incarnation of Mao’s wife, Wu Zetian was the second of three daughters. She also had
Jiang Qing 江青 (1914–​1991). The historical novel on Wu two half-​brothers, who both died in exile, where they were
Zetian’s life by Su Tong 苏童 (b. 1963) was also very intri- sent by their father, Wu Shiyue. As a result, Wu Zetian grew
guing, with the author presenting a sort of Bildungsroman up in a family with powerful political connections on both the
with Chinese characteristics, having “adapted the genres of father’s and the mother’s side.
the historical novel and the family saga.”26 The well-​known Wu Zetian was a teenager when, during the 640s, she
avant-​garde novelist tried to leave the reader a description first entered the imperial palace. She joined the Taizong’s
of Wu Zetian, relying on her real story and not overempha- seraglio as a concubine of the fifth rank (cairen 才人) or
sizing her desires and ambitions.27 When one approaches Wu “Lady of Talents.” 33 Emperor [Tang] Taizong [唐]太宗 (r.
Zetian’s life, it is important to understand that she cannot be 626–​649), né Li Shimin 李世民, was considered one of the
reduced simply to a single character, but that she played “one,
no one and a hundred thousand” roles, exactly as Moscarda,
the main character of Pirandello’s novel, did.
There was, apparently, no trace of Wu Zetian’s birth find Zhao 瞾, “illumination above emptiness,” the name she chose for
name. Written records attested that she was known as Wu herself. Rothschild, Wu Zhao, 1–​10; Guisso, “Empress Wu,” 304. On
the coinage of this name, see also Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and
Zhao 武曌 28 and Wu Meiniang 武媚娘 [“Wu, the Charming
Her Pantheon, 307n41; compare with Forte, Political Propaganda and
Ideology in China, 357.
29 Other authors claim that Wu Zetian was born in Wenshui (Shanxi),
23 It is worth noting that the title of this series was changed from Wu which actually was Wu’s family ancestral homeland. Rothschild, Wu
Zetian to the Legend of Wu Zetian, and finally changed into the current Zhao, 17; Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 38. Compare also with
The Legend of Wu Meiniang, as required by the State Administration Wechsler, “The Founding,” 178.
of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television of the People’s
30 Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 39. See also
Republic of China (SAPPRFT). These variations show that Wu Zetian
Rothschild, Wu Zhao, 19. In 1954 a stele (dated to the tenth century?)
was and remains a sensitive topic in Chinese culture.
was found that proves that Wu Zetian was worshipped by locals as
24 See Lin, Wu Zetian zhuan; and Lady Wu. a deity protecting the place from any kind of [natural] disasters.
25 Performed for the first time in the famous Beijing People’s Art Guisso, “Empress Wu,” 331.
Theatre. 31 According to the four classes of traditional Chinese society,
26 Li, Contemporary Chinese Fiction by Su Tong and Yu Hua, 73. merchants were considered further down the social ladder, preceded
27 Su, Wu Zetian. by artisans, farmers, and scholars.

28 Neography was part of Wu Zetian’s process towards the legitim- 32 For the historical precondition that helped the rise of Wu Zhao,
ization and acceptance of her rulership. For instance, she decided to see Rothschild, Wu Zhao.
introduce new, very complicated characters, among which one can 33 Twitchett and Wechsler, “Kao-​tsung,” 245.
17

Elisabetta Colla 17

paradigmatic emperors of the cosmopolitan Tang Empire, “Celestial Consort.” Soon afterwards Wu Zetian gave birth to
his fame reverberating around the “four corners” (sifang 四 a daughter, who died in mysterious circumstances. Empress
方) of the world: westward, reaching the Byzantine Empire, Wang was charged with having murdered the baby prin-
but also eastward, towards Korea and Japan.34 When Emperor cess, and Wu Zetian became Gaozong’s new empress.37
Taizong died, in 649, Wu Zetian shaved her hair and became Wu Zetian became very active in state affairs as Emperor
a nun (nigu 尼姑) of the Buddhist Ganye temple (感業寺) Gaozong became increasingly sick and apathetic. Due to
in Chang’an (actual Xi’an, Henan province), where she was the fact that the emperor had been delegating much of his
supposed to spend the rest of her life.35 power to Wu Zetian, he was gradually losing control over his
[Tang] Gaozong [唐]高宗 (r. 649–​683), born Li Zhi 李治, empire. Once in power, even as empress consort, Wu Zetian little
succeeded Taizong on the throne. Before Taizong’s death by little eliminated any influence the Li clan38 had, in order to
he may have already been intimate with Wu Zetian.36 Since enhance her position.
Gaozong was an ardent supporter and in love with Wu Some thirty years before Wu Zetian proclaimed her-
Zetian, while she was still resident in the temple he paid self emperor she organized a secret secretariat. The team
visits to her as many times as he could. In 654, breaking the of scholars, known as Beimen xueshi 北門學士 (“Scholars of
fulfilment of the Confucian funerary obligations, thanks to the Northern Gate”), became extremely close to the emp-
a favourable conjuncture of facts, Wu Zetian was allowed ress.39 This private group not only compiled many works in
to come back to the imperial palace. One of the reasons she Wu Zetian’s name but also dedicated different political and
did not spend the rest of her life in the nunnery was the economic memorials to the throne.40 However, Wu Zetian’s
fact that the empress in charge, Madame Wang, who was support was not confined to scholars. In fact, she extended
very jealous of one of Gaozong’s favourite concubines, Xiao her patronage to religion, mainly Buddhism and Daoism, and
Shufei 蕭淑妃 (d. 655), hoped that she could more easily surrounded herself with magicians. The empress was quite
control Xiao Shufei’s influence if Wu Zetian came back to involved in religious ceremonials and superstition-​based
the imperial palace. Xiao Shufei actually bore the emperor performances, which were considered a way to both gain
a son and two daughters, therefore giving Gaozong a male power over her husband and, consequently, over the empire.
descendant, and, for this reason, she became the emperor’s Her rising career was characterized by auspicious omens,
favourite. In this position, Xiao Shufei could easily be which she may have had a hand in arranging. For instance,
promoted and become empress. Since Empress Wang in 688 there was the mysterious discovery of a “Precious
was not able to bear children, she persuaded Emperor Diagram” (baotu 寶圖); it was actually a sort of white stone
Gaozong to let Wu Zetian come back to the palace. Empress stele with the following inscription: “A Sagacious Mother shall
Wang’s plan did not work, and her position was completely come to rule mankind, and her empire shall bring eternal
undermined by Wu Zetian’s intrigues. In a very short time prosperity.”41 This event was naturally regarded as a positive
both Empress Wang and the concubine Xiao were deposed, token, not only announcing the arrival of a new ruler but also
while Wu Zetian was promoted to the status of chenfei 屒妃,

37 Rothschild, Wu Zhao, 34–​35; Twitchett and Wechsler, “Kao-​

tsung,” 249–​51.
34 On Emperor Taizong and his reign, see Wechsler, “T’ai-​tsung,”
188–​241. The Tang period was characterized by a remarkable mari- 38 This was just the beginning of a widespread massacre that
time expansion; China was receiving merchants, emissaries (on involved the imperial clan and was part of Wu Zetian’s plan to rise
tributary missions) and missionaries throughout maritime Asia. It to power. As Ebner von Eschenbach points out, the position of the
was an interesting period of cultural interchange, and the main cities imperial princesses resulted in the combined actions of different
of the empire became multicultural centres. Islam was introduced rival clans: the Li 李, the founding lineage of the Tang dynasty, and
into China in this period and Christian missionaries were travel- the Wu 武 and Wei 韋 families, which were bound to the imperial
ling in the country. See Twitchett, The Cambridge History of China; clan thanks to politically based marriages. See Kralle and Schilling,
Schottenhammer and Ptak. The Perception of Maritime Space; and Schreiben über Frauen in China, 253.
Zheng, China on the Sea. 39 Twitchett, The Writing of Official History, 43–​52.
35 Twitchett and Wechsler, “Kao-​tsung,” 247; Rothschild, Emperor 40 Twitchett, The Writing of Official History, 25; “ ‘Chen Gui.’ ”
Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 304. 41 Guisso, “Empress Wu,” 302; Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and
36 Twitchett and Wechsler, “Kao-​tsung,” 245. Her Pantheon, 51.
18

18 When the Emperor Is a Woman

suggesting the gender of this new sovereign. The stone was kings’ words, cemented throughout the three dynasties of Xia,
named Tianshou shengtu 天授聖圖, “Heaven-​bestowed holy Shang, and Zhou and conveyed by Confucius as blueprints
stone,”42 and the name of the river Luo (close to Luoyang), for civilization, were considered the foundation of Chinese
where the stone was discovered, was changed to Yongchang familial relationships, social structure, and political practice.
jian 永昌江, “Eternal Prosperity.”43 For Wu Zetian’s life, this However, this model was conceived for a patrilineal struc-
was the point of no return. ture, whereas Wu Zetian was a woman, and female authority
Due to Gaozong’s weak health, the ambitious and was considered aberrant by any supporter of the Confucian
devious Wu Zetian was ready to challenge44 his heir for the tradition. Throughout her more than sixty years in power48
throne. In 683 Gaozong died of an illness. Wu Zetian’s third she worked tirelessly to propose an alternative model to the
son ascended the throne, but was soon deposed by his own Confucian order of things in order to be recognized as a legit-
mother and substituted by his younger brother, who became imate ruler. To ensure her power she had to propose a parallel
known as Emperor Ruizong (r. 684–​690).45 In 690 a phoenix pantheon of sage queens and become a god(dess) herself.
appeared above the imperial palace, Emperor Ruizong Michael Puett49 has made clear all the processes that
abdicated and Wu Zetian proclaimed herself “Holy and Divine turned the emperor into a divine being. Although his survey
Emperor” (Shengshen huangdi 聖神皇帝) of the new Zhou mainly focuses on the pre-​imperial and early imperial
dynasty (690–​705).46 periods, extending his research to the Qin and Han dynasties,
the models he studies were paradigmatic in order to under-
stand the theodicy of the Chinese state in general. According
How to Become a God(dess): Wu Zetian’s Use
of Art and Omens to Legitimize Her Position to his observations, the ruler—​considered to be the “Son
of Heaven”, or something akin to a god—​played simultan-
When Wu Zetian became emperor of the “Zhou” dynasty, eously the key role of ethical preserver and harmonizer of
her strategic choice was purportedly to compare herself to the relationship between Heaven and his liegemen. These
the sage kings Wen and Wu, and to the duke of Zhou, and two ideas—​the “Mandate of Heaven” (tianming), related to
project herself into an idealized past. Although one cannot the fact that the emperor was considered the “Son of Heaven”
simplify the conception of rulership, grounding it in the (tianzi)—​represented a solidified argument for a coherent
Confucian tradition only for legitimization, these sage kings legitimacy of rulership, supported by an ideal past that could
of the “Golden Age” were all considered by Confucius to be serve as a pattern for present predicaments and a plan for the
inspiring models for future generations, and “Zhou writings … future. This system was then promoted by classicists (ru 儒)
pose[d]‌Heaven as acting with [these] king[s].”47 The sage and supported by Confucianists.
“Although women in the classical period were not down-
trodden as modern stereotypes suggest,”50 one cannot there-
42 Guisso, “Empress Wu,” 302; Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and
fore state that the bureaucratic architecture, mainly based
Her Pantheon, 51.
on Confucian teachings, was female-​friendly. As previously
43 Guisso, “Empress Wu,” 302; Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and
mentioned, women exerted their power internally, nei,
Her Pantheons, 51.
while men exerted their power externally, wai; therefore, in
44 Before her, another woman, Chen Shuozhen 陳碩真 (d. 653), who
also declared herself emperor with the name Wenjia 文佳 during the
becoming emperor, Wu Zetian was jumping from her inner
peasant uprising of 653, had tried to occupy the dragon throne, but
without success. She was quickly killed by Wu Zetian. This fact was
recorded in the Zizhi Tongjian 資治通鑑, revealing that Wu Zetian 48 This calculation was based on the fact that, when Emperor
was probably not the only woman who tried to become emperor, Gaozong died in 683, although his seventh son ascended the throne
and—​in any event—​showing how women were important during the (Wu Zetian’s third one), most of the power was delegated to the
Tang dynasty. See Gao, Tang dai funü, 123. Empress Dowager Wu. Before his death Emperor Gaozong already
45 Both Zhongzong and Ruizong returned to the throne after their relied so much on the empress that both Wu Zetian and Gaozong
mother’s death, reigning between 705–​710 and 710–​712 respectively. were considered ersheng 二聖 (“two sages”). Therefore counting
Twitchett, The Cambridge History of China. from 684 to 705 in total, she was in power for more than sixty years.
46 Guisso, “Empress Wu,” 306. The first Zhou dynasty (1045–​221 Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 51.
BCE) was considered the “Golden Age.” 49 Puett, To Become a God.
47 Puett, To Become a God, 60. 50 Nylan, The Five “Confucian” Classics, 21.
19

Elisabetta Colla 19

realm to the outer realm—​invading a space reserved for men. sent to a Buddhist monastery, where she spent some time
How could she solve the question of legitimacy when the before being brought back to the imperial palace by Gaozong.
foundations of the cosmological order, the bureaucratic struc- When she came to power she ordered the translation of the
ture and rituals were all against her? Mahāmegha Sūtra, also known as the Dayun jing 大雲經
In trying to legitimize her position, Wu Zetian, a master (Great Cloud Sūtra),57 by Dharmakṣema (385–​433?). Finally,
of masquerades, was alternately attracted by Buddhism51 among Wu Zetian’s lovers, such as the famous Xue Huaiyi 薛懷
and Daoism.52 Buddhism and Daoism were already bound to 義 (d. 694),58 there were also Buddhist monks who influenced
central power but never succeeded in completely replacing her policy making.59 Wu Zetian’s liaison with Buddhism has
the pre-​eminent Confucian conventions. During the Tang also been exhaustively studied by Guisso, and by Rothschild
dynasty, although representatives of educated elites, whether in his recent work Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon of
Daoist or Buddhist in nature, participated in the debates Devis, Divinities, and Dynastic Mothers,60 and it was during Wu
at court, most of the political legitimacy was still based on Zetian’s reign that Buddhism was no longer considered a for-
learning the Confucian classics, and writing about these eign faith and was gradually elevated to a state religion.61
texts was considered a symbolic political gesture of civil However, Wu Zetian was also very devoted to Daoism.
governance. The civil service examination, reintroduced by The study proposed by Denis Twitchett is very elucidating
the Tang emperor Gaozu, together with the reopening of the in this respect.62 Her relationship with Daoism was more
main schools in Chang’an, was, in fact, mainly based on the complicated, for Daoism was directly linked to the Li clan,
Confucian classics.53 During this time a certain competition the legitimate imperial family, and therefore this associ-
arose between Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism about ation—​and, more specifically, the claim that Laozi was the
commitment to the central power through elites.54 Their ancestor of the Li family—​presented Wu Zetian with some-
influence was mostly limited to state interests, and, when thing of a dilemma: how could she keep her devotion to
these three teachings—​or, more specifically, when Buddhism
(considered as a foreign religion/​philosophy) and Daoism
(which was an autochthonous religion/​philosophy)—​were 57 This sūtra is very important, because it contained a prophecy
thought to threaten the interests of the empire, the emperor announcing the reincarnation of Maitreya (Future Buddha) and a
activated the mechanism of inspection and censorship. Wu female deity and monarch of the world. See Guisso, “Empress Wu,”
305; Wu Tse-​t’ien, 306–​21. On the prophecy, see also the English
Zetian knew all these mechanisms very well and was aware
translation by Forte, Political Propaganda and Ideology in China. This
that it would be very hard to fight against the status quo. She sutra was identified as importantly esoteric and one of the primary
was a learned woman, for her mother, Yang, conscientiously sources for Indra worship; see Sorensen, Payne, and Orzech, Esoteric
attended to the education of her children.55 Buddhism, 270.
Antonino Forte has stressed Empress Wu’s commitment 58 He was one of the first known as Feng Xiaobao 馮小寶, from
to Buddhism very clearly.56 Wu Zetian’s mother was an ardent Shaanxi. In fact, Xue Huaiyi became a monk only after 690, when Wu
Buddhist supporter, and Wu Zetian, after Taizong’s death, was Zetian rose to power.
59 Rothschild describes him as a “gifted Buddhist propagandist
and skilled architect, who played a vital role in creating rhetoric and
symbols to support Wu Zhao’s political ascent”: Rothschild, Wu Zhao,
51 It is important to stress that Buddhism entered China during the
100. He was substituted around 695 by Shen Nanqin, who Rothschild
Eastern Han dynasty, when the religion/​philosophy was still at a very
considers a “likely fictitious Confucian physician” and “supposedly
early stage. It was not until the Tang dynasty that China developed its
Wu Zhao’s lover”; ibid., 228.
own schools and Buddhism became sinicized. See Silk, Buddhism in
China; and Kieschnick, The Impact of Buddhism, 83. 60 See part IV of Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon,
191–​226.
52 See Barrett, Taoism under the T’ang. Since the 660s both Emperor
Gaozong and Empress Wu had been surrounded by Daoist adepts. 61 Key dates are as follows. In 690 Wu Zetian promulgated an edict
After Gaozong’s death this continued under Wu Zetian’s reign, when that elevated Buddhism over Daoism. Two years later, in 692, a pro-
she was also patronizing Buddhist monasteries and clergy. hibition on the butchering animals was also promulgated. In 694 the
Court of State Ceremonial was put in charge of Buddhist rites. For
53 Wechsler, “The Founding,” 179.
more, see Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon of Devis;
54 Ibid., 180. Wu Zhao; Twitchett, The Cambridge History of China; and Guisso, Wu
55 Rothschild, Wu Zhao, 22. Tse-​t’ien.
56 Forte, Political Propaganda and Ideology in China. 62 Twitchett, “ ‘Chen Gui,’ ” 33–​109.
20

20 When the Emperor Is a Woman

Daoism and especially to Daoist practices without Laozi? The location, were part of a specific design. They belonged, in fact,
choice was made in promoting the Chengui 臣軌 (Rules for to a general message that aimed to persuade the viewer on a
Officials),63 composed by the “Scholars of the Northern Gate” specific topic: the legitimization of a female ruler. What Wu
in Wu Zetian’s name. This work was a sort of vademecum Zetian aimed for in patronizing both Buddhist and Daoist art
for ministers, with an entire section centred on the import- was not only to encourage the creation of images celebrating
ance of studying Daoism.64 This new work attributed to Wu her figure but to convince her people that she had the right to
Zetian took the place of the Daode jing 道德經 (the Classic of rule. Art was a means to overthrow a given political order. Her
the Way of Virtue) in the imperial exams in 693.65 During the visual propaganda, which occupied a large place in her reign,
Tang period there was a close relation between Daoism and was intelligible not only to limited elites but to the great
alchemy.66 majority of her people. Art—​and, more specifically, religious
Many examples demonstrate how religion was instru­mental art—​could be “read” by literate and illiterate people alike,
to Wu Zetian’s power before and after becoming emperor of and Wu Zetian was aware of that. Images and sculptures
China. One such instance took place while Gaozong was still were not just an opportunity to celebrate herself in a heroic
alive, when Wu Zetian decided to send her only daughter, manner but also a powerful device—​or, paraphrasing Erwin
Princess Taiping 太平公主 (?–​713), to a Daoist temple in order Panofsky, a means to reveal the basic attitude of Wu Zetian’s
to honour her grandmother, Empress Zhaocheng, who died in empire, period, class, and religious or philosophical persua-
670.67 Timothy Barrett has argued that, although this episode sion condensed into one work.70
was more symbolic than real, it does show the involvement of
the imperial family with Daoism68—​and, in my opinion, Wu
Concluding Remarks
Zetian’s political strategy in making use of the malleability of
the Buddhist faith, among others. More than twenty years ago I had the opportunity to visit
Art and symbolism had been instrumental to Wu Zetian’s the Longmen grottoes complex (Longmen shiku 龍門石窟),
rise to power, underpinning and legitimizing her political dis- characterized by a huge amount of caves distributed all along
course. She was a great patron of Buddhist art, and there is no the riverbank of a tributary watercourse of the river Luo,
doubt that this is one of the most studied aspects of her legit- close to the “divine capital” (shendu 神都)71 in the present-​
imization process, though there are also traces of her promo- day Henan province. The complex reverberates with the mag-
tion of Daoist art.69 Throughout her reign she demonstrated nitude of Buddhist faith, not only of the Tang dynasty but also
a series of complex and interrelated political and religious of previous dynasties, when this place was chosen as key site
concerns that were materialized by art. Images and statuary, of worship.72 Because of their location between water and
with their theatrical style, their dimensions, and their mountains, the visitor is overwhelmed by a myriad of small,
medium-​sized, and big caves, housing symbolic elements
mostly from the Buddhist faith.73
63 Twitchett, The Writing of Official History, 53–​61.
64 Ibid., 102.
70 Panofsky, Meaning in the Visual Arts, 26–​54.
65 Guisso, “Empress Wu,” 311.
71 This is how Luoyang was considered by Wu Zetian during her
66 Barrett, Taoism under the T’ang. reign. Luoyang became the permanent Eastern Capital in 657 and
67 By 670 Princess Taiping was part of the complicated negoti- was considered the imperial temporary residence until 683, when
ations held by her father, Emperor Gaozong, in order to secure a Wu Zetian permanently established her court there. In 701 the cap-
peace treaty with the king of Turfan. After Gaozong died, Taiping ital was transferred again when Wu Zetian returned to Chang’an. See
came back to the imperial court. As one can read in the Tang hui yao Twitchett and Wechsler, “Kao-​tsung,” 258.
唐會要 (Institutional History of the Tang): “The princess Taiping was 72 The complex of Longmen 龍門 (lit. the Dragon Gate) was
assigned as abbess (nü guan 女官) at the former Daoist Monastery considered an ideal mountain river model, crucial in terms of
of the Empress Zhaocheng (Zhaocheng guan 昭成觀), henceforth fengshui, and therefore it was an ideal place to build a temple. In fact,
becoming the Monastery of Taiping (Taiping guan 太平觀)” (the after the introduction of Buddhism into China this place, besides
translation is slightly modified). See Ebner von Eschenbach, in Kralle being very close to one of the principal capitals of Chinese history,
and Schilling, Schreiben über Frauen in China, 266. was chosen as an auspicious location for its cult. McNair, Donors of
68 Barrett, Taoism under the T’ang, 35. Longmen, 111.
69 See Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 255n87. 73 Ibid., 118.
21

Elisabetta Colla 21

Many scholars have speculated whether the seventeen-​ Guisso and Antonino Forte have argued is that she was par-
metre-​high Buddha statue, which possesses evident female ticularly aware of how the adoption of specific texts and
characteristics, or the crowned and jewelled Buddha a cult of images were her major propaganda devices.80 The
performing the bhūmisparsa-​m udrā really represent Vairocana, for instance, which represents the mainstream
depictions of Wu Zetian herself.74 Whether this theory, based of Mahayana Buddhism between 655 and 675,81 not only
on stylistic and iconographical grounds, is valid or not, the represented the diffusion of the Buddhist faith worshipped
Longmen complex and the huge Vairocana Buddha, “whose by the imperial family but also implied a theomorphic claim
eyes appear to fix the viewer’s in their gaze,”75 not only express of rulership itself.
peculiar ties between esoteric Buddhism and Wu Zetian In this case, visual evidence, such as omens, statues, and
but also represent possibly the most striking of the many palaces, together with the introduction of specific classics in
examples of how Wu Zetian’s complex political and religious the curricula of the future mandarins, such as Daoist texts,82
strategy to deify herself and legitimize her rising power was were very powerful means that Wu Zetian employed in a
crystal clear from the very beginning.76 In analyzing how she masterly manner to propose a new order of things. Her use of
titled77 herself throughout her reign one can observe that, step religious images to convey secular power should not be seen
by step, she assumed the title of “Divine Emperor” (690–​693), as autonomous forces but interlinked objects that promoted
then became cakravartin (693–​694),78 and finally this process the cult of her personality. Although one should not think that
came to a crescendo when she decided to accumulate all the she was a donor only to Buddhism, a Daoist religion,83 there
titles in one, becoming “Maitreya, Sagely and Divine Emperor, is no doubt that Longmeng was Wu Zetian’s greatest legacy
Cakravartin of the Golden Wheel Transcending Antiquity” in art. Longmen was the sacred place where Buddhism and
(694–​695). In doing so, she not only became the “king of Daoism met, the image of the “Queen Mother of the West” and
kings,” sage, and divine emperor, but also considered herself the “King Father of the East” blending through the Buddhist
an incarnation of the Buddha of the Future, as described in iconography that had been growing through the centuries.84
the prophecy of the Mahāmegha Sūtra. The same craftsmen, artisans, and anonymous artists were
We do not know what Wu Zetian looked like. One can employed to build any kind of temple and different subjects,
imagine her like the ladies depicted by Zhang Xuan (710–​after therefore creating a continuity in the stylistic narrative.
748) in his scroll Lady Guoguo’s Spring Outing (Guoguo furen Longmen was perhaps the perfect place to manifest queen-
youchun tu 虢國夫人游春圖), or as she was depicted in the ship, political discourse, and power legitimization practices
famous collection “Portrait and Eulogies of the Ancients” by in the imperial Chinese context, which was essentially hostile
the artist Zheng Zhenduo.79 What writers such as Richard to female rulership.

74 This seated Buddha found in the Leigutai 擂鼓台 South Cave

(Longmen—​East Side) presents similar features to those of the large
Variocana Buddha. McNair, Donors of Longmen, 97. See also Sorensen,
Payne, and Orzech, Esoteric Buddhism, 403. 80 Such as performing the feng and shan rites. On these rites, see
75 McNair, Donors of Longmen, 111. Chavanne, Le T’ai Chan; and Rothschild, Wu Zhao, 59–​63; Emperor
76 Ibid., 117; Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 4. Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon.

77 For a list of Wu Zetian’s titles, see Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao 81 Sorensen, Payne, and Orzech, Esoteric Buddhism, 218.
and Her Pantheon, xvii–​xx. 82 As already stressed, although Wu Zetian was much inclined to
78 In South Asia, during the reign of Aśoka (d. 232 BCE), the ideal Buddhism, she was the first to propose the incorporation of Daoist
concordance, or harmony, between the macrocosm (universe) and texts—​s uch as the Chengui—​into the civil service examination
the political microcosm was granted by the cakravartin, a “king system.
of kings” who detains the rcanum imperii of both the universe and 83 The title of Rothschild’s book is highly informative in this respect;
its earthly counterpart. The concept of cakravartin symbolizes the in fact, her pantheon focused not only on Buddhist and Daoist divin-
paramount sovereign. On the importance of this title, see Forte, ities but also on dynastic mothers and goddesses of antiquity, such
Political Propaganda and Ideology in China. At Longmen, there is also as Nüwa, the river Luo goddess; the silk goddess, Leizu; and Mother
a bas-​relief of King Aśoka surrounded by a thousand Buddhas. See Qi and the ur-​mother of the Zhou line, among others. For a complete
Karetzky, “Wu Zetian and Buddhist Art,” 132. study, read Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon.
79 Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 4. 84 McNair, Donors of Longmen, 68.
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22 When the Emperor Is a Woman

Ad Fontes: A Glance at Sources shi 全唐詩) and Buddhist sūtras (e.g. “Commentary on the
Meaning of the Prophecy About the Divine Sovereign in the
Several writers interested in Wu Zetian’s biography, work,
Great Cloud Sūtra,” Dayun jing shenhuang shouji yishu 大雲
and world, most of whom have already been quoted in this
經神皇授記義疏). In his Wu Zhao biography, Rothschild
short study, have made detailed lists available of both pri-
provides a detailed description of both official histories and
mary and secondary sources in their works. Reference works
less orthodox sources, stressing that, “while the [four]87 main
such as those written by Antonino Forte and Richard Guisso
histories contain a negative bias against Wu Zhao, flowery
are the foundation for anyone who would like to study Wu
praise written by literary masters to legitimate Wu Zhao’s
Zhao. As N. Harry Rothschild points out, in the last century
political authority is just problematic.”88
one could count more than fifty Wu Zhao biographies.85
There is a very important essay by Twitchett 89 that
A great number of these biographies were based on primary
contributes an important analysis of sources attributed to
sources resulting from long-​lasting team works and produced
Empress Wu Zetian. Most of these works are listed both in
between the tenth and thirteenth centuries: Liu Xu 劉昫’s
the “Old” and “New Standard History of the Tang,” as well as
“Old Standard History of the Tang History”, Jiu Tangshu 舊
in Japanese sources, such as the “List of Writings Currently
唐書 (tenth century), Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修’s “New Standard
Held in the Nation of Japan,” Nihokoku genzai sho mokuroku
History of the Tang History,” Xin Tangshu 新唐書 (eleventh
日本國現在書目録, compiled during the ninth century by
century), and Sima Guang 司馬光’s “Comprehensive Mirror
the Japanese aristocrat and scholar Fujiwara no Sukeyo
for Aid in Government,” Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑑 (eleventh
藤原 佐世, and the later (eleventh century) “Catalogue of the
century),86 and the “Outline of the Comprehensive Mirror
Transmission of the Torch to the East,” Tōiki dentō mokuroku
for Aid in Government,” Zizhi tongjian gangmu zizhi 資治通
東域伝灯目録 by a Japanese monk, Eicho 永超.
鑑綱目, which was less accurate but more popular than
To conclude, as one can observe from the aforementioned
the Tongjian because it was planned by the eminent neo-​
sources, and quoting Harry Rothschild, a “biographer is left
Confucian scholar Zhuxi 朱熹. These sources were written
to weigh the conflicting materials, blending the biased offi-
in later periods, which marked a major turning point for
cial histories, the Buddhist propaganda and prophecies, the
women’s place in society. If one analyzes these sources
fulsome memorials, and the tall tales from unofficial sources
chronologically, it is clear that there is a gradual growth in the
into a coherent narrative of Wu Zhao’s life and political
intention by scholars to erase the Wu Zetian experience from
career.”90
history and to depict her as a calamity. Besides, it is evident
that the message conveyed by these documents aims to pre-
vent any female involvement in male affairs and politics. To
get a more balanced representation of Wu Zetian’s biography,
one should check other sources, such as the local histories,
imperial edicts, memorials (such as the “Collected grand
edicts and decrees of the Tang dynasty,” Tang da zhaoling
唐大詔零集), and essays, among others, but also poems (e.g.
the “Complete compilation of the Tang verse,” Quan Tang

85 Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, 215. The “Old

Standard History of the Tang” is more accurate than the “New” one.
However, the “New Standard History of the Tang” contains better
87 Actually, Rothschild quotes only three main histories: the “Old”
monographs and tables than the “Old” one and is more readable; the
and “New Standard History of the Tang” and the “Comprehensive
“Old” and “New Standard History of the Tang” both cover the histor-
Mirror for Aid in Government”: Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her
ical period between 618 and 906 and were reprinted by Zhonghua
Pantheon, xiii.
in 1975. The Zizhi tongjian was reprinted in 1995, also by Zhonghua.
For more details, see Wilkinson, Chinese History; and Twitchett, The 88 Ibid.
Cambridge History of China. 89 Twitchett, “ ‘Chen Gui.’ ”
86 Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, x. 90 Rothschild, Emperor Wu Zhao and Her Pantheon, xiv.
23

Elisabetta Colla 23

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