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Finite Element Method
Finite Element Method
Physics and Solution Methods

Sinan Müftü
Professor, Department of Mechanical and Industrial Engineering
Northeastern University, Boston, United States
Academic Press is an imprint of Elsevier

125 London Wall, London EC2Y 5AS, United Kingdom


525 B Street, Suite 1650, San Diego, CA 92101, United States
50 Hampshire Street, 5th Floor, Cambridge, MA 02139, United States
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Copyright © 2022 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage
and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Details on how to
seek permission, further information about the Publisher’s permissions policies and our
arrangements with organizations such as the Copyright Clearance Center and the Copy-
right Licensing Agency, can be found at our website: www.elsevier.com/permissions.

This book and the individual contributions contained in it are protected under copyright
by the Publisher (other than as may be noted herein).

Notices
Knowledge and best practice in this field are constantly changing. As new research
and experience broaden our understanding, changes in research methods, professional
practices, or medical treatment may become necessary.
Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in
evaluating and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described
herein. In using such information or methods they should be mindful of their own
safety and the safety of others, including parties for whom they have a professional
responsibility.
To the fullest extent of the law, neither the Publisher nor the authors, contributors, or
editors, assume any liability for any injury and/or damage to persons or property as a
matter of products liability, negligence or otherwise, or from any use or operation of any
methods, products, instructions, or ideas contained in the material herein.

ISBN: 978-0-12-821127-4
For Information on all Academic Press publications visit our
website at https://www.elsevier.com/books-and-journals

Publisher: Matthew Deans


Acquisitions Editor: Brian Guerin
Editorial Project Manager: Rafael G. Trombaco
Production Project Manager: Sojan P. Pazhayattil
Cover Designer: Victoria Pearson Esser
Typeset by Aptara, New Delhi, India
This book is dedicated to my family

Lynne, Serra, and Emre


Yunus, Gülgün, and Ali
Contents

Preface xv
Acknowledgment xix

1. Introduction 1
1.1 Modeling and simulation 1
1.1.1 Boundary and initial value problems 1
1.1.2 Boundary value problems 3
1.2 Solution methods 5

2. Mathematical modeling of physical systems 9


2.1 Introduction 9
2.2 Governing equations of structural mechanics 9
2.2.1 External forces, internal forces, and stress 9
2.2.2 Stress transformations 12
2.2.3 Deformation and strain 17
2.2.4 Strain compatibility conditions 21
2.2.5 Generalized Hooke’s law 22
2.2.6 Two-dimensional problems 27
2.2.7 Balance laws 30
2.2.8 Boundary conditions 32
2.2.9 Total potential energy of conservative systems 36
2.3 Mechanics of a flexible beam 41
2.3.1 Equation of motion of a beam 43
2.3.2 Kinematics of the Euler–Bernoulli beam 45
2.3.3 Stresses in an Euler-Bernoulli beam 46
2.3.4 Kinematics of the Timoshenko beam 47
2.3.5 Stresses in a Timoshenko Beam 48
2.3.6 Governing equations of the Euler–Bernoulli beam
theory 48
2.3.7 Governing equations of the Timoshenko beam theory 49
2.4 Heat transfer 50
2.4.1 Conduction heat transfer 50
2.4.2 Convection heat transfer 51
2.4.3 Radiation heat transfer 51
2.4.4 Heat transfer equation in a one-dimensional solid 53
2.4.5 Heat transfer in a three-dimensional solid 56

vii
viii Contents

2.5 Problems 58
References 59

3. Integral formulations and variational methods 61


3.1 Introduction 61
3.2 Mathematical background 63
3.2.1 Divergence theorem 63
3.2.2 Green-Gauss theorem 63
3.2.3 Integration by parts 64
3.2.4 Fundamental lemma of calculus of variations 64
3.2.5 Adjoint and self-adjoint operators 64
3.3 Calculus of variations 65
3.3.1 Variation of a functional 66
3.3.2 Functional derivative 67
3.3.3 Properties of functionals 68
3.3.4 Properties of the variational derivative 69
3.3.5 Euler–Lagrange equations and boundary conditions 69
3.4 Weighted residual integral and the weak form of the
boundary value problems 74
3.4.1 Weighted residual integral 74
3.4.2 Boundary conditions 75
3.4.3 The weak form 76
3.4.4 Relationship between the weak form and functionals 77
3.5 Method of weighted residuals 85
3.5.1 Rayleigh–Ritz method 86
3.5.2 Galerkin method 87
3.5.3 Polynomials as basis functions for Rayleigh–Ritz
and Galerkin methods 87
3.6 Problems 104
References 109

4. Finite element formulation of one-dimensional


boundary value problems 111
4.1 Introduction 111
4.1.1 Boundary value problem 111
4.1.2 Spatial discretization 112
4.2 A second order, nonconstant coefficient ordinary
differential equation over an element 113
4.2.1 Deflection of a one-dimensional bar 113
4.2.2 Heat transfer in a one-dimensional domain 114
4.3 One-dimensional interpolation for finite element method
and shape functions 114
4.3.1 C0 continuous, linear shape functions 115
4.3.2 C0 continuous, quadratic shape functions 117
Contents ix

4.3.3 General form of C0 shape functions 118


4.3.4 One-dimensional, Lagrange interpolation functions 119
4.4 Equilibrium equations in finite element form 120
4.4.1 Element stiffness matrix for constant problem
parameters 123
4.4.2 Element stiffness matrix for linearly varying problem
parameters a, p, and q 124
4.5 Recovering specific physics from the general finite
element form 124
4.6 Element assembly 125
4.7 Boundary conditions 128
4.7.1 Natural boundary conditions 128
4.7.2 Essential boundary conditions 129
4.8 Computer implementation 130
4.8.1 Main-code 130
4.8.2 Element connectivity table 130
4.8.3 Element assembly 130
4.8.4 Boundary conditions 131
4.9 Example problem 131
4.10 Problems 133

5. Finite element analysis of planar bars and trusses 139


5.1 Introduction 139
5.2 Element equilibrium equation for a planar bar 141
5.2.1 Problem definition 141
5.2.2 Weak form of the boundary value problem 141
5.2.3 Total potential energy of the system 142
5.2.4 Finite element form of the equilibrium equations
of an elastic bar 143
5.3 Finite element equations for torsion of a bar 147
5.4 Coordinate transformations 148
5.4.1 Transformation of unit vectors between orthogonal
coordinate systems 148
5.4.2 Transformation of equilibrium equations for the
one-dimensional bar element 149
5.5 Assembly of elements 151
5.6 Boundary conditions 155
5.6.1 A formal definition 156
5.6.2 Direct assembly of the active degrees of freedom 158
5.6.3 Numerical implementation of the boundary
conditions 158
5.7 Effects of initial stress or initial strain 165
5.7.1 Thermal stresses 165
5.7.2 Initial stresses 166
5.8 Postprocessing: Computation of stresses and reaction forces 166
5.8.1 Computation of stresses in members 166
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x Contents

5.8.2 Reaction forces 167


5.9 Error and convergence in finite element analysis 172
Problems 177
Reference 185

6. Euler–Bernoulli beam element 187


6.1 Introduction 187
6.2 C1 -Continuous interpolation function 187
6.3 Element equilibrium equation 189
6.3.1 Problem definition 189
6.3.2 Weak form of the boundary value problem 189
6.3.3 Total potential energy of a beam element 191
6.3.4 Finite element form of the equilibrium equations
of an Euler–Bernoulli beam 192
6.4 General beam element with membrane and bending
capabilities 195
6.5 Coordinate transformations 196
6.5.1 Vector transformation between orthogonal
coordinate systems in a two-dimensional plane 196
6.5.2 Transformation of equilibrium equations for the
Euler-Bernoulli beam element with axial deformation 197
6.6 Assembly, boundary conditions, and reaction forces 198
6.7 Postprocessing and computation of stresses in members 198
Problems 206
Reference 209

7. Isoparametric elements for two-dimensional


elastic solids 211
7.1 Introduction 211
7.2 Solution domain and its boundary 213
7.2.1 Outward unit normal and tangent vectors along
the boundary 213
7.3 Equations of equilibrium for two-dimensional elastic solids 215
7.4 General finite element form of equilibrium equations for
a two-dimensional element 216
7.4.1 Variational form of the equation of equilibrium 217
7.4.2 Finite element form of the equation of equilibrium 218
7.5 Interpolation across a two-dimensional domain 221
7.5.1 Two-dimensional polynomials 221
7.5.2 Two-dimensional shape functions 223
7.6 Mapping between general quadrilateral and rectangular
domains 229
7.6.1 Jacobian matrix and Jacobian determinant 230
7.6.2 Differential area in curvilinear coordinates 233
7.7 Mapped isoparametric elements 239
7.7.1 Strain–displacement operator matrix, [B] 238
Contents xi

7.7.2 Finite element form of the element equilibrium


equations for a Q4-element 240
7.8 Numerical integration using Gauss quadrature 245
7.8.1 Coordinate transformation 245
7.8.2 Derivation of second-order Gauss quadrature 246
7.8.3 Integration of two-dimensional functions by Gauss
quadrature 248
7.9 Numerical evaluation of the element equilibrium equations 250
7.10 Global equilibrium equations and boundary conditions 252
7.10.1 Assembly of global equilibrium equation 252
7.10.2 General treatment of the boundary conditions 253
7.10.3 Numerical implementation of the boundary
conditions 254
7.11 Postprocessing of the solution 254
References 255

8. Rectangular and triangular elements for two-dimensional


elastic solids 257
8.1 Introduction 257
8.1.1 Total potential energy of an element for a
two-dimensional elasticity problem 259
8.1.2 High-level derivation of the element equilibrium
equations 260
8.2 Two-dimensional interpolation functions 262
8.2.1 Interpolation and shape functions in plane
quadrilateral elements 262
8.2.2 Interpolation and shape functions in plane
triangular elements 263
8.3 Bilinear rectangular element (Q4) 264
8.3.1 Element stiffness matrix 264
8.3.2 Consistent nodal force vector 267
8.4 Constant strain triangle (CST) element 273
8.5 Element defects 275
8.5.1 Constant strain triangle element 275
8.5.2 Bilinear rectangle (Q4) 277
8.6 Higher order elements 277
8.6.1 Quadratic triangle (linear strain triangle) 277
8.6.2 Q8 quadratic rectangle 278
8.6.3 Q9 quadratic rectangle 279
8.6.4 Q6 quadratic rectangle 280
8.7 Assembly, boundary conditions, solution, and postprocessing 282
References 290

9. Finite element analysis of one-dimensional heat


transfer problems 291
9.1 Introduction 291
9.2 One-dimensional heat transfer 291
xii Contents

9.2.1 Boundary conditions for one-dimensional heat


transfer 292
9.3 Finite element formulation of the one-dimensional,
steady state, heat transfer problem 293
9.3.1 Element equilibrium equations for a generic
one-dimensional element 294
9.3.2 Finite element form with linear interpolation 299
9.4 Element equilibrium equations: general ordinary
differential equation 300
9.5 Element assembly 302
9.6 Boundary conditions 305
9.6.1 Natural boundary conditions 305
9.6.2 Essential boundary conditions 306
9.7 Computer implementation 307
Problems 309

10. Heat transfer problems in two-dimensions 313


10.1 Introduction 313
10.2 Solution domain and its boundary 313
10.3 The heat equation and its boundary conditions 315
10.3.1 Boundary conditions for heat transfer in
two-dimensional domain 315
10.4 The weak form of heat transfer equation in two dimensions 316
10.5 The finite element form of the two-dimensional heat transfer
problem 318
10.5.1 Finite element form with linear, quadrilateral
(Q4) element 320
10.6 Natural boundary conditions 323
10.6.1 Internal edges 324
10.6.2 External edges subjected to prescribed heat flux 324
10.6.3 External edges subjected to convection 326
10.6.4 External edges subjected to radiation 327
10.7 Summary of finite element form of the heat equation and
natural boundary conditions 328
10.8 Numerical integration of element equilibrium equations 329
10.9 Element assembly 331
10.10 Imposing the essential boundary conditions 332
10.10.1 Symbolic representation of essential boundary
conditions 333
10.10.2 Numerical implementation of essential boundary
conditions 333
Problems 340
Reference 341

11. Transient thermal analysis 343


11.1 Introduction 343
11.2 Transient heat transfer equation 344
Contents xiii

11.2.1 Boundary/initial value problem 344


11.2.2 Element equilibrium equation of one-dimensional,
transient heat transfer 345
11.2.3 Global equilibrium equation of one-dimensional,
transient heat transfer 348
11.2.4 Global boundary conditions 348
11.3 Finite difference approximations to derivatives 348
11.3.1 Temporal discretization of a continuous function 348
11.3.2 Taylor series expansion 349
11.3.3 Approximations to the first derivative of a function 349
11.4 Direct time integration of the heat transfer equation 351
11.4.1 Forward difference or Euler method 351
11.4.2 Backward difference method 352
11.4.3 Central difference or Crank–Nicholson method 353
11.4.4 Generalized trapezoidal method 353
11.5 Solution algorithm 355
11.5.1 Explicit and implicit time integration methods 356
11.6 Convergence, stability, and accuracy of time integration
methods 358
11.6.1 Modal expansion of the semidiscrete first-order
equation 359
11.6.2 Stability of the semidiscretized first-order equation 360
11.6.3 Modal expansion of the generalized trapezoidal
algorithm 361
11.6.4 Stability of the generalized trapezoidal algorithm 361
11.6.5 Fourier–von Neumann stability analysis of the
generalized trapezoidal method 362
11.6.6 Consistency and rate of convergence 366
References 376

12. Transient analysis of solids and structures 377


12.1 Introduction 377
12.2 Vibration of single degree of freedom systems 378
12.2.1 Free vibrations: complementary solution 379
12.2.2 Response to harmonic excitations: particular
solution 382
12.2.3 Combined response: complimentary and
particular solutions 384
12.2.4 Transient vibration 385
12.3 Initial/boundary value problems for deformable solids 386
12.3.1 Two-dimensional deformable solid 386
12.3.2 One-dimensional bar 387
12.3.3 Euler–Bernoulli beam 387
12.4 Vibration response of an Euler–Bernoulli beam 388
12.4.1 Eigenvalue problem 389
12.4.2 Free vibration problem 391
12.5 Semidiscrete equations of motion 394
xiv Contents

12.5.1 Two-dimensional deformable element 394


12.5.2 One-dimensional elastic bar element 396
12.5.3 Euler–Bernoulli beam element 398
12.6 Mass matrix 400
12.6.1 Consistent mass matrices 400
12.6.2 Lumped mass matrix 402
12.7 Damping matrix 403
12.8 Global equation of motion 405
12.9 Analytical analysis of vibration of semidiscrete systems 405
12.9.1 Eigenvalue problem for the semidiscrete equation
of motion 406
12.9.2 Orthogonality of the eigenvectors 414
12.9.3 Response to initial excitations by modal analysis 415
12.10 Direct time integration of the equation of motion of a solid 421
12.10.1 Central finite difference approximations:
explicit time integration 423
12.10.2 Linear and average acceleration methods:
implicit time integration 424
12.10.3 Newmark’s method for direct time integration 426
12.10.4 α-Method for direct time integration 428
12.10.5 Initial conditions 430
12.10.6 Solution algorithm 430
12.11 Convergence, stability, and accuracy of time integration
methods 431
12.11.1 Stability of the explicit method 431
12.11.2 Stability and consistency of the Newmark and
α-methods 435
Problems 440
References 444

Appendix A MATLAB 445


Appendix B Guidelines for writing a finite element code in MATLAB 459
Appendix C Finite element analysis with ANSYS 475
Appendix D ANSYS tutorial: beam and bar elements 483
Appendix E ANSYS tutorial: two-dimensional linear elastic analysis 499
Appendix F ANSYS tutorial: thermomechanical deformation 503
Index 515
Preface

This book comes out of teaching graduate level finite element method and
applied mechanics courses over the last two decades at Northeastern University.
One of the major goals in writing this book is to convey to the reader that the
physical models, the solution methods, and the results are inseparable parts of
analysis. The knowledge in these areas is spread over many excellent textbooks
including references [1–9] in the finite element literature, [10–18] in the mechan-
ics literature, [19–23] in the engineering mathematics literature, and [24–25] in
the heat transfer literature, among others. I have drawn upon these textbooks and
my own derivations in preparing this book which aims for a unified presentation
between the two covers.
Having a good grasp of the underlying physics of a problem, its mathematical
representation, and the capabilities and the limitations of the solution methods
is necessary to setup the problems and to interpret the results effectively. I
hope that this book will help guide the users of the finite element codes to
have a holistic view in their analysis. This book also aims to provide detailed
background information on the development of the finite element method with
a target audience who is interested to develop their own codes for engineering
research.
All physical systems in the realm addressed by finite element analysis can be
represented by boundary/initial value problems. In this book, we primarily focus
on the solution of one- and two-dimensional linear elasticity and heat transfer
problems. Extension of these solution techniques to three-dimensional analysis
is straight forward, therefore it is not addressed here to preserve the clarity of
presentation and avoid repetition. A chapter is dedicated at the beginning to the
detailed derivation of the boundary/initial value problems in heat transfer and
elasticity. Chapter 2 is intended to serve as a reference for not only this book,
but also for those who want a concise review of these topics.
The finite element method falls under the general umbrella of variational
methods. The connections between the classical variational techniques and
the finite element method are introduced in Chapters 3 and 4. The former is
dedicated to a brief introduction to variational calculus followed by two classical
variational methods: the Rayleigh–Ritz and Galerkin. In Chapter 4, we develop
the Rayleigh–Ritz-based finite element method for the solution of the boundary
value problems governed by self-adjoint ordinary differential equations. Here,
and in the rest of the book, the finite element method is developed as a natural

xv
xvi Preface

extension of the Rayleigh–Ritz method and the boundary value problem is


defined over a subsegment (element) of the solution domain.
Chapters 5 and 6 develop the finite element form of the boundary value
problems that represent the deformation of bars and Euler–Bernoulli beams,
respectively. These chapters are extended to analysis of two-dimensional trusses
and frames, respectively. Chapters 4–6 are foundational in all aspects of solving
an engineering problem by using finite element method, with topics ranging from
the physical model to element derivation, element assembly, imposing boundary
conditions, and postprocessing.
Chapter 7 gives a detailed account of solution of two-dimensional linear
elasticity problems by using isoparametric elements. In Chapter 8, an analysis of
two-dimensional finite element method is provided for rectangular and simple
triangular elements much like in reference [3]. Chapter 9 introduces the finite
element method for the solution of one-dimensional, steady state heat transfer
problems. This is extended to two-dimensional heat transfer problems by using
isoparametric formulation in Chapter 10.
Chapters 4–10 of the book are involved with setup and solution of boundary
value problems at steady state. Solution methods for problems in which transient
effects are significant are introduced in Chapters 11 and 12 for parabolic and
hyperbolic systems for heat transfer and solid mechanics problems, respectively.
Derivation of the finite difference approximations to the derivative operators;
direct time integration methods for the heat transfer (parabolic) problems;
and their convergence, stability, and accuracy characteristics are presented in
Chapter 11. Transient analysis methods for solids and structures are presented in
Chapter 12. In addition to the derivation of the semidiscrete equation of motion
by finite element method, this chapter includes comprehensive treatments of
vibration of single- and multidegree of freedom systems and solution approaches
to the transient problems with modal, as well as direct time integration methods.
This book is written for an audience who wants to write their own finite ele-
ment codes, who wants to use commercially available finite element programs,
and who wants to make informed choices on element types, solution conver-
gence, and in-depth understanding of physical models. The target audience for
the first part of the book is the first-year graduate students. A one semester
course can be delivered by using Chapters 1–6 and 8. The target audience for
the second part of the book is graduate students in their second-year or higher.
A one semester course can be delivered for this group by using Chapters 7
and 9–12.
Examples in the book have been prepared by using Mathematica and by finite
element programs written in MATLAB. Appendix A provides a summary of
the MATLAB functions I find useful to write a finite element program. Two of
the MATLAB-based finite element programs used in the book are provided in
Appendix B. We also provide extensive instructions on using the commercially
available finite element analysis program ANSYS Mechanical APDL for one-
and two-dimensional solid mechanics and heat transfer problems. These include
Preface xvii

step-by-step instructions to use the program from the graphical user interface and
a summary of how to prepare input macros with the ANSYS Parametric Design
Language (APDL). Several APDL macros are also provided.
Acknowledgments

I would like to take this opportunity to thank the many people who helped me
along the way and who were influential in writing of this book in one fashion or
another. Many of the students who were in ME 5657 and ME 7275 at North-
eastern University asked many deep, penetrating questions to help me focus
on the details and pointed out typos and early mistakes. I had many enjoyable
discussions about the topic and the course with my former graduate students
Dr. Dinçer Bozkaya, Dr. Ernesto Lopez, Dr. Hsuan-Yu Chou, Dr. Qian Sheng,
Dr. Hankang Yang, Dr. Soroush Irandoust, and Dr. Runyang Zhang who were
teaching assistants during different periods. Dr. Tuğçe Kaşıkçı was the one who
pointed out the obvious by asking “why don’t these notes have any examples?”
This book was written during trying times for humanity when the Covid-19
epidemic was raging around the World and for me personally. I would like
to thank the editors at Elsevier, Mr. Brian Guerin and Mr. Rafael Guilherme
Trombaco, for their patience and understanding with the delays. Mr. Sojan
Pazhayattil for the excellent typesetting. Ms. Berin Üçyiğit was my eighth and
ninth grade mathematics teacher at Tevfik Fikret Lisesi in Ankara, Turkey. I am
grateful to her for the love of mathematics and geometry I developed under her
tutelage.
Finally, I would like to thank my family. My father instilled the sense of right
and wrong in me and my mother provided for me and my brother after he passed
away. She showed both of us the value of never giving up. I am grateful to both
for their love and for the opportunities they provided us. Lastly, I would like
to thank my wife Lynne and our children Serra and Emre for the patience and
encouragement they afforded me during this project.

xix
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Duke Charles (always supposing the two men to have been working
at cross purposes, and that the duke was in ignorance of Mattioli’s
subterranean intrigues) should discover that Mattioli had disloyally
wrecked his pet project of military glory, and had kept him as well
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Again, consider the duke’s own behaviour throughout—his first
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anxious to evade the fulfilment of his bargain?
The fury of Louis XIV at being thus exhibited to the world in his true
character of intriguer and brigand—and a feeble one at that—
together with the explanations and personal untruths in which he
now found himself involved (neither explanations nor personal
untruths being at all to his proud taste) may be more easily
imagined than described. Also his wrath with D’Estrades and
Pinchesne for letting themselves be made fools of by Mattioli. The
former of these, however, instantly took steps to assuage his
master’s anger by submitting a plan of revenge; he proposed that
Mattioli should be kidnapped and imprisoned for so long or so short
a time as the King might please.
To this Louis consented, insisting only that the thing should be done
with the utmost secrecy; Mattioli was to be lured on to French soil
beyond the frontier of Piedmont and incarcerated in a dungeon at
Pinerolo. Except his gaoler there—one Saint-Mars, baptised
Benignant—and Catinat, no one was to know the prisoner’s name.
As the offended Louis put it to D’Estrades, “Look to it that no one
knows what becomes of this man.” So that it was now, as Americans
say, “up to” D’Estrades to carry out the abduction of Mattioli.
Oddly enough, Mattioli had not the least inkling of his peril; he had
no idea that the Duchess of Savoy had made known his transaction
with her to Louis XIV, and so he was all unsuspecting of the
advances with which D’Estrades continued to ply him. Indeed, he
was now in Turin, trying to get more money out of the French
representatives, on the ground of the expenses incurred by him in
promoting King Louis’ interests in Italy. To that, on D’Estrades’ telling
him that Catinat was at Pinerolo with funds for the express purpose
of reimbursing him, Mattioli agreed to meet D’Estrades early in the
morning of May 2, 1679, at a spot outside the city, whence they
were to drive together to a place on the frontier near Pinerolo.

Mattioli kept the appointment; D’Estrades was waiting for him at the
place set, and away the carriage rolled with its burden of revenge,
and treachery, and greed, along the country roads to where, at the
end of some seventeen miles, Catinat was waiting for them.
And so the meeting took place and, all unwittingly, Mattioli stepped
in between the very teeth of the trap set for him by D’Estrades; and
at once the teeth snapped to, never again to open for the unhappy
man. At two o’clock that same afternoon, in Mr. Hopkins’ words,
“Saint-Mars had him under lock in the dungeon of Pignerol—the
French name for Pinerolo. There, for fifteen years, Mattioli was
confined under circumstances of every severity; his name was
changed, officially, to Lestang, in order that none might know his
identity saving only that same Benignant Saint-Mars—as timorous
and heartless a creature as ever passed for a man.
In less than a year Mattioli went out of his mind, thanks to Saint-
Mars’ treatment of him; at that time three of the prisoners under the
amiable Benignant’s charge in the hell of Pinerolo were insane—
Mattioli, Dubreuil, and a nameless Jacobin monk. After a while
Mattioli and the Jacobin were put in the same cell—and there they
lived and had their miserable being together until 1694, when, in
consequence of the French reverses, preparations were set on foot
to abandon Pinerolo to the Savoyards. It now became necessary to
remove the only three prisoners left there to safer keeping in France
itself, in order that the King’s secret might be kept—the secret of his
having “spirited away,” by means of his agents, the Minister of a
friendly Prince.
And so Mattioli was taken off, along with Dubreuil and another—the
monk was dead—in a closed litter to another fortress, that of Sainte-
Marguerite, on an island off the coast of Nice; his former gaoler,
Saint-Mars, had, for some years already, been the governor of
Sainte-Marguerite, and to him Mattioli was brought under a strong
escort of soldiers by the then governor of Pinerolo, the Marquis
D’Herleville, in person.
It is to be presumed that on this journey between the two prisons
Mattioli was masked, as he was similarly masked some years later,
on his transference, under charge of Saint-Mars, from Sainte-
Marguerite to Paris and to the Bastile itself; the mask, though, was
not the traditional monstrosity of iron, but the ordinary velvet
“vizard” worn to this day at masked balls.
And this brings us to one of the strangest features of the whole case
—namely, that from beginning to end this secrecy on the part of
Louis XIV and his henchmen was completely unnecessary, for the
simple reason that the secret was no secret at all and never had
been.
This is abundantly proved by the fact that, as early as 1682, little
more than two years after Mattioli’s abduction by D’Estrades, there
was published at Cologne a pamphlet in Italian called “La prudenza
trionfante di Casale.” In this a complete, detailed account was given
of the whole affair of the intrigue for Casale, with the full parts
played in it by D’Estrades, Mattioli, the Duke of Mantua, Catinat,
D’Asfeld, and Pinchesne; and in 1687 there was published at Leyden
the “Histoire abrégée de l’Europe,” containing a letter translated
from Italian into French, denouncing the abduction of Mattioli as the
outrage that it was.
How the thing came thus to light and through whom, I have no
means of ascertaining, and so I must leave it to the reader to decide
the question for himself. But, as the “Prudenza trionfante” contains a
minute description of Mattioli’s arrest, in the words, “The secretary
(Mattioli) was surrounded by ten or twelve horsemen, who seized
him, disguised him, masked him, and conducted him to Pinerolo,” we
can only conclude either that it must have been written by an
eyewitness, or else from the description given by one of the scene in
question. Moreover, there were alive, until the Eighteenth Century,
many persons of the parts about Pinerolo who continued to bear
witness both to Mattioli’s arrest as well as to the manner of it,
especially in regard to his masking by Catinat’s men.
After all, what explanation more natural than that (for the day was a
Sunday) some small boys or other idlers should have followed the
march of Catinat and his few soldiers, at a respectful distance, along
the three miles of road from Pinerolo to the place of the arrest and,
concealing themselves among the dense trees nearby, should have
seen everything?
Thus, the mystery of Mattioli’s disappearance from the world of the
living was in no way a mystery, except in the fond imagination of his
gaolers, seeing that the facts of it were public property over a great
part of Europe, after the appearance of the publications mentioned
in 1682 and 1687.
There arises then the question—whence the mystery of the “Man in
the Iron Mask”?
From the early spring of 1694 until the summer of 1698, when Saint-
Mars was promoted to be the governor of the Bastile in Paris,
Mattioli remained under his care at the Island of Sainte-Marguerite.
At the end of those four years Saint-Mars is told to come to Paris
and to bring with him his “ancient prisoner” in such a manner that
he shall be seen by no one.
And so Saint-Mars set out for his new post in the capital, taking with
him his “ancient prisoner,” masked as ever, in a litter, with an escort
of horse-soldiers. On their way they passed by Saint-Mars’ estate of
Palteau, near Villeneuve in the Department of the Yonne, where
Saint-Mars rested for a day or two, never letting his prisoner out of
his sight; together they ate their meals, and at night Saint-Mars slept
in a bed close to that of the man in the mask.
In a letter upon the subject published in the “Année Littéraire” for
June 30, 1768, and quoted in his admirable book by Mr. Tighe
Hopkins, the grand-nephew of Saint-Mars, M. de Formanoir de
Palteau, writes:

“In 1698, M. de Saint-Mars passed from the charge of the Isles of


Sainte-Marguerite to that of the Bastile. On his way he stayed with
his prisoner at Palteau. The Man in the Mask came in a litter which
preceded that of M. de Saint-Mars; they were accompanied by
several men on horseback. The peasants went to greet their lord; M.
de Saint-Mars took his meals with his prisoner, who was placed with
his back to the windows of the dining-room, which overlooked the
courtyard. The peasants whom I questioned could not see whether
he wore his mask while eating, but they took note of the fact that M.
de Saint-Mars, who sat opposite to him, kept a pair of pistols beside
his plate. They were waited on by one manservant, who fetched the
dishes from the ante-room, where they were brought to him, taking
care to close behind him the door of the dining-room. When the
prisoner crossed the courtyard, he always wore the black mask; the
peasants noticed that his teeth and lips showed through it; also that
he was tall and had white hair.”

These things the writer had from the few remaining actual witnesses
of them, seventy years before.
On the arrival of Saint-Mars at the Bastile in the later days of
September, 1698, he was met by Du Junca, the King’s lieutenant of
the prison, who noted the fact with all its circumstances in the
register now in the library of the Arsenal in Paris. It is this entry of
Du Junca’s (according to M. Funck-Brentano, as quoted by Mr.
Hopkins) that is “the origin and foundation of all that has been
printed on the question of the Iron Mask.”
The entry goes thus:
“On Thursday, 18th of September, at three in the afternoon, M. de
Saint-Mars, governor of the château of the Bastile, presented himself
for the first time, coming from the government of the Isles of Sainte-
Marguerite—Honorat, having with him in his litter a prisoner who
was formerly in his keeping at Pignerol (Pinerolo), whom he caused
to be always masked, whose name is not mentioned; on descending
from the litter, he had him placed in the first chamber of the
Basinière tower, waiting until night for me to take him at nine
o’clock, and put him with M. de Rosarges, one of the sergeants
brought by the Governor, alone in the third chamber of the
Bertandière tower, which I had had furnished some days before his
arrival by order of M. de Saint-Mars. The said prisoner will be served
and tended by M. de Rosarges, and maintained by the Governor.”

By degrees, though, poor Mattioli’s importance began to decrease


with years and the world’s forgetfulness of the events that had so
stirred France and Italy all those years before 1679; by 1701,
twenty-two dreadful years after his arrest by Catinat at Pinerolo, he
had fallen from his high estate of mystery, and we find him torn out
of his seclusion from the common herd of malefactors, and put to
share a cell with a miserable rascal imprisoned for various offences
against the common law—one Tirmont, who died insane, seven
years later, in the Bicêtre. And on April 30, 1701, there was added to
these two yet a third prisoner, Maranville by name; the three
remained together thus until the December of that year, when
Tirmont was removed to Bicêtre.
The two remaining years of Mattioli’s life were spent with Maranville;
one can only hope the latter was able to console him a little and to
soften his last moments on earth with some particle of
companionship.
And now comes the last of him; as noted in Du Junca’s handwriting
in the prison register on November 19, 1703:

“The same day, Monday, 19th of November, 1703, the prisoner


unknown, masked always with a mask of black velvet, whom M. de
Saint-Mars, the governor, brought with him from the Isles of Sainte-
Marguerite, and whom he had had for a long time, happening to be
rather unwell yesterday on coming from Mass, died this day at about
ten o’clock in the evening, without having had any serious illness;
indeed, it could not have been slighter. M. Giraut, our chaplain,
confessed him yesterday. Surprised by death, he did not receive the
Sacraments, and our chaplain exhorted him for a moment before he
died. And this unknown prisoner, confined for so long a time, was
buried on Tuesday at four in the afternoon, in the cemetery of Saint
Paul, our parish; on the register of burial he was given a name also
unknown. M. de Rosarges, major, and Arreil, surgeon, signed the
register.”

At the lower left-hand side of this entry in Du Junca’s prison-registry


there is a note to the effect that:

“I have since learned that he was named on the register M. de


Marchiel, and that the burial cost forty livres.”

As a matter of fact, the entry in the registry of Saint Paul’s runs as


follows:

“On the 19th (November, 1703) Marchioly, aged forty-five or


thereabouts, died in the Bastile, whose body was buried in the
cemetery of Saint Paul, his parish, the 20th of this month in the
presence of M. Rosage (sic), major of the Bastile, and of M. Reglhe
(sic), surgeon-major of the Bastile, who signed:
“Signed: Rosarges, Reilhe.”

After seeing how Du Junca makes “Marcheil” where the sacristan of


Saint Paul makes the name “Marchioly,” it is presumable that Du
Junca learned it by word of mouth from some one or other; also that
the name itself had been communicated to Du Junca’s informant in
the same manner by Rosarges or Reilhe or the sacristan—in short,
that, all along, the name was an unintentional corruption of
“Mattioli.” And so good-bye to his competitors, in the popular
imagination, to the title of “Man in the Iron Mask,” Vermandois,
Monmouth, Vendôme, Fouquet, an unknown twin brother of Louis
XIV, Avedick, the Armenian patriarch, General de Bulonde, and the
rest. I would once more recommend to all interested in the subject
Mr. Tighe Hopkins’ altogether admirable publication in which he
traces and destroys the claims of each and every one of these
candidates to be what he so aptly terms “The Sphinx of French
History.”
CHAPTER XV
A “CAUSE CÉLÈBRE”

The Defrêne Case, a Drama of Crime and of Justice—The Marquis Defrêne—Marie-


Elizabeth du Tillay—Elopement—Bogus Marriage—Flight to England—Marriage
Made Legal—The Marquis Tires of the Marriage State—Evil Plans—Marie-
Elizabeth Forewarned—Adventures of Her Flight—The “Penitent” Defrêne—
Compromising Letters—The Vindication of Marie-Elizabeth—A Judicial
Separation.

The name of that same Duchess-Regent of Savoy, Maria Baptista of


Nemours, the cause of Mattioli’s downfall in 1679, had figured in
connection with another and now long forgotten “cause célèbre”
some few years earlier, in 1672—the drama of crime and of justice
known to legal annalists as the “Defrêne Case.”
Towards the year 1670 there was living in Paris a young man of the
name of Pierre Hennequin, Marquis Defrêne. Of his antecedents I
have no knowledge, but, by all accounts, he was related to many
noble and influential families; a personable young man of
considerable address, and entirely given over to the fashionable life
of his day as he found it—that life of license, bridled only by the fear
of a death upon the scaffold; that orgy of dissipation and debt by
the encouragement of which Louis XIV, as history tells us, was bent
upon sapping the resources of his powerful nobles in order that he
might cut their claws and impair their ability ever again to dispute
the absolute authority of the throne.
As many another young man of that period, so was the Marquis
Defrêne. Resolutely reckless in the gratification of every passing
inclination, and the slave of his pleasures, he was nearly at the end
of his resources when, as Fate would have it, he was thrown in the
path of a young and lovely girl, Marie-Elizabeth Girard du Tillay, the
daughter of the President of the Chamber of Accounts. M. du Tillay,
having, as a careful father, satisfied himself as to the complete
undesirability of the Marquis in the character of a son-in-law, sternly
repelled every attempt of the young man to gain possession of
Marie-Elizabeth’s affections. All M. du Tillay’s efforts notwithstanding,
however, Defrêne succeeded in establishing the tenderest of
relations with the girl and, ultimately, in persuading her to elope with
him.
But it was necessary for the Marquis to make sure of his prey as
quickly as possible, lest Marie-Elizabeth’s scruples and her love for
the father upon whom and whose house she was now turning her
back, at his invitation, should gain the upper hand of her and so
make her return to her home in order to obtain the parental blessing
and consent to her union with him. No priest, as Defrêne well knew,
would join them in marriage without the consent of the girl’s father.
Marie-Elizabeth, however, was in ignorance of this fact; so that she
was in no way surprised when her swain informed her that he had a
priest in readiness to make them man and wife.
This priest, indeed, was no other than Defrêne’s body-servant, who
was to assume the sacerdotal character for the occasion; and thus
between the two scoundrels, master and man, Marie-Elizabeth was
deceived into going through a bogus ceremony of marriage with the
blessing of the rascally valet. Having carried out this piece of villainy
to the complete deception of Marie-Elizabeth, who now believed
herself a marchioness for better or for worse, Defrêne hastened to
put himself beyond the reach of French law by crossing the channel
into England, together with his victim, since, in those days, the
protection of foreign criminals—poisoners and coiners only excepted
—was considered an especial attribute of the majesty of every
Sovereign.
Ere long, however, M. du Tillay contrived to trace the fugitive pair to
their hiding-place. It is more than likely that he learned of it through
the valet, although upon this point I cannot come at any certainty—
for, at the same time, he appears to have learned the atrocious
particulars of the sham marriage and to have done all in his power
to bring the Marquis to justice for it. In this M. du Tillay had the
powerful aid of his brother-in-law, M. Baillieu, a “Président à Mortier.”
But their labours were opposed by those of Defrêne’s relatives, who
were in terror lest the King should be persuaded, by the two
eminent officials, to ask his Brother of England to make him a
present of the Marquis, that he might inflict condign punishment
upon him for his villainy. It ended in the issuing of a royal decree
designed to satisfy both parties; by this decree the marriage was
recognised as legal and binding upon both parties—in deference to
the sincerity of Mademoiselle du Tillay’s participation in it, its
fraudulent character notwithstanding—on condition of the marriage
contract’s being duly signed and exchanged between the families of
the bride and bridegroom. To this compromise the kindly Du Tillay
gave his adhesion, and thus the evil deed of the Marquis Defrêne
was righted for the time being.
But not for long; soon Defrêne, now accepted as his lawful son-in-
law by Du Tillay, began to weary of the bonds of matrimony, and,
disappointed in the amount of cash he had hoped to extort from his
father-in-law, he decided to try his luck afresh in some more
lucrative quarter; to this end he made up his mind to get rid of poor
Marie-Elizabeth, that he might be free to take another partner.
It should not have been difficult for him, one would think, in the
Paris of the later Seventeenth Century, to carry out his iniquitous
design, without overmuch caution or expense; there were to be
found there means notoriously at the disposal of gentlemen in
Defrêne’s predicament, provided only they were able to pay the price
of a “succession powder” or of a philtre indistinguishable from the
purest water save in its deadly results. And yet Defrêne could not
screw up his courage, all at once, to murdering his wife out of hand
or of procuring her assassination. Truth to tell, he was deterred from
such a course by the salutary severity of the sentence pronounced a
few years earlier, in 1667, upon the murderers of the unfortunate
Marquise de Gange, who had been poisoned by her brothers-in-law
with the tacit approval of her unworthy husband, the latter having
been condemned to perpetual banishment with the loss of his
estates and to be degraded from the nobility; while the actual
assassins were sentenced to be broken alive on the wheel.
This wholesome fear, then, so acted upon the mind of the Marquis
Defrêne as to compel him to devise a more subtle method of doing
away with Marie-Elizabeth; a method as diabolical as any in all the
dark records of criminal achievement.
His plan was, apparently, simplicity itself; he would voyage abroad
with Marie-Elizabeth to Constantinople and would there sell her into
slavery or the harem of some wealthy Turk; her beauty would
command a substantial price that would reimburse her betrayer for
the expenses of his undertaking, and besides he could return in
safety to give out that she was dead, and to claim her entire
property as her disconsolate widower, her father having recently
died.
Having arrived at this decision, he informed his wife that she was to
accompany him on a journey that he was obliged to make to some
far-distant baths for the sake of his health; and Marie-Elizabeth, ever
trustful of his designs, and of his surpassing love for her, consented
at once, albeit her husband did not enlighten her as to their actual
destination.
From Paris they travelled to Lyons and thence to Beauvoisin. From
the latter place they went over into Savoy, which they crossed in the
direction of Genoa, Marie-Elizabeth being compelled to traverse the
Alps, as the archives tell us, “on a vicious mule with an old pack-
saddle.” But from the moment of their departure from Paris a change
had come over the spirit of the doomed woman; ever since then,
when Defrêne had forbidden her to bid farewell to her beloved
mother and her relatives, Marie-Elizabeth had been weighed down
with forebodings of evil. And on reaching the seaport of Genoa these
forebodings seemed to acquire the most sinister confirmation in a
hint of danger conveyed to her by a good and compassionate man,
Pierre Pilette, a wagoner who had acted as their guide over the
passes into Italy.
This man told Marie-Elizabeth that, having gone with the Marquis (to
interpret for him, presumably) to visit certain merchants of Genoa,
Defrêne had made anxious inquiries for some vessel that should take
him to Constantinople; further, that Defrêne had tried to obtain from
them letters of credit on some merchant in that city, but that it had
not been possible for them to accommodate him, although they had
cashed all such letters upon themselves as he had brought with him
from France.
This information, imparted to her by Pilette, was the first Marie-
Elizabeth had heard of any intention of her husband’s to go to
Constantinople; and, at the news, her suspicions of his conduct
turned to terror that was all the more agonising by reason of the
need for dissembling it in Defrêne’s presence. From Genoa he now
set out, with his unhappy wife and the half-dozen or so of his
retainers whom he brought with him—Pilette still accompanying
them to look after the horses—for Savona, where, as he had been
led to expect, he might find a vessel sailing for Constantinople. Be it
noted, by the way, that never since leaving Paris had any reference
to the “baths,” of which he had declared his health to be in need,
passed Defrêne’s lips; and never—save on the occasion of her
interview with Pilette—had any one not a member of the Marquis’
household been allowed to exchange a single word in private with
his wife.
On the journey, however, to Savona, Marie-Elizabeth contrived to
whisper her fears to Pilette (who, I take it, was leading her mule by
the bridle along the then dangerous coast-road), imploring him to
save her from her husband and to bring her into a place of safety,
whence she might communicate with her relatives; and Pilette,
moved by her tears and entreaties, promised that he would do his
best at all costs to deliver her from her enemies. He had friends, he
told her, at Savona, an inn-keeper and his wife, to whose hostel he
would bring her, who would take care of her. And from their hands
Pilette promised, moreover, that he would take her, afterwards, to
Turin, there to place her under the protection of the Duchess of
Savoy.
Arrived at Savona, Defrêne lodged himself and his party in this inn,
to which Pilette had led them; here he found a ship preparing to sail
for Constantinople and so made his arrangements with her owner for
the transport of himself and his wife to the Turkish capital. The day
before that appointed for sailing, however, he had to go down to the
wharf in order to pay over their passage money, leaving Marie-
Elizabeth locked up in her bedroom. This was Pilette’s opportunity;
no sooner had the Marquis left the premises than he went up to
Marie-Elizabeth’s room, armed with a key furnished him by his friend
the host, unlocked the door, and released the prisoner for whose
flight he had everything in readiness.
Going down to the street with her deliverer, Marie-Elizabeth found a
closed sedan-chair waiting for her, into which she stepped, and was
then quickly borne away out of town into the hills, followed by the
faithful Pilette. For nearly thirty miles they pursued their way
northwards until, on striking the village of Cortemiglia, Pilette left his
charge in the inn of the place, whilst he himself went to seek out
Count Scarampo, the lord of that district, and to entrust Marie-
Elizabeth to that gentleman’s safekeeping.
But, just as he was leaving the inn for that purpose, what was
Pilette’s consternation on beholding a party of men come tearing up
the road, headed by none other than Defrêne in person, to an
accompaniment of shouts and the waving of swords and firearms!
Taking to his heels, the defenceless Pilette fled incontinently down
the village street pursued by the Marquis and his gang with musket-
shots and imprecations. Fortunately, he continued to elude them and
to make his way to the castle of Count Scarampo, to whom he gave
warning of what was going forward in the village. The Count,
nothing loath, at once called out his own men and rushed down to
the village to do battle for the lady with her husband and his
retainers; in this he was joined by the local magistrate, and so the
two with their supporters reached the little inn, whence a piteous din
of shrieks and blows came out into the roadway.
Having abandoned the pursuit of Pilette, Defrêne had returned hot-
foot to the inn, which he had invaded in search of his wife; in spite
of the host’s protests, he had forced his way to where Marie-
Elizabeth was cowering in a back room and had set upon her with a
cudgel as well as with his fists and feet; had it not been for the
timely arrival of Scarampo and the judge, moreover, there can be
small doubt but that the tiger-hearted Marquis would have made an
end, then and there, of the miserable woman. Providentially, though,
their coming prevented this, when, seeing that resistance was
useless, Defrêne submitted to their arrest of him.
For the time being, Marie-Elizabeth was safe from her husband’s
cruelty. Taken by Count Scarampo to his castle, she was there
received by the Countess, as the chronicle relates, “with much
compassion and with a distinguished politeness.” Here she was
rejoined by Pilette, under whose escort she set out before dawn of
the next day on the road to Turin.
Such was her condition, however, as the result of the ill-treatment
she had suffered, that, by evening, she had gone no further than
Alba, a town on the Tanaro, where she sought out the governor and
threw herself upon his protection against any further attempts on
the part of her detestable husband. The official kindly took her into
his own house; but scarcely had he done so than her pursuer, having
escaped from his gaolers at Cortemiglia, turned up, on foot and
alone, at Alba, in his latest character—that of a penitent and broken-
hearted suppliant for his wife’s forgiveness. In this new rôle he
presented himself before the governor, begging for an interview with
Marie-Elizabeth, that he might soften her heart with the sight and
the sighs of him.
To these entreaties the governor demurred for a time, but at last
suffered himself to be persuaded to consent to an interview between
the husband and wife on the stipulation that it should take place
under his own eyes; he even went to the length of inducing Marie-
Elizabeth to see Defrêne, although she herself was strongly opposed
to such a concession.
When Defrêne found himself once more in her presence, he cast
himself grovelling at his wife’s feet, refusing to rise, with a thousand
protestations, a thousand vows, of his undying love for her. He had
not, he swore, the least ill-design against her in the journey he had
undertaken; handing her his sword, he begged that she would either
pardon him or else put him out of his sufferings. By all that was holy,
he promised he would take her back to France without fail if she
would but have faith in him—in short, he would be her slave in all
things.
After several repetitions of this comedy, “que Baron [27] n’aurait si
bien jouée que lui”—again I quote from the accounts of the time—
the Marquis succeeded in winning over the governor to his side, and
got him, in spite of Marie-Elizabeth’s protests, to write to the Duke of
Savoy for permission to deliver her into Defrêne’s keeping, on
condition of his taking her back to France without doing her any
further injury, and of his solemnly pledging himself to answer for his
good behaviour to the Duke and to the King of France.
At the same time Marie-Elizabeth wrote to the Duke and Duchess of
Savoy, telling them the whole story of her husband’s ill-treatment of
her, and imploring their protection; this letter was intercepted by the
Marquis and destroyed. Soon an answer was returned to the
governor’s communication, giving him the requisite permission to
deliver Marie-Elizabeth into her husband’s keeping on the conditions
already stated, of his answering to his own Sovereign and the Duke
of Savoy for his conduct towards her on the journey home. Thus the
luckless woman was once more delivered into the hands of her
crafty and relentless foe.
For a space all went well with her, so long as they were accompanied
by an officer of the Duke of Savoy charged with seeing that Defrêne
behaved himself; but no sooner were they once more by themselves
than his evil designs came again to light. Having reached the village
of Lanslebourg at the northern foot of the Mont Cenis, where the
Savoyard officer took his leave of them, Defrêne placed his wife
under lock and key in a room in the village inn and applied himself
to the problem confronting him—that of how to accomplish the
destruction of his wife without rendering himself liable to the law.
And at this point it occurred to him to fall back on a stratagem of
which he had already, months earlier, made a beginning, but had
abandoned it through impatience and failure.
This stratagem consisted in accusing Marie-Elizabeth of attempting
to murder him by means of poison—a crime punishable with death.
As he now saw clearly, the main thing needful to the success of such
a method was that he should be able to produce some
incontrovertible evidence, and that so atrocious, of Marie-Elizabeth’s
depravity as to bring her within distance of the scaffold; failing
which, it must be at least such as to serve him as an excuse for his
attempt to sell her into slavery.
With this amiable purpose Defrêne applied all his talents to the
composing of a series of no less than twenty-four letters purporting
to be written by his wife to her various lovers and couched in the
most abandoned of terms. Having done this, he came with them to
Marie-Elizabeth, and ordered her to copy out the vile effusions so
that he might have them in her own handwriting as an irrefutable
proof of her guilt against him.
For long she refused to obey his commands; until, at length, Defrêne
drew a knife and threatened her with it; but even this made no
impression upon her resolve to defend her honour.
“Kill me if you will—I would prefer to die rather than to write those
horrible letters,” she said. “All I ask is that you will let me have a
priest to whom I may first confess myself—let me, at least, die like a
Christian!”
To this request, it need hardly be said, Defrêne turned a deaf ear.
“Write as I tell you—or die as you are, in your sins!” he cried.
“Come, be quick about it——”
At the prospect of going into eternity in that fashion, so frightful to
one of her upbringing, Marie-Elizabeth’s courage broke down. Taking
the pen that Defrêne held out to her, she began to copy the
abominations set before her, the tears rolling down her cheeks, her
heart sick and appalled at the thing she was doing.
As she finished copying each letter, Defrêne took his own original
draft of it and burned it in the fire—so that all hope seemed gone for
Marie-Elizabeth of ever being able to prove her innocence of them.
And, all the while, she never ceased from praying Heaven to come to
her aid.
Suddenly there was a knock on the locked door of the room in which
they were sitting; rising hastily, Defrêne went to the door and let
himself out into the corridor, taking care to close and lock the door
again behind him. Instantly Marie-Elizabeth saw her chance and took
it.
It so happened that, at the moment of Defrêne’s being called away,
she had all but come to an end of copying one of the letters;
finishing quickly she seized the draft of it in Defrêne’s handwriting
and slipped it between the lining of her bodice, that chanced to be
torn, and the bodice itself. Then, snatching up a needle and thread,
she sewed up the rent over the letter and, resuming her pen, wrote
on again for dear life. Providentially, her husband was kept in
conversation a considerable time. When he returned to her, she had
written out yet another of the unspeakable letters, and Defrêne had
lost count of the originals; so that he did not miss the one she had
secreted on her person.
Finally, having completed her task, she threw down the pen and
covered her face in her hands—as Defrêne triumphantly imagined in
consternation at the weapon of which he was now in possession
against her; in reality, for fear lest he might see the relief in her
expression. For now, indeed, thanks to the letter concealed in her
clothing, he was taken in his own snare!
And so it proved when, a few weeks later, the Marquis went the
rounds of his acquaintance armed with Marie-Elizabeth’s pretended
letters to her lovers; to which she, now safe once more in her
mother’s house, replied by making known the circumstances under
which they had been written, and by showing to all the world
Defrêne’s draft in his own handwriting that she had so fortunately
been enabled to secrete in her dress.
The matter ended in her obtaining a judicial separation from the
Marquis, who soon became involved in another and even darker
iniquity—the case of Madame de Brinvilliers—through his intimacy
with the truly diabolical Sainte-Croix; an intimacy that all but
obtained him the public services of the executioner.
CHAPTER XVI
EUSTOCHIA

A Child of Sin—Born 1444—Her Early Peculiarities—Physical Possession by Evil


Spirits—Sent to a Convent—A Life of Devotion—Eustochia a Novitiate—A
Supernatural Accident—Belief that She Was a Hypocrite—Resignation—The Evil
Spirit in Possession-Frightful Torments—Evil Portents—A Sorceress?—
Imprisonment—Persecutions by Invisible Powers—Regaining Good Esteem—A
Nun—Her Sanctity and Constancy—Her Death and Burial.

The story of her, who was baptised by the name of Lucrezia Bellini
and is now revered by the Church under that of Eustochia, which
she assumed on becoming a Benedictine nun, in the year 1461, is
one of the very strangest that even the Italian Quattrocento has to
show. For it is the story of a child of sin who was tormented all her
days by the Adversary of mankind, and who was yet a saint.
In these, our own latter days, when the world at large is recovering
somewhat from the prolonged epidemic of materialism from which it
had been suffering during the greater part of the Nineteenth
Century, the fact of supernatural “possession” is coming to be
recognised by many of the strongest scientific intellects as the only
possible and rational explanation of certain among the numerous
cases of mental perversity that fill our modern prisons and asylums.
Even—so I have been given to understand—the “Salpêtrière” itself
has been known to express opinions favourable to the theory of
possession in some instances. So that the story of Eustochia may not
be deemed to be unworthy of attention—even by those persons who
ordinarily find it difficult to believe anything unless it has already
received the endorsement of their fellow-creatures’ belief.
The natural daughter of a dissolute citizen of Terra di Gemola in the
Veneto, Lucrezia was born in shame and secrecy in the year 1444, at
Padua, and was sent at once to her father, Bartolomeo Bellini, at
Gemola. Bartolomeo Bellini was, alas! a married man with a lawful
wife and family of his own; none the less, he received the child with
some show of gladness and immediately saw to her being properly
baptised, giving her the name of Lucrezia; after which he handed
her over to a nurse under whose care the little Lucrezia remained
until she was four years old, when Bellini sent for her to come and
live with him and his family in his own house. By this time she had
become very pretty, as well as being already endowed with
considerable charm and brightness of spirit.
On seeing her again, her father came to love Lucrezia with an
especial tenderness; but, to his wife, not unnaturally, the sight of the
little girl was gall and bitterness, in its reminder of her husband’s
infidelity to her; and the Signora Bellini soon grew to hate the
presence of Lucrezia.
Nor were Bellini’s own good sentiments towards his daughter
suffered to endure for long.
It seemed to those with whom she was in daily and hourly contact
that there was something odd about Lucrezia; for all her charm and
goodness, the child, in some indefinable way, was not as other
children, but rather as one mysteriously marked down by Providence
for some especial purpose of Its own.
And then, suddenly, Lucrezia’s peculiarities began to take definite
shape, and to manifest themselves in the most disconcerting manner
by a nervous inability to control the movements of her own limbs—
as it were a kind of Saint Vitus’ dance. Even against her express
wish, she would constantly find herself compelled to do this or that;
she was even, occasionally, raised bodily by some invisible force
above the ground. Her confessor declared himself of the opinion that
she was under some strong preternatural influence, but of what
kind, precisely, he was unable at once to determine. For, although
she was frequently moved to certain movements by some will other
than her own, yet her mind was entirely subject to her own control;
consequently, one cannot quite think her to have yet been actually in
a state of possession, her condition appearing to approximate rather
to one of slight epilepsy.
But this was only the beginning of Lucrezia’s long trial. In spite of
her very real sufferings, her spirit maintained the calm of a constant
recollection in God, together with the unceasing interior practice of
the most meritorious acts of resignation and faith. As time went on,
however, the fact of her physical possession by evil spirits became
self-evident, and Lucrezia herself an object of the utmost aversion—
nay, of fury—to her father, who refused to recognise in his child’s
condition the anger of Heaven upon himself for the sin of her birth.
So matters came to the point of Lucrezia’s being brought to the
Bishop—Monsignor Pietro Donato, I fancy—that he might exorcise
the spirit that tormented her; which, as it seemed at first, he
successfully did, for during some weeks after the exorcism Lucrezia
was able to pursue the practice of her religion without let or
hindrance; so that she was considered permanently healed.
But it was not fated to be so; her foe had only changed his tactics,
and now, although still capable of constant interior acts of devotion,
the hitherto gentle girl began, to the amazement of all who knew
her, to show herself undocile, rough of speech, and extremely
resentful of the Signora Bellini’s unkindness to her. This new
development, which was altogether contrary to her own inclinations,
only brought upon her the increased anger and dislike of her father,
who, together with his wife, proceeded to treat her so harshly as to
bring her more than once to the verge of the grave. Beaten, starved,
and neglected, the friendless child knew not where to find refuge
from her misery save only in God, to whom she had completely
given herself.
She was now seven years old, timid and crushed by suffering, but
with her heart full of charity and faith; nevertheless, her father,
being tempted by the father of lies, fell into the belief that Lucrezia,
in revenge for his cruelty to her, was minded to poison him—and so
he resolved to murder her. From this intention, however, the tempter,
having no mind presumably that Lucrezia should be killed and pass
in all her innocence to a better world—dissuaded Bellini, so that he
changed his mind and sent her instead to the Convent of San
Prosdocimo, in the city of Padua, there to finish her education.
Now, during the latter half of the Fifteenth Century, in Italy it was
not unusual to find convents of religious orders in which the strict
practice of the rules laid down centuries earlier for their guidance by
the holy founders of those same orders had become in the course of
time somewhat relaxed. The Rule—the very backbone, so to speak,
of a religious community—had grown, through long, indulgent
gentleness on the part of Superiors, so mild as to be no longer
suitable to the special necessities of the enclosed life; there was too
much intercourse allowed with the outer world, the affairs and
interests of which had come in consequence to occupy too large a
part in the thoughts and natural sympathies of those called by their
vocation to lead the higher spiritual existence of the cloister. And so
we find that many bishops and abbots and abbesses devoted
themselves particularly to the task of bringing back their “houses” to
the close observance of their various original “Rules”—Franciscan,
Dominican, Benedictine, and others.
The convent of San Prosdocimo belonged to the Benedictines, but,
unhappily, it was one of those houses that had fallen into slackness,
and into which had crept the habit of worldly conversation and of
carelessness in regard to the strict observance of the regulations,
imposed by their most illustrious father and founder, for the
guidance of his spiritual children.
It was, then, to the care of the somewhat relaxed sisterhood of San
Prosdocimo that Lucrezia was committed by her father; and, within a
short time of her entry as a pupil into the convent, although the
youngest of its occupants in years, she showed herself far the ripest
in all goodness, the best balanced, and the most intelligent.
Of a cheerful temperament, a lively and captivating personality,
Lucrezia was never frivolous or superficial; but, preserving her
habitual state of recollection in calm and solitude, her life was one
continual prayer. For her patrons she chose three—the Mother of
God, Saint Jerome, and Saint Luke the evangelist.
Nine years the girl lived thus without being more than very slightly
troubled by the evil spirit who sought her destruction; until the year
1460, when the death of the Abbess brought about great changes in
the convent. Upon that event Monsignor Zenoni, who had succeeded
Monsignor Donato as Bishop of Padua, considered that the time was
come to introduce a more strict administration in the convent and to
revive among its inmates the spirit of Saint Benedict. With this
object he forbade the nuns to elect their next Superior from among
their number until the reformations that he considered necessary
should have been brought about in their community. The nuns,
though, dismayed by the uncompromising words “reform” and “strict
observance,” took fright at Monsignor Zenoni’s salutary projects and
transferred themselves in a body with their pupils to another house
of the order.
The only one of all the convent’s inmates to accept the Bishop’s
ordinance and to remain faithful to her post was the sixteen-year-old
Lucrezia; abandoned by her superiors and companions, Lucrezia
kept watch and ward alone in the deserted building until the Bishop
sent over to join her a body of sisters from the convent of Santa
Maria della Misericordia, appointing Donna Giustina Lazzara, a noble
lady of Padua, to be their Abbess. With the coming of Donna
Giustina and her companions, the primitive practice and regular
observance of Saint Benedict’s Rule became again the life of the
house of San Prosdocimo.
Lucrezia’s whole being rejoiced exceedingly in the new order of
things in the convent and she determined to become, if possible, a
nun and a sister in religion of those about her. When she confided
her desire to them, however, she met with no encouragement; the
truth was that, although they had no fault to find with her
personally, yet knowing her history and that of her parents and
seeing that she had been brought up hitherto under the influence of
more or less careless elders, the nuns could not help feeling rather
doubtful of Lucrezia’s fitness for the religious life. Her very piety they
were inclined to consider merely superficial, and possibly a trifle
simulated in one as yet untried by discipline. At first even Donna
Giustina was drawn to this opinion; but, on reflection, she came to
the conclusion that, after all, such prejudices might well constitute a
grave injustice, and, remembering how Lucrezia had remained in the
convent when the others had fled, she at length consented to accept
her as a postulant for the stupendous honour of a bride of Christ.
And so, to the dissatisfaction of her companions, Lucrezia was
invested with the habit of their order, January 15, 1461; in honour of
her patron, Saint Jerome, she took the name of Eustochia, the
daughter of Saint Paula and the pupil of Saint Jerome. The
ceremony, however, was marked for Lucrezia by an untoward
incident which served to create a further unfavourable impression
towards her on the part of the other nuns; for, as the priest was
giving her the Communion, the Sacred Host slipped from his fingers
and fell to the ground, an accident which they chose to regard as a
mark of the Divine displeasure towards her.
From the day of her thus taking the veil, the real martyrdom of
Eustochia began. Until then, since her entry into the convent, her
sufferings at the hands of the Adversary had been comparatively
light and she had been able to conceal his attacks upon her. But now
his possession of her became more malignantly active, manifesting
itself by controlling her movements so as to make her commit some
slight exterior fault of deportment against the Rule, so that her
companions, witnesses of Eustochia’s small breach of discipline,
were more than ever confirmed in the opinion that she was a
hypocrite. By degrees this feeling increased among them until it
arrived at the point of her being shunned by them as a moral leper.
And all the while Eustochia, in exquisite, faithful humbleness, gave
thanks to Heaven for Its just judgment upon her, as she deemed it,
accusing herself before God and the Abbess of having brought these
punishments upon herself by her sins—so that, while she lost the
good opinion of those about her, she gained incessant merit in the
eyes of her Creator. And now the hour of Eustochia’s long darkness
sounded, during which she was destined to drink to the dregs the
cup of trial.
A month before the feast of Saint Jerome—that is, towards the end
of August—that same year of 1461, Eustochia felt herself much
perturbed and ill at ease in her heart; and her countenance, to the
disquiet of the whole house, took on an expression at once sombre
and menacing and quite unaccountable to the beholders, with the
exception of Father Peter Salicario, the chaplain of the convent, who
alone grasped the terrible meaning of it.
Father Salicario at once proceeded to prepare Eustochia for the
coming assault of her foe by counselling and exhorting her;
moreover, the good man straightway warned the Abbess and her
nuns of the approaching storm. What effect this had upon Donna
Giustina’s relations with Eustochia, I do not know precisely, but the
nuns themselves were, as may easily be imagined, greatly agitated
by it; also, they were only the more inclined to resent the presence
in their midst of one in whom the evil spirit had apparently taken up
his abode. The horror of Eustochia’s proximity seemed to them
unbearable, and they joined in protesting to Donna Giustina against
any further continuance of it. She, however, was of a more
courageous nature than they, and had perfect faith in the protection
of the convent by Heaven.
The feast of Saint Jerome passed uneventfully enough (as though in
unwilling tribute to his splendour and the power of his patronage),
but on the next day the tempest broke loose.
We are told that it was as if a subterranean mine had been exploded
in the quiet convent; and as if the Devil had entered there as an
executioner with every circumstance of fear and horror. The
agonised contortions of Eustochia were frightful to see as she
twisted herself like a serpent in the extremity of her torments, the
while her cries filled all the place with their lamentation.
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