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CSCW2020-Data-Centered-Talk

This paper analyzes the role of data visualizations in online discussions about civic issues, specifically focusing on climate change data in comment sections of three news websites. It finds that while data-centered talk is rare, comprising only 2.4% of comments, it is valuable for fostering engagement and understanding. The authors suggest that automated text classification techniques could help identify and promote data-centered discussions, ultimately enhancing data literacy and community interaction in news forums.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
10 views

CSCW2020-Data-Centered-Talk

This paper analyzes the role of data visualizations in online discussions about civic issues, specifically focusing on climate change data in comment sections of three news websites. It finds that while data-centered talk is rare, comprising only 2.4% of comments, it is valuable for fostering engagement and understanding. The authors suggest that automated text classification techniques could help identify and promote data-centered discussions, ultimately enhancing data literacy and community interaction in news forums.

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ahonaf2016
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© © All Rights Reserved
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Rare, but Valuable: Understanding Data-centered Talk in

News Website Comment Sections


BRIAN MCINNIS, University of California San Diego, USA
LU SUN, University of California San Diego, USA
JUNGWON SHIN, Cornell University, USA
STEVEN P. DOW, University of California San Diego, USA
News websites can facilitate global discussions about civic issues, but the financial cost and burden of
moderating these forums has forced many to disable their commenting systems. In this paper, we consider
the role that data visualizations play in online discussion around a civic issue, through an analysis of how
people talk about climate change data in the comment threads at three news websites (i.e., Breitbart news, the
Guardian, the New York Times). We find that out of 6,525 comments, only 2.4% reference data visualizations in
the articles. While rare, the paper presents illustrative examples of how people refer to data—their collection,
analysis, and visual representation—to engage with an article’s narrative. Using text classification techniques
we identify several features related to the content of comments that contain data-centered talk, such as article
cosine similarity, hyperlinks, and comparison terms. Finally, we discuss potential ways that newsrooms might
apply this analysis to promote data literacy, data science, and to foster community around shared experiences.
CCS Concepts: • Human-centered computing → Empirical studies in HCI.
Additional Key Words and Phrases: Online discussion, civic issues, data visualization, data literacy
ACM Reference Format:
Brian McInnis, Lu Sun, Jungwon Shin, and Steven P. Dow. 2020. Rare, but Valuable: Understanding Data-
centered Talk in News Website Comment Sections. Proc. ACM Hum.-Comput. Interact. 4, CSCW2, Article 174
(October 2020), 27 pages. https://doi.org/10.1145/3415245

1 INTRODUCTION
Online systems have the potential to facilitate informed discussion about civic issues with large and
globally distributed audiences [16, 69], but the commenting sections at news websites rarely meet
this expectation [7, 15, 85, 99]. Popular news sites regularly receive a high volume of comments,
which can be challenging to moderate [25]. Commenting sections also tend to elicit a substantial
degree of incivility [40] whether due to the relative anonymity of users [44, 99], regular bad actors
[7, 37], or to controversial topics that stir up readers’ emotions [14, 15]. However, even when people
are civil they are also not often talking with each other [20, 48]. In light of these factors, many
news sites have opted to close their commenting sections altogether [31, 56].
In this paper, we explore the value of online conversations about data that emerge on news articles 174
that present evidence about civic issues through data visualizations. A well-crafted visualization
can convey meaningful insights about data that are hard to express in text [51]. Data visualizations
Authors’ addresses: Brian McInnis, [email protected], University of California San Diego, USA; Lu Sun, [email protected],
University of California San Diego, USA; Jungwon Shin, [email protected], Cornell University, USA; Steven P. Dow,
[email protected], University of California San Diego, USA.

Permission to make digital or hard copies of all or part of this work for personal or classroom use is granted without fee
provided that copies are not made or distributed for profit or commercial advantage and that copies bear this notice and
the full citation on the first page. Copyrights for components of this work owned by others than ACM must be honored.
Abstracting with credit is permitted. To copy otherwise, or republish, to post on servers or to redistribute to lists, requires
prior specific permission and/or a fee. Request permissions from [email protected].
© 2020 Association for Computing Machinery.
2573-0142/2020/10-ART174 $15.00
https://doi.org/10.1145/3415245

Proc. ACM Hum.-Comput. Interact., Vol. 4, No. CSCW2, Article 174. Publication date: October 2020.
174:2 Brian McInnis et al.

offer an entry point for people to use their automatic perceptual skills to notice, wonder, and talk
about observations [43, 95]. In data journalism, visualizations are not intended to end conversation,
but rather to aid informed discussion about issues raised by the article [52].
However, we know little about the extent and the ways that people weigh observations about data
in online discussions. To deepen understanding of data-centered talk in the wild, we examine the
following research questions through a mixed-methods analysis of online comments to a collection
of news articles:
• RQ1: How prevalent is online discussion about data at news websites?
• RQ2: What communication themes emerge in online discussions about data journalism?
• RQ3: What predictive factors help to automatically recognize comments about data?
The paper presents a deep dive into the commenting behaviors around visualizations of climate
change data posted on articles by the Guardian and the New York Times, as well as articles by
Breitbart news that largely contest climate change. The selected articles reflect three common topics
across the news sites: (1) dietary choices and carbon dioxide emissions, (2) state-level transition
towards renewable energy, and (3) living with severe weather. While similar in topic, the news
articles make use of climate change data to emphasize different narratives.
Our analysis found that just 10.9% of 6,525 comments mention data related to an article’s topic
and a mere 2.4% referenced the data visualizations in an article (157 comments). We analyzed these
data-centered comments and discovered eleven illustrative themes that depict the range of ways
that people refer to and engage with a civic issue through data journalism. Given the potential for
data to foster discussion about an article, we explored to what extent we can identify data-centered
talk through text classification techniques. Our text analysis of the comments identified several
predictive factors that can be used to automatically classify comments that contain data-centered
talk with 90.36% accuracy. These factors include comments that are linguistically similar with the
article text, and contain hyperlinks, numbers, and comparison terms.
This article presents evidence that data-centered talk is rare, yet valuable in online discussion
about civic issues. The emergent themes signify instances where people question the data prove-
nance, make sense of visualizations, and share personal stories about data. We show how automated
text classification techniques could help moderators (and the readers) recognize and build on top of
data-centered reasoning. Finally, we discuss several possible ways that newsrooms might apply
this analysis to promote objectives related to data literacy, data science, and toward fostering
community around shared experiences through online discussion about news articles.

2 RELATED WORK
There are many reasons why people choose to participate in online discussion about news articles
[25, 91]. As a result the patterns of discourse in an online discussion can vary widely from mono-
logues issued by one-time participants to banter among people who comment together frequently.
This paper focuses on discourse about data analysis as one of many potential focal points for the
informed online civic discussion that can follow from a news article.

2.1 How rhetorical elements provide context in a data visualization


How people communicate about data is an important topic in research about the practice of data
science. For data science teams, data management and analysis are social activities often involving
large groups of people [103]. As data work progresses—from collection to stages of processing,
exploring, and interpreting—data science teams deliberate at each step in order to maintain a
shared understanding of the data as a basis for their trust in the analysis and to avoid downstream
problems, since each stage of analysis builds on the prior [75, 77]. While deliberation is common in

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Data-centered talk 174:3

data science work, it is less apparent if and how readers exhibit these social processes around data
visualizations on popular news websites.
Deliberation in data science often centers around visualizations of an analysis. In order for people
to talk with each other about a data visualization, they need to have a shared understanding about
how to read the visualization by interpreting its labels, captions, visual chunks, and other guides
(called rhetorical elements) [51]. Stasko [95] argues that the value of a data visualization, “goes
beyond the ability to support answering questions about data—it centers upon a visualization’s
ability to convey a true understanding of the data, a more holistic broad and deep innate sense of
the context” [95, pg. 48]. To meet this objective, an effective data visualization should fulfill several
informational capabilities [95]: (1) minimize the time to answer diverse questions, (2) spur the
generation of insights and insightful questions, (3) convey the essence of the data, and (4) generate
confidence and knowledge about the data’s domain and context.
Some rhetorical elements require more cognitive effort to interpret than others. For example,
proportions are commonly used to communicate the probability of a health risk, whether graphically
(e.g., as an icon array, along a color-scale) or numerically (e.g., as a percentage, or ratio). In a
systematic review of health-risk communication, Ancker et al. [1] offer several recommendations
about how to improve quantitative judgement with proportion-based risk communication, such
as making the numerators and denominator visually salient, sizing each graphical element in
proportion to the numbers they portray. These designs make use of automatic perceptual skills and
learned skills, like calculation, to help people interpret proportions on a graph [1].
Rhetorical elements can also be used to communicate specific narratives. Often health-risk
communication promotes behavior change, but as discussed in Ancker et al. [1], this emphasizes
different rhetorical elements than a visualization intended to promote quantitative judgment. For
example, emphasizing the numerator of a risk ratio is more likely to promote a behavior change,
but deemphasizing (or removing) the denominator can also inflate a viewers’ perception of risk [1].
Rhetorical elements in a data visualization can be manipulated to different intents [51].
Unlike communicating a risk, where there is a known probability, statistical uncertainty refers
to situations where the probability of an event is less clear, because information about the event
is only partially observable [53]. Error-bars, confidence intervals, and forecast lines are several
common ways to represent uncertainty on a data visualization [90]. However uncertainty is more
often expressed in text than it is graphically [51].
Data science training programs are designed to prepare people to recognize these and other
considerations related to the analysis and visual representation of data [76]. Our study investigates
how online news readers make sense of, refer to, and are motivated by data presented in an article;
however, online news readers may not have access to the time and training necessary to develop
their data literacy (e.g., [4, 38]).

2.2 How data journalism is structured to introduce people to an analysis


News articles that present an issue through data analysis (called data journalism) are typically
framed so that they are accessible to a general audience, who may have a low-level of data literacy
(e.g., [4, 38]). In order to help readers into an analysis, data journalists will structure a news article
to present data in specific ways. Based on interviews with 26 major news organizations in Europe,
Weber et al. [107] describe three main patterns for presenting data with a news article: (1) linear,
guided-tour through an analysis, (2) nonlinear, reader-driven exploration, and (3) linear-nonlinear
hybrid, where a basic linear story is presented, so that the audience has a sense of how to explore
the data on their own.
Several considerations guide newsroom decisions about how to present data journalism [32].
First, a lot of care can go into the production of a data visualization. Passi and Jackson [77] describe

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this work as a continuous negotiation about trust in a data analysis, e.g., What numbers matter?
How might we rationalize a result? How credible is the data? What assumptions underlie our
modeling approach? In the newsroom, journalists and data science teams sometimes deliberate
about how much of this negotiation to present to readers [32].
Second, there is an open question about whether data journalism should offer readers a nonlinear
(or unguided) exploration of a data set, or not [32]. An unguided tour opens the data narrative
broadly to audience interpretation, whereas with a linear structure, each visualization of the data is
presented as evidence to support an article’s narrative. As many people lack access to data literacy
skills (e.g., [4, 38]), it may be easier for people on a nonlinear tour to get sidetracked from the
narrative or stumble into a false interpretation; however, a linear approach may also stifle discussion
by limiting the focus to specific data observations.
Some newsrooms promote data literacy by hosting expert-facilitated online discussions about
news articles [43]. As an example, in 2017 the New York Times Learning Network partnered with
the American Statistical Association (ASA) to facilitate discussion about articles that contain data
visualizations. Every week, students and teachers are encouraged to consider the data presented in
an article, with the following prompts: (1) What do you notice? (2) What do you wonder? And (3)
What do you think is going on in this graph? The prompts are intended to invite students to think
critically about the presented data analysis and to share those thoughts in the online discussion.
Third, newsrooms also think about how readers may relate to the data analysis presented in an
article, as some readers may have deeply personal experiences related to the issues. Through an
interview-based study of how people in rural Pennsylvania, USA are motivated towards or away
from different data visualizations, Peck et al. [78] find that people gravitate toward visualizations
that depict issues related to their personal experience, beliefs, and values. A key implication of this
observation is that first impressions matter, as people are less likely to look twice at a visualization
that does not reflect them and their interests.
Data visualizations can also stir up an emotional response among readers [47, 59]. In a diary and
focus-group based study of data visualizations that people find in their everyday, Kennedy and Hill
[59] draw attention to the complex pattern of emotions a visualization can evoke—from pleasure
in its smooth lines, to feeling lost in numbers, and empathy for the people reflected by the data.
While a newsroom may structure data journalism to elicit discussion about specific topics, people
may not have the skills to engage with the intended topics, but may also prefer to talk about other
topics that stem from their personal experience of the data, or may just want to talk about the look
and feel of a particular visualization.

2.3 How commenting systems represent and elicit discussion about data journalism
Many news websites have closed off their commenting forums due to concerns about the quality
of discussion about news articles [31, 36, 56]. Proponents of online commenting at news websites
have referred to these systems as enabling participatory journalism, where professional reporters
work in tandem with their audience to gather, organize, edit, and communicate timely information
about news events [24]. Critics of participatory journalism point to instances of incivility [15] and
misinformation in online discussion [92], as well as to the real threats that commenting can have
on a reporter’s reputation [25, 46].
System design can help to address some of these concerns. For example, there are several exciting
HCI/CSCW systems specifically designed to support online discussion about data analysis and
visualizations in particular (e.g., [45, 104, 109]). Common features in these systems include linking
and tagging to help ground the communication about data in specific observations [45, 109], micro-
tasks to elicit personal insights (e.g., explanations for a trend or outliers) [108], and pathways
to follow an observation from one visualization to the next in a narrative sequence [62]. These

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Data-centered talk 174:5

features are intended to help people communicate observations of data, so that they can collaborate
with a mutual understanding of the data.
However, finding mutual understanding with others through discussion is not always what
motivates people to post a comment. Survey based research has reported that people comment
online about news articles because they are looking for social interaction, because they like asking
and answering questions about a specific topic, or because they want to correspond with a particular
reporter [91, 99]. Commenters also value commenting sections as a space to share personal stories
and beliefs about a topic [25]. Above all, commenters (as well as lurkers) report that they enjoy
reading comment threads at news websites, even low-quality discussions. However, non-users—
people who don’t comment and who don’t read comments—tend to view online commenting as a
waste of time [91].
The content of a comment can also influence whether and how people respond to it [2, 11].
Arguello et al. [2] present a computational analysis of factors related to an online discussion
context and comment content that can effect the likelihood of receiving a response. Comments
that are on-topic, include testimonials, make requests, and ask questions are more likely to receive
a response than those that do not. Comments posted to active forums are also likely to receive a
response, particularly if the commenter has participated in the discussion previously [2, 11]. While
commenting system features and factors related to participant motivation affect online discussion,
the focus of this paper is on understanding the content and context for data-centered talk.
Our research builds on an existing study into the ways that people have talked about data at
data visualization blogs. Hullman et al. [52] found that 42% of comments sampled (N=1,100) from
the Economist’s data blog, Graphic Detail, “contribute information from external sources, data,
and personal experiences that may be useful for interpreting the presentation” [52, pg. 1173]. This
existing research demonstrates the potential that online discussion comments may add value for
data journalists. Our work extends this earlier study by investigating data-centered talk in new
settings and with greater depth.

3 METHOD
This paper investigates the prevalence and potential value of data-centered talk across three
different news sites that support online discussions of civic topics. Our research seeks to understand
how prevalent and what kinds of commenting behaviors emerge around data. We also explore
the potential for text analysis technology to automatically recognize comments about data and to
highlight these as building blocks within online discussion systems.

3.1 Context and data selection


3.1.1 Selection of news websites. For the analysis, we chose to focus on news articles that either
use data visualizations to present evidence of climate change or to contest climate change science.
Climate change refers to the Earth’s atmospheric temperature due to the release of gasses that
trap heat radiating from the planet, the consequences of which are difficult to predict, but increase
the likelihood of extreme weather events [29]. As personal experience with the long-term and
global consequences of climate change is still rare, the gap between experience and evidence can be
cognitively jarring and can translate into a motivated rejection of evidence [9, 66]. Despite nearly
universal agreement among the scientific community about the causes of climate change, many
people remain skeptical [58].
Data journalism about climate change is a useful lens for research about discussion systems
for several reasons. First, climate change has the potential to affect the lives of people around the
world, and online systems offer an exciting potential to facilitate such large and global discussions
[16, 54, 69]. Second, evidence about climate change is tricky to present visually, as the effects of

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174:6 Brian McInnis et al.

climate change are time-delayed and uncertain [90, 106]; however, online discussion may offer
data journalists an opportunity to refine their visualizations by corresponding with their audience
[52]. Finally, creating opportunities for people to communicate different knowledge about divisive
topics, like climate change, is a core tenet of CSCW research [28].
We initially considered 30+ news sites, but only included sites that met the following criteria:
host an online discussion, regularly report about climate change, and use data visualizations to
present climate change data. Additionally, it was important to select news sites that report from
different perspectives on climate change, since personal beliefs about a civic issue can motivate
people to engage with specific news sources [9, 66] and data visualizations [78]. Personal beliefs
about an issue can influence whether people are willing to participate in an online discussion
[25, 91] and can affect how they engage with topics already under discussion [70].
Based on these considerations we chose to include articles published by The Guardian and
The New York Times (NYT) that report findings from climate change science, as well as articles
published by Breitbart News that use data visualizations to contest climate change [3].
3.1.2 News website discussion context. Each of the news sites present a different commenting
system and moderation practices; these choices play into norms that emerge in online discussion
(e.g., [34, 64, 70, 83, 110]). Each of the news sites require participants to login before they are allowed
to post a comment, a reply, or recommend comments; however, participants are not required to
register if they want to share a discussion comment in social media (e.g., Twitter, Facebook) or flag
inappropriate comments in the thread. All of the news sites encourage participants to use their real
names, but people can join in discussion under a pseudonym.
The NYT and the Guardian systems are custom-built. Commenting is not enabled on all articles
at these websites, because both the NYT and Guardian rely on human moderators to manage
the discussion. At the NYT, every comment that is published is moderated.1 At the Guardian,
moderators pay attention to the comment stream and rely on users to report abusive, offensive,
or otherwise inappropriate comments, so that they can be removed after appearing on the site.2
In addition to removing abusive content, moderators at both news sites look for comments to
highlight as “NYT Picks” and “Guardian Picks” that reflect high-quality contributions. The most
active commenters at the NYT have referred to the coveted NYT Pick badge as akin to “the gold
medal of the commenting olympics” [67]. Since discussion moderation can be tedious [34], the NYT
and the Guardian only enable commenting on a selection of articles and only for a brief period
(e.g., 24-hours, a few days).
Commenting is enabled in perpetuity on nearly all articles at the Breitbart news site and is
managed through a third-party comment hosting service called Disqus.3 Disqus has been criticized
for comments posted to Breitbart news articles that violate the Disqus terms of service by posting
prohibited content, including blackmail, extortion, intimidation of users, spam, and unlawful
activities [12]. The Breitbart news terms of service also prohibit such commenting behaviors.4
3.1.3 Selection of climate change articles and discussions. Each of the news sites have designated
sections (or “tags”) to identify articles that are about climate change. Two members of our research
team manually reviewed every article associated with climate change that was published during a
one-year period between July 9, 2018-2019. The review involved identifying articles that include
data visualization(s) related to climate change and allow online commenting; our analysis found 73
articles (2.3%) that met these criteria (see Table 1).
1 The NYT - Comment FAQ: https://help.nytimes.com/hc/en-us/articles/115014792387-Comments
2 The Guardian - Comment FAQ: https://www.theguardian.com/community-faqs
3 https://disqus.com/
4 Breitbart news - Comment Policy: https://www.breitbart.com/terms-of-use/

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Data-centered talk 174:7

Articles Contain a data viz Commenting enabled


Breitbart 408 9 9
Guardian 1,937 167 45
NYT 831 37 19
Total 3,176 213 (6.7%) 73 (2.3%)
Table 1. Number of articles published between July 9, 2018-2019 about climate change on three news sites.
Only 6.7% of those article contain a data visualization and a subset of those enable online commenting as
well (2.3% of all articles).

Two researchers read each of the news articles to categorize their data visualization(s), by noting
the data sources (e.g., U.S. Energy Information Administration, National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration), display types (e.g., bar chart, line graph, heat map), and visualized relationships
(e.g., carbon-emissions by energy sector by year). The most frequent variables among the visualized
relationships included carbon-emission, temperature change, and a categorical variable capturing
various energy sectors (e.g., coal, natural gas, solar, wind).
We grouped the 73 articles that include a data visualization and enable online commenting
into common discussion topics about climate change, which we identified by examining the most
frequent variables among the visualized relationships. This analysis resulted in three discussion
topics about climate change (i.e., CO2 , Energy, Weather), represented by twelve total articles that
draw from each of the news sites. While each discussion topic includes just a few articles, they
generated a combined 6,525 comments (Table 2).

Climate change sub-topics


CO2 Energy Weather Total
Breitbart 284 560 88 932
Guardian 2,217 1,075 98 3,390
NYT 127 253 1,823 2,203
Total 2,628 1,888 2,009 6,525
Table 2. Total comments posted between July 9, 2018-2019 to each news site on 12 articles and about the
three climate change sub-topics. Number of comments on sub-topics vary from three news sites.

3.1.4 CO2 Topic: Dietary choices and carbon-dioxide emissions. Articles published by the Guardian
[13] and the NYT [73] present evidence that shifting away from meat and toward a plant-based diet
could have a market effect on food production that reduces the carbon-footprint of this industry.
By contrast, Delingpole [22] suggests that estimates of the effect of dietary choices on carbon
emissions are overstated and do not account for a “rebound effect” associated with the increased
purchasing power of people who do reduce their meat consumption.
3.1.5 Energy Topic: State-level transition towards renewable energy. Articles published by the NYT
[81, 82] and the Guardian [30, 49] present data about how states have shifted towards energy
sources that emit a lower level of greenhouse gasses than coal production (e.g., natural gas, biomass,
solar). While states do generate energy, they also consume imported energy from other states and
countries. An opinion piece published by Breitbart news [23] promotes investment in natural gas
as a way to curb energy imports.

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174:8 Brian McInnis et al.

3.1.6 Weather Topic: Living with severe weather. Articles published by the NYT [79, 80] and the
Guardian [18] present data visualizations that depict an increasing oceanic temperature and a
higher frequency of high temperature days. Offering a counter-narrative, a Breitbart news opinion
piece [21] presents evidence that ocean temperature and extreme weather events are not related to
greenhouse gas emissions, but rather due to long-duration changes in the sea surface temperature.

3.2 Coding comments for the presence of data-centered talk


In order to investigate how people talk about specific sources of evidence, we hand-coded all
comments from a collection of twelve articles drawn from the selected news sites and about
specific topics related to climate change. The hand-coding was to identify whether comments
speak to an article’s topic (called “topic coherence” [70]), reference data, and reference specific data
visualizations.
• Topically coherent (Binary): The topic of the comment relates to the argument of the article.
• References data (Binary): The comment includes data, such as numbers, relationships among
variables, trends, or references to data sources and collection procedures.
• References to data visualizations (Binary): The comment references the title, figure number, or
data observations presented in a specific data visualization.
In our definition, the opposite of being topically coherent was not incoherent, but could include
comments that introduce new ideas or information. However, comments that are not topically
coherent inherently direct attention away from the evidence presented in a news article. We refer to
data-centered talk as comments that are both topically coherent and that engage with the data, such
as by referencing specific visualizations in an article or introducing new evidence to the discussion.
For each article, the research team constructed a flow-chart of the main arguments in the article
e gas emissions and used this artifact to determine the topic coherence of each comment to the topics structured in
the article. Figure 1 presents the example of Holmes à Court [49] about how Australian states are
shifting their energy consumption away from coal and towards a mix of renewable energy sources
(e.g., wind power).

mass
% Renewables

2030
olar 100%
Shares

Wind Victoria
ydro
omposition Tasmania Biomass
Solar
South Australia
Wind %
Queensland Hydro
Energy
NSW Composition
Australian States 0%
2018

Fig. 1. Flowchart to summarize the main arguments in Holmes à Court [49], that the renewable energy
% composition of different Australian States is increasing.

Three researchers conducted the coding for each article. For articles with more than 200 comments,
n the team iteratively trained and tested on 10% samples until an acceptable inter-rater reliability was
reached for each code (a Cohen’s Kappa above 0.70). For articles with fewer than 200 comments,
each researcher coded all of the comments independently and the team discussed each code to
arrive at a consensus. In our report of RQ1, we present observations and inter-rater reliability for
Topically Coherent and References Data (§4, Table 3).

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Data-centered talk 174:9

3.3 Thematic analysis of data-centered talk


A range of analytical lenses have been applied in prior research about online discussion. Concepts
from public deliberation are common in analyses of how people comment about civic issues at news
websites (e.g., [7, 15, 40, 41, 68, 85, 96, 111]). During a deliberation people refer to their situated and
domain knowledge as evidence to justify their opinions about a civic issue [83, 97]. Our research
focuses on the specific case of how people comment about articles that present data analyses of
a civic issue. When data scientists deliberate about a data analysis they justify their opinions by
raising questions about the provenance [75, 77] and visual representation of data [51, 95]. As an
initial scaffold for the thematic analysis, our research team found it useful to bridge these areas
of literature by constructing the following types of evidence that people might reference when
talking about data and civic issues.
• Situated and Domain Knowledge: During a discussion, people draw evidence from their
own experiences living with an issue (called situated knowledge) as well as their own expertise
(referred to as domain knowledge) [83]. Situated knowledge can elicit storytelling during a
discussion [33], which can help participants to identify with an issue and with each other
[5, 86]. Regardless, when new evidence is introduced to a discussion, other people need to
familiarize themselves with the evidence, which may take additional time and training [88].
• Data Provenance: Forte et al. [39] characterize information about the provenance of data
as “metadata that make it possible to trace the ownership or origin of an artifact or dataset”
[39, pg. 2474]. Strategies to represent data provenance in a visualization include [51]: linking
sources, citing methodological choices, as well as annotating exceptions and corrections.
Presenting data provenance can promote the credibility of an analysis [39, 51]. As data
scientists (and data science teams) continue to process a data set towards an analysis, each
intermediary decision is also part of the provenance of the data [75, 77].
• Visual Representation: There are fundamental decisions about how to present data in
digital media, such as the use of contrast, color, similarity, and proximity to emphasize
data observations [84]. Such stylistic decisions can improve the accuracy of reading a data
visualization [8]. Experiments that vary the presentation of data (e.g., tables, bar charts, scatter
plots) demonstrate that visualization type significantly impacts their interpretation [87, 89].
These stylistic decisions can also influence reader behaviors [1]. For example, interactivity in
a data visualization can nudge people to explore more of the visualizations interface [6].
• Data Narrative: Visualizations can help readers to discover insights about an issue that are
hard to express in text; this process of discovery can also prompt readers to read further
[27, 51]. Data journalists make choices about what data to present, how to visualize it, and in
what order within an article [27, 62]. For example, Erete et al. [35] document how community-
based non-profits make narrative choices about whether to communicate broad trends or a
deep look into specific cases, through their selection of data and levels of analysis.
Three researchers independently read through the comments containing data-centered talk and
constructed affinity diagrams to capture the ways that people refer to data in the discussion (N=714
comments). The team reviewed each others work to arrive at a consensus around the major and
minor themes (§5, Table 4).

3.4 Automated classification of Data-Centered Talk


Computational methods are commonly applied in online discussion research to investigate the
prevalence and influence that text can have on a discussion [2, 11]. To complement our thematic
analysis, we fit a series of logistic regressions to examine the likelihood that comments contain

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data-centered talk based on factors related to the discussion context and comment content. While
thematic analysis can offer a rich understanding of the communication behaviors that can emerge
around data in a discussion, computational text analysis can also offer a glimpse into the potential
for systems to classify these comments automatically. Such automated text classification systems
are now necessary in the practice of moderating online discussions at news websites [36].
To control for factors related to the discussion context that may affect the presence of data-
centered talk, we included categorical variables in the models to reflect differences among the
news site platforms (i.e., NYT, Breitbart, Guardian) and topics (i.e., CO2 , Energy, Weather). There is
little that we can say about how specific news site design and moderation strategies relate to the
presence of data-centered talk, as each of the platforms are quite different and on many dimensions,
and our sample of comments is drawn from just twelve news articles. Additionally, we carefully
selected the news articles so as to consider topically similar discussions, but the articles differ in
various ways: e.g., written by different authors, for different audiences, and their narratives depend
on (some) different data sources.
We included several factors related to the comment content, which we constructed with standard
information extraction methods, such as regular expression-based string matching, term frequency-
inverse document frequency (TF-IDF), and text cosine similarity. These factors related to the
comment content include hyperlink references as well as text similarity with the article, as adopting
the language of an article can be an indication that comments are topically coherent [44, 98]. To
account for longer comments being more likely to include data components than shorter comments,
we included the log of the word count for each comment as a control variable.
Additionally, we incorporated the linguistic inquiry and word count dictionary (LIWC) [101] in
our analysis as a way to consider the influence of keywords. As our qualitative analysis identified
examples of how people make sense of data, by themselves and with others, we included indicators
of cognitive processes from LIWC (e.g., causation, insight, tentative, certain, differentiation). Words
associated with numbers, quantifiers, and comparisons were also included as a way to signal possible
references to data. Public discussions about climate change also tend to break down over in-
group/out-group tensions [58, 66], so we considered the extent to which identity references may
factor into commenting about data. To this end, we measured expressions of identity as the
proportion of personal and impersonal pronouns included in a comment.
The following control variables were included to account for comment length as well as external
factors in the discussion context that may influence the presence of data-centered talk:

• Platform: i.e., NYT, Breitbart, Guardian.


• Topic: i.e., CO2 , Energy, Weather.
• Word count: (Logged) Number of words in each comment.

The following factors were included to evaluate the influence of specific textual characteristics
on the likelihood that comments contain data-centered talk:

• Hyperlinks: (Binary) Regular expression-based string matching.


• Article cosine similarity: (Proportion) Calculated consine similarity between each com-
ment and the article text weighted by TF-IDF.
• Cognitive Processes: (Proportion) e.g., cause, know, ought.
• Numbers: (Proportion) e.g., second, thousands.
• Quantifiers: (Proportion) e.g., few, many, much.
• Comparisons: (Proportion) e.g., greater, best, after.
• Pronouns: (Proportion) 1st, 2nd, & 3rd person pronouns, both singular and plural.

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While using these variables to construct the logistic regressions, we paid attention to how the
inclusion and exclusion of predictors affected each model’s goodness-of-fit, using the Hosmer-
Lemeshow test [50] and log likelihood ratio test as guides [50]. This procedure provides both a
higher threshold than comparison with just the intercept and consistency in treatment of the
control characteristics through the modeling process. To assess whether the model fit improved
because of adding more parameters, we also calculated the Akaike Information Criterion (AIC)
score which penalizes based on the number of estimated parameters. Additionally, we report the
relative agreement between the predicted and observed data (Cohen’s Kappa score) as well as
McFadden’s pseudo-R2 to further evaluate the goodness-of-fit.
We present the regression coefficients in Table 5. The regression coefficient for a given variable
is the estimate of the increase of an occurrence given a one unit increase in the variable holding the
other predictor variables constant. For example, the coefficient of word count reported in the Final
Model (Table 5) indicates that a one standard deviation change in word count is associated with a
1.25 times increase in the odds that a comment contains data-centered talk since 𝑒𝑥𝑝 (.81) = 2.25.
Evaluating the effects associated with each level of a categorical variable is not easy. We applied
a Tukey-based pairwise comparison test of the estimated marginal means (EMMs) to evaluate each
categorical variable post-hoc, e.g., platform, topic. While the coefficients reported for each model
in Table 5 reflect the estimates associated with each predictor, where appropriate we also present
the Tukey-based estimates in the text of our findings. Finally, ten-fold cross-validation was used to
confirm the models were reasonably accurate at predicting the hand-coded data (above 90%).

4 RQ 1. HOW PREVALENT IS ONLINE DISCUSSION ABOUT DATA AT NEWS


WEBSITES?
Out of 6,525 comments on articles with data visualizations about climate change, nearly a third
of all posts were topically coherent with the articles (1,895 comments) and a third of those also
reference data 10.9% (714 comments). A mere 2.4% of posts referenced at least one of the 26 data
visualizations in the article collection (157 comments). The number of observations per article is
reported in Table 3.
Our analysis identified differences in the prevalence of DCT and VCT among the articles, which
may stem from differences in the presentation of data. Five of the articles include just one visual-
ization (i.e., [13, 22, 79–81]), all of which elicited low levels of VCT (≤ 4%). Some articles include
several variations on the same chart. For instance, Popovich [82] includes a percent stacked area
chart for each U.S. State to depict how electricity generation has shifted over time, which observed
the highest level of VCT (45%). Several articles mix multiple display types (e.g., bar chart, line
graph), to present separate arguments associated with an article’s narrative. Holmes à Court [49]
presents trends in Australian energy generation through a third-party data visualization system
called Datawrapper 5 which offers an interactive display and hyperlinks to data files; however, we
note a low level of DCT (9%) and VCT (0.5%) in response to the article. These choices speak to the
journalistic style of each author and each newspaper.
Each of the news articles reference data sources associated with the visualizations. We found
that the references point towards academic journals, government and industry reports, public data
portals, and popular blogs.6 As we examined the data sources for each article, we noticed that
many of the visualizations were not created by the newspaper. Five of the news articles include
static visualizations that originally appear in other sources (i.e., [18, 21–23, 30]). As an example,

5 https://www.datawrapper.de/
6 Evidencereported throughout Delingpole [21] references the “Not a lot of people know that” blog, which has repeatedly
been recognized by FactCheck.org as a source of misinformation about climate science [65]

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Topic coherent Ref. data DCT VCT


Citation Comments Obs. IRR Obs. IRR Obs. % Obs. %
CO2 Topic: Dietary choices and carbon-dioxide emissions
Delingpole [22] 284 17 0.83 16 0.92 6 (2%) 0 (0.0%)
Carrington [13] 2,217 414 0.75 268 0.88 140 (6%) 32 (1%)
Moskin et al. [73] 127 84 - 49 - 41 (32%) 26 (20%)
Energy Topic: State-level transition towards renewable energy
Delingpole [23] 560 48 44 0.86 15 (3%) 4 (0.7%)
Holmes à Court [49] 622 133 0.86 129 0.79 53 (9%) 3 (0.5%)
Edis [30] 453 110 0.94 79 0.89 35 (8%) 8 (2%)
Popovich [82] 92 85 - 57 - 56 (61%) 41 (45%)
Plumer [81] 161 128 - 88 - 81 (50%) 6 (4%)
Weather Topic: Living with severe weather
Delingpole [21] 88 10 - 12 - 3 (3%) 0 (0.0%)
Cox [18] 98 23 - 15 - 14 (14%) 5 (5%)
Pierre-Louis [79] 1,189 666 0.74 255 0.80 187 (16%) 19 (2%)
Pierre-Louis [80] 634 177 0.79 143 0.82 83 (13%) 13 (2%)
Total 6,525 1,895 1,155 714 (11%) 157 (3%)
Table 3. Article and topic-level report of Observations and Cohen’s Kappa score for inter-rater reliability
(IRR). Articles with fewer than 200 comments do not have an IRR, as the codes were agreed to by consensus.
We adopt the terms data-centered talk (DCT) to reflect the union of comments that are Topically Coherent
and References Data as well as visualization-centered talk (VCT) to reflect the union of comments that are
Topically Coherent and add References to specific data visualizations.

Cox [18] depict changes in surface temperature from 1910-2018 through a set of line and bar charts
that appear to be copied from the biennial State of the Climate report (2018 release) produced by
the Australian Bureau of Meteorology and the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research
Organisation (CSIRO) [19]. All other articles include static graphics and interactive visualizations
created by the newspaper (i.e., [49, 73, 82]). This distinction speaks to the different levels of editorial
control that journalists may have over visualization design choices.

5 RQ 2. WHAT COMMUNICATION THEMES EMERGE IN ONLINE DISCUSSIONS


ABOUT DATA JOURNALISM?
While data-centered talk is rare, in this section we examine what value these contributions add to
online discussions about a civic issue. Our thematic analysis identified eleven ways that comments
reference data to engage with the different types of evidence (i.e., situated knowledge, domain
knowledge, data provenance, visual representation, data narrative). We reference each comment
with unique identifiers that range from N1-N448 for comments to the NYT, G1-G242 for comments
to the Guardian, and B1-B24 for Breitbart news comments.

5.1 How people use data to convey their situated and domain knowledge
Peck et al. [78] raise a general concern that there is limited research about how personal experience
and interests motivate people towards or away from discussions about data. Such gaps between
personal experience and evidence about a civic issue can widen existing political divides, as they
have in discussions about climate change [58]. Our analysis found that when people are motivated
by an issue enough to post a comment at a news site, they may share personal data and hypothetical

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Category Theme Count


Situated Knowledge 1. Adds personal experience related to the narrative 119
Domain Knowledge 2. References external sources related to the narrative 423
Data Provenance 3. Identifies problems with the data collection 20
4. Identifies missing elements in the analysis 7
Visual Representation 5. Offers feedback about the data presentation 13
6. Difficulty reading the data (e.g., units, axes, titles, captions) 38
7. Asks about specific observations (e.g., trends, outliers) 15
Data Narrative 8. Adds personal reflection about the data 17
9. Identifies differences between the article and data 7
10. Suggests data changes that might shift the narrative 18
11. Interprets the data in support or opposition to the narrative 37
Total comments 714
Table 4. Number of comments clustered into eleven illustrative themes of data centered talk.

scenarios, and may pull in other sources (e.g., articles, reports, data) to substantiate their values
and beliefs related to an issue.
Most of the commenters draw on situated (Theme 1) or domain knowledge as they engage with
data (Theme 2). For example, people processed the visualized trends in temperature change by
reflecting on events from their own lives “diving and snorkelling at various places around the world”
(N242) or as an “older [person],” speaking from life experience (N252) or professional experience
working in an affected industry, such as “automobile manufacturing” (N376) and “forestry” (N293).
These comments demonstrate situated knowledge of a topic.
Comments also included hypothetical data scenarios constructed to support an argument. “Imag-
ine sitting in a 100F apartment with disposable income and watching people like you in AC bliss.
What would you do? Probably buy an AC [...] nearly a billion more people will have resources
for these 1st world choices in 20-30 years” (N413). Such scenarios suggest causal relationships by
drawing on personal and hypothetical data.
Comments that refer to domain knowledge often allude to external data, reports, and articles, but
include few references. For example, comments cite nuclear power as contributing the largest share
of France’s energy grid—e.g., “75%” (N288), “80%” (N196), “81%” (N160), though we found only one
comment that cites a data source. It may be feasible to fact-check the most frequently referenced
external data in a discussion, but difficult to identify the long-tail of less common statistics that
people reference in their comments.
The comments in Themes 1 and 2 engage with the narrative of an article, but do so by directing
attention toward external data, whether personal, hypothetical, or reported elsewhere. Some
comments include a hyperlink and a few words about what observations to look for in the reference.
Several commenters also copied tab delimited data directly into the text of their comments. Many
comments made claims about the data without citing a source.

5.2 How people fact-check sources and identify missing data


Fact-checking comments is tedious work for online discussion moderators [63], but at some social
computing platforms, like Wikipedia, a community of people work collaboratively to fact-check
content [102]. We did not fact-check each comment in the collection (e.g., hyperlink, statistic), but
our analysis found that some commenters raised concerns about questionable claims and provide
references in response.

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Comments about data provenance add (new) external references to the discussion that may
highlight variables, assumptions, and observations that might be missing (or intentionally excluded).
In total, we found 27 comments that reference problems with the data collection (Theme 3) or
missing elements in the analysis (Theme 4). Some responses offer a reference along with their
correction.
“A while back a fellow poster put me onto the Department of Environment and Energy
and their yearly reports. Their information does not correspond to the graphs supplied
here [link]” (G33).
Other responses note the error and offer data as evidence, but do not provide a hyperlink back
to their reference for the correction.
“One other note is a data error. Minnesota reached its renewable requirement of 25%
last year which is 7 years before the deadline of 2025” (N69).
A few commenters also fact-check comments about the data provenance: “@[username] I looked
at the paper cited by the Popular Mechanics article. They do NOT say to give up on renewables due
to metals demand, instead they [...]” (N124). As another example, the following claims that a key
variable is missing from a visualization in the article, “[w]hat the California graph doesn’t show
is an additional 8% of customer-based solar (and growing) that isn’t counted in official records”
(N37). In this instance, however, another commenter took a closer look at the caption and replied,
“@[username], behind-the-meter (home) solar is included in the graph. See: [link]” (N38).
As we catalogued each data visualization, we did find a few that required additional searching to
identify a (plausible) data source for the visualization. Commenters noted these reference errors as
well, “I don’t know where [author] got that figure - I can’t see it in the source [they] cite, which
doesn’t deal in pie charts. We’re closer to 30% not 3%, for renewables” (B2). Most comments in
Themes 3 and 4 argue that: if there are flaws in the data collection or analysis procedures, then the
narrative is flawed as well.

5.3 How people debate data visualization design choices


Choices about how to present a data analysis inherently suggest ways to interpret the analysis
[1, 51, 95]. Our analysis found that commenters will critique visual design decisions, highlight mis-
understandings, and will engage with each other to address these issues. This observation confirms
prior findings that data-centered talk can yield insights for data journalists [52]. Additionally, social
interactions among commenters can emerge in response to these comments.
Comments critique design choices about data visualizations (Theme 5). An important data
visualization choice is what units to present. In response to Moskin et al. [73] about how dietary
decisions affect carbon emissions in food production, some debate ensued around the units used to
compare food groups: “OK, but who gets 50 grams of protein from cheese?” (N17) arguing that
“comparing the protein/pound between plant and meat is a false equivalent” (N24), but others
countered that “it is possible to get 50 grams of protein from plant foods” (N18). This example
demonstrates how comments may reference specific elements of a data visualization as they engage
with an article narrative.
Some comments also highlight points of misunderstanding in a visualization (Theme 6). Labels
can help people to interpret units and other visual elements. Commenters to Carrington [13]
grappled with how to interpret a chart about the food groups people need to eat less of to keep
global temperatures under 2C by 2050. A strong contingent of commenters were bothered by
an annotation on the chart (27 comments): “UK citizens will need to eat nine times less pork.”
Numerous commenters responded with criticism of the unfortunate phrasing, “WTF is nine times
less?” (G1), “why not say one ninth” (G4) or more practically, “[i]f you eat beef every day, drop that

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down to every nine days” (G7). As evident in this case, stylistic decisions in a visualization can
distract attention away from a narrative.
People also help each other to make sense of unexpected elements in a data visualization (Theme
7). In response to a visualization showing oceanic temperature change from 1940-2018, a commenter
observed that “[t]he curve for the deeper ocean warming is steeper. Intuitively I would have expected
the opposite. Are the descriptive captions for each curve reversed?” (N74) Another commenter
replied with a hyperlink to the European Environment Agency’s heat content report, “I expected
what you did, and I’m not sure why it’s different, but the trend is sharper when the depths to 2000
meters are included” (N75). This reply adds domain knowledge to the discussion that might help
others to make sense of the data and help the author to improve the article.
Choices about what to measure may also appear to present a biased narrative. In response to
Pierre-Louis [79], which is a NYT article about global greenhouse gas emissions, many commenters
took issue with a decision to list countries in a static chart by total change in carbon-dioxide
emissions instead of per-capita emissions. Commenters argued that, “properly measured, that
is calibrated relative to population, China is NOT the world’s worst polluter” (N96) and “in the
United States we emit 16.5 metric tons per person per year compared to a worldwide average of
about five metric tons” (N307). An enhanced discussion forum could add an interactive view of this
data, enabling people to toggle between carbon-dioxide emissions measured in the aggregate or
per-capita (e.g., CommentSpace [109]), but it is less clear whether this design change would elicit
meaningful discussion or more entrenched polarization.
A few comments offer feedback about the data presentation at an article. “[F]ascinating charts
[...] not sure they graphically need to swap position to maintain order of overall production by year,
might be clearer and eas[ier] to assess if positions remained constant as they grew or dwindled”
(N56). However, the feedback often amounted to simple praise or grief: “literally the worst graph
ever made, but I wholeheartedly agree” (G14).

5.4 How people refer to visualizations to engage with the narrative


In the context of a newspaper article, each visualization contributes to a central argument about
how readers should interpret the data presented in the article [32, 107]. We found instances where
commenters recognize themselves in a data visualization and refer to specific observations to share
their personal narrative of an issue. Our analysis also found comments that interrogate the data
journalist’s visualization choices, by raising questions about reporting bias and offering alternative
narratives from the data.
Commenters use data visualizations as a point of personal reflection guided by observations and
trends presented in the data (Theme 8).
“Fascinating, but locally very disappointing. I was of course unhappy to see that my
state—with 300 days/yr of often unmitigated sunshine obtains only 5% from solar, while
neighboring AZ gets only 6, just matching that figure from MA, where I lived for 15+
years, and which sees lots of gray cloudy skies” (N55).
Unlike situated knowledge that is generally related to the article topics and data (Theme 1), these
personal stories are prompted by specific data points presented in the reporting.
A few commenters challenge the narratives in articles by identifying discrepancies between an
article’s text and visualizations (Theme 9). Some call attention to possible cherry-picking from the
observations, “[w]hen I look at the chart, the two biggest impacts are beef and farmed crustaceans;
however, in the text the authors only mention beef and dairy. Why?” (N13) Other comments suggest
that the text overstates or misleads.

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“the overlay says natural gas has edged out coal (in bold) which isn’t what you see
in the graph [...] a number of small states have dramatic shifts in their energy mix in
short period of times. With small user bases, shifting just one big power plant changes
the profile of the whole state” (N67).
Commenters also suggest data changes that might shift the narrative (Theme 10). For example,
articles in the Energy topic present the electricity generated by energy source [23, 49, 81] and by
state [82] or region [30], but comments raised that a better comparison might be consumed energy
by source (e.g., coal, natural gas, solar). The examples suggest that the production, export, and
import of energy by source may offer a different story about state-level commitment to renewable
energy (N63; G33). While similar to comments that call attention to issues related to the data
provenance (Themes 3-4), these examples show how a missing variable in the visualization may
shift the narrative in new directions.
Lastly, some of the data-centered talk comments synthesize observations about data to seemingly
motivate a call-to-action around a civic problem or possible solution (Theme 11).
“What was most interesting was that many states use resources that are readily available,
with one exception. States with coal use that. States benefiting from mountain snow
melt into rushing rivers use hydroelectric power. States in that massive wind tunnel
in the middle of the country are increasingly making use of wind power. The one
exception is solar power in the sunniest states. We’ll hope that is changing” (N64).
In this example, the comment calls attention to a perceived under-utilization of solar power
depicted in a particular data visualization (i.e., [82]). The comment was Recommended by other
readers nine times and was highlighted in the NYT interface as among the Reader Picks. It is less
clear how many times this comment was shared via the social media tools embedded within the
commenting system. Commenters also use data to call for inaction. “3% renewables, and all these
idiot climate changers want everyone to get rid of hydrocarbons and get electric cars! What a sick
joke” (B1).
A data visualization can bring to light factors that underlie a civic problem. Our analysis finds that
the discussion surrounding a data visualization at news sites may also call attention to issues beyond
what is visualized, to how choices about the data collection, analysis, and visual representation
play into the narrative.

6 RQ 3. WHAT PREDICTIVE FACTORS HELP TO AUTOMATICALLY RECOGNIZE


COMMENTS ABOUT DATA?
When people comment on the data in a news article they may share their experiences, ideas, and
feelings about an issue, as evident in the eleven themes in data-centered talk (RQ2). Our analysis
also identified instances of social interaction around the ways data is visually represented; as
people help each other to fact-check and make sense of an analysis, or when they gleefully gang
up on a poorly phrased data label (e.g., “WTF is nine times less?”). This observation suggests that
commenting not only offers critique for a data journalist [52], but these comments also help to
further the conversation about an article.
While potentially valuable opportunities for informed discussion about data presented in an
article, instances of data-centered talk are particularly rare (RQ1). In face-to-face settings, a facilitator
might help move a civic discussion about data forward using well-crafted conversation prompts
[72, 74], but such facilitation is less feasible in online discussions [71]. To explore how discussion
systems could be improved through text classification methods, we investigated automated methods
to filter through a noisy online discussion for instances of data-centered talk (RQ3). Such techniques
are commonly used to remove abusive content in social media [57] and at news sites [36]. Such

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intelligent filtering for data-centered talk may offer moderators (and readers) new ways to highlight,
fact-check, and facilitate these comments.

Baseline Final
Variables Coefficient (SE) Coefficient (SE)
Control Variables
(Intercept) -5.96(0.25) *** -6.05 (0.32) ***
Word Count 1.01(0.05) *** 0.81 (0.06) ***
Discussion Context
Platform-Breitbart -2.51(0.24) *** -2.31 (0.25) ***
Platform-Guardian -1.72(0.13) *** -1.91 (0.14) ***
Topic-Energy 1.43(0.13) *** 1.37 (0.15) ***
Topic - CO2 1.40(0.15) *** 1.46 (0.16) ***
Sourcing
Article Cosine Similarity 0.08 (0.01) ***
Hyperlink 1.02 (0.16) ***
Cognitive Processes
Cognitive processes -0.36 (0.85)
Quantifiers 3.07 (1.57) .
Comparisons 5.01 (1.45) ***
Number 16.92 (1.15) ***
Identity References
1st Person Singular -2.58 (2.15)
1st Person Plural -4.39 (2.31) .
2nd Person Pronouns -4.39 (2.00) *
3rd Person Singular -17.05 (7.65) *
3rd Person Plural -12.20 (3.42)
Impersonal Pronouns -0.72 (1.40)
Model performance
Cohen’s Kappa 0.1819 0.3416
Log Likelihood -1807 -1578
Pseudo-R2 0.1981 0.2996
Accuracy 0.8947 0.9036
Model selection
AIC 3625.4 3192.2
Goodness-of-fit 𝜒 2 (𝑑 𝑓 = 12, 𝑁 = 6, 525) = 457.22***
Table 5. Logistic regression model on comments of data-centered talk. As Platform and Topic are categorical
variables, the coefficients reflect comparisons with the NYT and Weather topic, which are included in the
model intercept. To evaluate the performance of each model, the table presents the Cohen’s Kappa score,
McFadden’s pseudo R2 , and model accuracy based on ten-fold cross-validation. To compare the goodness-
of-fit of the final model, we ran the log likelihood ratio test and report the 𝜒 2 statistic. The log likelihood,
AIC score, and 𝜒 2 statistic all indicate that incorporating features related to the comment text significantly
improve the model fit. In the final model, the following textual features have a significant effect on the
likelihood that a comment contains data-centered talk: Cosine similarity, Hyperlinks, Comparisons, Numbers.
p-value significance codes: 0.0001 ‘***’, 0.001 ‘**’, 0.01 ‘*’, 0.05 ‘.’

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6.1 The model provides a reasonably accurate classification (with caveats)


As described in the Method section (Section 3.4), the analysis involved an initial Baseline model
to predict the likelihood that comments contain data-centered talk, while controlling for several
factors, such as the news site platform, discussion topic, and comment length (logged word count).
The Baseline model was used as a point of comparison with a Final model (see Table 5), which
we expanded from the Baseline to include a series of factors related to a comment’s content (e.g.,
article text cosine similarity, inclusion of hyperlinks, comparison terms).
Ten-fold cross-validation was used to confirm the models were reasonably accurate at classifying
comments that contain data-centered talk (above 90%). While the gain in accuracy between the
Baseline and Final model is relatively small ∼1%, we find that the Final model has a greater
agreement with the observed data (Cohen’s Kappa) and offers a better fit to the data as indicated in
the pseudo-R2 and the AIC score, which does include a penalty term to account for complex models
(those with more parameters) being more likely to over fit the training data by comparison to a
simple model (with fewer parameters). The log likelihood ratio test 𝜒 2 statistic further confirms
that the Final model offers a significantly better fit to the data, by comparison to the Baseline.
However, a limitation of our binary classifier is that it tends to yield more false negatives, as our
prediction of data-centered talk is less accurate (63.8%) than our prediction of comments that do
not include data-centered talk (91.7%). This is due to the small proportion of comments coded as
including data-centered talk in our training set (714 of 6,525 or 10.9%), relative to the volume of
comments that are not topically coherent and reference data (5,811 of 6,525 or 89.1%).
These results suggest cautious optimism about the potential for systems that can automatically
detect comments that contain data-centered talk. Our analysis found several text features that
increase the likelihood of data-centered talk being present in a comment, but future analyses should
consider larger data collections as well as more robust statistical approaches, such as bootstrapping,
to improve the model prediction by sub-sampling. The following review the most promising
predictive features, which add nuance to the thematic analysis of data-centered talk (RQ2).

6.2 Predictive factors that help to identify data-centered talk in comments


6.2.1 Platform and topic affect the likelihood of data-centered talk. The news sites selected for this
study differ in terms of their system design, moderation practices, and reporting about climate
change. Our analysis found that the news sites are not equal in their levels of data-centered talk.
Using a Tukey-based pairwise comparison in the Final model we found that posts to Breitbart news
and the Guardian were 0.10 and 0.15 times likely to contain data-centered talk than posts to the
NYT. These differences are important to account for in analysis, but it is less clear what factors
related to the platforms may have caused this difference.

6.2.2 The discussion topics also elicited unequal levels of data-centered talk. Articles about the topic
“living with the new reality of global warming” (Weather) were less likely to elicit posts about
data-centered talk than other topics. Using a Tukey-based pairwise comparison in the Final model
we found that posts to the topic “state-level shifts toward green energy” (Energy) were 2.93 times
more likely to include data-centered talk than posts to the Weather topic and posts to “dietary
contributions to carbon emission” (CO2) were 3.30 times more likely. We caution against reading
too deeply into this observation, as the topics not only differ in terms of their content, but also in
data sources, visualization, and interactivity. The selected articles also differ in length, publish date,
and author among other factors.

6.2.3 External links can indicate that the data is under discussion. Similar to our hand-coding
of topically coherent comments, we calculated a comment’s cosine similarity with terms in the

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Data-centered talk 174:19

article weighted by their TF-IDF to consider the extent to which a comment speaks to information
within an article. Our analysis found that a one standard deviation increase in cosine similarity
increases the odds that a comment is about relevant data by 8.3% in the Final model. As many of the
communication behaviors presented in section 5 revolved around external sources of evidence, it is
not surprising to see that the odds of comments which include a hyperlink were 1.77 times more
likely than the comments without a hyperlink to contain data-centered talk since the exponential
of the coefficient of Hyperlink is exp(1.02) = 2.77.
6.2.4 Specific language can be predictive of data-centered talk. The commenting behaviors captured
by the themes in data-centered talk reflect a range of cognitive processes. Our quantitative analysis
included several predictors based on cognitive indicators in LIWC, such as words commonly
associated with causation, insight, and certainty. Our analysis also found that a one standard
deviation increase in the volume of words commonly associated with the cognitive process of
comparison, words like “greater and least”, significantly increased the odds of a comment containing
data-centered talk. Additionally, we examined the presence of numbers, quantifiers, and terms
commonly related to quantitative comparisons. The volume of number words, like “twenty and
thousand”, increased the odds that a comment was about data-centered talk significantly.
Comments were also less likely to contain data-centered talk when they include identity ref-
erences, which we operationalized as the volume of personal pronouns. Specifically, comments
containing more 2nd person (e.g., you, your) and 3rd person plural pronouns (e.g., they, them) were
marginally significant in our statistical models.

7 DISCUSSION AND LIMITATIONS


7.1 What value might designing for data-centered talk yield?
Our analysis indicates that data-centered talk is rare at news websites, yet offers a valuable window
into how people engage with each other around data journalism. Comments that contain data-
centered talk are somewhat similar linguistically to those that Arguello et al. [2] found generally
likely to receive a response in online discussion. Our analysis of RQ3 finds that the discussion
context matters (i.e., platform, topic) and that comments containing data-centered talk tend to
be topically coherent with the article; these findings echo those of Arguello et al. [2]. However,
data-centered talk is distinct in that hyperlinks, comparison terms, and numbers are more prevalent,
while cognitive processes and identity references play a less pronounced role than they do in
comments that are generally likely to generate a response.
The eleven themes (RQ2) offer illustrative evidence of the range of responses that a discussion
about data can generate (Table 4). People use data as a prompt to share personal stories and reference
data to argue a point. People also raise questions that help to clarify and generate insights about
data: e.g., Where did this data come from and how did it get here? How do the rhetorical elements
of a visualization guide its interpretation? What story does the visualization present and are there
alternative narratives? By promoting such mutual understanding, data might become a valuable
focus for informed discussion about civic issues. Due to our limited sample of comments, we were
unable to explore these social behaviors computationally (e.g., [2, 10, 11]), but hope that future
research will investigate what social roles people may adopt and develop over time as they continue
to read data journalism and follow specific topics in the news [100].
Our qualitative analysis surfaced a rich discourse around data and we think that the themes
might also serve as a guide for system designers to think about facilitating deliberation about
data analysis in online settings. In this paper, each theme was presented independently, but our
interpretation of the findings is that there are inter-dependencies among the themes. For example,
a data-discussion facilitator might first direct participants to consider questions about the data

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174:20 Brian McInnis et al.

collection process (Theme 3), and then gradually move the conversation towards clarifying how to
read the visualizations (Theme 6), so that participants have a shared sense of how the data was
collected and represented, in order to promote informed discussion about data analyses presented
in a news article (Theme 10). As discussion participants explore and generate new questions, a
skilled facilitator might recognize when to pause the discussion, so that participants can re-calibrate
their shared understanding, perhaps by revisiting a theme in data-centered talk.
A natural next step might be to develop ways of eliciting data-discussion based on the themes
and then practice facilitating them in face-to-face contexts. The contexts for such evaluation might
build on existing research about how people experience data in daily life [47, 59, 78] and how
data scientists deliberate about an analysis [77]. Through practice facilitating data-discussions in
face-to-face settings, we might recognize new facilitation strategies, evaluation criteria, and system
designs that we could then apply to promote informed online discussion about civic issues.

7.2 Design considerations for data-centered talk


We argue that data-centered talk offers a valuable opportunity for facilitating online civic discussion,
but our analysis of RQ1 clearly indicates that the opportunities for data-centered talk are rare. Just
73 articles in 3,176 (2.3%) include both data visualizations and enable online commenting. System
designers can propose many novel ways to promote data-centered talk at news sites, but whether
to enable or disable commenting about an article is typically a newsroom decision.
Newsrooms weigh numerous considerations when determining how to present data [32, 107]
and (whether to) support participatory journalism [24, 25, 46]. To illustrate this decision process,
consider the following system design idea that extends from our finding that data-centered talk
often includes questions about data provenance and visual choices:
• Facilitate data-centered Q&A around an article: Inspired by the Storia [60] workflow for
synthesizing social media posts into a narrative summary of an event, we might design a
system that simply extracts open data-centered questions from a discussion and lists each
alongside an article, so that other readers can offer answers.
For discussion newcomers, responding to a data-centered question might offer an easy way into
the conversation [71]; experts might regularly peruse these lists for opportunities to be useful,
as in Stack Overflow, and regular commenters could get recommended questions based on their
commenting history on specific topics or data [17]. While increasing the salience of data-centered
questions might foster discussion, doing so may have adverse consequences for a journalist, by
making it easier for commenters to cultivate uncertainty about the reporting [25, 46], and easier
for data-centered disinformation campaigns to generate attention [92].
CSCW research is often tangled in what Jackson et al. [55] refer to as a policy knot: we see
opportunities for system design to advance research and collaboration, but find that there are
unintended consequences in practice, and policy considerations that affect and are affected by system
design choices. As newsrooms determine their approach to participatory data journalism, existing
CSCW research offers a number of system design ideas to weigh along with other considerations,
such as journalist reputation and moderation practices. The following are a few examples of
designing for data-centered talk to promote various outcomes, which we offer for consideration by
newsrooms as well as the third-party hosting services that enable online discussion about news
articles (e.g., Disqus, Datawrapper):
• Promote statistical literacy among readers. Much of data-centered talk is asking and answering
questions about how to interpret a data visualization. Recognizing that many people do not
have access to the skills necessary to make sense of data, some newsrooms have opted to
promote statistical literacy by hosting expert facilitated discussions about data journalism

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[43]; however, these efforts depend on human moderators, who have a limited bandwidth
to respond to comments [33]. CrowdSCIM [105] demonstrates how novice crowds can learn
expert skills, such as historical thinking, by performing scaffolded micro-tasks. To help
readers to develop these skills without direct attention from a moderator, a news site might
integrate the task scaffolding techniques applied by CrowdSCIM with existing statistical
literacy training materials (e.g., [4, 38]).
• Generate public insights for data science teams. Recall that many of the visualizations of
climate change data were not created in the newsroom, but reproduced from other sources
(e.g., academic journals, government organizations). Rather than promote data-centered
talk between readers and journalists, a newsroom might opt to facilitate data-centered talk
between readers and the data science teams that produced the analysis. Newsrooms might
offer programmatic access to data-centered talk around specific data sources, such as the
Global Carbon Budget7 [42], so that data scientists can integrate public discussion about data
directly into their analysis pipeline, as discussed in Willett et al. [108].
• Foster community around shared experiences of civic issues. In our analysis, the largest theme
in data-centered talk was using data to share situated knowledge, e.g., personal stories. Data
journalism about a civic issue can elicit deep feelings for people who live with these issues
in their every day. A newsroom may view its role in society as providing an online public
square for people to find each other and to form community through data journalism. CSCW
systems such as BudgetMap [61] and Hollaback [26] offer compelling examples of how a
thoughtful approach to aggregating personal experiences from a community can influence
public decision-making and can offer people steps toward recovery from a trauma.
Data visualizations can help readers to develop insights about a civic issue that are harder to
express in text, and that process of discovery can motivate readers to read further [27, 51]. In this
paper, we examine the online discussions about data that can follow from data journalism. As
presented, data-centered talk is an example of the rare, yet valuable instances of social interaction
that can emerge even amidst noisy online discussions at news sites. While we have offered several
possible ways that news sites might promote data-centered talk through system design and facilita-
tion, our analysis highlights key differences among news sites that stem from newsroom choices
about how to present data [32, 107] and whether to host an online discussion [24, 25, 46].

7.3 Limitations
The research has several key limitations. We opted to focus on specific topics related to climate
change, diving deeply into the commenting and context surrounding twelve articles (6,525 comments
in total), rather than sampling broadly from a range of topics (e.g., [52]). While we selected the
articles to reflect common discussion topics (e.g., CO2 , Energy, Weather), the study did not deploy
a controlled experiment. For this reason, throughout the article we note important similarities
and differences among the news sites, discussion topics, and data visualizations included in the
collection as a case study.
We also have limited information about the people involved with the discussion; those who
posted, shared, and recommended comments, but also those who moderate the discussion. For
example, moderators play a pronounced role in what content is prioritized in an online discussion.
Each of the news sites employ different moderation practices and systems, but we do not know the
content and volume of comments actually removed by moderators at the news site. For that reason,

7 Global Carbon Project data archive: https://www.globalcarbonproject.org/carbonbudget/archive.htm

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174:22 Brian McInnis et al.

our analysis is limited to the comments that were published on the collection date, some of which
may have since been removed.
There are also political operators who wage strategic information operations against online
discussions about civic issues [92], perhaps especially around issues of climate change [66]. Recent
CSCW research about strategic information operations demonstrate how political operators collab-
orate to promote specific narratives by raising uncertainty about presented facts and discrediting
information providers (e.g., journalists, moderators) [92, 94]. Political operators also create content
to contest evidence about civic issues [93]. In our case, comments that denounce journalistic deci-
sions or that raise uncertainty about an analysis, may reflect such political operations, but we do
not know to what extent any such operations may have influenced our findings.

8 CONCLUSION
We analyzed 6,525 comments across three different news sites for the presence of on-topic comments
that reference embedded data and data visualizations. Such data-centered talk (DCT) was rare, only
occurring in 10.9% of comments, but potentially quite valuable. Eleven different themes across four
main categories in situated and domain knowledge, data provenance, visual representation and
data narratives, reveal how people discuss data visualizations. These instances of DCT can serve as
design inspiration for discussion system designers, as they point to directions for data-centered
moderation tools and discussion prompts, and offer a source of feedback for data journalists. We
demonstrate how automated text classification methods can help to surface comments that contain
DCT (90.36% accuracy), which could be used in moderation systems to help facilitate meaningful
conversation about data. Finally, we discuss potential ways that newsrooms might apply this
analysis to promote data literacy, data science, and to foster community around shared experiences.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We want to thank Yiwen Hou, Aneesh Kashalikar, and Ziwen Zeng for valuable assistance through-
out the research process. The paper improved tremendously through the review cycle and is
substantially stronger thanks in no small part to the thoughtful contributions of expert reviewers.
This research was funded by the National Science Foundation, grants #1122206 and #2009003.
Additionally, we want to acknowledge Cliff Lampe for asking a thoughtful question at CSCW 2018
about “literacy barriers in civic discussion” that prompted our direction into this research.

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Received January 2020; revised June 2020; accepted July 2020

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