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Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
Plymouth, 1907), this was a very profitable industry. The crop was
ready at least a month in advance of any other source of supply on
the mainland. Every year about 1,000 tons of potatoes were
exported. “In its palmy days the potato harvest in Scilly was the
great event of the year. Gangs of diggers were brought across from
the mainland,” and the prices went occasionally up to £28 a ton for
the earliest potatoes. Gradually, however, the export of potatoes was
reduced to less than one-half of what it was formerly. Then the
inhabitants of the islands went for fishing, and later on they began
to grow flowers. Frost and snow being practically unknown in the
islands, this new industry succeeded very well. The arable area of
the islands is about 4,000 acres, which are divided into small farms,
less than from fifteen to twenty acres, and these farms are
transmitted, according to the local custom, from father to son.
It is not long ago that they began to grow wild narcissuses, to
which they soon added daffodils (a hundred varieties), and lilies,
especially arum-lilies, for Church decoration. All these are grown in
narrow strips, sheltered from the winds by dwarf hedges. Movable
glass-houses are resorted to shelter the flowers for a certain time,
and in this way the gardeners have a succession of crops, beginning
soon after Christmas, and lasting until April or May.
The flowers are shipped to Penzance, and thence carried by rail in
special carriages. At the top of the season thirty to forty tons are
shipped in a single day. The total exports, which were only 100 tons
in 1887, have now reached 1,000 in 1907.

M.—IRRIGATED MEADOWS IN ITALY.

In the Journal de l’Agriculture (2nd Feb., 1889) the following was
said about the marcites of Milan:—
“On part of these meadows water runs constantly, on others it is
left running for ten hours every week. The former give six crops
every year; since February, eighty to 100 tons of grass, equivalent to
twenty and twenty-five tons of dry hay, being obtained from the
hectare (eight to ten tons per acre). Lower down, thirteen tons of
dry hay per acre is the regular crop. Taking eighty acres placed in
average conditions, they will yield fifty-six tons of green grass per
hectare—that is, fourteen tons of dry hay, or the food of three milch
cows to the hectare (two and a half acres). The rent of such
meadows is from £8 to £9, 12s. per acre.”
For Indian corn, the advantages of irrigation are equally apparent.
On irrigated lands, crops of from seventy-eight to eighty-nine
bushels per acre are obtained, as against from fifty-six to sixty-seven
bushels on unirrigated lands, also in Italy, and twenty-eight to thirty-
three bushels in France (Garola, Les Céréales).

N.—PLANTED WHEAT.
The Rothamsted Challenge.
Sir A. Cotton delivered, in 1893, before the Balloon Society, a
lecture on agriculture, in which lecture he warmly advocated deep
cultivation and planting the seeds of wheat wide apart. He published
it later on as a pamphlet (Lecture on Agriculture, 2nd edition, with
Appendix. Dorking, 1893). He obtained, for the best of his sort of
wheat, an average of “fifty-five ears per plant, with three oz. of grain
of fair quality—perhaps sixty-three lbs. per bushel” (p. 10). This
corresponded to ninety bushels per acre—that is, his result was very
similar to those obtained at the Tomblaine and Capelle agricultural
stations by Grandeau and F. Dessprèz, whose work seems not to
have been known to Sir A. Cotton. True, Sir A. Cotton’s experiments
were not conducted, or rather were not reported, in a thoroughly
scientific way. But the more desirable it would have been, either to
contradict or to confirm his statements by experiments carefully
conducted at some experimental agricultural station. Unfortunately,
so far as I know, no such experiments have yet been made, and the
possibility of profitably increasing the wheat crop by the means
indicated by Sir A. Cotton has still to be tested in a scientific spirit.
 O.—REPLANTED WHEAT.
A few words on this method which now claims the attention of the
experimental stations may perhaps not be useless.
In Japan, rice is always treated in this way. It is treated as our
gardeners treat lettuce and cabbage—that is, it is let first to
germinate; then it is sown in special warm corners, well inundated
with water and protected from the birds by strings drawn over the
ground. Thirty-five to fifty-five days later, the young plants, now fully
developed and possessed of a thick network of rootlets, are
replanted in the open ground. In this way the Japanese obtain from
twenty to thirty-two bushels of dressed rice to the acre in the poor
provinces, forty bushels in the better ones, and from sixty to sixty-
seven bushels on the best lands. The average, in six rice growing
states of North America, is at the same time only nine and a half
bushels.[202]
In China, replanting is also in general use, and consequently the
idea has been circulated in France by M. Eugène Simon and the late
M. Toubeau, that replanted wheat could be made a powerful means
of increasing the crops in Western Europe.[203] So far as I know, the
idea has not yet been submitted to a practical test; but when one
thinks of the remarkable results obtained by Hallet’s method of
planting; of what the market-gardeners obtain by replanting once
and even twice; and of how rapidly the work of planting is done by
market-gardeners in Jersey, one must agree that in replanted wheat
we have a new opening worthy of the most careful consideration.
Experiments have not yet been made in this direction; but Prof.
Grandeau, whose opinion I have asked on this subject, wrote to me
that he believes the method must have a great future. Practical
market-gardeners (Paris maraîcher) whose opinion I have asked,
see, of course, nothing extravagant in that idea.
With plants yielding 1,000 grains each—and in the Capelle
experiment they yielded an average of 600 grains—the yearly wheat-
food of one individual man (5·65 bushels, or 265 lbs.), which is
represented by from 5,000,000 to 5,500,000 grains, could be grown
on a space of 250 square yards; while for an experienced hand
replanting would represent no more than ten to twelve hours’ work.
With a proper machine-tool, the work could probably be very much
reduced. In Japan, two men and two women plant with rice three-
quarters of an acre in one day (Ronna, Les Irrigations, vol. iii., 1890,
p. 67 seq.). That means (Fesca, Japanesische Landwirthschaft, p.
33) from 33,000 to 66,000 plants, or, let us say, a minimum of 8,250
plants a day for one person. The Jersey gardeners plant from 600
(inexperienced) to 1,000 plants per hour (experienced).

P.—IMPORTS OF VEGETABLES TO THE UNITED

KINGDOM.
That the land in this country is not sufficiently utilised for market-
gardening, and that the largest portion of the vegetables which are
imported from abroad could be grown in this country, has been said
over and over again within the last twenty-five years.
It is certain that considerable improvements have taken place
lately—the area under market-gardens, and especially the area
under glass for the growth of fruit and vegetables, having largely
been increased of late. Thus, instead of 38,957 acres, which were
given to market-gardening in Great Britain in 1875, there were, in
1894, 88,210 acres, exclusive of vegetable crops on farms, given to
that purpose (The Gardener’s Chronicle, 20th April, 1895, p. 483).
But that increase remains a trifle in comparison with similar
increases in France, Belgium, and the United States. In France, the
area given to market-gardening was estimated in 1892 by M. Baltet
(L’horticulture dans les cinq parties du monde, Paris, Hachette,
1895) at 1,075,000 acres—four times more, in proportion to the
cultivable area, than in this country; and the most remarkable of it is
that considerable tracts of land formerly treated as uncultivable have
been reclaimed for the purposes of market-gardening as also of fruit
growing.
 As things stand now in this country, we see that very large
quantities of the commonest vegetables, each of which could be
grown in this country, are imported.
Lettuces are imported—not only from the Azores or from the south
of France, but they continue until June to be imported from France,
where they are mostly grown—not in the open air, but in frames.
Early cucumbers, also grown in frames, are largely imported from
Holland, and are sold so cheaply that many English gardeners have
ceased to grow them.[204] Even beetroot and pickling cabbage are
imported from Holland and Brittany (the neighbourhoods of Saint
Malo, where I saw them grown in a sandy soil, which would grow
nothing without a heavy manuring with guano, as a second crop,
after a first one of potatoes); and while onions were formerly largely
grown in this country, we see that, in 1894, 5,288,512 bushels of
onions, £765,049 worth, were imported from Belgium (chief
exporter), Germany, Holland, France, and so on.
Again, that early potatoes should be imported from the Azores and
the south of France is quite natural. It is not so natural, however,
that more than 50,000 tons of potatoes (58,060 tons, £521,141
worth, on the average during the years 1891-1894) should be
imported from the Channel Islands, because there are hundreds if
not thousands of acres in South Devon, and most probably in other
parts of the south coast too, where early potatoes could be grown
equally well. But besides the 90,000 tons of early potatoes (over
£700,000 worth) which are imported to this country, enormous
quantities of late potatoes are imported from Holland, Germany, and
Belgium; so that the total imports of potatoes reach from 200,000 to
450,000 tons every year. Moreover, this country imports every year
all sorts of green vegetables, for the sum of at least £4,000,000, and
for £5,000,000 all sorts of fruit (apart from exotic fruit); while
thousands of acres lie idle, and the country population is driven to
the cities in search of work, without finding it.

Q.—FRUIT-CULTURE IN BELGIUM.
 It appears from the Annuaire statistique de la belgique that, out of
a cultivated area of 6,443,500 acres, the following areas were given
in Belgium, at the time of the last census, to fruit-growing, market-
gardening, and culture under glass: Orchards, 117,600 acres;
market-gardens, 103,460 acres; vineries, 173 acres (increased
since); growing of trees for afforestation, gardens, and orchards,
7,475 acres; potatoes, 456,000 acres. Consequently, Belgium is able
to export every year about £250,000 worth more vegetables, and
nearly £500,000 worth more fruit, than she imports. As to the
vineries, the land of the communes of Hoeylart and Overyssche near
Brussels is almost entirely covered with glass, and the exports of
home-grown grapes attained, in 1910, 6,800 tons, in addition to
34,000 tons of other home-grown fruit. Besides, nearly 3,000 acres
in the environs of Ghent are covered with horticultural
establishments which export palms, azaleas, rhododendrons, and
laurels all over the world, including Italy and the Argentine.

R.—CULTURE UNDER GLASS IN HOLLAND.

Holland in its turn has introduced gardening in hothouses on a
great scale. Here is a letter which I received in the summer of 1909
from a friend:—
“Here is a picture-postcard which J. (a professor of botany in
Belgium) has brought from Holland, and which he asks me to send
you. [The postcard represents an immense space covered with
frames and glass lights.] Similar establishments cover many square
kilomètres between Rotterdam and the sea, in the north of Heuve.
At the time when J. was there (June 10) they had cucumbers, quite
ripe, and melons as big as a head in considerable numbers, exported
abroad. The cultures are made to a great extent without heating.
The gardeners sow also radishes, carrots, lettuce, under the same
glass. The different produce comes one after the other. They also
cultivate large quantities of strawberries in frames.
 “The glass-frames are transported at will, so as to keep under
glass for several days or weeks the plants sown in any part of the
garden. J. is full of admiration for the knowledge of the gardeners.
Instead of the usual routine, they apply the last progress of science.
He was told that glass is broken very seldom; they have acquired the
art of handling glass-frames with facility and great skill.
“Besides the frames represented on the photograph, the region
between Rotterdam and the sea, which is named Westland, has also
countless glass-houses, where they cultivate, with or without
heating, grapes, peaches, northern cherries, haricot beans,
tomatoes, and other fruit and vegetables. These cultures have
reached a very high degree of perfection. The gardeners take the
greatest care to fight various plant diseases. They also cultivate
ordinary fruit—apples, pears, gooseberries, strawberries, and so on
—and vegetables in the open air. Westland being very much exposed
to strong winds, they have built numerous walls, which break the
wind, and serve at the same time for the culture of fruit upon the
walls.
“All the region feels the favourable influence of the agricultural
school of Naaldwijk, which is situated almost in the centre of the
Westland.”

S.—PRICES OBTAINED IN LONDON FOR DESSERT

GRAPES CULTIVATED UNDER GLASS.
The Fruit and Market-Gardener gives every week the prices
realised by horticultural and intensive gardening produce, as well as
by flowers, at the great market of Covent Garden. The prices
obtained for dessert grapes—Colmar and Hamburg—are very
instructive. I took two years—1907-1908—which differ from ordinary
years by the winters having been foggy, which made the garden
produce to be somewhat late.
 In the first days of January the Colmar grapes arriving from the
Belgian hothouses were still sold at relatively low prices—from 6d. to
10d. the pound. But the prices slowly rose in January and February;
the Hamburg grapes were late that year, and therefore in the middle
of March and later on in April the Colmars fetched from 1s. 6d. to 2s.
6d.
The English grapes, coming from Worthing and so on, are
certainly preferred to those that come from Belgium or the Channel
Islands. By the end of April, 1907, and at the beginning of May, they
were even sold at 2s. and 4s. the pound. The best and largest
grapes for the dinners are evidently fetching fancy prices.
But at last the Hamburg grapes, which were late in 1907 and
1908, began to arrive from Belgium, the Channel Islands, and
England, and the prices suddenly fell. By the end of May the Belgian
Hamburgs fetched only from 10d. to 1s. 4d. the pound, and the
prices were still falling. In June and July the gardeners could only
get from 5d. to 7d., and during the months of September, October,
and November, 1908, the best Guernsey grapes were quoted at 6d.
the pound. Very beautiful ones fetched only 4d. the pound.
It was only in the first days of November that the prices went up
to 10d. and 1s. 1d. But already, in the second half of December, the
new crop of Colmars began to pour in from Belgium, and the prices
fell to 9d., and even to 6d. per pound about Christmas.
We thus see that, notwithstanding a great demand for the best
hothouse grapes, with big grains and quite fresh cut, these grapes
are sold in the autumn almost at the same prices as grapes grown
under the beautiful sun of the south.
As to the quantities of grapes imported to this country, the figures
are also most instructive. The average for the three years 1905-1907
was 81,700,000 lbs., representing a value of £2,224,500.

T.—THE USE OF ELECTRICITY IN AGRICULTURE.

 In the first editions of this book I did not venture to speak about
the improvements that could be obtained in agriculture with the aid
of electricity, or by watering the soil with cultures of certain useful
microbes. I preferred to mention only well-established facts of
intensive culture; but now it would be impossible not to mention
what has been done in these two directions.
More than thirty years ago I mentioned in Nature the increase of
the crops obtained by a Russian landlord who used to place at a
certain height above his experimental field telegraph wires, through
which an electric current was passed. A few years ago, in 1908, Sir
Oliver Lodge gave in the Daily Chronicle of July 15 the results of
similar experiments made in a farm near Evesham by Messrs.
Newman and Bomford, with the aid of Sir Oliver Lodge’s son, Mr.
Lionel Lodge.
A series of thin wires was placed above an experimental field at
distances of ten yards from each other. These wires were attached
to telegraph poles, high enough not to stand in the way of the carts
loaded with corn. Another field was cultivated by the side of the
former, in order to ascertain what would be the crops obtained
without the aid of electricity.
The poles, five yards high, were placed far away from each other,
so that the wires were quite loose. Owing to the high tension of the
currents that had to be passed through the wires, the insulators on
the poles were very powerful. The currents were positive and of a
high potential—about 100,000 volts. The escape of electricity under
these conditions was so great that it could be seen in the dark. One
could also feel it on the hair and the face while passing under the
wires.
Nevertheless, the expenditure of electric force was small, Sir
Oliver Lodge writes; because, if the potential was high, the quantity
of consumed energy was, notwithstanding that, very small. It is
known, indeed, that this is also the case with the discharges of
atmospheric electricity, which are terrible in consequence of their
high tension, but do not represent a great loss of energy. An oil
motor of two horse-power was therefore quite sufficient.
The results were very satisfactory. The wheat crop in the
electrified field was, in the years 1906-1907, by 29 to 40 per cent.
greater, and also of better quality, than in the non-electrified field.
The straw was also from four to eight inches longer.
For strawberries the increase of the crop was 35 per cent., and 25
per cent. for beetroot.
As to the inoculation of useful microbes by means of watering the
soil with cultures of nitrifying bacteria, experiments on a great scale
have been made in Prussia upon some peat-bogs. The German
agricultural papers speak of these experiments as having given most
satisfactory results.
Most interesting results have also been obtained in Germany by
heating the soil with a mixture of air and hot steam passed along the
ordinary draining tubes. A society has been formed to propagate this
system, and the photographs of the results published by the Society
in a pamphlet, Gartenkultur, Bodenheizung, Klimaverbesserung
(Berlin, 1906), seem to prove that with a soil thus heated the growth
of certain vegetables is accelerated to some extent.

U.—PETTY TRADES IN THE LYONS REGION.

The neighbourhoods of St. Etienne are a great centre for all sorts
of industries, and among them the petty trades occupy still an
important place. Ironworks and coal-mines with their smoking
chimneys, noisy factories, roads blackened with coal, and a poor
vegetation give the country the well-known aspects of a “Black
Country.” In certain towns, such as St. Chamond, one finds numbers
of big factories in which thousands of women are employed in the
fabrication of passementerie. But side by side with the great industry
the petty trades also maintain a high development. Thus we have
first the fabrication of silk ribbons, in which no less than 50,000 men
and women were employed in the year 1885. Only 3,000 or 4,000
looms were located then in the factories; while the remainder—that
is, from 1,200 to 1,400 looms—belonged to the workers themselves,
both at St. Etienne and in the surrounding country.[205] As a rule the
women and the girls spin the silk or make the winding off, while the
father with his sons weave the ribbons. I saw these small workshops
in the suburbs of St. Etienne, where complicated ribbons (with
interwoven addresses of the manufacture), as well as ribbons of
high artistic finish, were woven in three to four looms, while in the
next room the wife prepared the dinner and attended to household
work.
There was a time when the wages were high in the ribbon trade
(reaching over ten francs a day), and M. Euvert wrote me that half
of the suburban houses of St. Etienne had been built by the
passementiers themselves. But the affairs took a very gloomy aspect
when a crisis broke out in 1884. No orders were forthcoming, and
the ribbon weavers had to live on casual earnings. All their
economies were soon spent. “How many,” M. Euvert wrote, “have
been compelled to sell for a few hundred francs the loom for which
they had paid as many thousand francs.” What an effect this crisis
has had on the trade I could not say, as I have no recent information
about this region. Very probably a great number of the ribbon
weavers have emigrated to St. Etienne, where artistic weaving is
continued, while the cheapest sorts of ribbon must be made in
factories.
The manufacture of arms occupies from 5,000 to 6,000 workers,
half of whom are in St. Etienne, and the remainder in the
neighbouring county. All work is done in small workshops, save in
the great arm factory of the State, which sometimes will employ
from 10,000 to 15,000 persons, and sometimes only a couple of
thousand men.
Another important trade in the same region is the manufacture of
hardware, which is all made in small workshops, in the
neighbourhoods of St. Etienne, Le Chambon, Firminy, Rive de Giers,
and St. Bonnet le Château. The work is pretty regular, but the
earnings are low as a rule. And yet the peasants continue to keep to
those trades, as they cannot go on without some industrial
occupation during part of the year.
The yearly production of silk stuffs in France attained no less than
7,558,000 kilogrammes in 1881;[206] and most of the 5,000,000 to
6,000,000 kilogrammes of raw silk which were manufactured in the
Lyons region were manufactured by hand.[207] Twenty years before
—that is, about 1865—there were only from 6,000 to 8,000 power-
looms, and when we take into account both the prosperous period of
the Lyons silk industry about 1876, and the crisis which it underwent
in 1880-1886, we cannot but wonder about the slowness of the
transformation of the industry. Such is also the opinion of the
President of the Lyons Chamber of Commerce, who wrote me that
the domain of the power-loom is increased every year, “by including
new kinds of stuffs, which formerly were reputed as unfeasible in the
power-looms; but,” he added, “the transformation of small
workshops into factories still goes on so slowly that the total number
of power-looms reaches only from 20,000 to 25,000 out of an
aggregate of from 100,000 to 110,000.” (Since that time it certainly
must have considerably increased.)
The leading features of the Lyons silk industry are the following:—
The preparatory work—winding off, warping and so on—is mostly
made in small workshops, chiefly at Lyons, with only a few
workshops of the kind in the villages. Dyeing and finishing are also
made—of course, in great factories—and it is especially in dyeing,
which occupies 4,000 to 5,000 hands, that the Lyons manufacturers
have attained their highest repute. Not only silks are dyed there, but
also cottons and wools, and not only for France, but also to some
extent for London, Manchester, Vienna, and even Moscow. It is also
in this branch that the best machines have to be mentioned.[208]
As to the weaving, it is made, as we just saw, on from 20,000 to
25,000 power-looms and from 75,000 to 90,000 hand-looms, which
partly are at Lyons (from 15,000 to 18,000 hand-looms in 1885) and
chiefly in the villages. The workshops, where one might formerly find
several compagnons employed by one master, have a tendency to
disappear, the workshops mostly having now but from two to three
hand-looms, on which the father, the mother, and the children are
working together. In each house, in each storey of the Croix Rousse,
you find until now such small workshops. The fabricant gives the
general indications as to the kind of stuff he desires to be woven,
and his draughtsmen design the pattern, but it is the workman
himself who must find the way to weave in threads of all colours the
patterns sketched on paper. He thus continually creates something
new; and many improvements and discoveries have been made by
workers whose very names remain unknown.[209]
The Lyons weavers have retained until now the character of being
the élite of their trade in higher artistic work in silk stuffs. The finest,
really artistic brocades, satins and velvets, are woven in the smallest
workshops, where one or two looms only are kept. Unhappily the
unsettled character of the demand for such a high style of work is
often a cause of misery amongst them. In former times, when the
orders for higher sorts of silks became scarce, the Lyons weavers
resorted to the manufacture of stuffs of lower qualities: foulards,
crêpes, tulles, of which Lyons had the monopoly in Europe. But now
the commoner kinds of goods are manufactured by the million, on
the one side by the factories of Lyons, Saxony, Russia, and Great
Britain, and on the other side by peasants in the neighbouring
departments of France, as well as in the Swiss villages of the
cantons of Basel and Zurich, and in the villages of the Rhine
provinces, Italy, and Russia.
The emigration of the French silk industry from the towns to the
villages began long ago—that is, about 1817—but it was especially
in the ’sixties that this movement took a great development. About
the year 1872 nearly 90,000 hand-looms were scattered, not only in
the Rhône department, but also in those of Ain, Isère, Loire, Saône-
et-Loire, and even those of Drôme, Ardèche, and Savoie. Sometimes
the looms were supplied by the merchants, but most of them were
bought by the weavers themselves, and it was especially women and
girls who worked on them at the hours free from agriculture. But
already since 1835 the emigration of the silk industry from the city
to the villages began in the shape of great factories erected in the
villages, and such factories continue to spread in the country,
making terrible havoc amidst the rural populations.
When a new factory is built in a village it attracts at once the girls,
and partly also the boys of the neighbouring peasantry. The girls and
boys are always happy to find an independent livelihood which
emancipates them from the control of the family. Consequently, the
wages of the factory girls are extremely low. At the same time the
distance from the village to the factory being mostly great, the girls
cannot return home every day, the less so as the hours of labour are
usually long. So they stay all the week at the factory, in barracks,
and they only return home on Saturday evening; while at sunrise on
Monday a waggon makes the tour of the villages, and brings them
back to the factory. Barrack life—not to mention its moral
consequences—soon renders the girls quite unable to work in the
fields. And, when they are grown up, they discover that they cannot
maintain themselves at the low wages offered by the factory; but
they can no more return to peasant life. It is easy to see what havoc
the factory is thus doing in the villages, and how unsettled is its very
existence, based upon the very low wages offered to country girls. It
destroys the peasant home, it renders the life of the town worker
still more precarious on account of the competition it makes to him;
and the trade itself is in a perpetual state of unsettledness.
Some information about the present state of the small industries
in this region will be found in the text; but, unfortunately, we have
no modern description of the industrial life of the Lyons region,
which we might compare with the above.

V.—SMALL INDUSTRIES AT PARIS.

 It would be impossible to enumerate here all the varieties of small
industries which are carried on at Paris; nor would such an
enumeration be complete, because every year new industries are
brought into life. I therefore will mention only a few of the most
important industries.
A great number of them are connected, of course, with ladies’
dress. The confections—that is, the making of various parts of ladies’
dress—occupy no less than 22,000 operatives at Paris, and their
production attains £3,000,000 every year, while gowns give
occupation to 15,000 women, whose annual production is valued at
£2,400,000. Linen, shoes, gloves, and so on, are as many important
branches of the petty trades and the Paris domestic industries, while
one-fourth part of the stays which are sewn in France (£500,000 out
of £2,000,000) are made in Paris.
Engraving, book-binding, and all kinds of fancy stationery, as well
as the manufacture of musical and mathematical instruments, are
again as many branches in which the Paris workmen excel. Basket-
making is another very important item, the finest sorts only being
made in Paris, while the plainest sorts are made in the centres
mentioned in the text (Haute Marne, Aisne, etc.). Brushes are also
made in small workshops, the trade being valued at £800,000 both
at Paris and in the neighbouring department of Oise.
For furniture, there are at Paris as many as 4,340 workshops, in
which three or four operatives per workshop are employed on the
average. In the watch trade we find 2,000 workshops with only
6,000 operatives, and their production, about £1,000,000, reaches
nevertheless nearly one-third part of the total watch production in
France. The maroquinerie gives the very high figure of £500,000,
although it employs only 1,000 persons, scattered in 280 workshops,
this high figure itself testifying to the high artistic value of the Paris
leather fancy goods. The jewelry, both for articles of luxury, and for
all descriptions of cheap goods, is again one of the specialities of the
Paris petty trades; and another well-known speciality is the
fabrication of artificial flowers. Finally, we must mention the carriage
and saddlery trades, which are carried on in the small towns round
Paris; the making of fine straw hats; glass cutting, and painting on
glass and china; and numerous workshops for fancy buttons, attire
in mother-of-pearl, and small goods in horn and bone.

W.—RESULTS OF THE CENSUS OF THE FRENCH

INDUSTRIES IN 1896.
If we consult the results of the census of 1896, that were
published in 1901, in the fourth volume of Résultats statistiques du
recensement des industries et des professions, preceded by an
excellent summary written by M. Lucien March, we find that the
general impression about the importance of the small industries in
France conveyed in the text is fully confirmed by the numerical data
of the census.
It is only since 1896, M. March says in a paper read before the
Statistical Society of Paris, that a detailed classification of the
workshops and factories according to the number of their operatives
became possible;[210] and he gives us in this paper, in a series of
very elaborate tables, a most instructive picture of the present state
of industry in France.
For the industries proper—including the industries carried on by
the State and the Municipalities, but excluding the transport trades—
the results of the census can be summed up as follows:—
There is, first of all, an important division of “heads of
establishments (patrons) working alone, independent artisans, and
working-men without a permanent employment,” which contains
1,530,000 persons. It has a very mixed character, as we find here, in
agriculture, the small farmer, who works for himself; and the
labourer, who works by the day for occasional farmers; and in
industry the head of a small workshop, who works for himself
(patron-ouvrier); the working-man, who on the day of the census
had no regular employment; the dressmaker, who works sometimes
in her own room and sometimes in a shop; and so on. It is only in
an indirect way that M. March finds out that this division contains, in
its industrial part, nearly 483,000 artisans (patrons-ouvriers); and
independent working-men and women; and about 1,047,000
persons of both sexes, temporarily attached to some industrial
establishment.
There are, next, 37,705 industrial establishments, of which the
heads employ no hired workmen, but are aided by one or more
members of their own families.
We have thus, at least, 520,000 workshops belonging to the very
small industry.
Next to them come 575,530 workshops and factories, giving
occupation to more than 3,000,000 persons. They constitute the
bulk of French industry, and their subdivision into small, middle-
sized, and great industry is what interests us at this moment.
The most striking point is the immense number of establishments
having only from one to ten working-men each. No less than
539,449 such workshops and factories have been tabulated, which
makes 94 per cent. of all the industrial establishments in France; and
we find in them more than one-third of all workpeople of both sexes
engaged in industry—namely, 1,134,700 persons.
Next comes the class, still very numerous (28,626 establishments
and 585,000 operatives), where we find only from eleven to fifty
workmen per establishment. Nearly two-thirds of these small
factories (17,342 establishments, 240,000 workmen) are so small
that they give occupation to less than twenty persons each. They
thus belong still to the small industry.
After that comes a sudden fall in the figures. There are only 3,865
factories having from fifty-one to 100 employees. This class and the
preceding one contain among them 5½ per cent. of all the industrial
establishments, and 27½ per cent. of their employees.
The class of factories employing from 101 to 500 workmen
contains 3,145 establishments (616,000 workmen and other
employees). But that of from 501 to 1,000 employees per factory
has only 295 establishments, and a total of only 195,000 operatives.
Taken together, these two classes contain less than 1 per cent. of all
the establishments (six per 1,000), and 26 per cent. of all the
workmen.
Finally, the number of factories and works having more than a
thousand workmen and employees each is very small. It is only 149.
Out of them, 108 have from 1,001 to 2,000 workmen, twenty-one
have from 2,001 to 5,000, and ten only have more than 5,000
workmen. These 149 very big factories and works give occupation to
313,000 persons only, out of more than 3,000,000—that is, only 10
per cent. of all the industrial workers.
It thus appears that more than 99 per cent. of all the industrial
establishments in France—that is, 571,940 out of 575,529—have less
than 100 workmen each. They give occupation to 2,000,000
persons, and represent an army of 571,940 employers. More than
that. The immense majority of that number (568,075 employers)
belong to the category of those who employ less than fifty workmen
each. And I do not yet count in their number 520,000 employers and
artisans who work for themselves, or with the aid of a member of
the family.
It is evident that in France, as everywhere, the petty trades
represent a very important factor of the industrial life. Economists
have been too hasty in celebrating their death. And this conclusion
becomes still more apparent when one analyses the different
industries separately, taking advantage of the tables given in
Résultats Statistiques. A very important fact appears from this
analysis—namely, that there are only three branches of industry in
which one can speak of a strong “concentration”—the mines,
metallurgy, and the State’s industries, to which one may add the
textiles and ironmongery, but always remembering that in these two
branches immense numbers of small factories continue to prosper by
the side of the great ones.
 In all other branches the small trades are dominant, to such an
extent that more than 95 per cent. of the employers employ less
than fifty workmen each. In the quarries, in all branches of the
alimentation, in the book trade, clothing, leather, wood, metallic
goods, and even the brick-works, china and glass works, we hardly
find one or two factories out of each hundred employing more than
fifty workmen.
The three industries that make an exception to this rule are, we
have said, metallurgy, the great works of the State, and the mines.
In metallurgy two-thirds of the works have more than fifty men
each, and it is here that we find some twenty great works employing
each of them more than one thousand men. The works of the State,
which include the great shipbuilding yards, are evidently in the same
case. They contain thirty-four establishments, having more than 500
men each, and fourteen employing more than 1,000. And finally, in
the mines—one hardly would believe that—more than one-half of all
establishments employ less than fifty workmen each; but 15 per
cent. of them have more than 500 workmen; forty-one mines are
worked by a staff of more than 1,000 persons each, and six out of
them employ even more than 5,000 miners.
It is only in these three branches that one finds a rather strong
“concentration”; and yet, the small industry continues to exist, as we
saw it already in England, by the side of the great one, even in
mining, and still more so in all branches of metallurgy.
As to the textile industries, they have exactly the same character
as in England. We find here a certain number of very large
establishments (forty establishments having each of them more than
1,000 workpeople), and especially we see a great development of
the middle-sized factories (1,300 mills having from 100 to 500
workpeople). But on the other side, the small industry is also very
numerous.[211]
Quite the same is also seen in the manufacture of all metallic
goods (iron, steel, brass). Here, also, by the side of a few great
works (seventeen works occupy each of them more than 1,000
workpeople and salaried employees; out of them five employ more
than 2,000 persons, and one more than 5,000); and by the side of a
great number of middle-sized works (440 establishments employing
from 100 to 500 persons), we find more than 100,000 artisans who
work single-handed, or with the aid of their families; and 72,600
works which have only from three to four workpeople.
In the india-rubber works, and those for the manufacture of
paper, the middle-sized factories are still well represented (13 per
cent. of all the establishments have more than fifty workmen each);
but the remainder belongs to the small industry. It is the same in the
chemical works. There is in this branch some ten factories employing
more than 500 persons, and 100 which employ from 101 to 500
people; but the remainder is 1,000 of small works employing from
ten to fifty people, and 3,800 of the very small works (less than ten
workers).
In all other branches it is the small or the very small industry
which dominates. Thus, in the manufacture of articles of food, there
are only eight factories employing more than 500 people each, and
92,000 small establishments having less than ten workpeople each.
In the printing industry the immense majority of establishments are
very small, and employ from five to ten, or from ten to fifty
workpeople.
As to the manufacture of clothing, it entirely belongs to the small
industry. Only five factories employ more than 200 each; but the
remainder represents 630,000 independent artisans, men and
women; 9,500 workshops where the work is done by the family; and
132,000 workshops and factories occupying less than ten
workpeople each.[212]
The different branches dealing with straw, feathers, hair, leather,
gloves, again, belong to the small and the very small industry:
125,000 artisans and 43,000 small establishments employing from
three to four persons each.
 Shall I speak of the factories dealing with wood, furniture,
brushes, and so on? True, there are in these branches two large
factories employing nearly 2,000 persons; but there are also 214,260
independent artisans and 105,400 small factories and workshops
employing less than ten persons each.
Needless to say that jewelry, the cutting of precious stones, and
stone-cutting for masonry belong entirely to the small industry, no
more than ten to twenty works employing more than 100 persons
each. Only in ceramics and in brick-making do we find by the side of
the very small works (8,930 establishments), and the small ones
(1,277 establishments employing from ten to fifty workpeople), 334
middle-sized works (fifty to 200 workpeople), ninety-three of the
great industry (201 to 1,000), and seven of the very great (more
than 1,000 workpeople).[213]

X.—THE SMALL INDUSTRIES IN GERMANY.

The literature of the small industries in Germany being very bulky,
the chief works upon this subject may be found, either in full or
reviewed, in Schmoller’s Jahrbücher, and in Conrad’s Sammlung
national-ökonomischer und statistischer Abhandlungen. For a
general review of the subject and rich bibliographical indications,
Schönberg’s Volkwirthschaftslehre, vol. ii., which contains excellent
remarks about the proper domain of small industries (p. 401 seq.),
as well as the above-mentioned publication of K. Bücher
(Untersuchungen über die Lage des Handwerks in Deutschland), will
be found most valuable. The work of O. Schwarz, Die
Betriebsformen der modernen Grossindustrie (in Zeitschrift für
Staatswissenschaft, vol. xxv., p. 535), is interesting by its analysis of
the respective advantages of both the great and the small industries,
which brings the author to formulate the following three factors in
favour of the former: (1) economy in the cost of motive power; (2)
division of labour and its harmonic organisation; and (3) the
advantages offered for the sale of the produce. Of these three
factors, the first is more and more eliminated every year by the
progress achieved in the transmission of power; the second exists in
small industries as well, and to the same extent, as in the great ones
(watchmakers, toy-makers, and so on); so that only the third
remains in full force; but this factor, as already mentioned in the text
of this book, is a social factor which entirely depends upon the
degree of development of the spirit of association amongst the
producers.
A detailed industrial census having been taken in 1907, in addition
to those of 1882 and 1895, most important and quite reliable data
showing the importance and the resistance of the small industries
were brought to light, and a series of most interesting monographs
dealing with this subject have been published. Let me name,
therefore, some of those which could be consulted with profit: Dr. Fr.
Zahn, Wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, unter besonderer
Berücksichtigung der Volkszählung, 1905, sowie der Berufs und
Betriebszählung, 1907; Sonderabdruck aus der Annalen des
Deutschen Reichs, München, 1910 and 1911; Dr. Josef Grunzel,
System der Industriepolitik, Leipzig, 1905; and Der Sieg des
Industrialismus, Leipzig, 1911; W. Sombart, “Verlagssystem
(Hausindustrie)”, in Conrad, Handwörterbuch der
Staatswissenschaften, 3te Auflage, Bd. VIII.; R. van der Borght,
Beruf, Gesellschaftliche Gliederung und Betrieb im Deutschen Reiche,
in Vorträge der Gehe-Stiftung, Bd. II., 1910; and Heinrich Koch, Die
Deutsche Hausindustrie, M. Gladbach, 1905. Many other works will
be found mentioned by these authors.
In all these books the reader will find a further confirmation of the
ideas about the small industries that are expressed in chapters vi.
and vii. When I developed them in the first edition of this book, it
was objected to me that, although the existence of a great number
of small industries is out of question, and although their great
extension in a country so far advanced in its industrial development
as England was not known to economists, still the fact proves
nothing. These industries are a mere survival; and if we had data
about the different classes of industry at different periods, we should
see how rapidly the small industries are disappearing.
Now we have such data for Germany, for a period of twenty-five
years, in the three censuses of 1882, 1895, and 1907, and, what is
still more valuable, these twenty-five years belong to a moment in
the life of Germany when a powerful industry has developed on an
immense scale with a great rapidity. Here it is that the dying out of
the small industries, their “absorption” by the great concerns, and
the supposed “concentration of capital” ought to be seen in full.
But the numerical results, as they appear from the three censuses,
and as they have been interpreted by those who have studied them,
are pointing out to quite the reverse. The position of the small
industries in the life of an industrial country is exactly the same
which could have been foreseen twenty-five years ago, and very
often it is described in the very same words that I have used.
The German Statistisches Jahrbuch gives us the distribution of
workmen in the different industries of the German Empire in 1882
and 1895. Leaving aside all the concerns which belong to trade and
those for the sale of alcoholic drinks (955,680 establishments,
2,165,638 workpeople), as also 42,321 establishments belonging to
horticulture, fishing, and poultry (103,128 workpeople in 1895),
there were, in all the industries, including mining, 1,237,000 artisans
working single-handed, and over 900,000 establishments in which
6,730,500 persons were employed. Their distribution in
establishments of different sizes was as follows:—
1895. Establishments. Employees. Average per
establishment.
Artisans working single-handed 1,237,000 1,237,000[214] —
From 1 to 5 employees 752,572 1,954,125 2·6
” 6 to 50 ” 139,459 1,902,049 13
Over 50 ” 17,941 2,907,329 162
———— ———— ——
Total 909,972 6,763,503 7·5
(With the artisans) (2,146,972) (8,000,503) (4)
 Twelve years later the industries, as they appeared in the next
census, made in 1907, were distributed as follows:—
1907. Establishments. Employees. Average per
establishment.
Artisans working single-handed 994,743 994,743[215] —
From 1 to 5 employees 875,518 2,205,539 2·5
” 6 to 10 ” 96,849 717,282 7
” 11 to 50 ” 90,225 1,996,906 22
” 51 to 100 ” 15,783 1,103,949 70
” 101 to 500 ” 11,827 2,295,401 194
Over 500 ” 1,423 1,538,577 1,081
———— ———— ——
Total 1,091,625 9,858,120 9
(With the artisans) (2,086,368) (10,852,863) (5)
For the sake of comparison, I give also (in round figures) the
numbers of establishments obtained by the three censuses:—
1882. 1895. 1907.
Artisans working single-handed 1,430,000 1,237,000 995,000
From 1 to 5 employees 746,000 753,000 875,000
” 6 to 50 ” 85,000 139,000 187,000
Over 50 ” 9,000 18,000 30,000
———— ———— ————
Total 830,000 910,000 1,092,000
(With the artisans) (2,270,000) (2,147,000) (2,086,000)
What appears quite distinctly from the last census is the rapid
decrease in the numbers of artisans who work single-handed, mostly
without the aid of machinery. Such an individual mode of production
by hand is naturally on the decrease, even many artisans resorting
now to some sort of motive power and taking one or two hired aids;
but this does not prove in the least that the small industries carried
on with the aid of machinery should be on the wane. The census of
1907 proves quite the contrary, and all those who have studied it are
bound to recognise it.
“Of a pronounced decay of the small establishments in which five
or less persons are employed, is, of course, no sign,” writes Dr. Zahn
in the afore-mentioned work. Out of the 14·3 million people who live
on industry, full 5·4 million belong to the small industry.
Far from decreasing, this category has considerably increased
since 1895 (from 732,572 establishments with 1,954,125 employees
in 1895, to 875,518 establishments and 2,205,539 employees in
1907). Moreover, it is not only the very small industry which is on
the increase; it is also the small one which has increased even more
than the preceding—namely, by 47,615 establishments and 812,139
employees.
As to the very great industry, a closer analysis of what the German
statisticians describe as giant establishments (Riesenbetriebe) shows
that they belong chiefly to industries working for the State, or
created in consequence of State-granted monopolies. Thus, for
instance, the Krupp Shareholders Company employ 69,500 persons
in their nine different establishments, and everyone knows that the
works of Krupp are in reality a dependency of the State.
The opinions of the above-named German authors about the facts
revealed by the industrial censuses are very interesting.
In speaking of the small industries in Germany, W. Sombart writes
in the article, “Verlagssystem (Hausindustrie),” in Conrad’s
Handwörterbuch: “It results from the census of 1907 that the losses
in the small industries are almost exclusively limited to those home
industries which are usually described as the old ones; while the
increases belong to the home industries of modern origin.” The
statistical data thus confirm that “at the present time a sort of
rejuvenation is going on in the home industries; instead of those of
them which are dying out, new ones, almost equal in numbers, are
growing up” (p. 242). Prof. Sombart points out that the same is
going on in Switzerland, and refers to some new works on this
subject.[216]
Dr. J. Grunzel comes to a similar conclusion: “Life experience
shows that the home industries are not a form of industrial
organisation which has had its time,” he writes in his afore-
mentioned work. “On the contrary, it proves to be possessed of a
great life force in certain branches. It is spread in all branches in
which handwork offers advantages above the work of the machine”
(p. 46). It is also retained wherever the value of labour exceeds very
much the value of the raw produce; and finally, in all the branches
devoted to articles which are rapidly changing with the seasons or
the vagaries of fashion. And he shows (pp. 46 and 149) how the
home industries have been increasing in Germany from 1882 to
1895, and how they are widely spread in Austria, France,
Switzerland, Italy, Belgium, and England.
The conclusions of R. van der Borght are quite similar.
“It is true,” Dr. van der Borght says, “that the numbers of artisans
working single-handed have diminished in numbers in most
industries; but they still represent two-fifths of all industrial
establishments, and even more than one-half in several industries.
At the same time, the small establishments (having from one to five
workers) have increased in numbers, and they contain nearly one-
half of all the industrial establishments, and even more than that in
several groups.”
As for Koch’s work, Die Deutsche Hausindustrie, it deserves special
mention for the discussion it contains of the measures advocated, on
the one side, for the weeding out of the domestic industries, and, on
the other side, for improving the condition of the workers and the
industries themselves by the means of co-operation, credit,
workshops’ inspection, and the like.

Y.—THE DOMESTIC INDUSTRIES IN

SWITZERLAND.
We have most interesting monographs dealing with separate
branches of the small industries of Switzerland, but we have not yet
such comprehensive statistical data as those which have been
mentioned in the text in speaking of Germany and France. It was
only in the year 1901 that the first attempt was made to get the
exact numbers of workpeople employed in what the Swiss
statisticians describe as Hausindustrie, or “the domestic industries’
extension of the factory industries” (der hausindustrielle Anhang der
Fabrikindustrie). Up till then these numbers remained “an absolutely
unknown quantity.” For many it was, therefore, a revelation when a
first rough estimate, made by the factory inspectors, gave the figure
of 52,291 workpeople belonging to this category, as against 243,200
persons employed in all the factories, large and small, of the same
branches. A few years later, Schuler, in Zeitung für Schweizerische
Statistik, 1904 (reprinted since as a volume), came to the figure of
131,299 persons employed in the domestic industries; and yet this
figure, although it is much nearer to reality than the former, is still
below the real numbers. Finally, an official census of the industries,
made in 1905, gave the figure of 92,162 persons employed in the
domestic industries in 70,873 establishments, in the following
branches—textiles, watches and jewellery, straw-plaiting, clothing
and dress, wood-carving, tobacco. They thus represent more than
one-fourth (28·5 per cent.) of the 317,027 operatives employed in
Switzerland in these same branches, and 15·7 per cent. of all the
industrial operatives, who numbered 585,574 in 1905.
Out of the just-mentioned 92,162 workpeople, registered as
belonging to the domestic trades, nearly three-quarters (66,061 in
49,168 establishments) belong to the textile industry, chiefly knitting
and the silks; then comes the watch-trade (12,871 persons in 9,186
establishments), straw-plaiting, and dress. However, these figures
are still incomplete. Not only several smaller branches of the
domestic trades were omitted in the census, but also the children
under fourteen years of age employed in the domestic trades, whose
numbers are estimated at 32,300, were not counted. Besides, the
census having been made in the summer, during the “strangers’
season,” a considerable number of persons employed in a variety of
domestic trades during the winter did not appear in the census.
It must also be noted that the Swiss census includes under the
name of Heimarbeit (domestic trades) only those “dependencies of
the industrial employers” which do not represent separate factories
placed under the employer’s management; so that those workshops
and small factories, the produce of which is sold directly to the
consumers, as also the small factories directly managed by small
employers, are not included in this category. If all that be taken into
consideration, we must agree with the conclusion that the “domestic
trades have in Switzerland a much greater extension than in any
other country of Europe” (save Russia), which we find in an
elaborate recent work, published in connection with the 1910
exhibition of Swiss domestic industries, and edited by Herr Jac.
Lorenz (Die wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Verhältnisse in der
Schweizerischen Heimarbeit, Zurich, 1910-1911, p. 27).
A feature of importance which appears from this last work is, that
more than one-half of the workers engaged in domestic trades have
some other source of income besides these trades. Very many of
them carry on agriculture, so that it has been said that in
Switzerland “the domestic trades’ question is as much a peasant
question as a labour question.”
It would be impossible to sum up in this place the interesting data
contained in the first four fascicles published by Herr Lorenz, which
deal with the cotton, the silk, and the linen domestic industries, their
struggles against the machine, their defeats in some branches and
their holding the ground in other branches, and so on. I must
therefore refer the reader to this very instructive publication.

THE END.

FOOTNOTES:
[199] “Great Britain’s Capital Investments in Other Lands”
(Journal of the Statistical Society, September 1909, vol. lxxii., pp.
475-495), followed by a most interesting discussion; and “Great
Britain’s Capital Investments in India, Colonial and Foreign
Countries,” same journal, January 1911, vol. lxxiv., pp. 167-200.
[200] T. M. Young, The American Cotton Industry. Introduction by
Elijah Helm, secretary to the Manchester Chamber of Commerce,
London 1902; and T. W. Uttley, Cotton Spinning and
Manufacturing in the United States: A report ... of a tour of the
American cotton manufacturing centres made in 1903 and 1904.
Publications of Manchester University, Economic Series, No. II.,
Manchester, 1905.
[201] Ten Years of Sunshine in the British Isles, 1881-1890.
[202] Dr. M. Fesca, Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Japanesischen
Landwirthschaft, Part ii., p. 33 (Berlin, 1893). The economy in
seeds is also considerable. While in Italy 250 kilogrammes to the
hectare are sown, and 160 kilogrammes in South Carolina, the
Japanese use only sixty kilogrammes for the same area. (Semler,
Tropische Agrikultur, Bd. iii., pp. 20-28.)
[203] Eugène Simon, La cité chinoise (translated into English);
Toubeau, La répartition métrique des impôts, 2 vols., Paris
(Guillaumin), 1880.
[204] The Gardener’s Chronicle, 20th April, 1895, p. 483. The
same, I learn from a German grower near Berlin, takes place in
Germany.
[205] I am indebted for the following information to M. V. Euvert,
President of the Chamber of Commerce of St. Etienne, who sent
me, while I was in the Clairvaux prison, in April, 1885, a most
valuable sketch of the various industries of the region, in reply to
a letter of mine, and I avail myself of the opportunity for
expressing to M. Euvert my best thanks for his courtesy. This
information has now an historical value only. But it is such an
interesting page of the history of the small industries that I retain
it as it was in the first edition, the more so as it is most
interesting to compare it with the pages given in the text to the
present conditions of the same industries.
[206] It had been 5,134,000 kilogrammes in 1872. Journal de la
Société de Statistique de Paris, September, 1883.
[207] I take these figures from a detailed letter which the
President of the Lyons Chamber of Commerce kindly directed to
me in April, 1885, to Clairvaux, in answer to my inquiries about
the subject. I avail myself of this opportunity for addressing to
him my best thanks for his most interesting communication.
[208] La fabrique lyonnaise de soieries. Son passé, son prêsent.
Imprimé par ordre de la Chambre de Commerce de Lyon, 1873.
(Published in connection with the Vienna Exhibition.)
[209] Marius Morand, L’organisation ouvrière de la fabrique
lyonnaise; paper read before the Association Française pour
l’avancement des Sciences, in 1873.
[210] Journal de la Société de Statistique de Paris, June 1901, pp.
189-192, and “Résultats Généraux,” in vol. iv. of the above-
mentioned publication.
[211] Here is how they are distributed: Workmen working single-
handed, 124,544; with their families, but without paid workmen,
8,000; less than 10 workmen, 34,433 factories; from 10 to 100
workpeople, 4,665 factories; from 101 to 200 workpeople, 746
factories; from 201 to 500 workpeople, 554; from 501 to 1,000,
123; from 1,001 to 2,000, 38; more than 2,000, 2 factories.
[212] In an excellent monograph dealing with this branch (Le
développement de la fabrique et le travail à domicile dans les
industries de l’habillement, by Professor Albert Aftalion, Paris,
1906), the author gives most valuable data as to the proper
domains of domestic work and the factory, and shows how, why,
and in which domains domestic work successfully competes with
the factory.
[213] The industrial establishments having more than 1,000
employees each are distributed as follows: Mining, 41; textiles, 40
(123 have from 500 to 1,000); industries of the State and the
Communes, 14; metallurgy, 17; working of metals—iron, steel,
brass—17; quarries, 2; alimentation, 3; chemical industries, 2;
india-rubber, paper, cardboard, 0 (9 have from 500 to 1,000);
books, polygraphy, 0 (22 have from 500 to 1,000); dressing of
stuffs, clothing, 2 (9 from 500 to 1,000); straw, feathers, hair, 0
(1 from 500 to 1,000); leather, skins, 2; wood, cabinet-making,
brushes, etc., 1; fine metals, jewelry, 0; cutting of precious
stones, 0; stone-cutting for buildings, 0; earthworks and building,
1; bricks, ceramics, 7; preparation and distribution of food, 0;
total, 149 out of 575,531 establishments. To these figures we
may add six large establishments in the transports, and five in
different branches of trade. We may note also that, by means of
various calculations, M. March comes to the conclusion that 91