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Infotext
Reading and Learning
KAREN M. FEATHERS
Pippin Publishing
Copyright © 2004 by Pippin Publishing Corporation
85 Ellesmere Road
Suite 232
Toronto, Ontario
M1R 4B9
www.pippinpub.com
”Afghan” reprinted compliments of Leisure Arts Inc., Our Best Knit Baby Af-
ghans, © 2000, “Decked in Diamonds” by Carole Prior. For further informa-
tion, contact 1-800-526-5111.
ISBN 0-88751-076-0
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Preface 7
Understanding Vocabulary 57
Should Vocabulary Be Taught Formally? 58
Learning Vocabulary: Terms and Concepts 59
Learning Vocabulary: Many Concepts, One Label 63
The Importance of Learning Vocabulary in Context 64
Helping Students Develop Independent Strategies 65
Helping Students Deal with Unfamiliar Vocabulary 72
Summary 76
Making Connections 79
Finding Out What Students Know 80
Helping Students Make Connections 82
Summary 92
Focusing on Meaning 95
Helping Students Monitor Understanding 95
Helping Students Develop Metacognitive Awareness 97
Encouraging Active Reading 102
Identifying Important Information 107
Summary 113
Bibliography 157
Professional References 157
Infotext References 161
To my parents, whose love and support has made
all things possible — “For now I know who I am
and what I am, and that is simply me.”
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
P R E FA C E
7
If we want people to swim, we must be prepared to help
them into the lake — they can’t learn by sitting on the dock and
dangling their feet in the water. I throw students into the lake of
content reading, but not by themselves. I throw everyone in to-
gether — and I jump in with them. If someone starts to sink, we
can all help push him or her to the surface. Though I provide
support, I don’t do the swimming for them.
If students are to learn how to read infotexts, they must read
real texts, not bits and pieces of texts. And teachers cannot do
the reading and thinking for them. Supporting their attempts
does not mean providing them with study guides; rather, it
means helping them develop strategies to use during reading
and giving them opportunities to explore and talk about their
discoveries.
This book is about reading and learning. We read infotexts in
order to learn. Reading affords us the opportunity to learn not
only through reading but also about reading. When we do things
that help students become better readers, they will also learn,
through the reading they do, about the topics they are study-
ing.
Infotext: Reading and Learning reflects my belief that reading
and learning are not separate activities. Rather, they happen si-
multaneously every time we open a book. I invite you to con-
tinue in this book to read, to learn to read, and to learn.
In this revised edition, I have made some changes that are a
direct result of both the growth in my understanding of reading
processes and the feedback I have received from those who
have read and used the original edition. I thank the readers
who have taken the time to communicate to me their applica-
tions, opinions, and suggestions, and I encourage new readers
to do the same.
8
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
WHY TEACH
CONTENT READING?
9
Why Teach Content Reading?
10
Were you able to understand both texts? If you are like most
people, you probably had trouble understanding at least one
and possibly both. Yet the audience for both — the first is from a
newspaper and the second from a magazine — is the general
public. This means that they should not be hard to read, yet
they can be. Ask yourself what was difficult about them.
Next, consider who you would go to for help in understand-
ing these passages. When I show them to students in my own
classes and ask who they would go to for help, the one person
who is never mentioned is the reading teacher. Students say
they would go to their uncle who plays the stock market, the
business teacher in their building, or their aunt or a neighbor
who knits a lot. In other words, they would go to someone who
knows the subject, not to someone who knows how to read or
how to teach reading.
This is because comprehending text involves much more
than knowing words, and only a content expert can help you
understand the background information, the vocabulary, and
even the style of writing of each text. This is why it is so impor-
tant for content teachers to teach their students how to read in
their subject. In an article in The Reading Teacher, Thomasenia
Adams wrote that “a knower of mathematics is a doer of mathe-
matics and a doer of mathematics is a reader of mathematics.”
This statement could be applied to any subject — a knower of
science or history or basketball. We must all be teachers of read-
ing in our subject area.
11
By the time students get to me, they should know how to read.
12
ply reads to learn; we are always learning about reading, even
when information gathering is uppermost in our minds. For
this reason, we can never restrict learning to read to certain
grade levels or to certain courses. Reading instruction is some-
thing that all teachers must do all the time. It is important to
teach reading in all subject areas, so that students become not
only better readers, but also successful learners.
I play piano and guitar; I design and make quilts and afghans;
and I jog four miles a day — but I cannot envision these parts of
my life without reading. The material that I read is varied and
may include newspapers, magazines, books, articles on the
Internet, and messages and notes from others involved in the
same activities. If you do not engage students in reading in the
typical content areas as well as in areas that are sometimes
viewed as hands-on, you do them a disservice.
When planning a new quilt, I study the designs of others,
read about quilting features that might affect the design cho-
sen, research the historical connections of particular patterns,
and communicate with other quilters about various materials
and techniques. How do you teach a sport without involving
students in reading about it in newspapers and magazines and
on the Internet, in reading about important sports figures, and
in reading the rules of the game? This reading may involve
books — there are books for every topic imaginable — but what
about all the other material available? If you teach students
only the technical aspects of playing a game, drawing a picture,
or playing an instrument, then you are omitting some of the
most important components of the subject.
Why should I teach reading? Students don’t read the textbook any-
way.
13
for ten weeks in the fall and, in the spring, every day for five to
six weeks. We also interviewed the students and their teachers.
Disturbingly, the interviews revealed that seventy-five per-
cent of the students read no part of the textbook even though
reading was assigned regularly. Though we certainly didn’t ex-
pect all students to read the texts, we were surprised to find that
such a large number did no textbook reading at all. In fact, only
five percent of the students usually read the text, while the re-
mainder read varying small portions.
One student who said he read part of the text was asked what
— and when — he read. He replied, “I read the headings and
the stuff under the pictures on the way from first period to sec-
ond.” Students avoided reading the textbook, regardless of the
assignments developed by teachers to ensure that they were
read.
Similar results have been found in the studies done since
then. When Barbara Guzzetti, Cynthia Hynd, Stephanie Skeels,
and Wayne Williams asked high school science students
whether they read their texts, they found that seventy-four per-
cent of general science students, sixty-six percent of physics
students, and seventy-five percent of honors physics students
never or rarely used their texts beyond doing the assigned
problems in each chapter. When asked how much they liked
the textbook, students replied, “I don’t know. I’ve never
opened it.”
The primary concern of teachers who participated in staff de-
velopment workshops conducted by William Bintz was that
students are not reading. This was true regardless of the con-
tent area or the material used.
So why don’t students read their textbooks? For one thing,
because there is often no reason to do so.
In the classrooms where Fred and I observed, teachers lec-
tured on the material covered in the readings, thereby provid-
ing all the information students needed to know. This hap-
pened even when infotext reading was assigned and even
when students were expected to answer questions on the read-
ing.
When questioned, teachers said they lectured on the material
either because students didn’t read the text or the text was too
difficult and they believed they needed to explain it. These ex-
planations make sense if the focus is on learning the informa-
14
tion in the text; however, we must recognize that, as long as the
teacher provides the information, students will have no real
reason to read the text to gather information for themselves.
And because they know the teacher will explain everything,
there is also no reason for them to make a studious attempt to
comprehend the text.
Another reason students don’t read their textbooks is that
they don’t know how.
When Fred and I interviewed students, they told us that they
had trouble reading their textbooks. This was confirmed by our
observations. When we were observing in the classrooms, we
were often approached by students to help them find answers
in the textbooks for worksheet questions. This happened as of-
ten in advanced classes as it did in “low-track” classes.
Though low reading ability may be one reason students
have trouble reading textbooks, other explanations are also
possible — and even probable.
15
question their original assessment of their ability and de-
cide that they aren’t capable readers after all. At this
point, they stop trying to deal with content texts, ratio-
nalizing continued attempts to do so as futile.
Students may also be reluctant to read their textbooks be-
cause there are many problems with the textbooks themselves.
Many texts, particularly textbooks, are poorly written. A group
of teachers reviewed a chapter on the American Civil War in a
fifth-grade social studies text and came up with the following
list of problems:
— Poor organization.
— Sequence of events not in order.
— Abrupt shifts in topic.
— Headings, subheadings not related.
— Subheadings not related to material contained in the sec-
tion.
— Too much material covered in one chapter.
— Too many unrelated details.
— Little depth on any topic.
— Information biased.
— Vocabulary not explained.
— Vocabulary poorly explained.
— Few examples that helped students understand terms.
— Pictures not explained.
— Pictures and maps not related to information on the page.
— Poor sentence structure.
— Short, choppy sentences.
— Questions at end of chapter focus on details.
— Some questions not answerable based on information
given.
One of the major problems with the chapter examined was
the amount of information covered. Events that led to the war,
the events of the war itself, and reconstruction after the war
were all covered in fourteen pages.
Harriet Bernstein suggested that what she called “mention-
ing” is a major factor leading to many of the other problems. Re-
sponding to pressure from a variety of special- interest groups,
textbook publishers attempt to cover a lot of ground in a single
text. To do so, they resort to mentioning many issues, provid-
16
ing virtually no in-depth discussion of any of them. This trend
also contributes to organizational shortcomings, shifts in topic,
a failure to explain vocabulary, and many other problems.
When students have little experience with infotexts, reading
even well-written content texts can be difficult. Their problems
are compounded dramatically when the infotexts they encoun-
ter are poorly written. Unfortunately, because teachers rarely
acknowledge the shortcomings of these texts, students blame
themselves, rather than the texts, for their difficulties. Helping
students become aware of problems in the texts themselves can
significantly change their attitude toward reading and increase
the amount of informational reading they do.
Even well-written informational texts are structured differ-
ently from the fictional narratives students are more familiar
with. Fictional narratives tend to focus on people involved in
familiar actions and events that follow a basic time sequence.
Infotexts often focus on unfamiliar topics that are defined, ex-
plained, and described in terms of, and related to, other dis-
crete items of information that are irrelevant to students’ lives
outside the classroom.
In addition, each subject area has its own way of organizing
information, and students are often unfamiliar with the struc-
tures of specific disciplines. Len Unsworth pointed out how
these differences lead to different vocabulary and grammatical
structures in texts. Students who are unfamiliar with the struc-
tures used to organize a discipline and with the grammar and
vocabulary that are the results of those structures will have
trouble reading texts related to the subject.
We’re all familiar with the phenomenon of students’ memo-
rizing material for tests, then promptly forgetting just about ev-
erything. Many of us have done exactly the same thing ourselves.
If we want real learning to occur, the information students en-
counter must be relevant to them in some way. This doesn’t
mean that they should read only about things like movie stars,
sports, or whatever else is currently of interest. It does mean
that textbooks should present information in a way that it is
both understandable and relevant to the students for whom it is
intended. This is not typically the case with content texts.
17
I have to cover the curriculum and get students ready for mandated
tests. I don’t have time to teach reading.
The best way to learn anything is, of course, to do it. The best
way to learn how to cook, for example, is to cook, perhaps in the
company of an experienced chef. Similarly, the best way to
learn how to read content texts, including books, Internet mate-
rial, journals, and so on, is to do so with support from someone
experienced in reading this type of material; that is, a content
teacher.
18
It results in better learning of content material.
Summary
All reading involves learning, not only of content, but also
about the reading process itself. For a variety of reasons, many
students have difficulty reading infotexts and need help to deal
with these texts if learning is to occur. Instruction that involves
sound comprehension activities results not only in more profi-
cient reading, but also in more effective learning of content.
Content reading must be taught, but how does one begin?
To help you get started, this book begins by taking a brief
look at the theoretical basis for reading and content instruction.
Then, it explains various classroom strategies that can be used
to enable students to become independent readers and learn-
ers. These strategies differ from instructional methods that fo-
cus on things teachers can do so that students learn the material
covered. They focus on things students can do to read and learn
19
more effectively. In fact, if the strategies are successful, they
will become obsolete — students will internalize and use them
whenever they read informational material.
Jerome Harste says that any instance of reading affords the
opportunity to “learn reading, to learn about reading, and to
learn through reading.” The strategies described in this book
provide the opportunities for all this learning to occur without
decreasing the time spent on content learning. Each strategy is
designed to focus on content. This ensures that we are never
simply teaching reading but are, instead, introducing activities
that help students learn the subject knowledge at the same time
as they learn how to read.
20
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
THE BASIS
OF CONTENT READING
21
We now know, however, that reading is not a generic skill.
Even adults who are able to read novels, poetry, and informa-
tional material proficiently often have trouble with insurance
policies, tax forms, directions for putting together swing sets,
computer manuals, and informational material on unfamiliar
topics.
Actually, there are no truly generic skills. Just because I can
ride a standard bicycle doesn’t mean that I can ride a ten-speed
racing bike. Similarly, different nails are used in different mate-
rials for different purposes, and they are not all hammered the
same way. We learn things not in isolation, but in a context. We
learn how to hammer a particular kind of nail into a particular
material using a particular hammer.
If the situation changes — if the nail, material, or hammer is
different — then what I have already learned may actually be a
hindrance. Consider someone who has learned to hit a large,
long nail very hard to drive it deep into wooden beams. Now he
has a short, slim nail that he wants to drive into a plaster wall to
hang a picture. If he applies his learned nail-driving skill in this
situation, he may hit the nail too hard and crack the plaster,
bend the nail, hit his thumb, or even if all else goes well, drive
the nail too far into the wall.
Nothing we learn can be transferred directly to all situations.
We do, however, use what we already know to deal with new
situations. When we must hammer a new kind of nail, we use
what we already know from past experiences with nails, plas-
ter, and picture hanging and put it all together to hypothesize
what to do. We draw on all our relevant past experiences to deal
with new situations. If the new experience is very similar to our
past experiences, our behavior may be very similar to past be-
havior. But if the new experience is dissimilar, our previous ex-
periences may not be helpful at all.
What does this mean for reading? Like everything else, read-
ing is learned in a context. We learn how to read particular texts
and, depending on the text encountered and the instruction we
receive, develop strategies for achieving understanding.
When the context changes — when we are faced with differ-
ent material to read or different purposes for reading — we use
what we have learned from previous reading experiences, al-
though these things may not work in the new situation. Strat-
egies developed for hitting one kind of nail don’t work with all
22
nails, and strategies learned for reading one kind of text don’t
necessarily work with all texts.
THE TEXT
THE READER
23
ences. Is she tired? Hungry? Happy? Stressed? Any one of these
factors can — and will — make a difference in how readers ap-
proach texts.
The reader doesn’t operate in isolation but interacts with the
reading material and the situation in which the reading occurs.
A student whose parents are divorcing might be upset and un-
able to concentrate on reading a science text. On the other hand,
the same student may eagerly read a story about a child of
divorced parents or informational material about coping with
divorce.
The prior knowledge of the reader is also important. A
reader’s familiarity with both the topic and the format of the
text substantially influences his ability to understand. If the
topic is very familiar, then he may have some difficulty but will
probably be able to work through problems. A child who
knows about space exploration can often read new material
about space missions even if the format isn’t completely famil-
iar.
If both the topic and format are unfamiliar, however, the
reader is likely to have difficulty comprehending. This is why
so many of us have trouble with, for example, income tax
forms. We know little about the topic because we aren’t famil-
iar with the rules and regulations regarding taxes. In addition,
we rarely read material that is structured like the tax forms and
directions. Because both the topic and format are unfamiliar,
we have trouble with this reading. Tax accountants, on the
other hand, know the rules and regulations governing income
taxes and, having read thousands of these forms and direc-
tions, are very familiar with their structure. Their familiarity
with both the topic and format makes income tax forms very
readable for them.
24
ous types of material and these expectations influence the read-
ing process. For example, readers expect newspapers to be easy
to read as well as biased. They expect novels to focus on human
events in chronological order and to be enjoyable. They expect
textbooks to contain lists of facts, to have a logical organization,
and to be boring and hard to read. Because of these expecta-
tions, readers approach various kinds of material differently.
The reader’s physical location also makes a difference.
Jerome Harste and Robert Carey found that college students
were more likely to identify the topic of an ambiguous text as
wrestling when they were seated on a mat in a gym than when
the same passage was read in an English class. The physical lo-
cation itself appears to predispose our brains to make connec-
tions with certain past experiences. When in a gym, we activate
experiences related to gyms in case they might be needed. The
experiences activated might relate to the content, as in the case
of the wrestling passage, or to the act of reading itself. Thus, a
student who has experienced repeated failure in reading may
begin a reading assignment in your class with a negative,
self-defeating attitude. Why try, I’ll only fail. I can’t read, she
may say to herself.
Aspects of the physical location affecting comfort also influ-
ence the reading process. Am I in a comfortable cozy chair or
seated in a hard chair with my book on a desk? Is the room too
cold or too warm? How much noise surrounds me?
The context can also constrain processing. In schools, teach-
ers often impose constraints on processing by setting reading-
related tasks. Requiring readers to answer questions at the end
of a chapter, fill in worksheets, find definitions, and make an
outline focus attention on particular aspects of the text and sug-
gest particular ways of reading. Students who are asked to fill
in worksheets often avoid reading the entire text but skim to
find the appropriate information. One student who received an
A for her work in history confided that she had completed an
assignment to outline a chapter by copying from the textbook
the title, major headings and subheadings, and the first sen-
tence of each paragraph. This was the extent of her reading.
The purpose for reading also forms part of the context of a
situation. Louise Rosenblatt indicates that stories are typically
read for enjoyment, to experience a lived-through event, under-
stand human characters and emotions, and recognize and ap-
25
preciate the author’s craft. Informational material, on the other
hand, is usually read to garner important information about a
topic.
These different purposes — reading for information and
reading for pleasure — require different approaches to the act
of reading. Rosenblatt makes it clear that the approach readers
take is defined not by the nature of the text but by the purpose
for reading. Any text can be read in any way. Stories can be read
for information and informational material can be read for
pleasure. As a result, the purposes inherent in the tasks we im-
pose on students in our classrooms predispose them to read
texts in particular ways.
The purposes we set are often too narrow, focusing students’
attention on a single aspect of a text while ignoring other im-
portant information. For example, if students are told to read to
find out how plants with woody stems differ from those with
green stems, they may do so — all the while failing to identify
how these plants are alike.
When assignments narrow the focus of reading, they may
fail to help students understand the material and how to vary
their reading for different purposes. To learn effectively, stu-
dents must understand how to read the material in a particular
subject area, as well as how the process varies with changes in
material, purpose, and context, and how they themselves affect
the process. To help them do this, teachers must know some-
thing about the reading process.
How Do We Read?
Reading is a process of constructing meaning in which the
reader is an active participant. Meaning doesn’t flow automati-
cally from the text to the reader; rather, the text contains clues
that the reader uses to generate meaning.
To understand how this works, consider how we learn lan-
guage. All our knowledge about language is based on our expe-
riences. We develop concepts of “cat,” “dog,” “house,” and ev-
erything else from our encounters with objects, people, and
events. Similarly, we develop our rules for behavior, including
our rules for language, based on our experiences.
Our rules for behavior tell us how to dress for particular oc-
casions — we don’t usually wear evening gowns to the grocery
26
store, for example — and our rules for language tell us the top-
ics and language forms appropriate to given situations. Simi-
larity in our experiences leads to similarity in our rule systems,
and differences in our experiences lead to variations in our
rules. For example, my rules for language may be similar to
yours, but they will not be identical. My daughter’s rules for
language allow her to produce sentences like, “I’m fixin’ to go
to the store,” while yours may lead you to produce, “I be goin’
to the store,” or “I say, I think I’ll go to the store.”
These differences mean that the rules an author uses to gen-
erate a text may not be the same as the rules a reader uses to gen-
erate meaning from the text. Because of differences in people’s
language rules, meaning is never inherent in the words on the
page. When authors compose, they embed in their texts many
clues to their meaning. Text organization, vocabulary, and sen-
tence structure provide clues, but it is the reader who gives
meaning to the clues. Kenneth Goodman describes reading as a
process of predicting, gathering data, and confirming or
disconfirming predictions. When encountering a text, readers
use prior knowledge to predict what the text will include. Pre-
dictions are made at many levels and can include predictions
about the topic to be discussed, text organization, sentence
structure, and vocabulary. Even the next word or letter can be
predicted. Then the reader samples the text, gathering informa-
tion that can be used to confirm or disconfirm predictions.
Don Holdaway agrees with Goodman’s description of the
reading process. He emphasized that the movement from sur-
face language to meaning is personal and open to misinterpre-
tation.
Listeners and readers do not have the meanings poured into
them — they are not conducted to them directly through the
sounds in the air or from the marks on the paper; they make
them from what is linguistically given in relationship to all that
constitutes their own self-awareness. Thus, the interpretation of
language is a creative process even when the most basic skills
are being practiced.
27
the basis for all reading behavior, and as the source of connec-
tions between new information and what is already known.
Prior knowledge is important in so many ways that it needs
additional discussion.
28
sign says, Lovers’ Leap. In the caption, the hippo is saying,
“Wait just a darn minute; I just thought of something!” When I
show this cartoon to people, at least half of them don’t get the
joke.
Several pieces of information are necessary to understand
the cartoon. First, you must know what a lovers’ leap is and that
despondent lovers jump off lovers’ leaps together. Then, you
must infer that the bird and the hippo are lovers about to jump.
Then, you must draw on your knowledge of birds and hippos
— birds fly, hippos don’t — to understand that if they jump,
one of them will fly, but the other won’t, a realization that was
apparently just dawning on the hippo.
Most people to whom I’ve shown this cartoon possessed all
the necessary information but didn’t activate it. Given the car-
toon, it is difficult to know what information is relevant. We
don’t often think about flying in relation to hippos. Thus, even
proficient readers may not use the prior knowledge needed for
understanding.
Fortunately, however, our prior knowledge is organized so
that we can draw on it. Some people visualize this organization
as a hierarchical filing system with items placed in files under
major topics and subtopics. For example, information about
birds might be in a file labeled Information about Animals, and
this file might be located in a larger file labeled Information
about Living Things. To gain access to the information, we sim-
ply go to the right file in the right drawer in the right filing cabi-
net.
Though this view is useful to a point, it fails to explain the
connections readers make while reading. When reading a story
about the death of a husband, what brings to mind the death of
a grandfather or an uncle or a son’s recent auto accident? What
causes me to substitute the word “luggage” for “language”
when reading a book about children’s language development
while waiting for a plane in an airport? What brings to mind the
sounds, smells, and feelings related to other events when read-
ing a novel? If prior knowledge is fragmented into compart-
ments, how can one word or sentence evoke such a multitude of
responses?
The answer is that prior knowledge is not stored in tidy com-
partments; rather, it is organized in a complex, multi-dimen-
sional arrangement of concepts. Because these concepts are in-
29
terconnected, finding one item leads us to think about many
other items related to the first. When sitting in an airport, for ex-
ample, I activate, or bring to a conscious level, all my prior
knowledge about airports, including luggage, tickets, air-
planes, my feelings about flying, my dislike of airplane food,
memories of other flying experiences, and experiences related
to flying, like a movie I’ve seen, an article or story I’ve read, a
cartoon about airline food, a friend who is a pilot, and so on. All
these items are related not only to airports but also to other
things like movies, mysteries, fears, friends, food, and cartoons.
New information can be placed anywhere in the system.
When this happens, it becomes part of a network that links it to
other related items. It’s the connections between the new infor-
mation and the items already stored in prior knowledge that
are vital. New information is connected to every item for which
the reader can generate a connection.
It was my personal schema for airports or airplane trips that
caused me to misread the word “language.” My schema for air-
plane trips includes the items commonly associated with these
trips, as well as various related actions — buying a ticket, get-
ting to the airport, checking in, boarding the plane, and so on.
We develop schemata for things and events in our world, in-
cluding baseball games, school, parties, novels, studying, sto-
ries, poems, cartoons, and informational material. These sche-
mata are generated from our experiences. Experiences
attending school lead to the development of our school schema,
experiences reading stories develop our schema for stories, and
experiences with informational material develop our schema
for expository texts.
If memory is stored in a multi-dimensional network, what
happens when we draw on prior knowledge for possible use? If
we don’t take out a file folder, then what do we do?
Iran Nejad-Asghar proposes a “light constellation” analogy
to explain how memory works. He suggests that our cognitive
network is like a bank of lights wired so that certain subsets of
lights can be illuminated. For instance, all the blue lights could
be lit or all the red ones, or a combination of blues and reds.
Each subset of lights represents a schema. When a schema is ac-
tivated, then that set of lights turns on. Of course, we are capa-
ble of illuminating more than one set of lights at any particular
time. So, for example, when looking at the cartoon of the bird
30
and the hippo, I can activate my schemata for both birds and
hippos as well as my schema for cartoons.
But if this is the case, why didn’t my schema for hippos acti-
vate the knowledge, “cannot fly”? The activation process prob-
ably operates more like a dimmer than an on-off switch; that is,
some items in the schema may shine more brightly than others.
In the case of the cartoon, “cannot fly” is not brightly lit. On oc-
casion, entire schemata may be more brightly lit than others.
When we read, appropriate schemata are activated. We link
incoming information to information we already possess. First,
we try to make these links to activated schemata. If no connec-
tion is possible, then other schemata may be searched and acti-
vated for likely connections. Because new “items” entered into
the prior knowledge network include not only information but
also relationships, the “new information” may simply involve
creating new links among existing items. For example, the
bird-hippo cartoon might cause me to connect birds and hippos
in a new way. In this way, adding items to our store of prior
knowledge can restructure the network.
Finally, we know that readers make inferences by generating
new information based on information in the text. For example,
if a story states that a mother is frowning and yelling at a child,
the reader is likely to infer that the mother is angry. The reader
has connected the stated information with previous informa-
tion about mother-child relationships and generated new in-
formation or a new item in prior knowledge. As new items are
added and new connections generated, the shape of prior
knowledge changes constantly. The items remain, but the pat-
terns shift, much like the patterns of a kaleidoscope.
Comprehension, then, depends on activating prior knowl-
edge and developing links between new information and what
is already known. In Comprehension and Learning, Frank Smith
defines comprehension as “relating new experiences to the al-
ready known.” Because prior knowledge is built from previous
experiences, each individual’s network is different. Therefore,
teachers must help students activate their own prior knowl-
edge and provide opportunities for them to relate new infor-
mation to what is already known.
31
What Do Good Readers Do?
If we view reading as an active process, we can identify things
proficient readers do when encountering texts. Proficient read-
ers activate prior knowledge and connect new items to items in
their store of prior knowledge. In addition, because they use
prior knowledge to generate meaning from texts, they monitor
their own understanding, focusing on meaning and checking
themselves to see whether they are understanding.
When they don’t understand, they use a variety of strategies
to achieve comprehension. For example, because I was moni-
toring my own reading, I stopped when I read “luggage” for
“language” in the airport. The word “luggage” didn’t make
sense. My strategy was to reread that portion of the text.
Monitoring our understanding also keeps the reading pro-
cess going when the meaning is not changed, even though a
reader may have substituted one word for another. The substi-
tution of the word “house” for “home” in the sentence, “My
home is in the city,” would not cause a proficient reader to stop
reading because the substitution doesn’t affect the meaning.
However, making the same substitution in the sentence, “I
want to go home,” would stop a reader who is monitoring for
meaning.
Proficient readers use a variety of strategies to resolve a lack
of understanding. They may go back and reread, as I did, or
continue reading to gather additional information. They may
use their knowledge of sound-symbol relationships to sound
out a problematic word or check for meaning with an outside
source such as a dictionary, encyclopedia, teacher, parent, or
friend. If entire texts are giving them difficulty, they may read
alternative texts or seek help from an expert or friend.
32
exactly what must be learned, rewarding verbatim answers on
tests and putting little emphasis on the development of rela-
tionships between incoming and stored information.” Twelve
years later, in 1990, Sharon Pugh Smith, Robert Carey, and
Jerome Harste indicated that students were still not doing well
and may have become “so dependent on teacher organization
of meaning that they may have difficulty learning to learn for
themselves after high school.” And twelve years after this, Mi-
chael Graves suggested in an article in Reading Online that
“schooling is not going well even for our best students — all too
few students attain the deep level of understanding critical in
today’s world.” These are only a few of the critiques that main-
tain that teachers have done little to change the emphasis on
learning isolated facts through memorization and engaging in
isolated exercises.
We limit students’ learning and take responsibility for their
learning in many ways.
33
knowledge. Students memorize instead of learn, and when the
test is over, they promptly forget the new information.
Isabel Beck, Margaret McKeown, and Jo Worthy published a
study that demonstrated this. To test whether differences in the
way a text is written affect students’ understanding, they se-
lected a section from a real textbook and created three addi-
tional versions that they considered to be more readable. Four
groups of fourth-grade students read one of the four versions,
then answered questions related to the information given and
issues raised. Regardless of which version they read, all the stu-
dents answered most of the informational questions correctly;
there were no differences among them. There were differences,
however, in their ability to answer the issues questions that fo-
cused on major themes of the passage. This demonstrates that
students have learned very well how to identify the informa-
tion that is needed to answer the kinds of questions found on
worksheets and tests, even when they do not understand the
themes of a passage.
As Jerome Bruner noted in Actual Minds, Possible Worlds,
teachers can close down what he called the “process of wonder-
ing” or open it up. In other words, teachers can do much to help
students become active, thoughtful learners. More than twenty
years ago, Rob Tierney and P. David Pearson suggested that
teachers need to
— recognize that reading is interactive and, thus, readers
have a right to interpret texts
— encourage students to tie information to prior knowl-
edge
— give students opportunities to evaluate their interpreta-
tions
Most of us have yet to allow or encourage these activities in
our classrooms. In New Policy Guidelines in Reading: Connecting
Research and Practice, Jerome Harste said that learning a process
requires three things: engaging in the process, being with oth-
ers engaged in the process, and bringing aspects of the process
to a conscious level. This means that, rather than simply memo-
rizing, students must actively engage in learning in an environ-
ment that encourages them to take risks and engage in mean-
ingful activities that reflect real-world activities. They must
also have opportunities to observe and talk to other learners,
34
including the teacher, about what — and how — they are learn-
ing.
35
tion is the learner. Teachers can do things to help the learner
with this task, but we cannot do it for the learner.
Learners will not engage in the task of cognitive restructur-
ing unless they are in a situation that encourages them to do so.
If their only task is to reiterate information presented by the
teacher, they will make little or no attempt to incorporate the
information into their store of knowledge. If the teacher does
all the thinking for students, there is no need for them to think
for themselves. To maintain active learning, we must empower
students — help them take charge of their own learning.
This doesn’t mean that we should never do things that help
students understand text material. Infotexts often do a poor job
of presenting complex concepts, and there is much that teach-
ers can do that does not entail assuming the responsibility for
learning. Films that help students understand historical set-
tings and events, demonstrations and activities that expand
ideas and explain concepts, and lectures that provide addi-
tional information or explanation are all helpful. The key is that
these activities encourage students to maintain control of their
own learning.
In addition, we must also do things to help students learn
how to take charge of their learning. Students have often be-
come so used to teachers doing everything for them that they
don’t know how to do things for themselves. The grade the
teacher puts on their worksheet tells them whether they have
understood the chapter. Without the grade, they don’t know
how to tell whether they’ve understood. Further, they often
don’t know how to monitor their own learning or what to do
when they don’t understand. We must engage students in ac-
tivities that help them both take charge of and monitor their
learning.
Donald Graves and Lucy Calkins have pointed out the im-
portance of ownership in learning to write, and Jeanne Harms
and Lucille Lettow point out the importance of ownership in
learning to read. But ownership — being in charge of our own
learning process — is important in all aspects of learning.
Ownership, or empowerment, involves making choices, and
teachers are often wary of this. Perhaps we are concerned that if
students are allowed choice, they may choose not to learn or
they may choose not to learn what we want them to learn. For
36
some, providing choices implies that there will be chaos in the
classroom.
Providing choices, however, doesn’t mean that teachers
must relinquish their role. It simply means giving students op-
tions within a larger framework. For example, students may
have no choice about whether they will study ancient Greece.
During the unit, however, they may be encouraged to choose
both to study a specific aspect of ancient Greece and the other
students they will work with. Though all the groups may be ex-
pected to present what they’ve learned to the class, they may
choose the format of their presentation. Thus, providing
choices doesn’t place students in charge of the class; rather, it
means that teachers and students work together to learn and,
during that process, determine curriculum.
When students are in control of their own learning, they are
more likely to become actively involved in learning. They ac-
tively determine the importance of various items of informa-
tion, the relationships between new information and their own
lives, and how the information can be used.
37
ble for handing out the grades, students will change their be-
havior in the presence of the teacher.
Douglas Barnes saw this in his observations of classrooms.
Students working in small groups who had been engaged in
“exploratory” talk shifted to “performance” language when
the teacher joined the group. They moved from talking about
possible explanations and evaluating those possibilities to
demonstrating for the teacher what they knew. When the
teacher was not part of the group, students talked to one an-
other, but when the teacher joined the group, everyone talked
to the teacher.
We can probably never create a no-risk situation, but we can
reduce the risk level by encouraging students to explore, valu-
ing them and the work they produce, accepting mistakes as a
natural part of learning, and learning with them.
38
vehicle for thinking, and in Actual Minds, Possible Worlds,
Jerome Bruner expressed his belief that growth occurs through
recording information in new forms.
Listening to others’ views of something we have all read in-
creases our understanding of a text because we come to view it
from many perspectives. Working with others to solve prob-
lems or explore ideas produces talk that allows everyone in-
volved to expand their thinking.
Collaboration — students working together to decide what
and how to study, investigate topics, discuss information and
ideas, and plan how to share information with others — is in-
valuable. In contrast to cooperative activities — in which all
students complete one part of a task often assigned by the
teacher — collaboration involves students in working together.
Though the general task, such as studying a European country
or determining what happened and why during a science ex-
periment, may be assigned by the teacher, the teacher doesn’t
assign specific tasks to particular students.
Collaboration provides students with access to others’
thoughts on and interpretations of material and questions. Be-
cause this approach encourages students to check their own
understanding against that of others, they can both monitor
and expand their understanding. Though a teacher’s questions
often identify for students items the teacher considers impor-
tant, this is not as effective as encouraging students to compare
their own understanding with that of other students. During a
discussion, they have an opportunity to express and explain
their own understanding and question others about theirs.
When only the teacher asks the questions, the answers ex-
pected are often either right or wrong, and there is little oppor-
tunity for students to question what is presented.
Collaboration also helps establish a low-risk situation. When
a single student works on a task or answers a question, he or she
alone is totally responsible for the work. This increases the risk
involved. In a collaborative situation, however, students share
responsibility. There is no attempt to identify who is right or
wrong. They simply discuss the material read to reach agree-
ment about what it means or work on a task together, sharing
responsibility for the product.
39
Summary
If students are to learn the content we want them to learn, we
must help them become actively engaged in their own learning.
In so doing, we can also help them understand the reading pro-
cess and become effective readers, thinkers, and learners.
The remainder of this book outlines strategies to help ensure
that students learn through reading as well as about reading.
40
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
E VA L U AT I N G S T U D E N T S
AND TEXTS
41
Because fiction is considered easier to read, basal readers
have traditionally included stories and an occasional poem. Al-
though this has begun to change in recent years so that there is
now greater variety in these readers, stories continue to pre-
dominate. Many infotexts, especially those designed for young
readers, are written in a narrative style in the belief that this will
make them more like fiction, improving their readability. For
example, a family — usually a father, mother, boy and girl —
takes a trip somewhere, like France, and information about
France is integrated into the story of the family’s travels. Or a
“story” may be told about a whale, or other animal, from birth
to adulthood.
All this has led to a focus on fiction in elementary schools,
where children have many experiences with both reading and
writing stories. By the time they enter third or fourth grade,
they are familiar with the structures, coherence patterns, vo-
cabulary, topics, and other features of narrative texts.
At the same time, because they have read — and been ex-
pected to write — little in the way of informational material,
they are often unfamiliar with the structures, patterns, vocabu-
lary, and other features of this kind of text. It is this unfamiliar-
ity, rather than any inherent developmental shortcoming in the
reader, that makes informational material difficult.
Whether it is fiction or non-fiction designed to read like fic-
tion, text written in a narrative style is different from exposi-
tory writing. Len Unsworth suggested that narratives are actu-
ally easier to understand because they include many of the
features of oral language. The number of content words (mean-
ing words) in narratives is lower than in expository texts, and
the number of function words (words that link content words)
is higher. People who have read Infotext often say that it is easy
to read because it “is just as if you are talking to me.” In other
words, it has the same features as oral language, and this makes
it easy to read. In an article in Journal of Reading, Carolyn Kent
pointed out some of the important differences between narra-
tive and expository materials.
First, narratives have a first- or third-person point of view;
that is, the story is told by one of the characters or an outside
narrator. The reader determines who is telling the story and de-
velops expectations based on this point of view. The point of
view of writers of expository material is less easily identified.
42
Second, narratives are agent-oriented in that they focus on
one or more characters. This focus is familiar because our lives
involve relationships and interactions with others. Narrative-
style texts are familiar because they build on these. Expository
texts, on the other hand, focus on topics or subject matter. Ex-
cept in school situations, our conversations focus on these far
less frequently. For this reason, students are far less familiar
with discussions, both oral and written, that involve the trans-
mission of information.
Finally, the events of stories occur in a time frame and are
linked chronologically. Expository material, on the other hand,
has no temporal focus — time is not important because the in-
formation is considered timeless. Information is connected us-
ing techniques such as making comparisons, supporting main
ideas with details, and citing examples to illustrate concepts.
Now that the Internet is a widely used resource, the differ-
ences between narrative and expository tests are even more
complicated. The structures of Internet texts, whether narra-
tive or expository, do not often resemble typical narrative and
expository structures. Internet texts contain links that may take
readers to additional information, definitions, references,
video clips, and so on. From these secondary links, readers can
often go on to other links until they are far from the original
passage. In addition, the first page of an Internet text often pro-
vides an outline that allows readers to choose which portion of
the text to read, a feature that means that the text can be read in
any order. These options provide many alternatives for read-
ers, but they can also cause confusion and interfere with the
comprehension of those not used to dealing with this kind of
structure.
Though the differences between narrative and expository
texts are important, they do not make expository texts inher-
ently more difficult. We can help students understand the dif-
ferences by exposing them to informational material in many
forms and providing activities and discussions that help them
become aware of these differences.
Given these differences, we cannot assume that students can
read instructional texts merely because they are in a particular
grade or because they can read narratives proficiently. It is im-
portant to determine how readable the texts are and whether
students can deal with them.
43
Evaluating Texts Using Readability Formulas
44
than people could.” In the absence of clues about the relation-
ship between the invention of the cotton gin and the need for
more slaves, readers are left to infer these connections. A profi-
cient, thoughtful reader might question why having a cotton
gin that could gin a lot of cotton would increase the demand for
slaves. Less proficient readers or those focused on memorizing
facts, however, might not even search for a connection among
these ideas.
In an essay in Theoretical Models and Processes of Reading, P.
David Pearson reported the results of his study of young chil-
dren’s ability to read syntactically complex sentences. He
found that children read and recalled longer, complex sen-
tences better than short, simple ones. The additional informa-
tion in the more complex sentences provided clues that enabled
readers to comprehend and recall. As Jerome Harste, Virginia
Woodward, and Carolyn Burke suggest in their book Language
Stories and Literacy Lessons, simplicity deprives language users
of support for understanding, while complexity supports un-
derstanding.
Though teachers may find readability formulas useful for
obtaining a general idea of the suitability of a text for a particu-
lar grade level , those who know their students can usually de-
termine a book’s suitability by simply reading portions of the
text. Other methods of evaluating texts are often more useful
than using readability formulas.
45
INFORMATION
Concept Load
Ask yourself how many new concepts are presented and how
quickly. A single ten-page chapter, for instance, may introduce
ten new concepts — one on each page. On the other hand, the
chapter may load five new concepts onto one page, three onto
another, two onto another, and none onto the remaining pages.
Though the total number of new concepts introduced may not
be unreasonable, the density of concepts presented in particu-
lar sections may pose problems.
Depth
Ask whether the chapter discusses each concept in depth or if it
suffers from what Harriet Bernstein identified as “mention-
ing.” Mentioning occurs when texts present many items of in-
formation but discuss few, if any, in depth.
Consider, for example, this brief text: “Spiders can be large
or small. Spiders make webs. Spiders catch food in their webs.”
Several facts about spiders are mentioned, but none is dis-
cussed in detail. The same problem often plagues longer texts,
causing misunderstandings by students. One social studies
text, for example, dealt with the underground railroad in two
sentences. The first said the underground railroad was a sys-
tem for transporting slaves to the North and to Canada. The
second said that the system consisted of “stations” where peo-
ple could rest and be fed. The ten- and eleven-year-old students
who read this concluded that the underground railroad was a
subway system.
This problem often results from attempting to cover too
much material in a single text or in a single chapter. In some
textbooks, World War I, ancient Greece, energy, and the human
skeleton are covered in single chapters varying in length from
ten to fifteen pages, including illustrations. The result is that
very little can be covered in depth.
46
Clarity
Relevance
ORGANIZATION
47
Overall Organization
First, consider the overall organization of the text. The organi-
zation of the chapter on the American Civil War referred to ear-
lier was flawed because events were not presented in sequence.
The time frame jumped from before the war to during the war
and then back to a discussion of pre-war issues.
Organization of Subsections
Another factor contributing to the logical structure of a chapter
is the organization of subsections. Do the paragraphs in a sub-
section fit logically, and do the subheadings reflect the relation-
ships among the paragraphs? A chapter about China in a social
studies textbook, for example, included a subsection titled
“Mongolia.” It contained five paragraphs, two on Inner Mon-
golia, two on Outer Mongolia, and one on Tibet. The rationale
for including information about Tibet in the text, while failing
to mention it in the subheading, wasn’t explained. Problems
like this create major difficulties for students who use textual
clues to determine structure and identify important informa-
tion.
Main Ideas
We must also ask ourselves whether main ideas are stated and,
perhaps more important, whether the text is organized around
main ideas. We often assume that paragraphs contain main
ideas when, in fact, they frequently don’t. Jim Baumann and Ju-
dith Serra analyzed the social studies texts of five major pub-
lishers to determine whether main ideas were present. They
found that only 27 percent of the passages contained explicitly
48
stated main ideas. Paragraphs often consist of a collection of
facts that have a general relationship — they may all be about
the Industrial Revolution, for example — but each is about a
different item.
VOCABULARY
49
provided to help students understand the new vocabulary —
and thus the new concepts.
When reading a text, look for words that are not identified as
new vocabulary even though they might be unfamiliar to the
students. The writer may be making invalid assumptions about
students’ prior knowledge, especially given the diversity of
students in our classrooms today. Are there terms that ought to
be defined but aren’t? Is there sufficient context for students to
determine the meaning of these words?
GRAPHICS
50
Other documents randomly have
different content
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and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
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under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
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Author: Anonymous
Language: Esperanto
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