Finite Element Method: Physics and Solution Methods Sinan Muftu - Download the ebook and explore the most detailed content
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Sinan Müftü
Professor, Department of Mechanical and Industrial Engineering
Northeastern University, Boston, United States
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Preface xv
Acknowledgment xix
1. Introduction 1
1.1 Modeling and simulation 1
1.1.1 Boundary and initial value problems 1
1.1.2 Boundary value problems 3
1.2 Solution methods 5
vii
viii Contents
2.5 Problems 58
References 59
This book comes out of teaching graduate level finite element method and
applied mechanics courses over the last two decades at Northeastern University.
One of the major goals in writing this book is to convey to the reader that the
physical models, the solution methods, and the results are inseparable parts of
analysis. The knowledge in these areas is spread over many excellent textbooks
including references [1–9] in the finite element literature, [10–18] in the mechan-
ics literature, [19–23] in the engineering mathematics literature, and [24–25] in
the heat transfer literature, among others. I have drawn upon these textbooks and
my own derivations in preparing this book which aims for a unified presentation
between the two covers.
Having a good grasp of the underlying physics of a problem, its mathematical
representation, and the capabilities and the limitations of the solution methods
is necessary to setup the problems and to interpret the results effectively. I
hope that this book will help guide the users of the finite element codes to
have a holistic view in their analysis. This book also aims to provide detailed
background information on the development of the finite element method with
a target audience who is interested to develop their own codes for engineering
research.
All physical systems in the realm addressed by finite element analysis can be
represented by boundary/initial value problems. In this book, we primarily focus
on the solution of one- and two-dimensional linear elasticity and heat transfer
problems. Extension of these solution techniques to three-dimensional analysis
is straight forward, therefore it is not addressed here to preserve the clarity of
presentation and avoid repetition. A chapter is dedicated at the beginning to the
detailed derivation of the boundary/initial value problems in heat transfer and
elasticity. Chapter 2 is intended to serve as a reference for not only this book,
but also for those who want a concise review of these topics.
The finite element method falls under the general umbrella of variational
methods. The connections between the classical variational techniques and
the finite element method are introduced in Chapters 3 and 4. The former is
dedicated to a brief introduction to variational calculus followed by two classical
variational methods: the Rayleigh–Ritz and Galerkin. In Chapter 4, we develop
the Rayleigh–Ritz-based finite element method for the solution of the boundary
value problems governed by self-adjoint ordinary differential equations. Here,
and in the rest of the book, the finite element method is developed as a natural
xv
xvi Preface
step-by-step instructions to use the program from the graphical user interface and
a summary of how to prepare input macros with the ANSYS Parametric Design
Language (APDL). Several APDL macros are also provided.
Acknowledgments
I would like to take this opportunity to thank the many people who helped me
along the way and who were influential in writing of this book in one fashion or
another. Many of the students who were in ME 5657 and ME 7275 at North-
eastern University asked many deep, penetrating questions to help me focus
on the details and pointed out typos and early mistakes. I had many enjoyable
discussions about the topic and the course with my former graduate students
Dr. Dinçer Bozkaya, Dr. Ernesto Lopez, Dr. Hsuan-Yu Chou, Dr. Qian Sheng,
Dr. Hankang Yang, Dr. Soroush Irandoust, and Dr. Runyang Zhang who were
teaching assistants during different periods. Dr. Tuğçe Kaşıkçı was the one who
pointed out the obvious by asking “why don’t these notes have any examples?”
This book was written during trying times for humanity when the Covid-19
epidemic was raging around the World and for me personally. I would like
to thank the editors at Elsevier, Mr. Brian Guerin and Mr. Rafael Guilherme
Trombaco, for their patience and understanding with the delays. Mr. Sojan
Pazhayattil for the excellent typesetting. Ms. Berin Üçyiğit was my eighth and
ninth grade mathematics teacher at Tevfik Fikret Lisesi in Ankara, Turkey. I am
grateful to her for the love of mathematics and geometry I developed under her
tutelage.
Finally, I would like to thank my family. My father instilled the sense of right
and wrong in me and my mother provided for me and my brother after he passed
away. She showed both of us the value of never giving up. I am grateful to both
for their love and for the opportunities they provided us. Lastly, I would like
to thank my wife Lynne and our children Serra and Emre for the patience and
encouragement they afforded me during this project.
xix
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Duke Charles (always supposing the two men to have been working
at cross purposes, and that the duke was in ignorance of Mattioli’s
subterranean intrigues) should discover that Mattioli had disloyally
wrecked his pet project of military glory, and had kept him as well
out of the enjoyment of twelve thousand pounds or so.
Again, consider the duke’s own behaviour throughout—his first
keenness and then his amazing apathy just at the moment when his
cherished desire and a large sum of money to boot were within his
reach—the “sort of carousal” put forward by him as an excuse for
not going to Casale to meet the troops of which he was to have
been the generalissimo—was such the conduct of any but a man
anxious to evade the fulfilment of his bargain?
The fury of Louis XIV at being thus exhibited to the world in his true
character of intriguer and brigand—and a feeble one at that—
together with the explanations and personal untruths in which he
now found himself involved (neither explanations nor personal
untruths being at all to his proud taste) may be more easily
imagined than described. Also his wrath with D’Estrades and
Pinchesne for letting themselves be made fools of by Mattioli. The
former of these, however, instantly took steps to assuage his
master’s anger by submitting a plan of revenge; he proposed that
Mattioli should be kidnapped and imprisoned for so long or so short
a time as the King might please.
To this Louis consented, insisting only that the thing should be done
with the utmost secrecy; Mattioli was to be lured on to French soil
beyond the frontier of Piedmont and incarcerated in a dungeon at
Pinerolo. Except his gaoler there—one Saint-Mars, baptised
Benignant—and Catinat, no one was to know the prisoner’s name.
As the offended Louis put it to D’Estrades, “Look to it that no one
knows what becomes of this man.” So that it was now, as Americans
say, “up to” D’Estrades to carry out the abduction of Mattioli.
Oddly enough, Mattioli had not the least inkling of his peril; he had
no idea that the Duchess of Savoy had made known his transaction
with her to Louis XIV, and so he was all unsuspecting of the
advances with which D’Estrades continued to ply him. Indeed, he
was now in Turin, trying to get more money out of the French
representatives, on the ground of the expenses incurred by him in
promoting King Louis’ interests in Italy. To that, on D’Estrades’ telling
him that Catinat was at Pinerolo with funds for the express purpose
of reimbursing him, Mattioli agreed to meet D’Estrades early in the
morning of May 2, 1679, at a spot outside the city, whence they
were to drive together to a place on the frontier near Pinerolo.
Mattioli kept the appointment; D’Estrades was waiting for him at the
place set, and away the carriage rolled with its burden of revenge,
and treachery, and greed, along the country roads to where, at the
end of some seventeen miles, Catinat was waiting for them.
And so the meeting took place and, all unwittingly, Mattioli stepped
in between the very teeth of the trap set for him by D’Estrades; and
at once the teeth snapped to, never again to open for the unhappy
man. At two o’clock that same afternoon, in Mr. Hopkins’ words,
“Saint-Mars had him under lock in the dungeon of Pignerol—the
French name for Pinerolo. There, for fifteen years, Mattioli was
confined under circumstances of every severity; his name was
changed, officially, to Lestang, in order that none might know his
identity saving only that same Benignant Saint-Mars—as timorous
and heartless a creature as ever passed for a man.
In less than a year Mattioli went out of his mind, thanks to Saint-
Mars’ treatment of him; at that time three of the prisoners under the
amiable Benignant’s charge in the hell of Pinerolo were insane—
Mattioli, Dubreuil, and a nameless Jacobin monk. After a while
Mattioli and the Jacobin were put in the same cell—and there they
lived and had their miserable being together until 1694, when, in
consequence of the French reverses, preparations were set on foot
to abandon Pinerolo to the Savoyards. It now became necessary to
remove the only three prisoners left there to safer keeping in France
itself, in order that the King’s secret might be kept—the secret of his
having “spirited away,” by means of his agents, the Minister of a
friendly Prince.
And so Mattioli was taken off, along with Dubreuil and another—the
monk was dead—in a closed litter to another fortress, that of Sainte-
Marguerite, on an island off the coast of Nice; his former gaoler,
Saint-Mars, had, for some years already, been the governor of
Sainte-Marguerite, and to him Mattioli was brought under a strong
escort of soldiers by the then governor of Pinerolo, the Marquis
D’Herleville, in person.
It is to be presumed that on this journey between the two prisons
Mattioli was masked, as he was similarly masked some years later,
on his transference, under charge of Saint-Mars, from Sainte-
Marguerite to Paris and to the Bastile itself; the mask, though, was
not the traditional monstrosity of iron, but the ordinary velvet
“vizard” worn to this day at masked balls.
And this brings us to one of the strangest features of the whole case
—namely, that from beginning to end this secrecy on the part of
Louis XIV and his henchmen was completely unnecessary, for the
simple reason that the secret was no secret at all and never had
been.
This is abundantly proved by the fact that, as early as 1682, little
more than two years after Mattioli’s abduction by D’Estrades, there
was published at Cologne a pamphlet in Italian called “La prudenza
trionfante di Casale.” In this a complete, detailed account was given
of the whole affair of the intrigue for Casale, with the full parts
played in it by D’Estrades, Mattioli, the Duke of Mantua, Catinat,
D’Asfeld, and Pinchesne; and in 1687 there was published at Leyden
the “Histoire abrégée de l’Europe,” containing a letter translated
from Italian into French, denouncing the abduction of Mattioli as the
outrage that it was.
How the thing came thus to light and through whom, I have no
means of ascertaining, and so I must leave it to the reader to decide
the question for himself. But, as the “Prudenza trionfante” contains a
minute description of Mattioli’s arrest, in the words, “The secretary
(Mattioli) was surrounded by ten or twelve horsemen, who seized
him, disguised him, masked him, and conducted him to Pinerolo,” we
can only conclude either that it must have been written by an
eyewitness, or else from the description given by one of the scene in
question. Moreover, there were alive, until the Eighteenth Century,
many persons of the parts about Pinerolo who continued to bear
witness both to Mattioli’s arrest as well as to the manner of it,
especially in regard to his masking by Catinat’s men.
After all, what explanation more natural than that (for the day was a
Sunday) some small boys or other idlers should have followed the
march of Catinat and his few soldiers, at a respectful distance, along
the three miles of road from Pinerolo to the place of the arrest and,
concealing themselves among the dense trees nearby, should have
seen everything?
Thus, the mystery of Mattioli’s disappearance from the world of the
living was in no way a mystery, except in the fond imagination of his
gaolers, seeing that the facts of it were public property over a great
part of Europe, after the appearance of the publications mentioned
in 1682 and 1687.
There arises then the question—whence the mystery of the “Man in
the Iron Mask”?
From the early spring of 1694 until the summer of 1698, when Saint-
Mars was promoted to be the governor of the Bastile in Paris,
Mattioli remained under his care at the Island of Sainte-Marguerite.
At the end of those four years Saint-Mars is told to come to Paris
and to bring with him his “ancient prisoner” in such a manner that
he shall be seen by no one.
And so Saint-Mars set out for his new post in the capital, taking with
him his “ancient prisoner,” masked as ever, in a litter, with an escort
of horse-soldiers. On their way they passed by Saint-Mars’ estate of
Palteau, near Villeneuve in the Department of the Yonne, where
Saint-Mars rested for a day or two, never letting his prisoner out of
his sight; together they ate their meals, and at night Saint-Mars slept
in a bed close to that of the man in the mask.
In a letter upon the subject published in the “Année Littéraire” for
June 30, 1768, and quoted in his admirable book by Mr. Tighe
Hopkins, the grand-nephew of Saint-Mars, M. de Formanoir de
Palteau, writes:
These things the writer had from the few remaining actual witnesses
of them, seventy years before.
On the arrival of Saint-Mars at the Bastile in the later days of
September, 1698, he was met by Du Junca, the King’s lieutenant of
the prison, who noted the fact with all its circumstances in the
register now in the library of the Arsenal in Paris. It is this entry of
Du Junca’s (according to M. Funck-Brentano, as quoted by Mr.
Hopkins) that is “the origin and foundation of all that has been
printed on the question of the Iron Mask.”
The entry goes thus:
“On Thursday, 18th of September, at three in the afternoon, M. de
Saint-Mars, governor of the château of the Bastile, presented himself
for the first time, coming from the government of the Isles of Sainte-
Marguerite—Honorat, having with him in his litter a prisoner who
was formerly in his keeping at Pignerol (Pinerolo), whom he caused
to be always masked, whose name is not mentioned; on descending
from the litter, he had him placed in the first chamber of the
Basinière tower, waiting until night for me to take him at nine
o’clock, and put him with M. de Rosarges, one of the sergeants
brought by the Governor, alone in the third chamber of the
Bertandière tower, which I had had furnished some days before his
arrival by order of M. de Saint-Mars. The said prisoner will be served
and tended by M. de Rosarges, and maintained by the Governor.”
The story of her, who was baptised by the name of Lucrezia Bellini
and is now revered by the Church under that of Eustochia, which
she assumed on becoming a Benedictine nun, in the year 1461, is
one of the very strangest that even the Italian Quattrocento has to
show. For it is the story of a child of sin who was tormented all her
days by the Adversary of mankind, and who was yet a saint.
In these, our own latter days, when the world at large is recovering
somewhat from the prolonged epidemic of materialism from which it
had been suffering during the greater part of the Nineteenth
Century, the fact of supernatural “possession” is coming to be
recognised by many of the strongest scientific intellects as the only
possible and rational explanation of certain among the numerous
cases of mental perversity that fill our modern prisons and asylums.
Even—so I have been given to understand—the “Salpêtrière” itself
has been known to express opinions favourable to the theory of
possession in some instances. So that the story of Eustochia may not
be deemed to be unworthy of attention—even by those persons who
ordinarily find it difficult to believe anything unless it has already
received the endorsement of their fellow-creatures’ belief.
The natural daughter of a dissolute citizen of Terra di Gemola in the
Veneto, Lucrezia was born in shame and secrecy in the year 1444, at
Padua, and was sent at once to her father, Bartolomeo Bellini, at
Gemola. Bartolomeo Bellini was, alas! a married man with a lawful
wife and family of his own; none the less, he received the child with
some show of gladness and immediately saw to her being properly
baptised, giving her the name of Lucrezia; after which he handed
her over to a nurse under whose care the little Lucrezia remained
until she was four years old, when Bellini sent for her to come and
live with him and his family in his own house. By this time she had
become very pretty, as well as being already endowed with
considerable charm and brightness of spirit.
On seeing her again, her father came to love Lucrezia with an
especial tenderness; but, to his wife, not unnaturally, the sight of the
little girl was gall and bitterness, in its reminder of her husband’s
infidelity to her; and the Signora Bellini soon grew to hate the
presence of Lucrezia.
Nor were Bellini’s own good sentiments towards his daughter
suffered to endure for long.
It seemed to those with whom she was in daily and hourly contact
that there was something odd about Lucrezia; for all her charm and
goodness, the child, in some indefinable way, was not as other
children, but rather as one mysteriously marked down by Providence
for some especial purpose of Its own.
And then, suddenly, Lucrezia’s peculiarities began to take definite
shape, and to manifest themselves in the most disconcerting manner
by a nervous inability to control the movements of her own limbs—
as it were a kind of Saint Vitus’ dance. Even against her express
wish, she would constantly find herself compelled to do this or that;
she was even, occasionally, raised bodily by some invisible force
above the ground. Her confessor declared himself of the opinion that
she was under some strong preternatural influence, but of what
kind, precisely, he was unable at once to determine. For, although
she was frequently moved to certain movements by some will other
than her own, yet her mind was entirely subject to her own control;
consequently, one cannot quite think her to have yet been actually in
a state of possession, her condition appearing to approximate rather
to one of slight epilepsy.
But this was only the beginning of Lucrezia’s long trial. In spite of
her very real sufferings, her spirit maintained the calm of a constant
recollection in God, together with the unceasing interior practice of
the most meritorious acts of resignation and faith. As time went on,
however, the fact of her physical possession by evil spirits became
self-evident, and Lucrezia herself an object of the utmost aversion—
nay, of fury—to her father, who refused to recognise in his child’s
condition the anger of Heaven upon himself for the sin of her birth.
So matters came to the point of Lucrezia’s being brought to the
Bishop—Monsignor Pietro Donato, I fancy—that he might exorcise
the spirit that tormented her; which, as it seemed at first, he
successfully did, for during some weeks after the exorcism Lucrezia
was able to pursue the practice of her religion without let or
hindrance; so that she was considered permanently healed.
But it was not fated to be so; her foe had only changed his tactics,
and now, although still capable of constant interior acts of devotion,
the hitherto gentle girl began, to the amazement of all who knew
her, to show herself undocile, rough of speech, and extremely
resentful of the Signora Bellini’s unkindness to her. This new
development, which was altogether contrary to her own inclinations,
only brought upon her the increased anger and dislike of her father,
who, together with his wife, proceeded to treat her so harshly as to
bring her more than once to the verge of the grave. Beaten, starved,
and neglected, the friendless child knew not where to find refuge
from her misery save only in God, to whom she had completely
given herself.
She was now seven years old, timid and crushed by suffering, but
with her heart full of charity and faith; nevertheless, her father,
being tempted by the father of lies, fell into the belief that Lucrezia,
in revenge for his cruelty to her, was minded to poison him—and so
he resolved to murder her. From this intention, however, the tempter,
having no mind presumably that Lucrezia should be killed and pass
in all her innocence to a better world—dissuaded Bellini, so that he
changed his mind and sent her instead to the Convent of San
Prosdocimo, in the city of Padua, there to finish her education.
Now, during the latter half of the Fifteenth Century, in Italy it was
not unusual to find convents of religious orders in which the strict
practice of the rules laid down centuries earlier for their guidance by
the holy founders of those same orders had become in the course of
time somewhat relaxed. The Rule—the very backbone, so to speak,
of a religious community—had grown, through long, indulgent
gentleness on the part of Superiors, so mild as to be no longer
suitable to the special necessities of the enclosed life; there was too
much intercourse allowed with the outer world, the affairs and
interests of which had come in consequence to occupy too large a
part in the thoughts and natural sympathies of those called by their
vocation to lead the higher spiritual existence of the cloister. And so
we find that many bishops and abbots and abbesses devoted
themselves particularly to the task of bringing back their “houses” to
the close observance of their various original “Rules”—Franciscan,
Dominican, Benedictine, and others.
The convent of San Prosdocimo belonged to the Benedictines, but,
unhappily, it was one of those houses that had fallen into slackness,
and into which had crept the habit of worldly conversation and of
carelessness in regard to the strict observance of the regulations,
imposed by their most illustrious father and founder, for the
guidance of his spiritual children.
It was, then, to the care of the somewhat relaxed sisterhood of San
Prosdocimo that Lucrezia was committed by her father; and, within a
short time of her entry as a pupil into the convent, although the
youngest of its occupants in years, she showed herself far the ripest
in all goodness, the best balanced, and the most intelligent.
Of a cheerful temperament, a lively and captivating personality,
Lucrezia was never frivolous or superficial; but, preserving her
habitual state of recollection in calm and solitude, her life was one
continual prayer. For her patrons she chose three—the Mother of
God, Saint Jerome, and Saint Luke the evangelist.
Nine years the girl lived thus without being more than very slightly
troubled by the evil spirit who sought her destruction; until the year
1460, when the death of the Abbess brought about great changes in
the convent. Upon that event Monsignor Zenoni, who had succeeded
Monsignor Donato as Bishop of Padua, considered that the time was
come to introduce a more strict administration in the convent and to
revive among its inmates the spirit of Saint Benedict. With this
object he forbade the nuns to elect their next Superior from among
their number until the reformations that he considered necessary
should have been brought about in their community. The nuns,
though, dismayed by the uncompromising words “reform” and “strict
observance,” took fright at Monsignor Zenoni’s salutary projects and
transferred themselves in a body with their pupils to another house
of the order.
The only one of all the convent’s inmates to accept the Bishop’s
ordinance and to remain faithful to her post was the sixteen-year-old
Lucrezia; abandoned by her superiors and companions, Lucrezia
kept watch and ward alone in the deserted building until the Bishop
sent over to join her a body of sisters from the convent of Santa
Maria della Misericordia, appointing Donna Giustina Lazzara, a noble
lady of Padua, to be their Abbess. With the coming of Donna
Giustina and her companions, the primitive practice and regular
observance of Saint Benedict’s Rule became again the life of the
house of San Prosdocimo.
Lucrezia’s whole being rejoiced exceedingly in the new order of
things in the convent and she determined to become, if possible, a
nun and a sister in religion of those about her. When she confided
her desire to them, however, she met with no encouragement; the
truth was that, although they had no fault to find with her
personally, yet knowing her history and that of her parents and
seeing that she had been brought up hitherto under the influence of
more or less careless elders, the nuns could not help feeling rather
doubtful of Lucrezia’s fitness for the religious life. Her very piety they
were inclined to consider merely superficial, and possibly a trifle
simulated in one as yet untried by discipline. At first even Donna
Giustina was drawn to this opinion; but, on reflection, she came to
the conclusion that, after all, such prejudices might well constitute a
grave injustice, and, remembering how Lucrezia had remained in the
convent when the others had fled, she at length consented to accept
her as a postulant for the stupendous honour of a bride of Christ.
And so, to the dissatisfaction of her companions, Lucrezia was
invested with the habit of their order, January 15, 1461; in honour of
her patron, Saint Jerome, she took the name of Eustochia, the
daughter of Saint Paula and the pupil of Saint Jerome. The
ceremony, however, was marked for Lucrezia by an untoward
incident which served to create a further unfavourable impression
towards her on the part of the other nuns; for, as the priest was
giving her the Communion, the Sacred Host slipped from his fingers
and fell to the ground, an accident which they chose to regard as a
mark of the Divine displeasure towards her.
From the day of her thus taking the veil, the real martyrdom of
Eustochia began. Until then, since her entry into the convent, her
sufferings at the hands of the Adversary had been comparatively
light and she had been able to conceal his attacks upon her. But now
his possession of her became more malignantly active, manifesting
itself by controlling her movements so as to make her commit some
slight exterior fault of deportment against the Rule, so that her
companions, witnesses of Eustochia’s small breach of discipline,
were more than ever confirmed in the opinion that she was a
hypocrite. By degrees this feeling increased among them until it
arrived at the point of her being shunned by them as a moral leper.
And all the while Eustochia, in exquisite, faithful humbleness, gave
thanks to Heaven for Its just judgment upon her, as she deemed it,
accusing herself before God and the Abbess of having brought these
punishments upon herself by her sins—so that, while she lost the
good opinion of those about her, she gained incessant merit in the
eyes of her Creator. And now the hour of Eustochia’s long darkness
sounded, during which she was destined to drink to the dregs the
cup of trial.
A month before the feast of Saint Jerome—that is, towards the end
of August—that same year of 1461, Eustochia felt herself much
perturbed and ill at ease in her heart; and her countenance, to the
disquiet of the whole house, took on an expression at once sombre
and menacing and quite unaccountable to the beholders, with the
exception of Father Peter Salicario, the chaplain of the convent, who
alone grasped the terrible meaning of it.
Father Salicario at once proceeded to prepare Eustochia for the
coming assault of her foe by counselling and exhorting her;
moreover, the good man straightway warned the Abbess and her
nuns of the approaching storm. What effect this had upon Donna
Giustina’s relations with Eustochia, I do not know precisely, but the
nuns themselves were, as may easily be imagined, greatly agitated
by it; also, they were only the more inclined to resent the presence
in their midst of one in whom the evil spirit had apparently taken up
his abode. The horror of Eustochia’s proximity seemed to them
unbearable, and they joined in protesting to Donna Giustina against
any further continuance of it. She, however, was of a more
courageous nature than they, and had perfect faith in the protection
of the convent by Heaven.
The feast of Saint Jerome passed uneventfully enough (as though in
unwilling tribute to his splendour and the power of his patronage),
but on the next day the tempest broke loose.
We are told that it was as if a subterranean mine had been exploded
in the quiet convent; and as if the Devil had entered there as an
executioner with every circumstance of fear and horror. The
agonised contortions of Eustochia were frightful to see as she
twisted herself like a serpent in the extremity of her torments, the
while her cries filled all the place with their lamentation.
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