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www.it-ebooks.info
JavaScript Domain-Driven
Design

Speed up your application development by leveraging

the patterns of domain-driven design

Philipp Fehre

BIRMINGHAM - MUMBAI

www.it-ebooks.info
JavaScript Domain-Driven Design

Copyright © 2015 Packt Publishing

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior written
permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embedded in
critical articles or reviews.

Every effort has been made in the preparation of this book to ensure the accuracy
of the information presented. However, the information contained in this book is
sold without warranty, either express or implied. Neither the author, nor Packt
Publishing, and its dealers and distributors will be held liable for any damages
caused or alleged to be caused directly or indirectly by this book.

Packt Publishing has endeavored to provide trademark information about all of the
companies and products mentioned in this book by the appropriate use of capitals.
However, Packt Publishing cannot guarantee the accuracy of this information.

First published: July 2015

Production reference: 1270715

Published by Packt Publishing Ltd.

Livery Place
35 Livery Street
Birmingham B3 2PB, UK.

ISBN 978-1-78439-432-5

www.packtpub.com

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 Credits

Author Project Coordinator

Philipp Fehre Mary Alex

Reviewers Proofreader
Vahagn Grigoryan Safis Editing
Max Kirchoff
Michael Smith Indexer
Tejal Soni

Commissioning Editor
Taron Pereira Graphics
Jason Monteiro

Acquisition Editors
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 About the Author

Philipp Fehre is a software engineer, conference organizer, speaker, and

educator. Having seen many different applications as a consultant, he moved
on to educate developers as an advocate of the NoSQL technology and is now
working as a backend software engineer. He has also been a writer for the
German Linux magazine in the past.

For years, he has been fascinated by the possibilities of JavaScript and followed
Node.js from its beginnings, using it for research projects and production
web services.

I'd like to thank my wife, Steffi, for her continuous support and for
dealing with me spending my nights writing this. I'd also like to thank
the reviewers for doing an awesome job of finding all the places where
I could have done better. I hope I did justice to their efforts.

www.it-ebooks.info
 About the Reviewers

Vahagn Grigoryan is a senior web developer who is currently working

at Learnship Networks. He has more than 10 years of full-stack application
development experience, ranging from LAMP to frontend RESTful applications.
He has worked for companies such as Lycos and Telegate, and is currently working
at Learnship Networks. This is the first book that he has reviewed. He is married
and has a 2-year-old son.

I'm happy to thank my parents for their consistent guidance and

shiny presence on each step of my life.

Max Kirchoff built his first website in 1996 on a little hosting service called
GeoCities. He was not only immediately fascinated by the ability to distribute
information with a graphical interface, but was also frustrated with how difficult
it was to do interesting things with those early web browsers. As time passed and
the technology evolved, Max built more and more websites, eventually working
as a consultant for e-commerce early adopter businesses and then with advertising
agencies, building campaigns that were on the bleeding edge of the Web. Along
the way, he has worked on everything from leading the implementation of service-
oriented architecture to UX prototyping and a thousand things in between. JavaScript
was never his favorite language, but after working with a friend who "loved JS,"
he also came around and saw the strength and flexibility it provided for building
beautiful and powerful web applications.

Max currently works for Google, where he works closely with advertisment platform
partners to inform and enhance their web interfaces for better user experience.

I'd love to thank my grandmother, who was a brilliant and inspiring

rebel who broke all the rules and challenged every thoughtless
barrier anyone put in front of her.

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Michael Smith is a developer and consultant with 15 years of experience. He has
worked in a broad range of industries, including banking, finance, e-commerce,
and oil. He is passionate about delivering high-quality software that actually meets
and exceeds the client's needs. To this end, he is an advocate of putting the business
front and center when developing software and exploring ways to encourage better
communication between all stakeholders in a project.

He is involved in various open source projects, including a line of business

application framework called Bifrost.

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www.it-ebooks.info
 Table of Contents
Preface vii
Chapter 1: A Typical JavaScript Project 1
The core idea of domain-driven design 2
Managing an orc dungeon 3
Inside the dungeon 4
Managing incoming prisoners 5
The current state of the art 6
Digital dungeon management 6
Specification 7
Tracking available cells 8
Starting outgoing transfers 9
Tracking the state of incoming transfers 9
Initiating incoming transfers 10
From greenfield to application 10
The first route and model 11
Creating the model 12
The first route and loading the dungeon 12
Displaying the page 13
Gluing the application together via express 14
Moving the application forward 15
Another look at the problem 16
Thinking in an MVC web application 16
Understanding the core problem 17
Communication is key 18
The concepts of domain-driven design 19
It is all about distractions 20
Focus on the problem at hand 21
Further reading 21
Summary 22

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Table of Contents

Chapter 2: Finding the Core Problem 23

Exploring a problem 24
Outlining the problem 25
Tracking knowledge 25
The medium 26
Paper programming 27
So how does such a paper program work? 27
Not so scary UML 28
Involving the experts 31
Finding the gaps 31
Talking business 32
Talking about the actors 33
Identifying the hard problem 34
Mapping the dependencies 35
Drawing with code – spiking 37
Getting started, it's about time 38
Creating value without creating code 38
Deciding on the first feature 39
Summary 39
Chapter 3: Setting Up a Project for Domain-driven Design 41
Structuring a project as we see it 43
Approachability 43
Locality of edits 45
Fitness 46
Dealing with shared functionality 48
A shared toolbox 49
Moving up the dependencies 50
Testing 50
Setting up a test environment 51
Different types of tests and goals 51
Feature specs 52
Unit tests 53
Performance tests 54
Continuous integration 55
Managing the build 56
Why every application needs a build system 56
Running the tests 57
Packaging the application 58
Deploying 58
Choosing the right system 59
Isolating the domain 60
The architecture of modern applications 60
Hexagonal architecture 61

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 Table of Contents

Applying the pattern 62

Plugging in a framework 62
Summary 63
Chapter 4: Modeling the Actors 65
The shoulders of giants 66
The Different approaches to development 68
Introducing mocks 69
Why and why not to mock 71
Who is involved in the prisoner transfer? 72
Different objects and their roles 72
Naming objects according to the domain 73
The traps of common names like *Manager 74
Readability of method names 75
Objects first 76
The basics of objects in JavaScript 77
Inheritance and why you won't need it 78
Modeling patterns beyond inheritance 78
The object composition 79
Polymorphism without inheritance 80
Applying object design to the domain 81
Building a system on simple objects 82
Summary 84
Chapter 5: Classification and Implementation 85
Building a common language 86
The importance of object classification 87
Seeing the bigger picture 88
Value objects 91
The advantages of value objects 92
The referential transparency 94
Objects defined as entities 95
More on entities 97
Managing the application's lifecycle 98
Aggregations 99
Grouping and interfaces 99
Services 101
Associations 102
Insight during implementation 103
Recognizing domain patterns 103
Not everything is an entity 104
Refactoring all the time toward malleable code 105

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Table of Contents

Implementing language guidance 105

Working with and on the business language 106
Building context 108
Separation and shared knowledge 109
Summary 110
Chapter 6: Context Map – The Big Picture 111
Don't fear the monolith 112
Service-oriented architecture and microservices 113
Keeping it all in your head 114
Recognizing the contexts 114
Testing in contexts 116
Integration across boundaries 116
TDD and testing in production 119
The different ways to manage contexts 119
Drawing a context map 120
The monolithic architecture 121
A shared kernel 122
The APIs 124
The customer and the supplier 125
Developing a client 125
The conformist 126
The anticorruption layer 127
Isolating the methodologies 127
Separate ways 128
Unrelated applications 128
An open protocol 129
Sharing knowledge 129
The publishing language 130
Creating the documentation 130
Updating the documentation 132
Tests are not the only documentation 132
Summary 133
Chapter 7: It's Not All Domain-driven Design 135
Matching the domain to the problem 136
Growing into a domain 137
A good domain for domain-driven design 138
The power of object-orientation 138
The object-oriented principles so far 139
The object-oriented modeling of business domains 141
The scenarios of pure object-orientation falling short 143

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 Table of Contents

Influences to keep close 143

Aspect-oriented programming 144
Command-query separation 146
Plain old objects 147
Domain-specific languages 148
Creating DSLs 148
DSLs in domain-driven design 149
Drawing knowledge 150
Functional programming 151
Functional programming and JavaScript 151
Value objects 152
Events 153
Event stores versus entity relational mapping 156
Further reading 157
Summary 157
Chapter 8: Seeing It All Come Together 159
The different kinds of JavaScript project 160
Enhancing the user experience 160
Single-page applications 162
Different frameworks and their implications 163
Rendering on the client side 165
Using JavaScript server side 167
The advantages of a controlled environment 168
Advanced modularization 169
The different kinds of complexity 169
Algorithmic complexity 170
Logical complexity 171
The business rules 171
The domains suitable for domain-driven design 172
Banking applications 172
Travel applications 173
The domain prerequisites 174
Further reading 175
Summary 175
Index 177

[v]

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www.it-ebooks.info
Other documents randomly have
different content
 PERSONAL POLITICS

‘Ay, every inch a king!’

Many persons are surprised at the conduct of Charles X. in pushing

things to extremities: the wonder would have been, if he had not. All
the time of the Restoration under a charter, he was employed in
thinking how to get rid of that charter, to throw off that incubus, to
cancel that juggle, to breathe once more the air of divine right. Till
this were done—no matter by what delays, after what length of time,
by what jesuitical professions, by what false oaths, by what
stratagems, by what unmasked insolence, by what loud menaces, by
what violence, by what blood—the French monarch (whether Charles
or Louis), felt himself ‘cooped, confined, and cabined in, by saucy
doubts and fears;’ but this phantom of a constitution once out of the
way he would be ‘himself again.’ He would then first cry Vive la
Charte! without a pang—with his eyes running over, and his heart
bursting with laughter. If he had a right to be where he was, he had a
right to be what he was, and what he was born to be. This was the
first idea instilled into his mind, the last he would forget. All else was
a compromise with circumstances, a base surrender of an inalienable
claim, a concession extorted under duresse, so much the more
eagerly to be retracted, as an appearance of compliance had been the
longer and more studiously kept up. A throne not founded on
inherent right was a mockery and insult. All power shared with the
people, supposed to be derived from them, for which the possessor
was accountable to them, held during pleasure or good behaviour,
was pollution to his thoughts, odious to him as the leprosy. Be sure of
this, popular right coiled round the sceptre of hereditary kings is like
the viper clinging to our hands, which we shake off with fear and
loathing. There is in despots (born and bred) a natural and
irreconcilable antipathy to the people, and to all obligations to them.
The very name of freedom is a screech-owl in their ears. They have
been brought up with the idea that they were entitled to absolute
power, that there was something in their blood that gave them a right
to it without condition or reserve, or being called to account for the
use or abuse of it; and they reject with scorn and impatience
anything short of this. They will either be absolute or they will be
nothing. The Bourbons for centuries had been regarded as the gods
of the earth, as a superior race of beings, who had a sovereign right to
trample on mankind, and crush them in their wrath or spare them in
their mercy. Would Charles X. derogate from his ancestors, would he
be the degenerate scion of that royal line, to wear a tarnished and
dishonoured crown, to be raised by the shout of a mob, to wait the
assent of a Chamber of Deputies, to owe every thing to the people, to
be a king on liking and on sufferance, a sort of state prisoner in his
own kingdom, shut up and spell-bound in the nickname of a
Constitution? He would as soon consent to go on all-fours. The latter
would not shock his pride and prejudices more: would not be a
greater degradation in his eyes, or a more total inversion of the order
of nature. It is not that the successor to a despotic throne will not,
but he cannot be the king of a free people: the very supposition is in
his mind a contradiction in terms. It is something base and
mechanical, not amounting even to the rank of a private gentleman
who does what he pleases with his estate; and kings consider
mankind as their estate. If a herd of overloaded asses were to turn
against their drivers and demand their liberty and better usage, these
could not be more astonished than the Bourbons were when the
French people turned against them and demanded their rights. Will
these same Bourbons, who have been rocked and cradled in the
notion of arbitrary power, and of their own exclusive privileges as a
separate and sacred race, who have sucked it in with their mothers’
milk, who inherit it in their blood, who have nursed it in exile and in
solitude, and gloated over it once more, since their return, as within
their reach, ever be brought to look Liberty in the face except as a
mortal and implacable foe, or ever give up the hope of removing that
obstacle to all that they have been or still have a fancied right to be?
The last thing that they can be convinced of will be to make them
comprehend that they are men. This is a discovery of the last forty
years, that has been forced upon them in no very agreeable manner;
by the beheading of more than one of their race, the banishment of
the rest, by their long wanderings and unwelcome return to their
own country, from whence they have been driven twice since—but up
to that period they find no such levelling doctrine inscribed either in
the records of history or on their crest and coat of arms or in the
forms of religion or in the ancient laws and institutions of the
kingdom. Which version will they then believe or turn a deaf ear to:
that which represents them as God’s vicegerents upon earth, or that
which holds them up as the enemies of the human race and the scoff
and outcasts of their country? Every, the meanest individual has a
standard of estimation in his own breast, which is that he is of more
importance than all the rest of the world put together; but a king is
the only person with respect to whom all the rest of the world join or
have ever joined in the same conclusion; and be assured that having
encouraged him in this opinion, he will do every thing in his power to
keep them to it till his last gasp. You have sworn to a man that he is a
god: this is indeed the most solemn of compacts. Any attempt to
infringe it, any breath throwing a doubt upon it, is treason, rebellion,
impiety. Would you be so unjust as to retract the boon, he will not be
so unjust to himself as to let you. He would sooner suffer ten deaths
and forfeit twenty kingdoms than patiently submit to the indignity of
having his right called in question. It is said, Charles X. is a good-
natured man: it may be so, and that he would not hurt a fly; but in
that quarrel he would shed the blood of millions of men. If he did not
do so, he would consider himself as dead to honour, a recreant to
fame, and a traitor to the cause of kings. Touch but that string, the
inborn dignity of kings and their title to ‘solely sovereign sway and
masterdom,’ and the milk of human kindness in the best-natured
monarch turns to gall and bitterness. You might as well present a
naked sword to his breast, as be guilty of a word or look that can bear
any other construction than that of implicit homage and obedience.
There is a spark of pride lurking at the bottom of his heart, however
glozed over by smiles and fair speeches, ever ready (with the smallest
opposition to his will) to kindle into a flame, and desolate kingdoms.
Let but the voice of freedom speak, and to resist ‘shall be in him
remorse, what bloody work soever’ be the consequence. Good-
natured kings, like good-natured men, are often merely lovers of
their own ease who give themselves no trouble about other people’s
affairs: but interfere in the slightest point with their convenience,
interest, or self-love, and a tigress is not more furious in defence of
her young. While the Royal Guards were massacring the citizens of
Paris, Charles X. was partridge-shooting at St. Cloud, to show that the
shooting of his subjects and the shooting of game were equally
among the menus plaisirs of royalty. This is what is meant by mild
paternal sway, by the perfection of a good-natured monarch, when
he orders the destruction of as great a number of people as will not
do what he pleases, without any discomposure of dress or features.
Away with such trifling! There is no end of the confusion and
mischief occasioned by the application of this mode of arguing from
personal character and appearances to public measures and
principles. If we are to believe the fashionable cant on this subject, a
man cannot do a dirty action because he wears a clean shirt: he
cannot break an oath to a nation, because he pays a gambling debt;
and because he is delighted with the universal homage that is paid
him, with having every luxury and every pomp at his disposal, he
cannot, under the mask of courtesy and good humour, conceal
designs against a Constitution, or ‘smile and smile and be a tyrant!’
Such is the logic of the Times. This paper, ‘ever strong upon the
stronger side,’ laughs to scorn the very idea entertained by our
‘restless and mercurial neighbours’ (as if the Times had nothing of
the tourniquet principle in its composition) that so amiable, so well-
meaning and prosperous a gentleman as Charles X. should nourish
an old and inveterate grudge against the liberties of his country or
wish to overturn that happy order of things which the Times had so
great a share in establishing. But he no sooner verifies the
predictions of the French journalists and is tumbled from his throne,
than the Times with its jolly, swaggering, thrasonical air falls upon
him and calls him all the vagabonds it can get its tongue to. We do
not see the wit of this, any more than of its assuring us, with
unabated confidence, that there is not the least shadow of foundation
for the apprehensions of those who are perverse enough to think,
that a Ministry that have set up and countenanced the Continental
despotisms, and uniformly shown themselves worse than indifferent
to the blood and groans of thousands of victims in foreign countries
(sacrificed under their guarantee of the deliverance of mankind) may
have an arrière-pensée against the liberties of their own. We grant
the premises of the Times in either case, that the French king was
good-humoured and that the Duke has a vacant face; but these
favourable appearances have not prevented a violent catastrophe in
the one case and may not in the other. Mr. Brougham a short time
ago, in a speech at a public meeting, gave his hearty approbation of
the late Revolution in France, and clenched his argument by asking
what fate an English monarch would merit, and probably meet, who
acted in the same manner as the besotted Charles; who annulled the
liberty of the press, who prevented the meeting of the representatives
of the people, who disfranchised four-fifths of the electors by an
arbitrary decree, and proposed to reign without law, and raise the
taxes without a Parliament? This is not exactly the point at issue. A
more home question would be, what fate a king of England would
deserve, not who did or attempted all this in his own person, but who
fearing to do that, as the next best thing and to show which way his
inclinations tended, aided and abetted with all the might and
resources of a people calling itself free, and tried to force back upon a
neighbouring state, by a long and cruel war and with the ruin of his
own subjects, a king like Charles X., who by every act and
circumstance of his life had shown himself hostile to the welfare and
freedom of his country, and whose conduct, if repeated here, would
justly incur the forfeiture of his own crown? It would be ‘premature,’
in the judgment of some, to give an opinion on this subject till after
the thing has happened, and then it would be neither loyal nor
patriotic to condemn the conduct of our own cabinet; but we hope at
least that the next time the English government undertake to force a
king upon the French people, they will send them a baboon instead
of a Bourbon, as the less insult of the two!—To return to the question
of personal politics. Our last king but one was a good domestic
character; but this had little or nothing to do with the wisdom or folly
of his public measures. He might be faithful to his conjugal vows, but
might put a construction on some clause in his Coronation-oath fatal
to the peace and happiness of a large part of his subjects. He might
be an exceedingly well-meaning, moral man, but might have notions
instilled into him in early youth respecting the prerogatives of the
crown and the relation between the sovereign and the people, that
might not quit him to his latest breath, and might embroil his
subjects and the world in disastrous wars and controversies during
his whole reign. His son succeeded him without the same reputation
for domestic virtue, but adopted all the measures of his father’s
ministers. If the private character and the public conduct were to be
submitted to the same test, this could not have happened. But the
late king was cried up for his elegant accomplishments, and as the
fine gentleman of his family; and this, with equally sound logic,
atoned for the absence of less shewy qualities, and stamped his
public proceedings with the character of a wise and liberal policy. We
are already assured of a fortunate and peaceful reign, because the
present king looks pleased and good-humoured on his accession to
the crown; though the smallest cloud in the political horizon may
scatter the ruddy smiles and overcast the whole prospect. Mr.
Coleridge complains, somewhere, of politicians who pretend to guide
the state, and yet have ruined their own affairs. Would the author of
the Ancient Mariner apply the same rule to other things, and affirm
that no one could be a poet or a philosopher who had not made his
fortune? One would suppose, that all the people of sense and worth
were confessedly on one side of the question in the great disputes in
religion or politics that have agitated and torn the world in pieces,
and all the knaves and fools on the other. This is hardly tenable
ground. Charles IX., of happy memory was we believe a good-
tempered man and a most religious prince: this did not hinder him
from authorising the massacre of St. Bartholomew and shooting at
the Huguenots out of the palace-windows with his own hands. This
was the prejudice of his time: we have still certain prejudices to
contend with in ours, which have nothing to do with the looks,
temper, or private character of those who hold them. We wonder at
the cruelties and atrocities of religious fanatics in former times, and
would not have them repeated: were none of these persecutors
honest, conscientious men? Take any twelve inquisitors: six of them
shall be angels and the other six scoundrels, yet they will all agree in
one unanimous verdict, condemning you or me to the flames for not
believing in the infallibility of the Pope. This is the thing to be
avoided by all means; and not to lose our time in idle discussions
about the amiableness of the characters of these pious exterminators,
nor in admiring the fineness of their countenances, nor the
picturesque effect of the scenery and costume. Charles X., the gay and
gallant Count d’Artois, wears a hair-shirt, is fond of partridge-
shooting, and wanted to put a yoke on the necks of his subjects. The
last is that on which issue was joined. Let him go where he chooses,
with a handsome pension; but let him not be sent back again (as he
was once before) at the expense of millions of lives![65]
 EMANCIPATION OF THE JEWS

‘Player. We have reformed that indifferently, my lord.

Hamlet. Oh! reform it altogether.’

The emancipation of the Jews is but a natural step in the progress

of civilisation. Laws and institutions are positive things: opinions
and sentiments are variable; and it is in conforming the
stubbornness and perversity of the former to the freedom and
boldness of the latter, that the harmony and beauty of the social
order consist. But it is said, ‘The Jews at present have few grievances
to complain of; they are well off, and should be thankful for the
indulgence they receive.’ It is true, we no longer burn them at a
stake, or plunder them of their goods: why then continue to insult
and fix an idle stigma on them? At Rome a few years ago they made
the Jews run races (naked) in the Corso on Good Friday. At present,
they only oblige them to provide asses to run races on the same day
for the amusement of the populace, and to keep up the spirit of the
good old custom, though by altering it they confess that the custom
was wrong, and that they are ashamed of it. They also shut up the
Jews in a particular quarter of the city (called Il Ghetto Judaico), and
at the same time will not suffer the English as heretics to be buried
within the walls of Rome. An Englishman smiles or is scandalised at
both these instances of bigotry; but if he is asked, ‘Why, then, do you
not yourselves emancipate the Catholics and the Jews?’ he may
answer, ‘We have emancipated the one.’ And why not the other?
‘Because we are intolerant.’ This and this alone is the reason.
We throw in the teeth of the Jews that they are prone to certain
sordid vices. If they are vicious it is we who have made them so. Shut
out any class of people from the path to fair fame, and you reduce
them to grovel in the pursuit of riches and the means to live. A man
has long been in dread of insult for no just cause, and you complain
that he grows reserved and suspicious. You treat him with obloquy
and contempt, and wonder that he does not walk by you with an
erect and open brow.
We also object to their trades and modes of life; that is, we shut
people up in close confinement and complain that they do not live in
the open air. The Jews barter and sell commodities, instead of
raising or manufacturing them. But this is the necessary traditional
consequence of their former persecution and pillage by all nations.
They could not set up a trade when they were hunted every moment
from place to place, and while they could count nothing their own
but what they could carry with them. They could not devote
themselves to the pursuit of agriculture, when they were not allowed
to possess a foot of land. You tear people up by the roots and trample
on them like noxious weeds, and then make an outcry that they do
not take root in the soil like wholesome plants. You drive them like a
pest from city to city, from kingdom to kingdom, and then call them
vagabonds and aliens.
When reason fails, the Christian religion is, as usual, called in aid
of persecution. The admission of the Jews, it is said, to any place of
trust or emolument in the state ought not to be sanctioned, because
they expect the coming of the Messiah, and their restoration, one day
or other, to their own country: and Christianity, it is said, is part of
the law of the land.
As to their exclusion because they expect the coming of the
Messiah, and their restoration, one day or other, to their own
country, a few words will be sufficient. Even if it is too much for a
people, with this reversion in the promised land, to have a ‘stake in
the country’ added to it; and the offer of a seat in the House of
Commons is too much for any one who looks forward to a throne in
the New Jerusalem: this objection comes with but an ill grace from
the followers of him who has declared, ‘My kingdom is not of this
world;’ and who on that plea profess to keep all the power and
authority in their own hands. Suppose an attempt were made to
exclude Christians from serving the office of constable, jury-man, or
knight of the shire, as expressly contrary to the great principle of
their religion, which inculcates an entire contempt for the things of
this life, and a constant preparation for a better. Would not this be
considered as an irony, and not a very civil one? Yet it is the precise
counterpart of this argument. The restoration of the Jews to their
own country, however firmly believed in as an article of faith, has
been delayed eighteen hundred years, and may be delayed eighteen
hundred more. Are they to remain indifferent to the good or evil, to
the respectability or odium that may attach to them all this while?
The world in general do not look so far; and the Jews have not been
accused, more than others, of sacrificing the practical to the
speculative. But according to this objection, there can be no
amalgamation of interests with a people of such fantastic principles
and abstracted ties; they cannot care how soon a country goes to
ruin, which they are always on the point of quitting. Suppose a Jew
to have amassed a large fortune in the last war, and to have laid by
money in the funds, and built himself a handsome house in the
neighbourhood of the metropolis; would he be more likely by his vote
in the House of Commons to promote a revolution, so as to cause a
general bankruptcy; or to encourage the mob to pull down his house,
or root up his favourite walks, because after all, at the end of several
centuries, he and the rest of his nation indulge in the prospect of
returning to their own country? The most clear-sighted John Bull
patriotism hardly reaches beyond ourselves and our heirs.
As to the assertion that Christianity is part of the law of the land,
as Popery is a part of the law of the land at Rome, and a good reason
for hunting Jews and refusing Christian burial to Protestants, by
whom is it made? Not by our Divines. They do not distrust the power
of our religion; and they will tell you that if Christianity, as
sanctioning these cruelties or any miserable remnant of them, is part
of the law of the land, then the law of the land is no part of
Christianity. They do not forget the original character of the Jewish
people, and will not say anything against it. We and modern Europe
derived from them the whole germ of our civilisation, our ideas on
the unity of the Deity, or marriage, on morals,
‘And pure religion breathing household Laws.’

The great founder of the Christian religion was himself born

among that people, and if the Jewish Nation are still to be branded
with his death, it might be asked on what principle of justice ought
we to punish men for crimes committed by their co-religionists near
two thousand years ago? That the Jews, as a people, persist in their
blindness and obstinacy is to be lamented; but it is at least, under the
circumstances, a proof of their sincerity; and as adherents to a losing
cause, they are entitled to respect and not contempt. Is it the
language of Lawyers? They are too intelligent, and, in the present
times, not favourers of hypocrisy. They know that this law is not on
our statute book, and if it were, that it would be law as long as it
remained there and no longer; they know that the supposition
originated in the unadvised dictum of a Judge, and, if it had been
uttered by a Puritan Divine, it would have been quoted at this day as
a specimen of puritanical nonsense and bigotry. Religion cannot take
on itself the character of law without ceasing to be religion; nor can
law recognise the obligations of religion for its principles, nor
become the pretended guardian and protector of the faith, without
degenerating into inquisitorial tyranny.
The proposal to admit Jews to a seat in Parliament in this country
is treated as an irony or a burlesque on the Catholic question. At the
same time, it is said to be very proper and rational in France and
America, Denmark and the Netherlands, because there, though they
are nominally admitted, court influence excludes them in the one,
and popular opinion in the other, so that the law is of no avail: that
is, in other words, in England as there is neither court influence nor
popular prejudice; and as every thing in this country is done by
money alone, the Stock Exchange would soon buy up the House of
Commons, and if a single Jew were admitted, the whole would
shortly be a perfect Sanhedrim. This is a pleasant account of the
spirit of English patriotism, and the texture of the House of
Commons. All the wealth of the Jews cannot buy them a single seat
there; but if a certain formal restriction were taken off, Jewish gold
would buy up the fee simple of the consciences, prejudices and
interests of the country, and turn the kingdom topsy-turvy. Thus the
bed-rid imagination of prejudice sees some dreadful catastrophe in
every improvement, and no longer feeling the ground of custom
under its feet, fancies itself on an abyss of ruin and lawless change.
How truly has it been said of prejudice, ‘that it has the singular
ability of accommodating itself to all the possible varieties of the
human mind. Some passions and vices are but thinly scattered
among mankind, and find only here and there a fitness of reception.
But prejudice, like the spider, makes every where its home. It has
neither taste nor choice of place, and all that it requires is room.
There is scarcely a situation, except fire and water, in which a spider
will not live. So let the mind be as naked as the walls of an empty and
forsaken tenement, gloomy as a dungeon, or ornamented with the
richest abilities of thinking; let it be hot, cold, dark or light, lonely or
inhabited, still prejudice, if undisturbed, will fill it with cobwebs, and
live like the spider, where there seems nothing to live on. If the one
prepares her food by poisoning it to her palate and her use, the other
does the same; and as several of our passions are strongly
characterised by the animal world, prejudice may be denominated
the spider of the mind.’
Three hundred years ago all this was natural and in order, because
it accorded with the prejudices of the time; now it is absurd and
Gothic, because it is contrary to men’s reason and feelings. Hatred is
the food and growth of ignorance. While we know nothing but
ourselves and our own notions, we can conceive of nothing else as
possible; and every deviation from our practice or opinions gives a
shock to our faith that nothing can expiate but blows. Those who
differ from us in the smallest particular are considered as of a
different species, and we treat them accordingly. But this barrier of
prejudice, which is founded on ignorance, is thrown down by the
diffusion of light and knowledge; nor can any thing build it up again.
In the good old times a Jew was regarded by the vulgar and their
betters as a sort of monster, a lusus naturæ whose existence they
could not account for, and would not tolerate. The only way to get rid
of the obnoxious opinion was to destroy the man. Besides, in those
dark ages, they wanted some object of natural antipathy, as in
country places they get a strange dog or an idiot to hunt down and be
the bugbear of the village. But it is the test of reason and refinement
to be able to subsist without bugbears. While it was supposed that
‘the Jews eat little children,’ it was proper to take precautions against
them. But why keep up ill names and the ill odour of a prejudice
when the prejudice has ceased to exist? It has long ceased amongst
the reflecting part of the community; and, although the oldest
prejudices are, it is to be lamented, preserved longest in the highest
places, and governments have been slow to learn good manners, we
cannot but be conscious that these errors are passing away. We begin
to see, if we do not fully see, that we have no superiority to boast of
but reason and philosophy, and that it is well to get rid of vulgar
prejudices and nominal distinctions as fast as possible.
 ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH

The view which has been taken of the subject by Beccaria and
other modern writers appears to be erroneous or defective in some of
the most important circumstances relating to this question.
First objection. It is assumed as a general maxim, that, ‘it is not the
intensity of punishment, but its duration, which makes the greatest
impression on the human mind.’
This maxim will be found to be in direct opposition to all
experience, and to every principle of human nature. It supposes that
a number of impressions, feeble in themselves, and dissipated over a
long interval of time, produce a stronger effect upon the mind, than a
single object, however powerful and striking, presented to it at once:
that is, that the passions are excited more by reason than
imagination, by the real, than by the apparent quantity of good or
evil. This principle is indeed, in general, denied by Mr. Bentham, but
admitted by him, as far as relates to the influence of the fear of death
on malefactors. If it be true with respect to them in particular (which
there is reason to doubt,) it is not because the fear of a continued
punishment influences them more than the fear of an intense one,
but because death is to them not an intense punishment.
Again, it has been said, that ‘crimes are more effectually prevented
by the certainty than by the severity of the punishment.’ Now I
cannot think that this is either self-evident, or true universally and in
the abstract. It is not true of human nature in general, and it is still
less so as applied to the more lawless and abandoned classes of the
community. It is evident from the very character of such persons,
that if they are not to be acted upon by violent motives, by what
appeals strongly to their imagination and their passions, they cannot
be acted upon at all, they are out of the reach of all moral discipline.
The dull, sober certainties of common life, and the real consequences
of things when set in competition with any favourite inclination, or
vicious indulgence, they altogether despise. It is only when the
certainty of punishment is immediate, obvious, and connected with
circumstances, which strike upon the imagination, that it operates
effectually in the prevention of crimes. This principle is however
true, as it has been sometimes applied to cases where the law has
become a dead letter. When a moderate punishment is strictly and
vigorously enforced, and a severe punishment is as generally and
systematically evaded, the mind will, undoubtedly, be more affected
by what it considers as a serious reality, than by what it will regard
as an idle threat. So far the principle is true in its application, but no
farther.
First maxim. It is not the real, but the apparent severity of the
punishment which most effectually deters from the commission of
crimes. For this reason, an intense punishment will have more effect
than a continued one, because more easily apprehended. Neither is
the certainty of punishment to be depended on, except when it is
apparent. It is not the calculation of consequences, but their
involuntary and irresistible impression on the mind that produces
action. The laws to prevent crimes must appeal to the passions of
men, and not to their reason: for crimes proceed from passion, and
not from reason. If men were governed by reason, laws would be
unnecessary.
Second objection. It seems to be taken for granted by speculative
writers, (at least the contrary is not stated with sufficient
distinctness) that punishment operates by terror alone, or by the fear
which each individual has of the consequences to himself.
It is indeed a prevailing maxim of philosophy, that self-interest is
the sole spring of action, and it has thus probably been inferred, that
the fear of punishment could only operate on this principle of cool,
calculating self-interest. But it is quite certain that sympathy with
others, whatever may be its origin, is, practically speaking, an
independent and powerful principle of action. The opinions and
feelings of others do actually and constantly influence our conduct,
in opposition to our strongest interests and inclinations. That
punishment, therefore, will not be the most dreaded, nor,
consequently, the most effectual, which is the greatest to the
individual, unless it is at the same time thought so by others, and
expresses the greatest general disapprobation of the crime. Thus,
though a malefactor, consulting only his own inclinations or feelings,
might prefer death to perpetual imprisonment and hard labour, yet
he may regard it as the worst of punishments, in as far as it
demonstrates the greatest abhorrence and indignation in the
community against the crime.
Second maxim. Punishment operates by sympathy, as well as by
terror. Penal laws have a tendency to repress crimes not more by
exciting a dread of the consequences, than by marking the strong
sense entertained by others of their enormity, and the detestation in
which they are held by mankind in general. The most severe laws will
always be the most effectual, as long as they are expressions of the
public sentiment; but they will become ineffectual, in proportion as
the sentiment is wanting. The disproportion between the crime and
the punishment in the public opinion, will then counteract the dread
of the severity of the law. Setting this feeling aside, the most severe
laws will be the most effectual. The argument drawn from the
inefficacy of severe punishments, when inflicted on trifling or
common offences, does not prove that they must be ineffectual, when
applied to great crimes, which rouse the public indignation and
justify the severity.
Third objection. It is farther implied in the foregoing statements,
that the only object of punishment is to prevent actual crimes, or that
those laws are the best, which most effectually answer this end by
deterring criminals.
This I also conceive to be a narrow and imperfect view of the
question, which respects not merely the motives and conduct of
criminals, but the motives and sentiments of the community at large.
It is of the first importance that the ill disposed should be coerced,
but it is also of importance that they should be coerced in such a
manner, and by such means, as it is most consistent with the public
morals to employ. In defending the state, we are not to forget that
the state ought to be worth defending. As the sentiments of society
have a powerful effect in enforcing the laws, so the laws re-act
powerfully on the sentiments of society. This is evident with respect
to barbarous punishments. The evil of a law operating in this way on
manners, by holding out an example of cruelty and injustice,
however effectual it might be found, is not denied. In like manner, a
law falling short of or disappointing the just indignation and moral
sense of the community, is, for the same reason, faulty as one that
exceeds and outrages it. One end of punishment, therefore, is to
satisfy this natural sense of justice in the public mind, and to
strengthen the opinion of the community by its act. As the arm of
justice ought not to be mocked and baffled by the impunity of
offences, so neither ought it to be unnerved by thwarting and
prevaricating with the common sentiments of mankind, or by
substituting remote, indirect, and artificial punishments for obvious
and direct ones. I call a punishment natural when it is dictated by the
passion excited against the crime. A punishment will therefore be the
most beneficial when it arises out of, and co-operates with that
strong sense of right or wrong, that firm and healthy tone of public
sentiment, which is the best preservative against crime.
Illustration. Thus even if it were shewn that perpetual
imprisonment and hard labour would be equally effectual in
deterring malefactors from the commission of murder, it would by
no means necessarily follow, that this mode of punishment would be
preferable to capital punishment, unless it could at the same time be
made to appear that it would equally enforce the principle of the
connexion between the crime and the punishment, or the rule of
natural justice, by which he who shews himself indifferent to the life
of another, forfeits his own. There is a natural and home-felt
connexion between the hardened obduracy which has shewn itself
insensible to the cries of another for mercy and the immediate burst
of indignation which dooms the criminal to feel that he has no claims
on the pity of others: but there is no connexion, because there is no
ascertainable proportion, in the mind either of the criminal or the
public, between the original crime, and the additional half-hour in
the day after the lapse of twenty years, which the malefactor is
condemned to labour, or the lash of the whip which urges him to
complete his heavy task. That reasoning which stops the torrent of
public indignation, and diverts it from its object only to dole it out to
its miserable victim, drop by drop, and day by day, through a long
protracted series of time with systematic, deliberate, unrelenting
severity, is in fact neither wise nor humane. Punishments of this kind
may be so contrived as to intimidate the worst part of mankind, but
they will also be the aversion of the best, and will confound and warp
the plain distinctions between right and wrong.
 Third maxim. The end of punishment is not only to prevent actual
crimes, but to form a standard of public opinion, and to confirm and
sanction the moral sentiments of the community. The mode and
degree of the punishment ought, therefore, to be determined with a
view to this object, as well as with a view to the regulation of the
police.
Fourth objection. The theory here alluded to, is farther
objectionable in this, that it makes familiarity with the punishment
essential to its efficacy, and therefore recommends those
punishments, the example of which is the most lasting, and, as it
were, constantly before the eyes of the public, as the most salutary.
On the contrary, those punishments are the best which require the
least previous familiarity with objects of guilt and misery to make
them formidable, which come least into contact with the mind, which
tell at a distance, the bare mention of which startles the ear, which
operate by an imaginary instead of an habitual dread, and which
produce their effect once for all, without destroying the erectness and
elasticity of social feeling by the constant spectacle of the
degradation of the species. No one would wish to have a gibbet
placed before his door, to deter his neighbours from robbing him.
Punishments which require repeated ocular inspection of the evils
which they occasion, cannot answer their end in deterring
individuals, without having first operated as a penance on society.
They are a public benefit only so far as they are a public nuisance.
Laws framed entirely on this principle, would convert the world into
a large prison, and divide mankind into two classes, felons and their
keepers!
Maxim fourth. Those punishments are the best which produce the
strongest apprehension, with the least actual suffering or
contemplation of evil. Such is in general the effect of those
punishments which appeal to the imagination, rather than to our
physical experience; which are immediately connected with a
principle of honour, with the passions in general, with natural
antipathies, the fear of pain, the fear of death, etc. These
punishments are, in Mr. Bentham’s phrase, the most economical;
they do their work with the least expense of individual suffering, or
abuse of public sympathy. Private punishments are, so far, preferable
to public ones.
 General inference. There ought to be a gradation of punishments
proportioned to the offence, and adapted to the state of society.
In order to strike the imagination and excite terror, severe
punishments ought not to be common.[66]
To be effectual, from the sympathy of mankind in the justice of the
sentence, the highest punishments ought not to be assigned to the
lowest or to very different degrees of guilt. The absence of the
sanction of public opinion not only deadens the execution of the law,
but by giving confidence to the offender, produces that sort of
resistance to it, which is always made to oppression. The ignominy
attached to the sentence of the law, is thus converted into pity. If the
law is enacted but not enforced, this must either be to such a degree
as to take away the terror of the law, or if the terror still remains, it
will be a terror of injustice, which will necessarily impair the sense of
right and wrong in the community. But if the law is regularly carried
into execution, the effect will be still worse. In general, all laws are
bad which are not seconded by the manners of the people, and laws
are not in conformity with the manners of the people when they are
not executed. This is the case at present with a great proportion of
the English laws. Is it to be wondered at that they should be so?
Manners have changed, and will always change insensibly, and
irresistibly, from the force of circumstances. The laws, as things of
positive institution, remain the same. So that without a constant,
gradual assimilation of the laws to the manners, the manners will, in
time, necessarily become at variance with the laws, and will render
them odious, ineffectual, and mischievous—a clog, instead of a
furtherance to the wheels of justice.
 NOTES
FUGITIVE WRITINGS

THE FIGHT
First republished in Literary Remains, vol. II. p. 193. For another
account of the fight and, more particularly, of the journey home, see
P. G. Patmore’s My Friends and Acquaintance, III. 41, et seq. The
fight (between Hickman, the ‘Gas-man’ and Bill Neat) took place on
Dec. 11, 1821. For an account of Tom Hickman (who was thrown
from a chaise and killed in the following December) see Pierce Egan’s
Boxiana, where particulars will be found of all the ‘Fancy’ heroes
referred to by Hazlitt in this essay.

PAG
E ‘The fight,’ etc. Cf. Hamlet, Act II. Sc. 2.
1. Jack Randall’s. Cf. vol. VI. (Table-Talk), note to p. 202.

‘The proverb ... musty.’ Cf. Hamlet, Act III. Sc. 2.

Jo. Toms. Joseph Parkes (1796–1865), the Radical politician,
2. at that time articled to a London solicitor.
‘So carelessly,’ etc. As You Like It, Act I. Sc. 1.
Jack Pigott. P. G. Patmore.
‘What more felicity,’ etc. Spenser, Muiopotmos, st. 27.
Tom Belcher’s. Tom Belcher (1783–1854), a younger brother
of the better known prizefighter, James Belcher, kept the
‘Castle’ tavern in Holborn.
 ‘Well, we meet at Philippi.’ Cf. Julius Cæsar, Act IV. Sc. 3.
3. ‘I follow Fate,’ etc. Cf. Dryden, The Indian Emperor, IV. 3.
4. Tom Turtle. According to the author’s son (see Literary
Remains, II. 201) this was John Thurtell (1794–1824),
afterwards notorious as the murderer of Weare.
‘Quite chap-fallen.’ Hamlet, Act V. Sc. 1.
Martin. Jack Martin, known as ‘The Master of the Rolls.’
Mr. Richmond. Bill Richmond, presumably, the veteran
coloured hero, who had recently taken to teaching the art of
boxing.
‘Where good digestion,’ etc. Macbeth, Act III. Sc. 4.
5. ‘Follows so,’ etc. Henry V., Act IV. Sc. 1.
‘More figures,’ etc. Cf. Julius Cæsar, Act II. Sc. 1.
‘His dream,’ etc. Cf. Othello, Act III. Sc. 3.
‘Seriously inclined.’ Cf. Ibid. Act I. Sc. 3.
6. ‘A lusty man,’ etc. Cf. Canterbury Tales, Prologue, 167.
7. ‘Standing,’ etc. Henry V., Act III. Sc. 1.
‘He moralised,’ etc. Cf. As You Like It, Act II. Sc. 1.
‘A firebrand like Bardolph’s.’ 1 Henry IV., Act II. Sc. 2.
‘Loud and furious fun.’ Cf. ‘The mirth and fun grew fast and
furious.’ Burns, Tam O’Shanter.
7. Cribb’s beating Jem, etc. Cribb defeated Jem Belcher twice, in
1807 and 1809. Belcher had lost an eye in 1803 through an
accident when playing at rackets.
8. Gully. John Gully (1783–1863), afterwards well known in the
racing world, had retired from the ring in 1808 after two
victories over Bob Gregson.
‘Alas!’ etc. Cf. ‘Alas! Leviathan is not so tamed.’ Cowper, The
Task, II. 322.
9. The Game Chicken. Henry Pearce (1777–1809).