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Political Conversations in
Late Republican Rome
 Political Conversations
in Late Republican Rome
CRISTINA ROSILLO-LÓPEZ

1
 3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Cristina Rosillo-López 2022
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
First Edition published in 2022
Impression: 1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2021941856
ISBN 978–0–19–285626–5
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192856265.001.0001
Printed and bound in the UK by
TJ Books Limited
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
Para Nora
 Acknowledgements

Whereas I began work on this book in a normal and hectic academic world filled
of travel and conferences, I ended it under a strict lockdown at home. At a time
when millions of people are secluded and isolated at home, we are reminded of the
importance and joy of face-to-face interaction, something that cannot be replaced
by our increasingly sophisticated modern means of communication. These are
unusual, yet somehow fitting, circumstances to complete a book that examines
how Roman senators and their entourage preferred to meet in person to engage in
conversation. Now more than ever, we can see that they were right.
This book was conceived, researched, and partially written thanks to a
Humboldt Research Fellowship, which allowed me to spend many months in
Germany and have the luxury of dedicating long periods of time exclusively to
research. I was a guest at the Lehrstuhl für alte Geschichte at the Technische
Universität Dresden, and I immensely enjoyed the city, countryside, library and
my new colleagues, who went the extra mile to make me feel at home; vielen Dank.
This research was also financed by the project ‘El sector inmobiliario en el
mundo romano’ (HAR2016-76882-P, Agencia Estatal de Investigación, Ministerio
de Ciencia e Innovación, Gobierno de España).
I am very grateful to the university libraries and librarians at Dresden, Oxford,
and Paris. At the library of the Universidad Pablo de Olavide, David Fernández
Lora has managed to track down rare items and almost inaccessible books and
journals for me; muchísimas gracias, a él y a todo el equipo de la biblioteca. I also
thank Ben Jerue for making my English more readable.
Parts of this book were presented at seminars and conferences in Turin,
Durham, Buenos Aires, Bielefeld, Dresden, Grenoble, Paris, and in the Libera
Res Publica Network meetings of Seville and Palma. I would like to thank the
audiences for engaging with the topic and for their questions and suggestions.
Whether at a conference, during a quick coffee break, or over a long and
leisurely meal and drink(s), many colleagues and friends have offered suggestions
and comments throughout the research and writing of this book: Henriette van
der Blom, Clément Bur, Juan Manuel Cortés Copete, Cyril Courrier, Jean-Michel
David, Antonio Duplá Ansuategui, María García Magán, Marta García Morcillo,
Enrique García Riaza, Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp, Frédéric Hurlet, Fabian Knopf,
Christoph Lundgreen, Gesine Manuwald, Pascal Montlahuc, Rosario Moreno
Soldevila, Elena Muñiz Grijalvo, Mike Peachin, Francesca Rohr Vio, Amy
Russell, Catherine Steel, Kathryn Tempest, and Uwe Walter. Thank you very
much! Martin Jehne was essential for the structure and perspective of this book;
viii 

his comments and advice on early drafts always made me reflect deeper on the
subject. I would like to extend a special thanks to my colleague and friend
Francisco Pina Polo, who has followed this book from its birth to completion,
reading the whole manuscript (and several partial drafts); as always, I have learned
much from his incisive comments, insightful questions, and intellectual generos-
ity. Although some of the above-mentioned people have not always agreed with all
the arguments made over the following pages, engaging with them in conversation
and debate has been (and still is) a real pleasure.
I was extremely fortunate to be in strict lockdown in the company of my two
favourite people in the world. Igor, the best partner I could ever hope for, has
made everything possible. While currently Nora can just say a limited (but
growing) number of words, her eyes and smile do speak volumes. This book is
for her.
 Contents

List of Figures and Tables xiii

Introduction 1
Why are conversations important? 2
Senatorial relationships and Roman politics 5
Outline of the book 8
1. A wider definition of politics and political participation 11
1.1 Extra-institutional politics 11
1.2 What is politics and political participation? 18
2. Sources for political conversations in Late Republican Rome 23
2.1 Why the letters of Cicero? 24
2.2 Why do later sources display a different perspective? 30
3. Face-to-face meetings 36
3.1 Le métier du sénateur romain: the importance of being
present in Rome (or nearby) 37
3.2 The importance of meeting in person 41
3.2.1 The ‘circulatory system’ 41
3.2.2 The limitations of letters 47
3.2.3 Face-to-face meetings as problem-solving: the encounters of 49 51
3.2.4 Physical presence and negotiation 55
3.2.5 Caesar as ruler and face-to-face meetings 59
3.3 The myth of senatorial meetings: the ‘Conference of Luca’ 62
3.3.1 The ‘standard version’ of the ‘Conference of Luca’ 62
3.3.2 The logistics of senatorial ‘conferences’ 65
3.3.3 Caesar’s face-to-face politics during his proconsulship in Gaul 70
3.3.4 The ‘Conference of Luca’ as a litmus test for being
connected or disconnected 76
3.4 Conclusion 79
Appendix: Informal meetings January–May 49 81
4. How to have conversations 83
4.1 The early socialization of the Roman elite 84
4.2 The social expectations governing conversation 94
4.2.1 Learning how to have a conversation 95
4.2.2 Social expectations: dynamics of conversations 98
4.2.3 Conversations and disagreement 101
4.2.4 Conversations and placating anger 102
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x 

4.3 Occasions for conversation 108

4.3.1 Dinners 108
4.3.2 Senaculum 115
4.3.3 Consilia and meetings 118
4.4 Conclusions 125
5. Dynamics of conversations 127
5.1 Methodological issues 128
5.2 Conversations, insider information, speculations,
and predictions 132
5.3 Non-verbal information: gestures, feelings, and impressions 136
5.4 Conversations transmitted in direct speech: case studies 139
5.4.1 Cicero and Caesar (28 March 49) 141
5.4.2 Curio and Cicero (14 April 49) 143
5.4.3 The so-called consilium of June 44 (group conversation) 147
5.5 A non-Ciceronian perspective on conversation 150
5.6 Conclusions 153
6. Oral circulation of information 155
6.1 Circulation of information 156
6.1.1 What kind of information was sought? 156
6.1.2 Requesting and fishing for information 160
6.1.3 The connection and disconnection of the flow of information 167
6.2 Control of information 170
6.2.1 Could the circulation of information be restricted? 170
6.2.2 When things got out of control: leaked conversations 174
6.3 Conclusions 177
7. The role of non-senatorial actors in conversations and meetings 179
7.1 How to identify and refer to these actors? 179
7.2 Non-senatorial actors: analysis 183
7.2.1 Freedmen 183
7.2.2 Elite women 187
7.2.3 Non-elite women 191
7.3 The role of mandata 194
7.3.1 Mandata in private law and on official missions 195
7.3.2 Mandata in extra-institutional politics 197
7.4 Conclusions 202
8. The Senate from an extra-institutional point of view 204
8.1 Preparatory conversations 205
8.2 How to draft and negotiate a law proposal 208
8.3 Was there an agenda in the Roman Senate? 216
8.4 Looking for political support 220
8.4.1 A specific issue: Cicero’s supplicatio 221
8.4.2 Bringing someone over from the other side: Hirtius in 44 224
8.4.3 The Buthrotum affair 226
  xi

8.5 The presence of non-senatorial actors: the special case of Atticus 229
8.6 Conclusion: What happened when senators could not meet
and talk beforehand? 230
9. Conclusions 235

Appendix: Prosopography of non-senatorial actors 239

A.1 Young men 239
A.2 Equites 241
A.3 Freedmen 245
A.4 Women 248
A.5 People of unknown status 251

Bibliography 255
Index of People 283
Subject Index 288
 List of Figures and Tables

Figures
0.1. Cesare Maccari, Cicerone denuncia Catilina (Palazzo Madama, Roma, 1880). 2
3.1. Discussion networks between January and May 49 in Italy. 53

Tables
3.1. Distance from Rome to Caesar’s winter camps for which visits made
by senators are attested. 71
3.2. Distance from Rome to Caesar’s other winter camps (hiberna), with no
attested visits by senators. 72
3.3. Distances from Rome to the nearest important city of a province. 75
 Introduction

One wonders whether in 1880 Cesare Maccari could have imagined how his fresco
Cicerone denuncia Catilina would become one of the most famous representations
of the Roman Republic, appearing on the cover of countless academic books and
influencing depictions of the Roman Senate in films and popular culture.¹ No
doubt, the painter painstakingly laboured over the fresco’s protagonist: his Cicero
exudes power and eloquence, standing off to the left with arms outstretched and
hair the same colour as his toga. We can almost hear the legendary words quo
usque tandem on his lips. On the opposite side of the fresco, Maccari also
masterfully rendered Cicero’s opponent, Catiline, swarthy and dark-haired,
hunched over and brooding with his strong arms bent. Is he deciding on the
next step to take? Does he regret his actions? He is conspicuously surrounded by
only empty seats; all senators have abandoned him and are squeezed together on
the other side of the room.
But let’s forget about Cicero and Catiline, who have always attracted the
greatest amount of attention. Instead, let’s focus on the senators. Maccari depicted
many of them listening to Cicero with rapt attention; four senators look intensely
at Catiline, perhaps trying to guess the effect of the consul’s words on him; other
senators look as if they are enjoying the fight, while others give the impression that
they have better things to do. There are also two clusters of senators that display a
very specific dynamic: in the middle of the picture, two senators seated in the front
row turn their backs to speak with two of their peers, one of whom leans forward
to hear better. Just behind Cicero’s arm, another senator, with a hand over his
mouth, whispers an aside to his neighbour, who flashes a knowing half-
smile, while a third senator leans forward so that he does not miss a word. Are
they talking about the actions of the consul or his rhetorical prowess? Are they
speculating about what Catilina’s political future would look like after the meet-
ing? Are they commenting on the rumours of the possible involvement of many
other senators in this alleged coup? Are they discussing their own possible courses
of action?

¹ E.g. the disposition of the Senate and the design of the chairs in Stanley Kubrick’s Spartacus (1960)
are an exact reproduction of Maccari’s fresco (the design of the floor is the only difference).

Political Conversations in Late Republican Rome. Cristina Rosillo-López, Oxford University Press.
© Cristina Rosillo-López 2022. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192856265.003.0001
2      

Fig. 0.1. Cesare Maccari, Cicerone denuncia Catilina (Palazzo Madama, Roma, 1880).

We are familiar with the notion that the Roman political world of the Late
Republic included lofty speeches and sessions of the Senate, but also need to
remember that another important aspect of Late Republican politics revolved
around senators, their sons, equites, trusted freedmen, and women of the elite
talking among themselves, chatting in the corner or at dinner. The present book
aims to analyse senatorial political conversations and illuminate the oral aspects of
Roman politics. It argues that Roman senators and their entourages met in person
to have conversations in which they discussed politics, circulated political informa-
tion, and negotiated strategies; and that all this had a relevant impact both on
politics and institutions as well as determined how the Roman Republic functioned.

Why are conversations important?

As a concept, ‘conversation’ has defied any widely accepted definition among

the specialists who study it. Nevertheless, conversations undoubtedly constitute
the key element that makes us human beings: the Turing test, devised to
assess whether a machine could display intelligent behaviour equal to a human’s,
judges the capacity of a machine to engage in human-like conversations
without being identified as a machine.² For the sake of this book, I will consider

² Turing (1950); the Loebner Prize is an annual competition that judges whether computer
programs pass the Turing test. Regarding the study of conversation, the Ebert test goes far beyond:
  3

conversation to be any speech that occurs between at least two people, in which
people predominantly speak in turns, with the purpose of establishing or main-
taining social ties and/or exchanging information.³ This study will focus exclu-
sively on political conversations.
There are conversational constraints that limit the agency of the speaker and/or
listener: physical location (e.g. seating/standing), a person’s availability, the pres-
ence or absence of shared background knowledge, the ability to get a word in
edgeways when engaging with a dominating speaker (one-speaker rule), turn-
taking, the suitability of subjects of conversation, opportunity, subjects that may
be broached safely, among others.⁴ Some of these constraints can occasionally be
violated without a breakdown in conversation, but others cannot. All these
constraints show how socially and culturally rich and complicated conversations
are, even though they often strike us as the most natural things in the world.
Lately pessimists have lamented the decline of the art of conversation; some of
them have almost published its obituary.⁵ It is a common talking point that people
do not meet and talk any more; that, when they do, they only stare at their screens.
Scholars recall the golden ages of conversation, such as the 17th- and 18th-century
French salons, where gallant and spirited conversation became a model for social
and intellectual life.⁶ Habermas linked the dynamics of the salon with the emer-
gence of a public sphere and public opinion.⁷ The unexpected dimensions of the
COVID-19 pandemic and the resulting confinements of billions of people around
the world in 2020–2021 have thrown into relief the importance—or the sheer
necessity—of meeting people face-to-face to converse. The use of videoconfer-
ences, telephone calls, and instant messages has soared. People have resorted to
having dinners together over the internet and have got used to planting them-
selves in front of their computers with a coffee or cocktail in hand; friends,
families, and lovers have followed these rituals while confined. However, all
these can only be an ersatz version of the real thing: meeting in person and talking
face to face.
While it is a truism that Roman senators talked to each other, the present study
intends to fill in a gap within the scholarship: those conversations and meetings

film critic Robert Ebert proposed the challenge of developing a computerized voice which could master
the delivery, intentions, and timing of a human voice and be able to make people laugh (TED 2011
lecture: https://www.ted.com/talks/roger_ebert_remaking_my_voice/transcript?language=en).
³ Sacks (1995); Gibson (2000). ⁴ Gibson (2000).
⁵ ‘Conversation is dying’, in D. Lowe, ‘The Lost Art of Conversation (and How to Seduce Your
Customers’, Medium, 5 May 2018 (https://medium.com/d-lowe-playbook/the-lost-art-of-conversation-
and-how-emojis-are-slowly-killing-us-44364ee4859). Turtle (2015) has differentiated between talk (also
conducted through texts, emails, social media) and conversation.
⁶ Craveri (2001); Blanc (2006) on the political cercles and salons at the beginning of the French
Revolution, although there is no consensus on how far politics were discussed on salons previous to
1789. Pérez Samper (2002) on tertulias in Spain in the 18th century.
⁷ Habermas (1989); Rosillo-López (2017) on the public sphere and public opinion in the Late
Roman Republic; Gottesman (2014) on the public sphere in Athens.
4      

have been widely written off as unimportant. There has been no previous study of
conversations and meetings as a working mechanism of Roman politics; previous
works have approached the subject from a micro-perspective (e.g. Syme’s recon-
struction of who attended dinner with Caesar on the night before the Ides of
March)⁸ or have ignored it completely. While dinners have indeed been studied
thoroughly, they have not been integrated into a wider conception of politics.⁹
Alföldi paid attention to who met with whom and who talked with whom after
Octavian’s arrival in Italy in the aftermath of Caesar’s murder, in order to
understand how the young man and Balbus went about building up support for
his cause.¹⁰ A recent study on senatorial procedure has included conversations,
but still from a marginal point of view.¹¹ With the exception of the so-called
conference at Luca, modern accounts of the period have only approached
conversations and meetings sporadically or mentioned them occasionally as
anecdotes.¹² However, I urge the reader to open Cicero’s letters and to choose
one at random: the orator surely mentions having a conversation with someone,
filling in his correspondent on what he had been told; or he would be planning to
meet someone in order to talk politics; or he would be requesting information
from his correspondent. Clearly, it was an important issue for him and, by
extension, for any Roman senator. Regardless of the time of year or the political
context, conversations and meetings were pervasive in first-century Roman
politics. The aim of this book is to provide a satisfactory answer to how politics
worked in practice by focusing on the role of conversation and oral interaction.
This oral component has been studied in depth for formal politics—that is, for
discussions in the Senate and speeches before the people—but not for conversa-
tions. Face-to-face conversations allowed their participants to articulate their
points of view, share them with others, circulate information about them, learn
about others’ opinions and takes, deploy dynamics of persuasion (sometimes
direct, more subtle and tentative at other times), and, finally, to take in all the
information relayed through verbal and non-verbal means as well as through
feelings and impressions, so as to decide on a course of action. A letter could in no
way contain the richness and possibilities of an oral communicative moment in
politics.
The birth of Classics and Ancient History as a discipline was tightly linked with
Roman Law. The constitutional study of politics, in the tradition of Mommsen’s
Staatsrecht, has long eschewed aspects of politics that were not legislated.
Nevertheless, we should be careful not to look at Roman politics through an
overly legalistic lens. The Mommsenian focus on institutions and laws (i.e. the
formal aspects of Roman politics) has cast aside many aspects and phenomena
that do not neatly fit those boxes. In recent decades, breaking free of those

⁸ Mentioned in Pelling (2011: 471). Cf. Syme (2016: 12). ⁹ See pp. 108–115.
¹⁰ Alföldi (1976). ¹¹ Timmer (2020). ¹² On Luca, see pp. 62–79.
  5

over-legalized constraints, the multifaceted work on the study of the magistracies

and assemblies, the interaction of the senatorial elite with the equites and plebs,
senatorial behaviour, rituals, the role of the people, collective identity, cultural
memory, among others, have constituted a quantum leap in our understanding of
the Roman Republic. This book intends to adopt a new perspective, analysing how
Roman senators and non-senatorial actors interacted with each other outside a
strictly institutional setting. In light of this, I posit that politics were not solely
restricted to institutions. The real point is that by ignoring the role of conversa-
tions and meetings (i.e. the extra-institutional sphere), Roman politics is reduced
exclusively to institutions: the Senate, assemblies, and magistracies. As a result, we
are missing half the picture. As historians, this is something that we simply cannot
afford.

Senatorial relationships and Roman politics

Taking into account the importance of senators in the political system of the
(Late) Roman Republic, it is understandable that scholars have focused most of
their attention for more than a century on understanding the dynamics of the
relationships between senators. Those studies sought to clarify how the Senate
and, more definitively, the entire political system functioned. In 1912, Matthias
Gelzer published his Die Nobilität der römischen Republik in which he posited that
personal relations constituted the central characteristic of Roman politics, that is,
the primacy of personal relationships and fides over politics.¹³ In his view, these
relationships were socially structured, multiple, and overlapping, the most
important being the system of clientelae (at the level both of individuals and of
communities), patrocinium in the courts, political friendship (amicitia), and
financial obligations. In short, fides was at the heart of Roman society and politics
from top to bottom, from amicitia to clientela. ‘These relationships determined
the distribution of political power.’¹⁴ To this picture, Gelzer added the importance
of factions, based on the cooperation between those of equal status when assist-
ance was needed.¹⁵ In 1958 Badian added weight to these arguments by demon-
strating how members of the elite constructed networks of provincial clientelae
that reached communities over the entire expanse of the Roman Empire.¹⁶
Developing these ideas in relationship to kinship, and through an exceptional
command of the proposographical method, Münzer proposed in 1920 that
family ‘parties’ controlled Roman politics, with alliances being reoriented

¹³ Gelzer (1912 translated in English as The Roman Nobility, Oxford, 1969). See Hölkeskamp (2004)
(or the English translation/version of Hölkeskamp 2010) for a critical appraisal of Gelzer’s views of
Roman politics.
¹⁴ Gelzer (1969: 139). ¹⁵ Gelzer (1969: 123–36). ¹⁶ Badian (1958).
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Other documents randomly have
different content
lassen. Hegel hat die Ideenwelt ebensowenig wie Goethe als Wahrnehmung,
als individuelles Dasein geschaut. Er hat aber gerade über die Ideenwelt
seine Reflexionen angestellt. Diese sind daher nach vielen Richtungen hin
schief und unwahr. Hätte Hegel Beobachtungen über die Natur angestellt, so
wären sie wohl ebenso wertvoll geworden wie diejenigen Goethes; hätte
Goethe ein philosophisches Gedankengebäude aufgestellt, so wäre es kaum
gesünder geworden als dasjenige Hegels.
 Namen-Register.
Agassiz 189.
Aristoteles 15; 97.
Augustinus 14.
Bacon von Verulam 16 ff.
Blumenbach 100.
Büttner 153 f.
Bunge, Gustav 110.
Camper 101.
Cohn, Ferdinand 144.
Cuvier 143; 144 ff.
Darwin 134.
Descartes 16; 18 ff.; 35.
Diderot 134.
Du Bois-Reymond 65; 87; 92.
Förster 81.
Gegenbauer, Carl 122.
Geoffroy de St. Hilaire 143; 144 ff.
Gleichen-Rußwurm 95 ff.
Haeckel 134.
Haller 140 f.
Heinroth 42 f.
Herder 99; 106; 108; 124.
Holbach 65.
Hume 21; 24.
Jacobi, Fr. H. 55; 56; 57; 60; 66; 79.
Kalb, Frau von 124.
Kant 21 ff.; 27; 37; 91; 136 ff.
Karl, August 92; 95; 185.
Keppler 136.
Knebel 87; 96; 99; 100; 102; 106; 120.
Kraus 186 f.
Laplace 91.
Lavater 97 ff.; 129.
Leonhard 187 f.
Lessing 74.
Linné 93 ff.; 103.
Loder 98; 101.
Lyell 191 f.
Martius, K. Ph. 142 ff.
Merck 99; 100; 101; 191.
Müller, Kanzler von 68.
Newton 151 ff.
Parmenides 10.
Plato 10; 15; 24; 26; 27; 29; 34.
Rousseau 95.
Sachs, Julius 134 f.
Schelling 76.
Schiller 7 ff.; 39.
Schmidt, Oscar 135 f.
Spinoza 20 f.; 34; 35; 55.
Stein, Frau von 92; 96; 98; 99; 100; 101; 102; 103; 182; 185; 186.
Sternberg, Graf Caspar 144.
Stirner, Max 77 ff.
Thomas von Aquino 16.
Werner 188.
Wolf, Friedrich August 140.
Wolf, Kaspar Friedrich 140 ff.
Xenophanes 10.

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VI anfieng anfing
XI Gedankenentwicklung Gedankenentwickelung
3 dargelebt dargelegt
23 hervorrufen hervorzurufen
31 bloss bloß
32 Bewusstsein Bewußtsein
33 Moriz Moritz
37 Objekte Objektive
45 Aussenwelt Außenwelt
47,
dass daß
53
47,
54,
56, [Nicht in der Quelle] “
91,
186
49 eine ein
53 äussere äußere
56 . ,
61 sujektiven subjektiven
62 äusseren äußeren
82 ein in
91 natur nature
93 aus als
105 [Nicht in der Quelle] .
105 wären waren
112 das daß
114 wahrnemen wahrnehmen
116 -
119 enstehen entstehen
126 zweckmässig zweckmäßig
128 bestimmte bestimmten
128 . ?
130 gienge ginge
130 Lebensbegingungen Lebensbedingungen
135,
; ,
137
136,
Ganze Ganzes
161
137 [Nicht in der Quelle] ,
138 organische organischen
144 Antropomorphismen Anthropomorphismen
152 Spectrum Spektrum
155 [Nicht in der Quelle] (
155 einen einem
160 einer eines
188 Konglömerat Konglomerat
190 die als
199 [Nicht in der Quelle] „
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