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Chapter 2: Research Methods

Total Assessment Guide
Topic Factual Conceptual Applied
Quick Quiz 1 Multiple Choice 1,3,5,7,9 6, 10 2,4,8

Quick Quiz 2 Multiple Choice 1, 3, 5–6, 9 7, 10 2,4,8

Introduction and Multiple Choice 6–9, 11 1–5 10

Learning Objective 2.1a Fill-in -the-Blank 1–2
Identify two modes of Essay
thinking and their Critical Thinking
application to scientific
reasoning.
Learning Objective 2.2a Multiple Choice 12, 14–16, 22, 26– 23, 25, 28–29, 43, 13, 17–21, 24, 30,
Describe the advantages and 27, 31, 33, 36, 42 32, 34–35, 37–41,
disadvantages of using
Fill-in -the-Blank 4, 6 3, 5

measures, and surveys. Critical Thinking

Learning Objective 2.2b Multiple Choice 54, 56, 62, 65–66, 77, 79 53, 55, 57–61, 63–
Describe the role of 70, 75–76 64, 67–69, 71–74
Fill-in -the-Blank 7, 9 8, 10
2
causation. Critical Thinking
Learning Objective 2.2c Multiple Choice 78, 80–81, 83, 88– 79, 96, 101–102, 82, 84–87, 91–95,
Identify the components of 90, 97–98, 100, 99, 104–105, 108,
an experiment, the potential 103, 107, 109–
110, 112
11–13, 17 14, 16 15
psychologists control for Essay 1
these pitfalls. Critical Thinking
Learning Objective 2.3a Multiple Choice 117, 119, 122 120 118, 121, 123–125
Explain the ethical Fill-in-the-Blank 18
obligations of researchers Essay 3
toward their research Critical Thinking
participants.
Learning Objective 2.3b Multiple Choice 126 128 127
Describe both sides of the Fill-in-the-Blank
debate on the use of animals Essay
as research subjects. Critical Thinking
Learning Objective 2.4a Multiple Choice 129–132, 140–143 133, 137, 139 134–136, 138, 144
Identify uses of various Fill-in-the-Blank 22 21 19–20
measures of central Essay 4
tendency and variability. Critical Thinking 1
Learning Objective 2.4b Multiple Choice 146–147 148 145, 149–150
Explain how inferential Fill-in-the-Blank
statistics can help us to Essay
determine whether we can Critical©2018,Thinking2014,2011 Pearson Education, I nc. All rights reserved.
Copyright

generalize from our sample 1

to the full population.
Topic Factual Conceptual Applied
Learning Objective Multiple Choice
2.4c Fill-in-the-Blank
Show how statistics can Essay
be misused for purposes Critical Thinking
of persuasion.

Learning Objective Multiple Choice 151–152 23

2.5a Fill-in -the-Blank
Identify flaws in Essay
research designs and Critical Thinking
how to correct.

Learning Objective Multiple Choice 154, 156–157 153–155

2.5b Fill-in-the-Blank 25 24
Identify skills for Essay 5
evaluating psychological Critical Thinking
claims in the popular
media.

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
2
Name

Chapter 2 Quick Quiz 1

1. When a researcher tests his or her hypothesis, he or she is often hoping to gather information that is
consistent with a particular theory. What, more specifically, allows a researcher to say that he or she has
“proven” a theory?
A) Any time a hypothesis is confirmed, a theory is automatically “proven.”
B) Any time a hypothesis confirms one theory and simultaneously disconfirms at least one other
theory, a theory has been “proven.”
C) Any time a hypothesis confirms one theory and simultaneously disconfirms all other known
theories, a theory has been “proven.”
D) A researcher is never able to say that he or she has “proven” a theory.

2. Dr. Potter, an English professor, is curious about his students’ attitudes toward one of his favorite books.
What research method is he most likely to use to gather this information?
A) survey B) case study
C) experiment D) naturalistic observation

3. A graph that can be used to represent the pattern of relationship between scores from two variables
is called a .
A) bar graph B) frequency polygon
C) histogram D) scatterplot

4. Ryan, a professional bass fisherman, is trying to determine which lure is most effective on Wakeby
Lake—the plastic worm he normally uses, or the new minnow-style lure he bought yesterday. Based on
this scenario, what would constitute the control?
A) the new minnow lure B) the plastic worm
C) neither the minnow lure nor the plastic worm D) there is no control.

5. The variable is what the researcher “manipulates,” or varies, in an experimental study.

A) control B) dependent C) operational D) independent

6. Students of psychology are often frustrated because there are very few, if any, clear-cut answers to many
of their questions. What is the primary limiting factor in obtaining firsthand knowledge of questions such as
the long-term effects of child abuse or the effects of smoking marijuana on a pregnancy?
A) Most people in the general public are not concerned with these issues.
B) It is difficult to find people who are victims of abuse or mothers who smoke marijuana
during pregnancy.
C) Ethical guidelines in research prevent psychologists from carrying out many of these studies.
D) Institutional review boards encourage participation in studies that may be harmful to
participants either mentally or physically.

7. Which of the following is one of the two types of statistics that researchers use to analyze the data that
they collect?
A) predictive statistics B) constrictive statistics
C) descriptive statistics D) computational statistics

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
3
8. A therapist wishes to show that his new therapy is a marked improvement over the current best
available therapy. To do so, he examines the number of participants who improved with each. A total of
125 participants received his treatment (and 100 of them improved). A total of 80 participants received the
alternative treatment (and 64 of them improved). What should the therapist conclude?
A) His treatment is superior to the alternative because 100 is greater than 64.
B) His treatment is no better than the alternative because the percentages are the same.
C) His treatment is inferior because the percentages are the same.
D) His treatment is superior because it included 125 people as opposed to 80.

9. A mechanism by which experts in a field carefully screen the work of their colleagues is known as
.
A) experimental validity B) experimenter bias effect
C) peer review D) peer assessment

10. A major limitation in reading about the results of psychological research in the newspaper is that
.
A) reporters provide too much detailed information about the research study that the general
public cannot comprehend in their articles
B) reporters are so well trained to discuss research that they cannot easily communicate about it with
the average lay person
C) reporters create controversy where none exists by treating scientific evidence and dissenter’s
biased opinions as equally compelling
D) reporters do not know how to identify experts to interview for many of their stories, and end
up unintentionally misleading the public

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
4
 Chapter 2 Quick Quiz 1 Answer Key

1. D Explanation: Because we can never be 100 percent certain that the theory we have forwarded is
correct, the use of the term “prove” is generally incorrect. (Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of
Skills, Factual, APA LO 2.1, TEXT LO 2.2a)

2. A Explanation: The survey method is most appropriate when we are interested in people’s attitudes or
opinions. (Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills, Applied, APA LO 1.3, TEXT LO 2.2a)

3. D Explanation: Scatterplots give an overall image of the correlation between variables. (Topic:
Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills, Factual, APA LO 1.1, TEXT LO 2.2b)

4. BExplanation: A control receives no manipulation in an experiment. In this case, normal use of the
plastic worm suggests lack of manipulation. (Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of
Skills, Applied, APA LO 1.3, TEXT LO 2.2c)

5. D Explanation: The independent variable is sometimes referred to as the manipulated variable.

(Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills, Factual, APA LO 1.1, TEXT LO 2.2c)

6. CExplanation: Due to ethical considerations, we cannot randomly assign children to abusive or

nonabusive homes, for example. Thus, it is impossible to say whether A causes B, in many
cases. (Ethical Issues in Research Design, Conceptual, APA LO 3.1, TEXT LO 2.3a)

7. CExplanation: Descriptive and inferential statistics are the two basic types that are used in
psychology. (Statistics: The Language of Psychological Research, Factual, APA LO 1.1, TEXT
LO 2.4a)

8. BExplanation: He has found the same probability in both cases, so there is no statistical difference
between the two participant groups. (Statistics: The Language of Psychological Research,
Applied, APA LO 1.3, TEXT LO 2.4b)

9. CExplanation: Peer review is one of the most important safeguards against the dissemination of
inappropriate or invalid research. (Evaluating Psychological Research, Factual, APA LO 1.1,
TEXT LO 2.5a)

10. C Explanation: This is an important point to make, because those without basis for opinions are
often given the same weight as those who do have scientific basis for opinions. (Evaluating
Psychological Research, Conceptual, APA LO 1.3, TEXT LO 2.5b)

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5
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Name

Chapter 2 Quick Quiz 2

1. Which Nobel Prize–winning psychologist proposed the idea that there are two different types of thinking
systems, one that works intuitively and another that works analytically?

A) Kahneman B) Piaget C) Newman D) Zarski

2. Sarah, a graduate student in psychology, just heard about a five-year-old child who has already learned
calculus. She is thinking about doing an in-depth study of the child for her dissertation because such early-
life math skill is so rare. Sarah is considering which research method?

A) naturalistic observation B) experiment C) independent study

D) case study

3. The perception of a statistical association between two variables where none exists is known as
.
A) confirmation bias B) illusory correlation
C) existence proof D) Type I error

4. Dr. Johansen randomly assigned research participants to three different groups during her last
experiment. She then proceeded to give all the participants in the experiment a new study technique
designed to enhance their learning for the upcoming test. What critical error did she make during her
experiment?
A) She failed to identify the independent variable.
B) She failed to identify the dependent variable.
C) She failed to include an experimental group.
D) She failed to include a control group.

5. The variable that an experimenter assesses or measures to determine whether or not the manipulation
has had an effect is the variable.
A) causal B) confounding
C) dependent D) independent

6. What is the purpose of an institutional review board?

A) to help protect research participants from abuse
B) to hinder the research process by placing unnecessary hurdles in the way of researchers
C) to help protect the university from lawsuits from unhappy research participants
D) to encourage the use of deception in medical and psychological research with humans
7. In which situation would presenting the mean as one’s measure of central tendency be least accurate?

A) when the distribution is normally distributed B) when the distribution is negatively skewed
C) when the distribution is bimodal D) when there are many scores in the data set

8. After carefully observing thousands of students, Dr. O’Brien revealed to his colleagues that students with
brown eyes are statistically more likely to write with pens instead of pencils. Although his colleagues did
not question his statistics, they did suggest that a finding such as this lacked .
A) authenticity B) standardization
C) statistical measures D) practical significance

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
6
9. The peer review process is designed to .
A) block alternative therapies from being made available to the general public
B) identify flaws in a research study’s methods, findings, and conclusions
C) make researchers feel bad when their article is not published
D) place obstacles in front of people whose theories differ from mainstream science

10. A key factor to consider when reading about the results of a study on the Internet, in a newspaper, or in
a news magazine is to .
A) consider the source of the information
B) determine how well it fits with what others have told you in the past.
C) rely on your common sense or “gut” intuition.
D) popular media outlets always have inaccurate information.

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
7
 Chapter 2 Quick Quiz 2 Answer Key

1. A Explanation: Daniel Kahneman was the psychologist who proposed this idea. (The Beauty and
Necessity of Good Research Design, Factual, APA LO 1.1, TEXT LO 2.1a)

2. D Explanation: Case studies involve in-depth analyses of one or a few participants. (Scientific
Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills, Applied, APA LO 1.3, TEXT LO 2.2a)

3. BExplanation: We often fall victim to this illusion, even when no relationship has been shown to truly exist.
(Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills, Factual, APA LO 1.1, TEXT LO 2.2b)

4. D Explanation: In an experiment, we need to ensure that there is a group that receives the “active”
treatment and a group that receives a “placebo” treatment (in this case, a study technique that has
already been tested). (Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills, Applied, APA LO 1.3, TEXT
LO 2.2c)

5. CExplanation: This variable is sometimes called the outcome variable, or the measured variable.
(Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills, Factual, APA LO 1.1, TEXT LO 2.2c)

6. A Explanation: IRBs represent a very important line of defense against intentional or unintentional
abuse or harming of research participants. (Ethical Issues in Research Design, Factual, APA LO
3.1, TEXT LO 2.3a)

7. BExplanation: The mean is adversely affected by positively or negatively skewed data sets. (Statistics: The
Language of Psychological Research, Conceptual, APA LO 1.3, TEXT LO 2.4a)

8. D Explanation: Practical significance refers to whether a statistical difference “makes a difference” in

the real world. (Statistics: The Language of Psychological Research, Applied, APA LO 1.3,
TEXT LO 2.4b)

9. BExplanation: It is important to have one’s peers put “objective eyes” on research to make sure that it is
as free from errors and biases as possible. (Evaluating Psychological Research, Factual, APA LO
1.1, TEXT LO 2.5a)

10. A Explanation: Correct. One must always consider the source from which information is drawn.
(Evaluating Psychological Research, Conceptual, APA LO 1.3, TEXT LO 2.5b)

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
8
Chapter 2: Research Methods
Test Bank
Multiple Choice

1. Your textbook discusses the issue of facilitated communication and its applicability to
assisting children with autism spectrum disorder. One possibility for the early research results
was that the children were communicating through the adults who were assisting them. As the
text notes, another explanation for the miraculous findings was that the “facilitators” were simply
guiding the hands of the children to communicate things that their parents would want to hear.
This alternate explanation is consistent with the concept of _.
A) replicability
Incorrect. Though replication of early findings was a problem for the issue of facilitated
communication, it is not the answer to this particular question.
B) ruling out rival hypotheses
Correct. Before we accept a given explanation as accurate, we have to ask whether there
are other feasible explanations that can better account for a given phenomenon.
C) falsifiability
D) correlation vs.
causation Answer: B
Diff: 2
Skill: Conceptual
APA LO: 2.1
TEXT LO: Introduction
Topic: Introduction

2. What is one take home message from the discussion of autism and facilitated communication?
A) Children with autism spectrum disorder want to communicate with their parents but need
someone to facilitate the process.
B) In almost all cases researched, the data failed to support the idea that
facilitated communication was truly effective.
Correct. Your authors note that in nearly 100% of cases tested, the picture flashed to
the facilitator was the word typed.
C) Psychological research is dangerous because it allows anyone to find support for any idea
or opinion.
Incorrect. While this may be true in some cases, this is not the prevailing message that the
authors are trying to convey.
D) The scientific method is not an effective means for finding solutions for persons who live
with autism and other psychological disorders.
Answer: B
Diff: 3
Skill: Conceptual
APA LO: 1.3
TEXT LO: Introduction
Topic: Introduction

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
9
3. Contradicting years of theory and practice, Douglas Biklen claimed that children with autism
spectrum disorder could, in fact, communicate with the aid of a “facilitator.” With his help,
these children gave messages of love and warmth to their parents, many of whom had been
without such affection since their children were born. When the evidence of this “facilitated
communication” is examined, which principle of critical thinking from your chapter is not
supported?
A) Occam’s Razor B)
correlation vs. causation
C) falsifiability
Incorrect. In this case, the claims were falsifiable as demonstrated by ongoing research.
D) extraordinary claims
Correct. The extraordinary claims that children with autism spectrum disordercould suddenly be
given an avenue to communicate effectively was belied by the research evidence, which showed
facilitated communication to be without validity of any kind.
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Skill: Conceptual
APA LO: 2.1
TEXT LO: Introduction
Topic: Introduction

4. The discussion on the topic of facilitated communication demonstrated the importance of which
critical component of critical thinking?
A) developing falsifiable hypotheses
Incorrect. In this case, the claims were falsifiable as demonstrated by ongoing research.
B) parsimonious theories
C) replication of earlier research
findings D) ruling out rival hypotheses
Correct. As it turned out, research demonstrated that facilitated communication had no true
research validity, and an alternate explanation was needed. That explanation was that the
“facilitators” were actually the ones doing the communicating, not the children with autism
spectrum disorder.
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Skill: Conceptual
APA LO: 2.1
TEXT LO: Introduction
Topic: Introduction

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
10
5. The use of the prefrontal lobotomy was, for quite some time, regarded as a miracle treatment
for people suffering from schizophrenia and other mental illnesses. The amazing nature of this
treatment was not, however, supported by research into its effectiveness. Which concept of
critical thinking is important to consider in this example?
A) correlation vs.
causation B) replicability
Incorrect. Because there was no scientific research that supported the claims of the effectiveness
of the lobotomy, there would be nothing to be replicated. Therefore this answer is not the best
choice.
C) Occam’s Razor
D) extraordinary claims
Correct. Remember that extraordinary claims, including “miracle cures,” must be supported by
extraordinary evidence. That evidence was sorely lacking in the case of the prefrontal
lobotomy. Answer: D
Diff: 2
Skill: Conceptual
APA LO: 1.3
TEXT LO: 2.1a Identify two modes of thinking and their application to scientific reasoning.
Topic: The Beauty and Necessity of Good Research Design

6. Once controlled research studies were conducted on the effectiveness of

prefrontal lobotomies, they were discovered to be .
A) slightly effective
B) sometimes effective, sometimes not
C) universally effective
D) essentially useless
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Skill: Factual
APA LO: 2.2
TEXT LO: 2.1a Identify two modes of thinking and their application to scientific reasoning.
Topic: The Beauty and Necessity of Good Research Design

7. When a psychologist is discussing a heuristic, he or she is referring to .

A) biased information processing strategies
B) a mental shortcut or rule of thumb
C) a mental technique to improve memory recall
D) a mental technique to increase deliberation in our decision
making Answer: B
Diff: 1
Skill: Factual
APA LO: 1.1
TEXT LO: 2.1a Identify two modes of thinking and their application to scientific reasoning.
Topic: The Beauty and Necessity of Good Research Design

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
11
8. A mental shortcut that helps us to streamline our thinking and make sense of our world
is called a _.
A) theory
B) heuristic
C) schema
D) mental reference
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Skill: Factual
APA LO: 1.1
TEXT LO: 2.1a Identify two modes of thinking and their application to scientific reasoning.
Topic: The Beauty and Necessity of Good Research Design

9. Which Nobel Prize–winning psychologist proposed the idea that there are two different types of
thinking systems, one that works intuitively and another that works analytically?
A) Kahneman
Correct. Daniel Kahneman was the psychologist who proposed this idea.
B) Piaget
Incorrect. Piaget's contributions to cognitive theory do not include these ideas.
C) Newman
D) Zarski
Answer: A
Diff: 2 Skill:
Factual APA
LO: 1.1
TEXT LO: 2.1a Identify two modes of thinking and their application to scientific reasoning.
Topic: The Beauty and Necessity of Good Research Design

10. When Anya sees an item at the toy store, she buys it without thinking. Her intuition tells
her that her daughter will love it as a Christmas gift. This is an example of
thinking in Daniel Kahneman’s model.
A) divergent
B) convergent
C) System 2
Incorrect. System 2 thinking is analytical and deliberate.
D) System 1
Correct. System 1 thinking is intuitive and somewhat
automatic. Answer: D
Diff: 3
Skill: Applied
APA LO: 1.3
TEXT LO: 2.1a Identify two modes of thinking and their application to scientific reasoning.
Topic: The Beauty and Necessity of Good Research Design

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11. Stopping to take time, consider all of the details, and make a well-reasoned and
careful decision are all features that typify Daniel Kahneman’s thinking.
A) System 2
Correct. System 2 thinking is analytical and deliberate.
B) functional
C) System 1
Incorrect. System 1 thinking is intuitive and somewhat automatic.
D) introspective
Answer: A
Diff: 3
Skill: Factual
APA LO: 1.1
TEXT LO: 2.1a Identify two modes of thinking and their application to scientific reasoning.
Topic: The Beauty and Necessity of Good Research Design

12. When a researcher tests his or her hypothesis, he or she is often hoping to gather
information that is consistent with a particular theory. What, more specifically, allows a
researcher to say that he or she has “proven” a theory?
A) Any time a hypothesis is confirmed, a theory is automatically “proven.”
B) Any time a hypothesis confirms one theory and simultaneously disconfirms at least one other
theory, a theory has been “proven.”
C) Any time a hypothesis confirms one theory and simultaneously disconfirms all other
known theories, a theory has been “proven.”
D) A researcher is never really able to say that he or she has “proven” a
theory. Answer: D
Diff: 3
Skill: Factual
APA LO: 2.1
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

13. Which of the following is one of the questions that a researcher should ask herself before
conducting a research study?
A) “How can I avoid using statistics to analyze my results?”
B) “What research methods should I use to test my idea?”
Correct. In fact, this should be one of the first questions asked after the idea has been formulated.
C) “Will I be able to prove my hypothesis?”
Incorrect. Recall from your chapter that a true theory cannot be proven. It simply stands as
the best model, based on the available data, until a better model replaces it.
D) “How can I guarantee that I obtain subjective
results?” Answer: B
Diff: 2
Skill: Applied
APA LO: 1.3
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
13
14. According to your text authors, what do researchers in psychology use to try to avoid making
errors and get an accurate view of the world?
A) peer review
Incorrect. Peer review is an important part of the research and publishing process, but this is not
the best answer to the question.
B) local and state laws regarding research
methodologies C) statistics
D) a variety of scientific methods
Correct. As your text notes, there is not one single scientific method but rather a “toolbox” of
different scientific strategies.
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Skill: Factual
APA LO: 1.3
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

15. Which of the following statements is TRUE about naturalistic observation?

A) It re-creates natural conditions in the laboratory as closely as possible to make an experiment
more valid.
B) It involves observing behavior in its real-world context.
C) It is basically the same process as objective introspection.
D) It involves observing behavior in the lab without taking formal notes or using
technological equipment to measure the experimental findings.
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Skill: Factual
APA LO: 1.1
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.

% correct 75 a = 14 b = 75 c = 0 d = 11 r = .53
% correct 74 a = 21 b = 74 c = 0 d = 5 r = .66

16. Watching behavior in real-world settings while doing your best to avoid influencing those
you are watching is known as _.
A) case study
B) correlation design C)
naturalistic observation
D) existence proof
Answer: C
Diff: 1
Skill: Factual
APA LO: 1.1
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
14
17. Dr. Watson wanted to know which gender was better at sharing at the sixth-grade level, so
he went to the local middle school to observe groups of children during lunch periods. He did this
while making sure that the children were not aware that they were being watched, but the school
principal gave him permission for this activity. This is a form of .
A) case study
B) naturalistic observation
Correct. Naturalistic observation entails watching behavior in a real-world settings.
C) experimental design
Incorrect. Naturalistic observation takes place in the real world. Experimental designs take
place in a laboratory setting.
D) confirmation bias
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Skill: Applied
APA LO: 1.3
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

18. A researcher is interested in determining how frequently bullying behavior occurs in real-
life settings. This researcher would best be advised to use the design.
A) case study B)
correlational C)
experimental
Incorrect. Naturalistic observation takes place in the real world. Experimental designs take
place in a laboratory setting.
D) naturalistic observation
Correct. Naturalistic observation occurs in the real world, rather than in a laboratory.
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Skill: Applied
APA LO: 1.1
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills
% correct 84 a = 11 b = 0 c = 5 d = 84 r = .32

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
15
19. A group of student researchers divide up the different times and buildings on their campus to
attempt to observe when people will hold a door open for another person. These student
researchers are most likely to use which research method design when conducting their study?
A) case study design
B) correlational design
C) experimental design
Incorrect. Naturalistic observation takes place in the real world. Experimental designs take
place in a laboratory setting.
D) naturalistic observation design
Correct. Naturalistic observation occurs in the real world, rather than in a laboratory. This is
how one can most effectively assess behaviors without influencing them.
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Skill: Applied
APA LO: 1.3
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills
% correct 75 a = 6 b = 19 c = 0 d = 75 r = .23

20. Jason was conducting an evaluation of a restaurant waitress. He sat at the table with a list of
things to observe in front of him, and the waitress noticed that he was assessing her every
move. He noticed that she began acting more professionally around him, was friendlier, and
gave him extra attention. Why would Jason have been better off using naturalistic observation
for this assessment?
A) So that he could have more experimental control over his independent variable.
Incorrect. Remember that naturalistic observation is not a form of experimental research, and
so one of its drawbacks is a lack of control.
B) So that he would be sure to “catch” the waitress behaving unprofessionally. C)
So that he could have been sure to get enough data to use proper statistics. D) So
that his observations would not have changed the waitress’s behaviors.
Correct. Naturalistic observation involves watching behaviors take place without influencing them.
This way the researcher can get a true and objective “picture” of how those behaviors take place.
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Skill: Applied
APA LO: 1.3
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
16
21. Professor Williams wants to know if “real” college students exhibit the same kinds of
behaviors in class that subjects who were paid to act like college students do. She decides to
have someone come in once a week to her classes to record the types of nonverbal behaviors
that students engage in while listening to her lectures. This would be an example of which kind
of study?
A) a formal experiment
Incorrect. In this study there is no manipulation of one variable to explore its effect on a
second variable. This research is naturalistic observation.
B) naturalistic observation
Correct. Naturalistic observation involves watching and recording participants’ behavior,
often without their knowledge.
C) case study
D) survey research
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Skill: Applied
APA LO: 1.3
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

22. The extent to which it is possible to draw cause-and-effect conclusions from a given research
project describes the study’s validity.
A) construct
B) cohesive
C) external
D) internal
Answer: D
Diff: 3 Skill:
Factual APA
LO: 1.1
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

23. Because they offer a high level of control over key variables, laboratory experiments tend
to have a high level of .
A) internal validity
Correct. Internal validity is the extent to which we can draw cause-and-effect inferences from
our research data.
B) test-retest reliability
Incorrect. Test-retest reliability refers to the consistency of findings from one administration of an
assessment tool to the next.
C) external validity D)
confound reliability
Answer: A
Diff: 3
Skill: Conceptual
APA LO: 1.1
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
17
24. Vincent is designing a research study as part of his master’s thesis. He wants to do a
laboratory study where he can control as many variables as possible, but he is concerned that
his findings will not generalize very well from the laboratory setting to the real world. In technical
terms, Vincent is concerned about the of his study.
A) internal validity
B) test-retest reliability
Incorrect. Test-retest reliability refers to the consistency of findings from one administration of an
assessment tool to the next.
C) external validity
Correct. External validity refers to the extent to which we can generalize findings from a
research study to real world settings.
D) confound
reliability Answer: C
Diff: 3
Skill: Applied
APA LO: 1.1
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

25. A student researcher wishes to maximize the external validity of his or her research
design. What research method should you recommend to him or her?
A) case study design
B) correlational design
C) experimental design
Incorrect. The primary benefit of experimental designs is that they are high in internal validity.
The generalizability, or external validity, of such research is sometimes quite low.
D) naturalistic observational design
Correct. Because naturalistic observations often generalize well to the real world, they are high
in external validity.
Answer: D
Diff: 3
Skill: Conceptual
APA LO: 1.3
TEXT LO: 2.2a Describe the advantages and disadvantages of using naturalistic
observation, case studies, self-report measures, and surveys.
Topic: Scientific Methodology: A Toolbox of Skills

Copyright © 2018, 2014, 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
18
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
 Neither in ancient nor in modern times have Oriental armies ever been
trained, by native officers, to regularity of march or array—see Malcolm, Hist. of
Persia, ch. xxiii. vol. ii. p. 498; Volney, Travels in Egypt and Syria, vol. i. p. 124.

[276] Arrian, ii. 10, 2. Kallisthenes appears to have reckoned the mercenaries
composing the Persian phalanx at 30,000—and the cavalry at 30,000. He does
not seem to have taken account of the Kardakes. Yet Polybius in his criticism tries
to make out that there was not room for an array of even 60,000; while Arrian
enumerates 90,000 hoplites, not including cavalry (Polyb. xii. 18).

[277] Arrian, ii. 9; Kallisthenes ap. Polyb. xii. 17. The slackness of this Persian
corps on the flank, and the ease with which Alexander drove them back—a
material point in reference to the battle—are noticed by Curtius, iii. 9, 11.

[278] Arrian, ii. 11, 6. εὐθὺς, ὡς εἶχεν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος, ξὺν τοῖς πρώτοις
ἔφευγε, etc.
This simple statement of Arrian is far more credible than the highly wrought
details given by Diodorus (xvii. 34) and Curtius (iii. 11, 9) about a direct charge of
Alexander upon the chariot of Darius, and a murderous combat immediately
round that chariot, in which the horses became wounded and unmanageable, so
as to be on the point of overturning it. Chares even went so far as to affirm that
Alexander had come into personal conflict with Darius, from whom he had
received his wound in the thigh (Plutarch, Alex. 20). Plutarch had seen the letter
addressed by Alexander to Antipater, simply intimating that he had received a
slight wound in the thigh.
In respect to this point, as to so many others, Diodorus and Curtius have
copied the same authority.
Kallisthenes (ap. Polyb. xii. 22) stated that Alexander had laid his plan of
attack with a view to bear upon the person of Darius, which is not improbable
(compare Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 22), and was in fact realized, since the first
successful charge of the Macedonians came so near to Darius as to alarm him for
the safety of his own person. To the question put by Polybius—How did Alexander
know in what part of the army Darius was?—we may reply, that the chariot and
person of Darius would doubtless be conspicuous: moreover the Persian kings
were habitually in the centre—and Cyrus the younger, at the battle of Kunaxa,
directed the attack to be made exactly against the person of his brother
Artaxerxes.
After the battle of Kunaxa, Artaxerxes assumed to himself the honor of having
slain Cyrus with his own hand, and put to death those who had really done the
deed, because they boasted of it (Plutarch, Artax. 16).

[279] This is the supposition of Mr. Williams, and it appears to me probable

though Mr. Ainsworth calls it in question, in consequence of the difficulties of the
ground southward of Myriandrus towards the sea. [See Mr. Ainsworth’s Essay on
the Cilician and Syrian Gates, Journal of the Geograph. Society, 1838, p. 194].
These Greeks, being merely fugitives with arms in their hands—with neither
cavalry nor baggage—could make their way over very difficult ground.

[280] Arrian, ii. 11, 3; Curtius, iii. 11, 13. Kallisthenes stated the same thing
as Arrian—that this Persian cavalry had crossed the Pinarus, and charged the
Thessalians with bravery. Polybius censures him for it, as if he had affirmed
something false and absurd (xii. 18). This shows that the criticisms of Polybius
are not to be accepted without reserve. He reasons as if the Macedonian phalanx
could not cross the Pinarus—converting a difficulty into an impossibility (xii. 22).

[281] Arrian, ii. 11; Curtius, iii. 11.

[282] Arrian, i. 11, 11; Kallisthenes ap. Polyb. xii 20.

[283] Arrian, ii. 11; Diodor. xvii. Curtius (ii. 11, 27) says that the
Macedonians lost thirty-two foot and one hundred and fifty horse, killed; with 504
men wounded;—Justin states, 130 foot, and 150 horse (xi. 9).

[284] Arrian, ii. 12, 8—from Ptolemy and Aristobulus. Compare Diodor. xvii.
36; Curtius, iii. 11, 24; iii. 12, 17.

[285] Plutarch, Alex. 22. ἐγὼ γὰρ (Alexander) οὐχ ὅτι ἑωρακὼς ἂν εὑρεθείην
τὴν Δαρείου γυναῖκα ἢ βεβουλευμένος ἰδεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τῶν λεγόντων περὶ τῆς
εὐμορφίας αὐτῆς προσδεδεγμένος τὸν λόγον.

[286] Arrian, ii. 13, 2, 3; Diodor. xvii. 48. Curtius says that these Greeks got
away by by-paths across the mountains (Amanus)—which may be true (Curtius,
iii. 11, 19).

[287] Arrian, ii. 12, 1; Curtius, iii. 12, 27; Diodor. xvii. 40. The “Aræ
Alexandri, in radicibus Amani”, are mentioned by Cicero (ad Famil. xv. 4) When
commanding in Kilikia he encamped there with his army four days.

[288] See this faith put forward in the speech of Xerxes—Herodot. vii. 48;
compare the speech of Achæmenes, vii. 236.
 [289] Arrian, ii. 10, 2. καὶ ταύτῃ ὡς δῆλος ἐγένετο (Darius) τοῖς ἀμφ᾽
Ἀλέξανδρον τῇ γνώμῃ δεδουλωμένος (a remarkable expression borrowed from
Thucydides, iv. 34). Compare Arrian, ii. 6, 7.

[290] Immediately before the battle of Kunaxa, Cyrus the younger was asked
by some of the Grecian Officers, whether he thought that his brother Artaxerxes
(who had as yet made no resistance) would fight—“To be sure he will (was the
reply) if he is the son of Darius and Parysatis, and my brother, I shall not obtain
the crown without fighting!” Personal cowardice, in a king of Persia at the head of
his army, seemed inconceivable (Xenoph. Anab. i. 7, 9)

[291] Arrian, ii. 5, 8.

[292] Arrian, ii. 13, 4-8.

[293] Diodor. xvii. 48.

[294] Diodor. xvii. 48; Curtius, iv. 5, 11. Curtius seems to mention this vote
later, but it must evidently have been passed at the first Isthmian festival after
the battle of Issus.

[295] Arrian, ii. 11, 13; Curtius, iii. 13. The words of Arrian (ii. 15, 1)—ὀπίσω
κομίσαντα ἐς Δαμασκὸν—confirm the statement of Curtius, that this treasure was
captured by Parmenio, not in the town, but in the hands of fugitives who were
conveying it away from the town.

[296] A fragment of the letter from Parmenio to Alexander is preserved,

giving a detailed list of the articles of booty (Athenæus, xiii. p. 607).

[297] Arrian, ii. 15, 5; Curtius, iii. 13, 13-16. There is some discrepancy
between the two (compare Arrian, iii. 24, 7) as to the names of the
Lacedæmonian envoys.

[298] See above, in the History, Vol. X. Ch. lxxvii. p. 108; Vol. X. Ch. lxxix. p.
251; and Æschines, Fals. Leg. p. 263. c. 13.
Alexander himself had consented to be adopted by Ada princess of Karia as
her son (Arrian, i. 23, 12).

[299] Arrian, ii. 14, 11; ii. 15, 8.

[300] Diodor. xvi. 45.

 [301] Arrian, ii. 15, 8; ii. 20, 1. Curtius, iv. 1, 6-16.

[302] Arrian, ii. 14; Curtius, iv. i. 10; Diodor. xvii. 39. I give the substance of
this correspondence from Arrian. Both Curtius and Diodorus represent Darius as
offering great sums of money and large cessions of territory, in exchange for the
restitution of the captives. Arrian says nothing of the kind.

[303] Arrian, ii. 12, 9.

[304] Curtius, iv. 1, 20-25; Justin, xi. 10. Diodorus (xvii. 47) tells the story as
if it had occurred at Tyre, and not at Sidon; which is highly improbable.

[305] Arrian. iii 15, 9. ὡς ἐγνωκότων Τυρίων πράσσειν, ὅ,τι ἂν ἐπαγγέλλῃ

Ἀλέξανδρος. Compare Curtius, iv. 2, 3.

[306] Curtius (ut suprà) adds these motives: Arrian asserts nothing beyond
the simple request. The statement of Curtius represents what is likely to have
been the real fact and real feeling of Alexander.
It is certainly true that Curtius overloads his narrative with rhetorical and
dramatic amplification; but it is not less true that Arrian falls into the opposite
extreme—squeezing out his narrative until little is left beyond the dry skeleton.

[307] Arrian, ii. 16, 11.

[308] Curtius, iv. 2, 4; Justin, xi. 10. This item, both prudent and probable, in
the reply of the Tyrians, is not noticed by Arrian.

[309] Arrian, ii. 16, 11. τοὺς μὲν πρέσβεις πρὸς ὀργὴν ὀπίσω ἀπέπεμψεν, etc.
Curtius, iv. 2, 5. “Non tenuit iram, cujus alioqui potens non erat”, etc.

[310] Diodorus, xvii. 40. Οἱ δὲ Τύριοι, βουλομένου τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ

τῷ Τυρίῳ θῦσαι, προπετέστερον διεκώλυσαν αὐτὸν τῆς εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσόδου.

[311] Arrian, i. 18, 4.

[312] Arrian, ii. 24, 10.

[313] This is the view expressed by Alexander himself, in his address to the
army, inviting them to undertake the siege of Tyre (Arrian, ii. 17, 3-8).

[314] Arrian, ii. 16, 12. Curtius says (iv. 2, 2), “Tyros facilius societatem
Alexandri acceptura videbatur, quam imperium.” This is representing the
pretensions of the Tyrians as greater than the fact warrants. They did not refuse
the imperium of Alexander, though they declined compliance with one extreme
demand.
 Ptolemy I. (son of Lagus) afterwards made himself master of Jerusalem, by
entering the town on the Sabbath, under pretence of offering sacrifice (Josephus,
Antiq. Jud. xii. 1).

[315] Curtius, iv. 2, 7, 8. The site of Tyre at the present day presents nothing
in the least conformable to the description of Alexander’s time.

[316] Arrian, ii. 18, 3; ii. 21, 4; ii. 22, 8.

[317] Azemilchus was with Autophradates when Alexander declared hostility

against Tyre (Arrian, ii. 15, 10); he was in Tyre when it was captured (Arrian, ii.
24, 8).

[318] Curtius, iv. 2, 10; Arrian, ii. 24, 8; Diodor. xvli. 40, 41. Curtius (iv. 2,
15) says that Alexander sent envoys to the Tyrians to invite them to peace; that
the Tyrians not only refused the propositions, but put the deputies to death,
contrary to the law of nations. Arrian mentions nothing about this sending of
deputies, which he would hardly have omitted to do had he found it stated in his
authorities, since it tends to justify the proceedings of Alexander. Moreover it is
not conformable to Alexander’s temperament, after what had passed between
him and the Tyrians.

[319] Arrian, ii. 18, 19; Diodor. xvii. 42; Curtius, iv. 3, 6, 7.

[320] Arrian. ii. 20, 1-4; Curtius, iv. 2, 14. It evinces how strongly Arrian
looks at everything from Alexander’s point of view, when we find him telling us,
that that monarch forgave the Phenicians and Cyprians for their adherence and
past service in the Persian fleet, considering that they had acted under
compulsion.

[321] Arrian, i. 18, 15. In the siege of Tyre (four centuries earlier) by the
Assyrian monarch Salmaneser, Sidon and other Phenician towns had lent their
ships to the besieger (Menander apud Joseph. Antiq. Jud. ix. 14, 2).

[322] Arrian, ii. 20, 5; Plutarch, Alexander, 24.

[323] Arrian, ii. 20, 9-16; Curtius, iv. 3, 11.

[324] Arrian, ii. 23, 24; Curtius, iv. 4, 11; Diodor. xvii. 46.

[325] Curtius, iv. 4, 15.

[326] This is mentioned both by Curtius (iv. 4, 17) and by Diodorus (xvii. 46).
It is not mentioned by Arrian, and perhaps may not have found a place in
Ptolemy or Aristobulus; but I see no ground for disbelieving it.
 [327] Arrian, iv. 24, 9; Diodorus, xvii. 46.

[328] The resuscitating force of commercial industry is seen by the fact, that
in spite of this total destruction, Tyre again rose to be a wealthy and flourishing
city (Strabo, xvi. p. 757).

[329] Arrian, ii. 25, 5; Curtius, iv. 5. The answer is more insolent in the
naked simplicity of Arrian, than in the pomp of Curtius. Plutarch (Alexand. 29)
both abridges and softens it. Diodorus also gives the answer differently (xvii. 54)
—and represents the embassy as coming somewhat later in time, after
Alexander’s return from Egypt.

[330] Arrian, ii. 17, 4.

[331] Curtius, iv. 5, 14.

[332] Curtius, iv. 5, 14-22; Arrian, iii. 2, 4-8.

[333] Arrian, ii. 26, 5. Οἱ δὲ μηχανοποιοὶ γνώμην ἀπεδείκνυντο, ἄπορον εἶναι

βίᾳ ἑλεῖν τὸ τεῖχος, διὰ ὕψος τοῦ χώματος· ἀλλ᾽ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ ἐδόκει αἱρετέον εἶναι,
ὅσῳ ἀπορώτερον· ἐκπλήξειν γὰρ τοὺς πολεμίους τὸ ἔργον τῷ παραλόγῳ ἐπὶ μέγα,
καὶ τὸ μὴ ἑλεῖν αἰσχρὸν εἶναί οἱ, λεγόμενον ἔς τε τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ Δαρεῖον.
About the fidelity, and obstinate defensive courage, shown more than once by
the inhabitants of Gaza—see Polybius, xvi. 40.

[334] Arrian, ii. 26, 27; Curtius, iv. 6, 12-18; Plutarch, Alexand. 25.

[335] Arrian, ii. 27, 5. χ ῶ μ α χωννύναι ἐ ν κ ύ κ λ ῳ π α ν τ ό θ ε ν τῆς πόλεως.

It is certainly possible, as Droysen remarks (Gesch. Alex. des Grossen, p. 199),
that παντόθεν is not to be interpreted with literal strictness, but only as meaning
in many different portions of the walled circuit.
Yet if this had been intended, Arrian would surely have said χώματα in the
plural, not χῶμα.

[336] Diodorus (xvii. 48) states the whole duration of the siege as two
months. This seems rather under than over the probable truth.

[337] Curtius, iv. 6, 25-30; Dionys. Hal. De Comp. Verbor. p. 123-125—with

the citation there given from Hegesias of Magnesia. Diodorus (xvii. 48, 49) simply
mentions Gaza in two sentences, but gives no details of any kind.
Arrian says nothing about the treatment of Batis, nor did he probably find
anything about it in Ptolemy or Aristobulus. There are assignable reasons why
they should pass it over in silence, as disgraceful to Alexander. But Arrian, at the
same time, says nothing inconsistent with or contradicting the statement of
Curtius; while he himself recognizes how emulous Alexander was of the
proceedings of Achilles (vii. 14, 7).
The passage describing this scene, cited from the lost author Hegesias by
Dionysius of Halikarnassus, as an example of bad rhythm and taste, has the merit
of bringing out the details respecting the person of Batis, which were well
calculated to disgust and aggravate the wrath of Alexander. The bad taste of
Hegesias as a writer does not diminish his credibility as a witness.

[338] Arrian. vii. 14, 7.

[339] Arrian, ii. 27. 11. About the circumstances and siege of Gaza see the
work of Stark, Gaza and die Philistäische Küste, p. 242, Leip. 1852.

[340] Diodor. xvii. 48; Josephus, Antiq. xi. 4.

[341] Arrian, iii. 1, 3; Curtius iv. 7, 1, 2; Diodor. xvii. 49.

[342] Curtius, iv. 8, 1-4; Plutarch, Alexand. 26.

[343] Arrian, iii. 1, 8; Curtius, iv. 8, 2-6; Diodor. xvii. 52.

[344] Strabo, xvii. p. 793. Other authors however speak of the salubrity of
Alexandria less favorably than Strabo: see St. Croix, Examen des Hist. d’
Alexandre, p. 287.

[345] Pseudo-Aristotle, Œconomic. ii. 32.

[346] Arrian, iii. 5, 4-9. Tacitus (Annal. i. 11) says about Egypt under the
Romans—“provinciam aditu difficilem, annonæ fecundam, superstitione et lasciviâ
discordem et mobilem, insciam legum, ignaram magistratuum”, etc. Compare
Polybius ap. Strabon. xvii. p. 797.

[347] Diodor. xvii. 51. τεκμήρια δ᾽ ἔσεσθαι τῆς ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ γενέσεως τὸ
μέγεθος τῶν ἐν ταῖς πράξεσι κατορθωμάτων (answer of the priest of Ammon to
Alexander).

[348] Arrian, iii. 3, 2.

[349] Arrian, iii. 3, 12. Καὶ ὅτι μὲν θεῖόν τι ξυνεπέλαβεν αὐτῷ, ἔ χ ω
ἰ σ χ υ ρ ί σ α σ θ α ι, ὅτι καὶ τὸ εἰκὸς ταύτῃ ἔχει· τὸ δ᾽ ἀτρεκὲς τοῦ λόγου ἀφείλοντο
οἱ ἄλλῃ καὶ ἄλλῃ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐξηγησάμενοι.
Compare Curtius, iv. 7, 12-15; Diodor. xvii. 49-51; Plutarch, Alex. 27;
Kallisthenes ap. Strabon. xvii. p. 814.
 [350] Kallisthenes, Fragm. xvi. ap. Alexand. Magn. Histor. Scriptor. ed. Geier.
p. 257; Strabo, xvii. p. 814.

[351] Plutarch, Alexand. 28. Arrian, hints at the same explanation (vii. 29, 6).

[352] Curtius, iv. 10, 3—“fastidio esse patriam, abdicari Philippum patrem
cœlum vanis cogitationibus petere.” Arrian, iii. 26, 1; Curtius, vi. 9, 18; vi. 11, 23.

[353] Curtius, iv. 8, 11.

[354] Arrian, iii. 2, 8, 9.

[355] Curtius, iv. 8, 10.

[356] Plutarch, Alexand. 29; Arrian, l. c.

[357] Arrian, iii. 6, 12.

[358] Arrian, iii. 7, 1-6; Curtius, iv. 9, 12—“undecimis castris pervenit ad

Euphraten.”

[359] So Alexander considers Babylon (Arrian, ii. 17, 3-10)—προχωρησάντων

ξὺν τῇ δυνάμει ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνά τε καὶ Δαρεῖον ... τόν τε ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνος στόλον
ποιησόμεθα, etc. This is the explanation of Arrian’s remark, iii. 7, 6—where he
assigns the reason why Alexander, after passing the Euphrates at Thapsakus, did
not take the straight road towards Babylon. Cyrus the younger marched directly
to Babylon to attack Artaxerxes. Susa, Ekbatana, and Persepolis were more
distant, and less exposed to an enemy from the west.

[360] Arrian, iii. 7, 8; Diodor. xvii. 55; Curtius. iv. 9, 17-24. “Magna
munimenta regni Tigris atque Euphrates erant”, is a part of the speech put into
the mouth of Darius before the battle of Arbela, by Curtius, (iv. 14, 10). Both
these great defences were abandoned.

[361] Curtius, iv. 9, 23; Plutarch, Alexand. 39.

[362] Arrian, iii. 7, 12; iii. 8, 3. Curtius, iv. 10, 11-18.

[363] Arrian, ii. 13; Curtius, iv. 1, 27-30—“cum in illo statu rerum id
quemque, quod occupasset, habiturum arbitraretur” (Amyntas).

[364] Arrian, iii. 1, 3. τήν τε ἐν Ἰσσῷ μάχην ὅπως συνέβη πεπυσμένος (the
satrap of Egypt) καὶ Δαρεῖον ὅτι αἰσχρᾷ φυγῇ ἔφυγε, etc.
 [365] Diodor. xvii. 23. Compare Xenophon, Anabasis, i. 4, 9; Herodotus, vii.
10.

[366] The praise bestowed upon the continence of Alexander, for refusing to
visit Statira the wife of Darius, is exaggerated even to absurdity.
In regard to women, Alexander was by temperament cold, the opposite of his
father Philip. During his youth, his development was so tardy, that there was even
a surmise of some physical disability (Hieronymus ap. Athenæ. x. p. 435). As to
the most beautiful persons, of both sexes, he had only to refuse the numerous
tenders made to him by those who sought to gain his favor (Plutarch, Alex. 22).
Moreover, after the capture of Damascus, he did select for himself, from among
the female captives, Barsinê, the widow of his illustrious rival Memnon; daughter
of Artabazus, a beautiful woman of engaging manners, and above all,
distinguished, by having received Hellenic education, from the simply Oriental
harem of Darius (Plutarch, Alex. 21). In adopting the widow of Memnon as his
mistress, Alexander may probably have had present to his imagination the
example of his legendary ancestor Neoptolemus, whose tender relations with
Andromache, widow of his enemy Hektor, would not be forgotten by any reader
of Euripides. Alexander had by Barsinê a son called Herakles.
Lastly, Alexander was so absorbed by ambition,—so overcharged with the
duties and difficulties of command, which he always performed himself—and so
continually engaged in fatiguing bodily effort,—that he had little leisure left for
indulgences; such leisure as he had, he preferred devoting to wine-parties with
the society and conversation of his officers.

[367] Curtius, iv. 10, 19. “Itineris continui labore animique ægritudine
fatigata”, etc.
Curtius and Justin mention a third embassy sent by Darius (immediately after
having heard of the death and honorable obsequies of Statira) to Alexander,
asking for peace. The other authors allude only to two tentatives of this kind; and
the third seems by no means probable.

[368] Arrian, iii. 7, 7.

[369] Diodorus, xvii. 53; Curtius, iv. 9, 9.

[370] Arrian, iii. 8, 12. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ ὅσα ἀνώμαλα αὐτοῦ ἐς ἱππασίαν, ταῦτά τε
ἐ κ π ο λ λ ο ῦ οἱ Πέρσαι τοῖς τε ἅρμασιν ἐπελαύνειν εὐπετῆ πεποιήκεσαν καὶ τῇ
ἵππῳ ἱππάσιμα.

[371] This is the total given by Arrian as what he found set forth (ἐλέγετο),
probably the best information which Ptolemy and Aristobulus could procure
(Arrian, iii. 8, 8).
 Diodorus (xvii. 53) says 800,000 foot, 200,000 horse, and 200 scythed
chariots. Justin (xi. 12) gives 400,000 foot and 100,000 horse. Plutarch (Alex. 31)
talks generally of a million of men. Curtius states the army to have been almost
twice as large as that which had fought in Kilikia (iv. 9, 3); he gives the total as
200,000 foot, and 45,000 horse (iv. 12, 13).

[372] Diodor. xvii. 53; Curtius, iv. 9, 2.

[373] Curtius, iv. 9, 3; Diodor. xvii. 53. Notwithstanding the instructive note
of Mützel upon this passage of Curtius, the mode in which these chariots were
armed is not clear on all points.

[374] The Persian battle order here given by Arrian (iii. 11), is taken from
Aristobulus, who affirmed that it was so set down in the official scheme of the
battle, drawn up by the Persian officers, and afterwards captured with the
baggage of Darius. Though thus authentic as far as it goes, it is not complete,
even as to names—while it says nothing about numbers or depth or extent of
front. Several names, of various contingents stated to have been present in the
field, are not placed in the official return—thus the Sogdiani, the Arians, and the
Indian mountaineers are mentioned by Arrian as having joined Darius (iii. 8); the
Kossæans, by Diodorus (xvii. 59); the Sogdiani, Massagetæ, Belitæ, Kossæans,
Gortyæ, Phrygians, and Kataonians, by Curtius (iv. 12).

[375] Arrian, iii. 9, 5-7.

[376] Arrian, iii. 9, 2-8. It is not expressly mentioned by Arrian that the
baggage, etc. was brought forward from the first camp to the second. But we see
that such must have been the fact, from what happened during the battle.
Alexander’s baggage, which was plundered by a body of Persian cavalry, cannot
have been so far in the rear of the army as the distance of the first camp would
require. This coincides also with Curtius, iv. 13, 35. The words ἔγνω ἀπολείπειν
(Arrian, iii. 9, 2), indicate the contemplation of a purpose which was not
accomplished—ὡς ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ προσμῖξαι τοῖς πολεμίοις (iii. 9, 3). Instead of
“coming into conflict” with the enemy at break of day—Alexander only arrived
within sight of them at break of day; he then halted the whole day and night
within sight of their position; and naturally brought up his baggage, having no
motive to leave it so far in the rear.

[377] Xenoph. Anabas. iii. 4, 35.

[378] Arrian, iii. 10, 3; Curtius, iv. 13, 4-10.

[379] Arrian, iii. 12, 1-9.

 [380] Arrian, ii. 11; Diodor. xvii. 57; Curtius, iv. 13, 26-30.

[381] Arrian, iii. 12, 2-6; Curtius, iv. 13, 30-32; Diodor. xvii. 57.

[382] Curtius, iv. 13, 36; Polyænus, iv. 3, 17.

[383] Arrian, iii. 13, 1-5.

[384] Arrian, iii. 13, 9.

[385] About the chariots. Arrian, iii. 13, 11; Curtius, iv. 15, 14; Diodor. xvii.
57, 58.
Arrian mentions distinctly only those chariots which were launched on Darius’s
left, immediately opposite to Alexander. But it is plain that the chariots along the
whole line must have been let off at one and the same signal—which we may
understand as implied in the words of Curtius—“Ipse (Darius) ante se falcatos
currus habebat, quos signo dato universos in hostem effudit” (iv. 14, 3).
The scythed chariots of Artaxerxes, at the battle of Kunaxa, did no mischief
(Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 10-20). At the battle of Magnesia, gained by the Romans
(B. C. 190) over the Syrian king Antiochus, his chariots were not only driven back,
but spread disorder among their own troops (Appian, Reb. Syriac. 33).

[386] See the remarkable passage in the address of Alexander to his soldiers
previous to the battle, about the necessity of absolute silence until the moment
came for the terrific war-shout (Arrian, iii. 9, 14): compare Thucyd. ii. 89—a
similar direction from Phormio to the Athenians.

[387] Arrian, iii. 15, 4. οὔτε ἀκοντισμῷ ἔτι, οὔτε ἐξελιγμοῖς τῶν ἵππων, ἥπερ
ἱππομαχίας δίκη, ἐχρῶντο—about the Persian cavalry when driven to despair.

[388] Arrian, iii. 14, 2. ἦγε δρόμῳ τε καὶ ἀλαλαγμῷ ὡς ἐπὶ αὐτὸν Δαρεῖον—
Diodor. xvii. 60. Alexander μετὰ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἴλης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν
ἐπιφανεστάτων ἱππέων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤλαυνε τὸν Δαρεῖον.

[389] Arrian, iii. 14, 3. Καὶ χρόνον μέν τινα ὀλίγον ἐν χερσὶν ἡ μάχη ἐγένετο.
Ὣς δὲ οἵ τε ἱππεῖς οἱ ἀμφ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος εὐρώστως ἐνέκειντο,
ὠθισμοῖς τε χρώμενοι, καὶ τοῖς ξυστοῖς τὰ πρόσωπα τῶν Περσῶν κόπτοντες, ἥ τε
φάλαγξ ἡ Μακεδονικὴ, πυκνὴ καὶ ταῖς σαρίσσαις πεφρικυῖα, ἐμβέβληκεν ἤδη
αὐτοῖς, κ α ὶ π ά ν τ α ὁ μ ο ῦ τ ὰ δ ε ι ν ὰ κ α ὶ π ά λ α ι ἤ δ η φ ο β ε ρ ῷ ὄ ν τ ι
Δ α ρ ε ί ῳ ἐ φ α ί ν ε τ ο , π ρ ῶ τ ο ς α ὐ τ ὸ ς ἐ π ι σ τ ρ έ ψ α ς ἔ φ ε υ γ ε ν. At Issus,
Arrian states that “Darius fled along with the first” (ii. 11, 6); at Arbela here, he
states that “Darius was the first to turn and flee;” an expression yet stronger and
more distinct. Curtius and Diodorus, who seem here as elsewhere to follow
generally the same authorities, give details, respecting the conduct of Darius,
which are not to be reconciled with Arrian, and which are decidedly less credible
than Arrian’s narrative. The fact that the two kings were here (as at Issus) near,
and probably visible, to each other, has served as a basis for much embroidery.
The statement that Darius, standing on his chariot, hurled his spear against the
advancing Macedonians—and that Alexander also hurled his spear at Darius, but
missing him, killed the charioteer—is picturesque and Homeric, but has no air of
reality. Curtius and Diodorus tell us that this fall of the charioteer was mistaken
for the fall of the king, and struck the Persian army with consternation, causing
them forthwith to take flight, and thus ultimately forcing Darius to flee also
(Diodor. xvii. 60; Curt. iv. 15, 26-32). But this is noway probable; since the real
fight then going on was close, and with hand-weapons.

[390] Arrian, iii. 14, 4.

[391] Diodor. xvii. 60; Curtius, iv. 15, 32, 33. The cloud of dust, and the
noise of the whips, are specified both by Diodorus and Curtius.

[392] Curtius, iv. 16, 1; Diodorus, xvii. 59, 60; Arrian, iii. 14, 11. The two first
authors are here superior to Arrian, who scarcely mentions at all this vigorous
charge of Mazæus, though he alludes to the effects produced by it.

[393] Arrian, iii. 14, 6. He speaks directly here only of the τάξις under the
command of Simmias; but it is plain that what he says must be understood of the
τάξις commanded by Kraterus also. Of the six τάξεις or divisions of the phalanx,
that of Kraterus stood at the extreme left—that of Simmias (who commanded on
this day the τάξις of Amyntas son of Andromenes) next to it (iii. 11, 16). If
therefore the τάξις of Simmias was kept back from pursuit, on account of the
pressure upon the general Macedonian left (iii. 14, 6)—à fortiori, the τάξις of
Kraterus must have been kept back in like manner.

[394] Arrian, iii. 14, 7.

[395] Curtius. iv. 15, 9-11; Diodor. xvii. 59. Curtius and Diodorus represent
the brigade of cavalry who plundered the camp and rescued the prisoners, to
have been sent round by Mazæus from the Persian right; while Arrian states,
more probably, that they got through the break accidentally left in the phalanx,
and traversed the Macedonian lines.

[396] Arrian, iii. 14, 10. Curtius represents this brigade as having been driven
off by Aretes and a detachment sent expressly by Alexander himself. Diodorus
describes it as if it had not been defeated at all, but had ridden back to Mazæus
after plundering the baggage. Neither of these accounts is so probable as that of
Arrian.
 [397] Diodor. xvii. 60. Ὁ Παρμενίων ... μόλις ἐτρέψατο τοὺς βαρβάρους,
μάλιστα καταπλαγέντας τῇ κατὰ τὸν Δαρεῖον φυγῇ. Curtius, iv. 16, 4-7. “Interim
ad Mazæum fama superati regis pervenerat. Itaque, quanquam validior erat,
tamen fortunâ partium territus, perculsis languidius instabat.” Arrian, iv. 14, 11; iv.
15, 8.

[398] Arrian, iii. 15, 6. Curtius also alludes to this combat; but with many
particulars very different from Arrian (iv. 16, 19-25).

[399] Arrian, iii. 15, 9.

[400] Arrian, iii. 15, 10. Curtius (iv. 16, 12-18) gives aggravated details about
the sufferings of the fugitives in passing the river Lykus—which are probably
founded on fact. But he makes the mistake of supposing that Alexander had got
as far as this river in his first pursuit, from which he was called back to assist
Parmenio.

[401] Arrian, iii. 15, 14; Curtius, v. 1, 10.

[402] Arrian, iii. 15, 16; Curtius, iv. 16, 27, Diodor. xvii. 61.

[403] Arrian, iii. 16, 5-11; Diodor. xvii. 64; Curtius, v. 1, 17-20.

[404] Curtius, v. 1, 45; Diodor. xvii. 64.

[405] Arrian states this total of 50,000 talents (iii. 16. 12).
I have taken them as Attic talents; if they were Æginæan talents, the value of
them would be greater in the proportion of five to three.

[406] Curtius, v. 2, 11; Diodor. xvii. 66.

[407] Arrian, iii. 16, 6-9: compare Strabo, xvi. p. 738.

[408] Arrian, iii. 16, 16; Curtius, v. 1, 44; Diodor. xvii. 64. Curtius and
Diodorus do not exactly coincide with Arrian; but the discrepancy here is not very
important.

[409] Curtius, v. 1, 42: compare Diodor. xvii. 65; Arrian, iii, 16, 18.

[410] Arrian, iii. 16, 20; Curtius, v. 2, 6; Diodor. xvii. 65. Respecting this
reorganization, begun now at Susa and carried farther during the next year at
Ekbatana, see Rüstow and Köchly, Griechisches Kriegswesen, p. 252 seq.
One among the changes now made was, that the divisions of cavalry—which,
having hitherto coincided with various local districts or towns in Macedonia, had
been officered accordingly—were re-distributed and mingled together (Curtius, v.
2, 6).

[411] Arrian, iii. 17, 1. Ἄρας δὲ ἐκ Σούσων, καὶ διαβὰς τὸν Πασιτίγρην
ποταμὸν, ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὴν Οὐξίων γῆν.
The Persian Susa was situated between two rivers; the Choaspes (now
Kherkha) on the west; the Eulæus or Pasitigris, now Karun, on the east; both
rivers distinguished for excellent water. The Eulæus appears to have been called
Pasitigris in the lower part of its course—Pliny, H. N. xxxi. 21. “Parthorum reges
ex Choaspe et Eulæo tantum bibunt.”
Ritter has given an elaborate exposition respecting these two rivers and the
site of the Persian Susa (Erdkunde, part ix. book iii. West-Asien, p. 291-320).

[412] Arrian, iii. 17; Curtius. v. 3, 5-12; Diodor. xvii. 67; Strabo, xv. p. 729. It
would seem that the road taken by Alexander in this march, was that described
by Kinneir, through Bebahan and Kala-Sefid to Schiraz (Geographical Memoir of
the Persian Empire, p. 72). Nothing can exceed the difficulties of the territory for
military operation.
No certainty is attainable, however, respecting the ancient geography of these
regions. Mr. Long’s Map of Ancient Persia shows how little can be made out.

[413] See the instructive notes of Mützel—on Quintus Curtius, v. 10, 3; and
v. 12, 17, discussing the topography of this region, in so far as it is known from
modern travellers. He supposes the Susian Gates to have been near Kala-Sefid,
west of the plain of Merdasht or Persepolis. Herein he dissents from Ritter,
apparently on good grounds, as far as an opinion can be formed.

[414] Arrian, iii. 18, 1-14; Curtius, v. 4, 10-20; Diodor. xvii. 68.

[415] Diodor. xvii. 71.

[416] Arrian, iii. 18, 16; Curtius, v. 4, 5; Diodor. xvii. 69.

[417] Xenoph. Anabas. i. 9, 13. Similar habits have always prevailed among
Orientals. “The most atrocious part of the Mohammedan system of punishment,
is, that which regards theft and robbery. Mutilation, by cutting off the hand or the
foot, is the prescribed remedy for all higher degrees of the offence” (Mill, History
of British India, book iii. ch. 5. p. 447).
“Tippoo Saib used to cut off the right hands and noses of the British camp-
followers that fell into his hands” (Elphinstone, Hist. of India, vol. i. p. 380. ch.
xi.).
A recent traveller notices the many mutilated persons, female as well as male,
who are to be seen in the northern part of Scinde (Burton, Scenes in Scinde, vol.
ii. p. 281).
 [418] Diodor. xvii. 69; Curtius, v. 5; Justin, xi. 14. Arrian does not mention
these mutilated captives; but I see no reason to mistrust the deposition of the
three authors by whom it is certified. Curtius talks of 4000 captives; the other two
mention 800. Diodorus calls them —Ἕλληνες ὑπὸ τῶν πρότερον βασιλέων
ἀνάστατοι γεγονότες, ὀκτακόσιοι μὲν σχεδὸν τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες, ταῖς δ᾽ ἡλικίαις οἱ
πλεῖστοι μὲν γεγηρακότες, ἠκρωτηριασμένοι δὲ πάντες, etc. Some ἀνάρπαστοι
πρὸς βασιλέα διὰ σοφίαν are noticed in Xenoph. Mem. iv. 2, 33; compare
Herodot. iii. 93; iv. 204. I have already mentioned the mutilation of the
Macedonian invalids, taken at Issus by Darius.
Probably these Greek captives were mingled with a number of other captives,
Asiatics and others, who had been treated in the same manner. None but the
Greek captives would be likely to show themselves to Alexander and his army,
because none but they would calculate on obtaining sympathy from an army of
Macedonians and Greeks. It would have been interesting to know who these
captives were, or how they came to be thus cruelly used. The two persons among
them, named by Curtius as spokesmen in the interview with Alexander, are—
Euktemon, a Kymæan—and Theætêtus, an Athenian.

[419] Diodor. xvii. 70. πλουσιωτάτης οὔσης τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον, etc. Curtius,
v. 6, 2, 3.

[420] Arrian, iii. 18, 18; Diodor. xvii. 70; Curtius, v. 6, 1; Strabo, xv. p. 731.

[421] This amount is given both by Diodorus (xvii. 71) and by Curtius (v. 6,
9). We see however from Strabo that there were different statements as to the
amount. Such overwhelming figures deserve no confidence upon any evidence
short of an official return. At the same time, we ought to expect a very great
sum, considering the long series of years that had been spent in amassing it.
Alexander’s own letters (Plutarch, Alex. 37) stated that enough was carried away
to load 10,000 mule carts and 5000 camels.
To explain the fact, of a large accumulated treasure in the Persian capitals, it
must be remarked, that what we are accustomed to consider as expenses of
government, were not defrayed out of the regal treasure. The military force,
speaking generally, was not paid by the Great King, but summoned by requisition
from the provinces, upon which the cost of maintaining the soldiers fell, over and
above the ordinary tribute. The king’s numerous servants and attendants received
no pay in money, but in kind; provisions for maintaining the court with its retinue
were furnished by the provinces, over and above the tribute. See Herodot. i. 192;
and iii. 91—and a good passage of Heeren, setting forth the small public
disbursement out of the regal treasure, in his account of the internal constitution
of the ancient Persian Empire (Ideen über die Politik and den Verkehr der Völker
der alten Welt, part i. Abth. 1. p. 511-519).
 Respecting modern Persia, Jaubert remarks (Voyage en Arménie et en Perse,
Paris, 1821, p. 272, ch. 30)—“Si les sommes que l’on verse dans le trésor du
Shah ne sont pas exorbitantes, comparativement à l’étendue et à la population de
la Perse, elles n’en sortent pas non plus que pour des dépenses indispensables
qui n’en absorbent pas la moitié. Le reste est converti en lingots, en pierreries, et
en divers objets d’une grande valeur et d’un transport facile en cas d’évènement:
ce qui doit suffire pour empêcher qu’on ne trouve exagérés les rapports que tous
les voyageurs ont faits de la magnificence de la cour de Perse. Les Perses sont
assez clairvoyans pour pénétrer les motifs réels qui portent Futteh Ali Shah à
thésauriser.”
When Nadir-Shah conquered the Mogul Emperor Mohammed, and entered
Delhi in 1739,—the imperial treasure and effects which fell into his hands is said
to have amounted to £32,000,000 sterling, besides heavy contributions levied on
the inhabitants (Mill, History of British India, vol. ii, B. iii, ch. 4, p. 403).—Runjeet
Sing left at his death (1839) a treasure of £8,000,000 sterling: with jewels and
other effects to several millions more. [The Punjaub, by Col. Steinbach, p. 16.
London, 1845].
Mr. Mill remarks in another place, that “in Hindostan, gold, silver, and gems
are most commonly hoarded, and not devoted to production” (vol. i, p. 254, B. ii.
ch. 5).
Herodotus (iii. 96) tells us that the gold and silver brought to the Persian regal
treasure was poured in a melted state into earthern vessels; when it cooled, the
earthern vessel was withdrawn, and the solid metallic mass left standing; a
portion of it was cut off when occasion required for disbursements. This practice
warrants the supposition that a large portion of it was habitually accumulated,
and not expended.

[422] Arrian, iii. 18, 17. He does not give the amount which I transcribe from
Curtius, v. 6, 10.

[423] Diodor. xvii. 70. Οἱ Μακεδόνες ἐπῄεσαν, τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας πάντας
φονεύοντες, τὰς δὲ κτήσεις διαρπάζοντες, etc. Curtius, v. 6, 6.

[424] Diodor. xvii. 70, 71; Curtius, v. 6, 3-7. These two authors concur in the
main features of the massacre and plunder in Persepolis, permitted to the soldiers
of Alexander. Arrian does not mention it; he mentions only the deliberate
resolution of Alexander to burn the palace or citadel, out of revenge on the
Persian name. And such feeling, assuming it to exist, would also naturally dictate
the general license to plunder and massacre. Himself entertaining such vindictive
feeling, and regarding it as legitimate, Alexander would either presume it to exist,
or love to kindle it, in his soldiers; by whom indeed the license to plunder would
be sufficiently welcomed, with or without any antecedent sentiment of
vengeance.
 The story (told by Diodorus, Curtius, and Plutarch, Alex. 38) that Alexander, in
the drunkenness of a banquet, was first instigated by the courtesan Thais to set
fire to the palace of Persepolis, and accompanied her to begin the conflagration
with his own hand—may perhaps be so far true, that he really showed himself in
the scene and helped in the burning. But that his resolution to burn was
deliberately taken, and even maintained against the opposition of esteemed
officers, is established on the authority of Arrian.

[425] Plutarch, Alexand. 37. Φόνον μὲν οὖν ἐνταῦθα πολὺν τῶν ἁλισκομένων
γενέσθαι συνέπεσε· γ ρ ά φ ε ι γ ὰ ρ α ὐ τ ὸ ς , ὡ ς ν ο μ ί ζ ω ν α ὐ τ ῷ τ ο ῦ τ ο
λ υ σ ι τ ε λ ε ῖ ν ἐ κ έ λ ε υ ε ν ἀ π ο σ φ ά τ τ ε σ θ α ι τ ο ὺ ς ἀ ν θ ρ ώ π ο υ ς· νομίσματος
δὲ εὑρεῖν πλῆθος ὅσον ἐν Σούσοις, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην κατασκευὴν καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον
ἐκκομισθῆναί φησι μυρίοις ὀρικοῖς ζεύγεσι, καὶ πεντακισχιλίαις καμήλοις. That
ἐνταῦθα means Persepolis, is shown by the immediately following comparison
with the treasure found at Susa.

[426] Diod. xvii. 73; Curtius, v. 6, 12-20.

[427] Curtius, v. 6, 11.

[428] Arrian, iii. 16, 1-4.

[429] Compare the language addressed by Alexander to his weary soldiers,

on the banks of the Hyphasis (Arrian, v. 26), with that which Herodotus puts into
the mouth of Xerxes, when announcing his intended expedition against Greece
(Herodot. vii. 8).

[430] I see no reason for doubting that the Ekbatana here meant is the
modern Hamadan. See a valuable Appendix added by Dr. Thirlwall to the sixth
volume of his History of Greece, in which this question is argued against Mr.
Williams.
Sir John Malcolm observes—“There can hardly be said to be any roads in
Persia; nor are they much required, for the use of wheel carriages has not yet
been introduced into that kingdom. Nothing can be more rugged and difficult
than the paths which have been cut over the mountains by which it is bounded
and intersected” (ch. xxiv. vol. ii. p. 525).
In this respect, indeed, as in others, the modern state of Persia must be
inferior to the ancient; witness the description given by Herodotus of the road
between Sardis and Susa.

[431] Arrian, iii. 19, 2-9; iii. 20, 3.

[432] Arrian, iii. 19, 5.

 [433] Arrian, iii. 19, 14; Diodor. xvii. 80. Diodorus had before stated (xvii. 66,
71) the treasure in Susa as being 49,000 talents, and that in Persepolis as
120,000. Arrian announces the treasure in Susa as 50,000 talents—Curtius gives
the uncoined gold and silver alone as 50,000 talents (v. 8, 11). The treasure of
both places was transported to Ekbatana.

[434] Arrian, iii. 20, 4.

[435] Curtius, v. 23, 12.

[436] Arrian, iii. 19, 10: compare v. 27, 7.

[437] Arrian, iii. 24, 1. ἤδη γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ ἱππακοντισταὶ ἦσαν τάξις.
See the remarks of Rüstow and Köchly upon the change made by Alexander in
his military organization about this period, as soon as he found that there was no
farther chance of a large collected Persian force, able to meet him in the field
(Geschichte des Griech. Kriegswesens, p. 252 seq.).
The change which they point out was real,—but I think they exaggerate it in
degree.

[438] The passes called the Caspian Gates appear to be those described by
Morier, Fraser, and other modern travellers, as the series of narrow valleys and
defiles called Ser-Desch, Sirdari, or Serdara Kahn,—on the southernmost of the
two roads which lead eastward from Teheran towards Damaghan, and thence
farther eastward towards Mesched and Herat. See the note of Mützel in his
edition of Curtius, v. 35, 2, p. 489; also Morier, Second Journey through Persia, p.
363; Fraser’s Narrative of a Journey into Khorasan, p. 291.
The long range of mountains, called by the ancients Taurus, extends from
Lesser Media and Armenia in an easterly direction along the southern coast of the
Caspian Sea. Its northern declivity, covered by prodigious forests with valleys and
plains of no great breadth reaching to the Caspian, comprehends the moist and
fertile territories now denominated Ghilan and Mazanderan. The eastern portion
of Mazanderan was known in ancient times as Hyrkania, then productive and
populous; while the mountain range itself was occupied by various rude and
warlike tribes—Kadusii, Mardi, Tapyri, etc. The mountain range, now called Elburz,
includes among other lofty eminences the very high peak of Demavend.
The road from Ekbatana to Baktra, along which both the flight of Darius and
the pursuit of Alexander lay, passed along the broken ground skirting the
southern flank of the mountain range Elburz. Of this broken ground the Caspian
Gates formed the worst and most difficult portion.

[439] Arrian, iii. 20, 21.

 [440] Masistes, after the shocking outrage upon his wife by Queen Amestris,
was going to Baktria to organize a revolt: see Herodot. ix. 113—about the
importance of that satrapy.

[441] Arrian, iii. 21-23. Justin (xi. 15) specifies the name of the place—Thara.
Both he and Curtius mention the golden chain (Curtius, 34, 20). Probably the
conspirators made use of some chains which had formed a part of the ornaments
of the royal wardrobe. Among the presents given by Darius son of Hystaspes to
the surgeon Demokedes, there were two pairs of golden chains—Δωρέεται δή μιν
Δαρεῖος πεδέων χρυσέων δύο ζεύγεσιν—Herodot. iii. 130: compare iii. 15. The
Persian king and grandees habitually wore golden chains round neck and arms.

[442]

“Rarus apud Medos regum cruor; unaque cuncto

Pœna manet generi; quamvis crudelibus æque
Paretur dominis.” (Claudian. in Eutrop. ii. p. 478.)
Court conspiracies and assassinations of the prince, however were not
unknown either among the Achæmenidæ or the Arsakidæ.

[443] This account of the remarkable incidents immediately preceding the

death of Darius, is taken mainly from Arrian (iii. 21), and seems one of the most
authentic chapters of his work. He is very sparing in telling what passed in the
Persian camp; he mentions indeed only the communications made by the Persian
deserters to Alexander.
Curtius (v. 27-34) gives the narrative far more vaguely and loosely than
Arrian, but with ample details of what was going on in the Persian camp. We
should have been glad to know from whom these details were borrowed. In the
main they do not contradict the narrative of Arrian, but rather amplify and dilute
it.
Diodorus (xvii. 73), Plutarch (Alexand. 42, 43), and Justin (xi. 15) give no new
information.

[444] Arrian (iii. 22) gives an indulgent criticism on Darius, dwelling chiefly
upon his misfortunes, but calling him ἀνδρὶ τὰ μὲν πολέμια, εἴπερ τινὶ ἄλλῳ,
μαλθακῷ τε καὶ οὐ φρενήρει, etc.

[445] Curtius, vi. 5, 10; vi. 6, 15. Diodor. xvii. 74. Hekatompylus was an
important position, where several roads joined (Polyb. x. 28). It was situated on
one of the roads running eastward from the Caspian Gates, on the southern flank
of Mount Taurus (Elburz). Its locality cannot be fixed with certainty: Ritter
(Erdkunde, part viii. 465, 467) with others conceives it to have been near
Damaghan; Forbiger (Handbuch der Alten Geographie, vol. ii. p. 549) places it
further eastward, near Jai-Jerm. Mr. Long notes it on his map, as site unknown.

[446] This was attested by his own letters to Antipater, which Plutarch had
seen (Plutarch, Alexand. 47). Curtius composes a long speech for Alexander (vi.
7, 9).

[447] Arrian, iii. 23, 15.

[448] Arrian, iii. 24, 4. In reference to the mountain tribes called Mardi, who
are mentioned in several different localities—on the parts of Mount Taurus south
of the Caspian, in Armenia, on Mount Zagros, and in Persis proper (see Strabo, xi.
p. 508-523; Herodot. i. 125), we may note, that the Nomadic tribes, who
constitute a considerable fraction of the population of the modern Persian Empire,
are at this day found under the same name in spots widely distant: see Jaubert,
Voyage en Arménie et en Perse, p. 254.

[449] Arrian, iii. 24, 8; Curtius, vi. 5, 9. An Athenian officer named

Demokrates slew himself in despair, disdaining to surrender.

[450] See a curious passage on this subject, at the end of the Cyropædia of
Xenophon.

[451] Arrian, iii. 25, 3-8. Droysen and Dr. Thirlwall identify Susia with the
town now called Tûs or Toos, a few miles north-west of Mesched. Professor
Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, p. 177) thinks that this is too much to the west, and too
far from Herat: he conceives Susia to be Zuzan, on the desert side of the
mountains west of Herat. Mr. Prinsep (notes on the historical results deducible
from discoveries in Afghanistan, p. 14) places it at Subzawar, south of Herat, and
within the region of fertility.
Tûs seems to lie in the line of Alexander’s march, more than the other two
places indicated; Subzawar is too far to the south. Alexander appears to have first
directed his march from Parthia to Baktria (in the line from Asterabad to Baikh
through Margiana), merely touching the borders of Aria in his route.

[452] Artakoana, as well as the subsequent city of Alexandria in Ariis, are

both supposed by Wilson to coincide with the locality of Herat (Wilson, Ariana
Antiqua, p. 152-177).
There are two routes from Herat to Asterabad, at the south-east corner of the
Caspian; one by Schahrood which is 533 English miles; the other by Mesched,
which is 688 English miles (Wilson, p. 149).

[453] Arrian, iii. 25; Curtius, vi. 24, 36. The territory of the Drangi, or
Zarangi, southward from Aria, coincides generally with the modern Seistan,
adjoining the lake now called Zareh, which receives the waters of the river
Hilmend.

[454] Arrian, iii. 25, 6; Curtius, iv. 8, 7; vi. 6, 19.

[455] Curtius, vi. 7, 2. “Dimnus, modicæ apud regem auctoritates et gratiæ,

exoleti, cui Nicomacho erat nomen, amore flagrabat, obsequio uni sibi dediti
corporis vinctus.” Plutarch, Alex. 49; Diodor. xvii. 79.

[456] Curt. vi. 7, 29; Plutarch, Alex. 49. The latter says that Dimnus resisted
the officer sent to arrest him, and was killed by him in the combat.

[457] Curtius, vi. 7, 33. “Philotas respondit, Cebalinum quidem scorti

sermonem ad se detulisse, sed ipsum tam levi auctori nihil credidisse—veritum,
ne jurgium inter amatorem et exoletum non sine risu aliorum detulisset.”

[458] Plutarch, Alexand. 48.

[459] Plutarch, Alexand. 48, 49. Πρὸς δὲ αὐτὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐ κ π ά ν υ

π ο λ λ ῶ ν χ ρ ό ν ω ν ἐτύγχανε διαβεβλημένος (Philotas).... Ὁ μὲν οὖν Φιλώτας
ἐπιβουλευόμενος οὕτως ἠγνόει, καὶ συνῆν τῇ Ἀντιγόνῃ πολλὰ καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ
μεγαλαυχίαν ῥήματα καὶ λόγους κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνεπιτηδείους προϊέμενος.
Both Ptolemy and Aristobulus recognized these previous communications
made to Alexander against Philotas in Egypt, but stated that he did not believe
them (Arrian, iii. 26, 1).

[460] Plutarch, Alexand. 40-48; Curtius, vi. 11, 3.

[461] Phylarchus, Fragment. 41. ed. Didot, ap. Athenæum, xii. p. 539;
Plutarch, Alexand. 39, 40. Even Eumenes enriched himself much; though being
only secretary, and a Greek, he could not take the same liberties as the great
native Macedonian generals (Plutarch, Eumenes, 2).

[462] Plutarch, Alexand. 49; Curtius, vi. 8.

[463] Curtius, vi. 8, 16. “Invitatus est etiam Philotas ad ultimas sibi epulas et
rex non cœnare modo, sed etiam familiariter colloqui, cum eo quam damnaverat,
sustinuit.”

[464] Arrian, iii. 26, 2. Λέγει δὲ Πτολεμαῖος εἰσαχθῆναι εἰς Μακεδόνας

Φιλώταν, καὶ κατηγορῆσαι αὐτοῦ ἰσχυρῶς Ἀλέξανδρον, etc. Curtius, vi. 9, 13;
Diodorus, xvii, 80.

[465] Curtius, vi. 9, 30.

 [466] Curtius, vi. 11, 8. “Tum vero universa concio accensa est, et a corporis
custodibus initium factum, clamantibus, discerpendum esse parricidam manibus
eorum. Id quidam Philotas, qui graviora supplicia metueret, haud sane iniquo
animo audiebat.”

[467] Curtius, vi. 9, 30; vi. 11, 11.

[468] Plutarch, Alexand. 49.

[469] Curtius, vi. 11, 15, “Per ultimos deinde cruciatus, utpote et damnatus
et inimicis in gratiam regis torquentibus, laceratur. Ac primo quidam, quanquam
hinc ignis, illinc verbera, jam non ad quæstionem, sed ad pœnam, ingerebantur,
non vocem modo, sed etiam gemitus habuit in potestate; sed postquam
intumescens corpus ulceribus flagellorum ictus nudis ossibus incussos ferre non
poterat”, etc.

[470] Curtius, vi. 11, 20.

[471] Strabo, xv. p. 724; Diodor. xvii. 80; Curtius, vii. 2, 11-18.

[472] Curtius, vii. 2, 27. The proceedings respecting Philotas and Parmenio
are recounted in the greatest detail by Curtius; but his details are in general
harmony with the brief heads given by Arrian from Ptolemy and Aristobulus—
except as to one material point. Plutarch (Alex. 49), Diodorus (xvii. 79, 80), and
Justin (xii. 5), also state the fact in the same manner.
Ptolemy and Aristobulus, according to the narrative of Arrian, appear to have
considered that Philotas was really implicated in a conspiracy against Alexander’s
life. But when we analyze what they are reported to have said, their opinion will
not be found entitled to much weight. In the first place, they state (Arrian, iii. 26,
1) that the conspiracy of Philotas had been before made known to Alexander
while he was in Egypt, but that he did not then believe it. Now eighteen months
had elapsed since the stay in Egypt; and the idea of a conspiracy going on for
eighteen months is preposterous. That Philotas was in a mood in which he might
be supposed likely to conspire, is one proposition; that he actually did conspire is
another; Arrian and his authorities run the two together as if they were one. As to
the evidence purporting to prove that Philotas did conspire, Arrian tells us that
“the informers came forward before the assembled soldiers and convicted Philotas
with the rest by other indicia not obscure, but chiefly by this—that Philotas
confessed to have heard of a conspiracy going on, without mentioning it to
Alexander, though twice a day in his presence”—καὶ τοὺς μηνυτὰς τοῦ ἔργου
παρελθόντας ἐξελέγξαι Φιλώταν τε καὶ τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄ λ λ ο ι ς τ ε ἐ λ έ γ χ ο ι ς
ο ὐ κ ἀ φ α ν έ σ ι , κ α ὶ μ ά λ ι σ τ α δ ὴ ὅτι αὐτὸς Φιλώτας πεπύσθαι μὲν—συνέφη,
etc. What these other indicia were, we are not told; but we may see how slender
was their value, when we learn that the non-revelation admitted by Philotas was
stronger than any of them. The non-revelation, when we recollect that
Nikomachus was the only informant (Arrian loosely talks of μηνυτὰς, as if there
were more), proves absolutely nothing as to the complicity of Philotas, though it
may prove something as to his indiscretion. Even on this minor charge, Curtius
puts into his mouth a very sufficient exculpation. But if Alexander had taken a
different view, and dismissed or even confined him for it, there would have been
little room for remark.
The point upon which Arrian is at variance with Curtius, is, that he states
“Philotas with the rest to have been shot to death by the Macedonians”—thus,
seemingly contradicting, at least by implication, the fact of his having been
tortured. Now Plutarch, Diodorus, and Justin, all concur with Curtius in affirming
that he was tortured. On such a matter, I prefer their united authority to that of
Ptolemy and Aristobulus. These two last-mentioned authors were probably quite
content to believe in the complicity of Philotas upon the authority of Alexander
himself; without troubling themselves to criticise the proofs. They tell us that
Alexander vehemently denounced (κατηγορῆσαι ἰσχυρῶς) Philotas before the
assembled soldiers. After this, any mere shadow or pretence of proof would be
sufficient. Moreover, let us recollect that Ptolemy obtained his promotion, to be
one of the confidential body guards (σωματοφύλακες), out of this very
conspiracy, real or fictitious; he was promoted to the post of the condemned
Demetrius (Arrian, iii. 27. 11).
How little Ptolemy and Aristobulus cared to do justice to any one whom
Alexander hated, may be seen by what they say afterwards about the philosopher
Kallisthenes. Both of them affirmed that the pages, condemned for conspiracy
against Alexander, deposed against Kallisthenes as having instigated them to the
deed (Arrian, iv. 14, 1). Now we know, from the authority of Alexander himself,
whose letters Plutarch quotes (Alexand. 55), that the pages denied the privity of
any one else—maintaining the project to have been altogether their own. To their
great honor, the pages persisted in this deposition, even under extreme tortures—
though they knew that a deposition against Kallisthenes was desired from them.
My belief is, that Diodorus, Plutarch, Curtius, and Justin, are correct in stating
that Philotas was tortured. Ptolemy and Aristobulus have thought themselves
warranted in omitting this fact, which they probably had little satisfaction in
reflecting upon. If Philotas was not tortured, there could have been no evidence
at all against Parmenio—for the only evidence against the latter was the extorted
confession of Philotas.

[473] Curtius, vii. 2, 32, 33.

[474] Contrast the conduct of Alexander towards Philotas and Parmenio, with
that of Cyrus the younger towards the conspirator Orontes, as described in
Xenophon, Anabas. i. 6.
 [475] Plutarch, Alexand. 49.

[476] Curtius, vii. 2, 36; Diodor. xvii. 80; Justin, xii. 5.

[477] Arrian, iii. 27, 8.

[478] Arrian, iii. 28, 2. About the geography, compare Wilson’s Ariana
Antiqua, p. 173-178. “By perambulator, the distance from Herat to Kandahar is
371 miles; from Kandahar to Kabul, 309: total 688 miles (English).” The principal
city in Drangiana (Seiestan) mentioned by the subsequent Greek geographers is,
Prophthasia; existing seemingly before Alexander’s arrival. See the fragments of
his mensores, ap. Didot, Fragm. Hist. Alex. Magn. p. 135; Pliny, H. N. vi. 21. The
quantity of remains of ancient cities, still to be found in this territory, is
remarkable. Wilson observes this (p. 154).

[479] Arrian, iii. 28, 6; Curtius, vii. 3, 23; Diodor. xvii. 83. Alexandria in Ariis
is probably Herat; Alexandria in Arachosia is probably Kandahar. But neither the
one nor the other is mentioned as having been founded by Alexander, either in
Arrian or Curtius, or Diodorus. The name Alexandria does not prove that they
were founded by him; for several of the Diadochi called their own foundations by
his name (Strabo, xiii. p. 593). Considering how very short a time Alexander spent
in these regions, the wonder is, that he could have found time to establish those
foundations which are expressly ascribed to him by Arrian and his other
historians. The authority of Pliny and Steph. Byzant. is hardly sufficient to warrant
us in ascribing to him more. The exact site of Alexandria ad Caucasum cannot be
determined, for want of sufficient topographical data. There seems much
probability that it was at the place called Beghram, twenty-five miles north-east of
Kabul—in the way between Kabul on the south side of the Hindoo-Koosh, and
Anderhab on the north side. The prodigious number of coins and relics, Greek as
well as Mohammedan, discovered by Mr. Masson at Beghram, supply better
evidence for identifying the site with that of Alexandria ad Caucasum, than can be
pleaded on behalf of any other locality. See Masson’s Narrative of Journeys in
Afghanistan, etc., vol. iii. ch. 7. p 148 seqq.
In crossing the Hindoo-Koosh from south to north Alexander probably
marched by the pass of Bamian, which seems the only one among the four
passes open to an army in the winter. See Wood’s Journey to the Oxus, p 195.

[480] Arrian, iii. 29, 3; Curtius, vii. 5, 1.

[481] Arrian, iii. 29, 4; Strabo, xi. p. 509. Evidently Ptolemy and Aristobulus
were much more awe-struck with the Oxus, than with either the Tigris or the
Euphrates. Arrian (iv. 6, 13) takes his standard of comparison, in regard to rivers,
from the river Peneius in Thessaly.
 [482] Curtius, vii. 5, 19. The exactness of Quintus Curtius, in describing the
general features of Baktria and Sogdiana, is attested in the strongest language by
modern travellers. See Burnes’s Travels into Bokhara, vol. ii. ch. 8. p. 211, 2nd
edit.; also Morier, Second Journey in Persia, p. 282.
But in the geographical details of the country, we are at fault. We have not
sufficient data to identify more than one or two of the localities mentioned, in the
narrative of Alexander’s proceedings, either by Curtius or Arrian. That Marakanda
is the modern Samarkand—the river Polytimetus, the modern Kohik—and Baktra
or Zariaspa the modern Balkh—appears certain; but the attempts made by
commentators to assign the site of other places are not such as to carry
conviction.
In fact, these countries, at the present moment, are known only superficially
as to their general scenery; for purposes of measurement and geography, they
are almost unknown; as may be seen by any one who reads the Introduction to
Erskine’s translation of the Memoirs of Sultan Baber.

[483] Arrian. iii. 30, 5-10. These details are peculiarly authentic, as coming
from Ptolemy, the person chiefly concerned.
Aristobulus agreed in the description of the guise in which Bessus was
exhibited, but stated that he was brought up in this way by Spitamenes and
Dataphernes. Curtius (vii. 24, 36) follows this version. Diodorus also gives an
account very like it, mentioning nothing about Ptolemy (xvii. 83).

[484] Curtius, vii. 23; Plutarch de Serâ Numinis Vindictâ, p. 557 B; Strabo xi.
p. 518: compare also xiv. p. 634, and xvii. p. 814. This last-mentioned passage of
Strabo helps us to understand the peculiarly strong pious fervor with which
Alexander regarded the temple and oracle of Branchidæ. At the time when
Alexander went up to the oracle of Ammon in Egypt, for the purpose of affiliating
himself to Zeus Ammon, there came to him envoys from Miletus, announcing that
the oracle at Branchidæ, which had been silent ever since the time of Xerxes, had
just begun to give prophecy, and had certified the fact that Alexander was the
son of Zeus, besides many other encouraging predictions.
The massacre of the Branchidæ by Alexander was described by Diodorus, but
was contained in that part of the seventeenth book which is lost; there is a great
lacuna in the MSS. after cap. 83. The fact is distinctly indicated in the table of
contents prefixed to Book xvii.
Arrian makes no mention of these descendants of the Branchidæ in Sogdiana,
nor of the destruction of the town and its inhabitants by Alexander. Perhaps
neither Ptolemy nor Aristobulus, said anything about it. Their silence is not at all
difficult to explain, nor does it, in my judgment, impeach the credibility of the
narrative. They do not feel under obligation to give publicity to the worst acts of
their hero.