Joep Leerssen

National Thought
2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

in Europe

A Cultural History
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 National Thought in Europe

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 National Thought in Europe
A Cultural History

Joep Leerssen

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 Cover illustration: Panel of the Peoples (Völkertafel, c. 1730-1740), Austrian Ethnographic
Museum, Vienna

Cover design: Joseph Plateau, Amsterdam

Lay-out: JAPES, Amsterdam

ISBN 978 94 6298 954 2

e-ISBN 978 90 4854 210 9
DOI 10.5117/9789462989542
NUR 694

First printing, 2006

Second updated printing, 2008
Third updated printing, 2018

© J.T. Leerssen / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2018

All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of
this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or trans-
mitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
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 — Persecution, says he, all the history of the world is full of it. Perpetuating national
hatred among nations.
—But do you know what a nation is? says John Wyse.
— Yes, says Bloom.
— What is it? says John Wyse.
— A nation? says Bloom. A nation is the same people living in the same place.
— By God, then, says Ned, laughing, if that’s so I’m a nation for I’m living in the
same place for the past five years.
— Or also living in different places.
— That covers my case, says Joe.

James Joyce, Ulysses

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 Contents

List of Illustrations 9
Foreword to the Third Edition 11
Preface 18
Introduction 20

Source Traditions
Wilderness, Exoticism and the State’s Order: Medieval Views 33
The Renaissance and Democratic Primitivism 44
Anthropology and the Nation: Character and Climate in the Seventeenth Century 60
Politics and the Nation: Patriotism and Democracy in Enlightenment Thought 79
The Nation Empowered: Popular Sovereignty and National Unity in the French
Revolution 90
Culture and the Nation: Literature, the Public Sphere and Anti-French Relativism 101

The Politics of National Identity

Napoleon and the Rise of Political Romanticism 113
Napoleon and the Rise of National Historicism 127
Restoration and the Nation-State 135
Nationalism as State Centralism 145
Nationalism as Unification 153
Nationalism as Separatism 168

Identity Rampant
The Nation’s Sources, the State’s Borders: Culture into Geopolitics 183
The Nationalization of Culture 196
Ethnic Nationalism and Racism 215
Versailles and after 230

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 Aftermath and Conclusions: Twentieth-Century Issues
Taming National Sovereignty: Transnationalism and Internationalism 239
Postnationalism 249
Neonationalism: After the Cold War 254
Beyond the Nation-State? 264

Appendices
Languages, Alphabets, Dialects and Language Politics 271
Source References 284
Bibliography 299
Index 322

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 List of Illustrations
1 Plinian races 38
2 National types in the margin of an early modern map of the world 42
3 Enea Silvio Piccolomini sets out for the Council of Basel 49
4 United against Rome: Arminius and Luther 52
5 The Dutch Act of Abjuration 54
6 Statue of Boadicea on Thames Embankment 56
7 Outline of Vauban’s fortifications 61
8 Page from La Mesnardière’s La poétique 67
9 Zahn’s schematization of national characteristics (1696) 71
10 Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu 76
11 Louis XIV in his gloire 81
12 William the Silent leads the Dutch Maiden to the throne of sovereignty 86
13 Jean-Jacques Rousseau 91
14 Title page of Du contrat social 92
15 Emmanuel Sieyès 95
16 Johann Gottfried Herder 106
17 Ernst Moritz Arndt 115
18 Theodor Körner 124
19 The philosopher Fichte volunteers 125
20 Walhalla temple 128
21 Sir Walter Scott 133
22 Two statues of William the Silent in The Hague 137
23 Illustration from Béranger’s patriotic chansons 139
24 Swearing a member into the filiki eteria 140
25 Eugène Delacroix: ‘The Chios Massacre’ (1824) 141
26 George IV in Highland dress 142
27 Seal of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica 151
28 Wartime postcard of Wilhelm II 152
29 Giuseppe Mazzini 159
30 Douglas Hyde (on Irish banknote) 172
31 ‘Macedonia is Greece since ever’ 175
32 Jacob Grimm 190
33 Seating arrangement at the Frankfurt Nationalversammlung 192
34 Budapest Parliament (on Hungarian banknote) 199
35 Volendam fisherman as Dutch prototype 206
36 Vuk Karadžić (on Yugoslav banknote) 209
37 Vignette on title page of Grimms’ German dictionary 211
38 Les mystères du peuple: leering Frankish lord importuning Gaulish maiden 216
39 Eugène Delacroix: ‘Liberty leading the people’ (1830) 225
40 Physiognomy of hate propaganda 226
41 Guzlar performing 232
42 Ernest Renan 240
43 Recent Dutch racist cartoon 259
44 Map of pre-modern Outre-Meuse 280
Note: in some cases, illustrations have been reproduced from banknotes so as to demonstrate their
wide currency as part of a state-endorsed iconography.

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 Foreword to the Third Edition

1: What is unchanged, and what has changed

In the twenty years since this book first appeared a revised edition has become neces-
sary. The book’s historical substance and central argument have remained unchanged.
The aim is still to trace the longue durée emergence of nationalism in Europe as a
transnational and ‘entangled’ process in intellectual and cultural history,* and to do so
by following its antecedent traditions, these being:
– the post-1400 state-formation process;
– the Enlightenment idea of popular sovereignty;
– a long-standing discourse of ethnocentric stereotypes, opposing the domestic/fa-
miliar, ‘own’ cultural community against ethnotypes of foreigners; that discourse
was systematized into schemata of ‘national characters’ in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries.

These three source traditions were fused into a political doctrine in the decades be-
tween Rousseau’s Du contrat social (1762) and Fichte’s Reden an die deutsche Nation
(1808). National thought and (in its political instrumentalization) nationalism have
deeply affected cultural production (both knowledge production and artistic produc-
tion), public opinion (the self-image around which communities defined themselves
as a nation), and political agendas. In the century between the battles of Waterloo and
Verdun, nationalism had manifested itself in three political modes:
– as the adoption of ‘national’ cultural agendas by the centralizing 19th-century
states;
– as autonomist or separatist movements in self-defining cultural communities dis-
affected from the increasingly centralized state;
– as unification programmes for self-defining cultural communities dispersed across
different states.

In the process, the blueprint was created for the ‘nation-state’: an ideal one-on-one
match between the state and its constituent ‘nation’ (i.e. the cultural community de-

* The appellation ‘cultural history’ has wrong-footed some readers, particularly those who, being
used to the American usage of the term, expected it to refer to everyday and popular culture. Indeed
this book deals rather with the elite culture of artists and intellectuals, as per the Kulturgeschichte or
cultuurgeschiedenis of Burckhardt and Huizinga; as such it is closer to intellectual history or history of
ideas, while including fields of cultural production such as literature, the arts, and knowledge pro-
duction. This in turn often elicits the question how ‘representative’ these developments in high
culture were for nationalism as a mass-mobilizing movement. My response is that ‘representativity’
has nothing to do with it: nationalism in Europe was influential primarily because it shaped ideas of
the state and its institutions, while providing these with a legitimization as reflecting the identity and
character of the nation-at-large.

11

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 fining itself as such). Inasmuch as the ‘nation-state’ is still our default notion of proper
or normal governance, the legacy of nationalism is still with us, across the twentieth
and into the twenty-first century.
All these elements have remained unchanged from the earlier editions and provide,
in the outline as given here, the book‘s chapter structure. There are three reasons why
a revised edition was considered timely. One is that the history of nationalism in
Europe has gone through fresh twists and turns since the 1990s. Religion and immi-
gration have become more important factors in national discourse than before, while
the rise of ethnopopulism and illiberal ‘strongman’ regimes also presents us with a new
inflection of nationalism. For that reason, the closing sections of this book have been
rewritten.
Secondly, research into 19th-century developments has deepened our understand-
ing of cultural nationalism, of that nationalism which is predicated on a ‘cultivation of
culture’ (Leerssen 2006). In various European academic centres and hubs, transna-
tional or comparative research into the history of national movements has continued
over the past decades. While it would be unworkable to keep a running tally of all the
work that has been done in the field, the bibliography has been updated, and wherever
feasible references to important new publications have been added.
Thirdly, the old, ingrained debate in nationalism studies between traditionalism
and modernism has remained unexpectedly alive and sharp-edged. A clarification of
this book’s position is called for, not only regarding that debate, but also with respect
to some other theoretical positions that dominate nationalism studies. This I will
attempt to outline in the next pages, in slightly more explicit detail than in the original
Introduction.

2: Positioning National Thought in Europe: A transnational cultural history of national-

ism
The events and developments highlighted in this book are on the whole commonsen-
sically close to other histories and theories of nationalism. Where it hopes to offer
something fresh is its transnationalism and its historicization of cultural identity (and
alterity). What has been foregrounded is the role of ethnotypes: the cultural interplay
between images of Self and Other in the self-articulation of nations. Ethnotypes
(stereotypes of ethnic identity and character), traditionally an object of study in Com-
parative Literature, form a very long-standing tradition in European history, but, as
objects of discursive articulation, are at the same time more concretely documented
and more historically variable than the ‘ethnicities’ to which they refer, and to which
they impute a specific character and identity. To trace the ethnic self-understanding of
the nation back to this discursive, documented tradition of ethnotyping (rather than
to the purported, unchanging existence of anthropologically constant ethnicities) – to
see ethnic identity as a constructed tradition, and to trace the history of that tradition’s
construction – that is what this book offers as a midway position between ethnosym-
bolism and modernism. It allows us to investigate ethnicities (as a discursively con-
structed object of belief) without buying into the ideology of their transhistorical per-
manence and their fundamental separateness. On the contrary: ethnotypes (their
profiles, presence, typology and agency) can be registered in all their historical fluctua-

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 tion within the historical context of the period, from humanism to modernity. And
they also help us situate the origin of nations in their encounter with the Others.
This book emphasizes modernity (manifested in the democratic and industrial re-
volutions, the rise of a public sphere in the Habermasian sense, and ‘print capitalism’)
as the enabling condition that put the -ism in nationalism, allowing ethnotypes and
national self-images to crystallize into a political doctrine for the modern state. This is
close to the stance of Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities, which highlights
how modern media could make a modernizing society ‘feel’ like a traditional face-to-
face community, and Anne-Marie Thiesse’s La création des identités nationales, which
highlights the role of artists and intellectuals, and their transnational exchanges, in
that process. In addition, this book also moves close to the analysis of Miroslav Hroch
(1968, 1985, 1996) in that the growth of nationalism is traced as a two-stage process,
moving from a growing awareness of a group’s cultural specificity (in language, char-
acter and collective memories) to the political vindication of that group, defined as a
‘nation’ on the basis of that specificity, and its entitlement to political empowerment.
This two-stage development model can mediate between the ‘hard’ extremes of tradi-
tionalism (which sees nationality, including its political instrumentalization, as a time-
less given in the historical landscape) and modernism (which emphasizes the condi-
tions of modernity, e.g. exo-education, long-distance communication and print
capitalism, as conditions sine qua non for the emergence of nationalism as social mobi-
lization). What is particularly admirable in Hroch’s approach is his comparatism: the
refusal to derive a universal model from a single national movement, or from a very
select few movements, and the insistence that typological models should be based on
as broad and systematic a cross-national sample of cases as possible. (As also stated in
the Introduction, this book, as a cultural/intellectual history, is more specifically con-
cerned with Phase A than Hroch himself is, and wishes to foreground the transna-
tional and multiscalar fluidity of Phase A as opposed to the more localized activisms
of phases B and C.*)

* While acknowledging my very deep debt to Hroch and my sense of concord with his outlook, I
should also pay heed to his aversion to addressing national movements in terms of their ‘national-
ism’. Unlike Hroch, this book does not avoid the word ‘nationalism’. Being the cultural/intellectual
history that it is, it must identify and label thought patterns, outlooks and political agendas; and
when describing the ideology that vindicates the political empowerment of the nation, I use ‘nation-
alism’ as a well-established label. Hroch himself feels that the word is negative in its meaning, de-
scribing a political pathology, and therefore misapplied and derogatory to those whom he prefers to
call ‘patriots’, and whom he credits with humane idealism and democratic intentions in their na-
tional vindications (specifically in the 19th century, in Phase A and early Phase B). This indicates
two points of divergence between his phraseology and mine. [1] I do not share (possibly because I
come from another linguistic background) Hroch’s sense that nationalism is ipso facto a derogatory
term. To be sure, in many later manifestations the ideology slid into a very unsavoury ethnocentric
and exclusivist direction; and it should be recognized that some of the germs of that later derailment
were already present in the ideology of some early Vorkämpfer, like Arndt. But that fact in no way
taints, by mere association, the national activists whose inspiration was anti-absolutist, emancipa-
tory, and inclusive, like Mazzini or Michelet, or purely cultural, like Elias Lönnrot or Thomas Price.
I think these can be called ‘nationalists’ without implying any slur whatsoever on their character. [2] I

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 Both extremes, traditionalism and modernism, have their flaws. Traditionalism, in
tracing the long-term constants of national identification, tends to employ reified and
simplified notions of ethnic identity and to disregard the crucially important events of
the last two centuries. In magnifying the historically distant Thermopylae, the Macca-
bees and Luther in the history of Greek, Jewish and German nationalism, respectively,
it quite literally overlooks more recent and immediately important figures like Me-
taxas, Jabotinsky and Treitschke. There is also the problem of cherry-picking: Appar-
ent and often arresting similarities between modern nationalism and premodern ar-
ticulations of collective identity, held up as conclusive proofs of an ideological
continuity, are exempted from exposure to incommodious counter-evidence: the dif-
ferent sociopolitical contexts and ideological functions of long-ago and recent phe-
nomena†; or the many historical identities and traditions that failed to survive from
premodern into modern political life, or that only emerged after 1800. The long cul-
tural memory of nationalism is allowed, anachronistically, to take the place of that
ideology’s short political history. What is worse, the traditionalist analysis in effect
adopts, internalizes and replicates the genealogical historicism of the ideology it pre-
tends to study, and sees the Thermopylae battle, the Maccabees and Luther much as
Metaxas, Jabotinsky and Treitschke would see them. It is no coincidence that tradi-
tionalists are often apologists of the nation and work from a conscious sense of affinity
with it; which may explain a tendency to view national continuity with a celebratory
rather than a critical eye.
On the other hand, modernism tends to limit its explanatory framework to eco-
nomic, social and political relations. That focus tends to disregard the crucially impor-
tant role of cultural practices, either by overlooking them altogether or by reducing
them to something that is in the deepest sense of the word inconsequential. Cultural
praxis is artificially excluded from other forms of social praxis in that it is treated as the
mere consequence or byproduct of other, allegedly more ‘fundamental’ factors (the
state, the economy or social power negotiations), passively following trends set else-
where in society, passively ‘reflecting’ society or modernity rather than engaging with
it, rather than forming part of it, let alone influencing or changing it. Modernists are
prone, I feel, to a form of circular reasoning: first excluding the field of cultural pro-
duction from other fields of social praxis, refusing to take it into account, and then

myself am at pains to define a distinction (historically grounded and heuristically useful, as I see it)
between patriotism and nationalism; not between ‘good’ patriotism and ‘bad’ nationalism, but be-
tween the former as an Enlightenment ideology of civic empowerment, the latter as a Romantic
ideology of ethnocultural empowerment. To my mind, the successor ideology to Enlightenment
patriotism was liberalism as much as nationalism. I realize, of course, that most Romantic National-
ists (in Hroch’s Phases A and early B) were heirs to, and continuators of, the Enlightenment-demo-
cratic ideals of civic empowerment, public usefulness and political accountability; even so, their self-
positioning in ethnocultural terms, as spokesmen for a cultural community as much as for a social
constituency, constitutes a definite point of departure. Hence I am reluctant to describe actors like
Jan Kollár or Thomas Davis simply as ‘patriots’; and I mean no disrespect whatsoever when I de-
scribe them as ‘nationalists’.
† I give an example regarding late-medieval and modern language vindications in the Appendix,
pp. 278-283 below.

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 justifying that exclusion by outlining a history of ‘everything in society except culture’
which turns out to be, unsurprisingly, unaffected by culture. Sheepish objections that
Paderewski was a pianist, Alecsandri a folk-song collector, Herculano a historian-nove-
list and Pearse a poet, will elicit the question what their cultural hobbies actually mat-
tered to the broad masses of the population. The answer to that question must be
twofold. [1] Culture, even ‘high’, elite culture, penetrated far more deeply and widely
into the lower-middle and working classes than we would expect; but we cannot regis-
ter that process, or its mobilizing power, unless we are prepared to look for it. [2] The
influence and importance of artists and intellectuals cannot be invalidated by simply
dismissing them for not being part of the broad masses (a questionable assertion to
begin with*) – as if only the underrepresented portions of society are a proper topic for
serious historians. The historical role of elites is worth studying, not because it is
better documented or because they hogged the historical limelight, but because they
were, by definition, powerful and influential. And elite-based or not, the influence of
cultural productions worked, not just through popular mobilization but also through
its impact on elite-controlled institutions. Nationalist cultural production, even if it
did not shape the nation, eventually shaped the state – surely a process of some histor-
ical relevance, even if modernist social and political historians of nationalism should
be reluctant to focus on it.
The dilemma (which of course I exaggerate for the sake of clarity) is that modernists
tend to disregard culture and traditionalists to anachronize and de-historicize it. The
need to steer a middle path between these two pitfalls is what made me qualify this
book as a ‘cultural history’: historical without disregarding the agency of culture; cul-
turally focused without overlooking the dynamics of its historicity. Ethnosymbolism
was motivated by similar concerns, and is often considered as a sensible intermediate
approach, allowing for an agency of culture (including cultural memory) while situat-
ing that cultural agency, and its political impact, in the conditions of modernity. In-
deed, as is pointed out in the Introduction, there are many points of convergence
between this book and the ethnosymbolist approach – although I prefer to replace the
problematic reliance on self-perceived ethnicity (a slippery concept) by studying the
textual record of self-articulated ethnotypes. A warning note should also be sounded, I
think, regarding the risk of internalism and the need to acknowledge contingency. By
internalism I mean that the ‘ethnic origins’ of modern nations tend to be sought,
precisely, within the bosom of the cultural community that develops a national self-
awareness. But as Walker Connor (1994; cf. Conversi 2004) has convincingly pointed
out, nations should not only be seen in terms of their self-definition, but also in terms

* Artists and intellectuals, and what Hroch calls the protagonists (Vorkämpfer) of national move-
ments, cannot simply be classified in an elite-or-else dichotomy. They include royalty (Ludwig I of
Bavaria) and unfree-born serfs (Taras Shevchenko), men and women, clergy high and low, aristocrats
and proletarians, and many struggling white-collar workers and petty-bourgeois (some of whom, but
not all, rose to the higher ranks of the civil service and the university). If anything, cultural producers
form a conduit between the elite and the mass of the population, and the national culture that they
produce is accordingly perceived as something that transcends class divisions, much like the concept
of the ‘nation’ itself.

FOREWORD TO THE THIRD EDITION 15

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 of their self-distinguishing: setting themselves apart from their non-members and out-
siders. The encounter with the stranger, foreigner or enemy is not something that
occurs in the second instance, from the basis of an established national identity; rather,
national identities are established as a result of the encounter with Others, and follow-
ing the articulatory act of self-distinguishing oneself from those Others. The nation is
not the group that produces identity articulations, but rather a group that crystallizes
out of articulations (and in this I follow Rogers Brubaker’s critique of ‘groupism’,
2004).
Much as the nation’s Others can change in the course of a nation’s history, so too
the nation’s self-definition can change; something that can be observed especially in
the volatile nation-formation processes that took place in the borderlands between the
Habsburg, Romanov and Ottoman Empires, or even in Bavaria and Tyrol, or the Low
Countries. The road from ethnicity to nation-state was anything but straightforward
or even linear: it was a messy labyrinth with many dead ends and U-turns. In the
historical record of nationalism we move through the twilight zone of regionalism;
forking paths with stalled or abortive nation-formation; flat-lining ethnic self-defini-
tions like ‘Samogitian’ or ‘Illyrian’. While ethnosymbolism powerfully explains suc-
cessful nation-formation cases, its tendency to do so finalistically, from a run-up tradi-
tion of group-internal ethnocultural self-definitions, should not be allowed to obscure
from view [a] the importance of ‘invented traditions’ (where the ethnocultural root
traditions are not the seedbed of the national movement but by-products and post-
hoc contrivances), or [b] national movements that originate from outside pressure:
loss of empire, or as competitive imitations of neighbouring movements.
Thus, having claimed at the outset how close I feel this book to be to the many fine
scholarly traditions in nationalism studies, I have ended up taking exception to (some
elements in) practically all of them. This is partly, no doubt, the narcissism of the
small differences; I hope that it is also an attempt to take the best and improve further
upon that basis, until such time that others can improve upon what may be useful in
the approach exemplified by this book. That approach is a historical one, with more
attention to what changed than what remained the same; a culture-historical one, with
attention to the agency of cultural self-articulations; and a transnational culture-histor-
ical one, aware of the fact that, as Anne-Marie Thiesse stated, there is nothing more
internationally entangled than nationalism. Of all topics, nationalism is the one where
methodological nationalism should be most carefully avoided.
Finally, a word on the ongoing altercations concerning the use of ‘ethnic’ and ‘civic’
nationalism. I follow Anthony Smith in maintaining the usefulness of this conceptual
distinction, for the very reason that prompts many scholars want to do away with it:
namely, that in practice the two are always commingled. No manifestation of nation-
alism is either wholly civic, without any admixture of ethnic elements, or wholly eth-
nic, without traces of a civic commitment. That does not mean that the distinction as
such is addled. On the contrary: if any manifestation of nationalism is partly civic
(defining the nation as a body politic bonded in society), partly ethnic (defining the
nation as a cultural community bonded by tradition), then it becomes important to
gauge the relative proportion between the two factors, almost like establishing the
temperature, pH degree or specific gravity of a given substance. I think it can be

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 historically demonstrated that in the emergence of the political concept of nationality,
the two definitions – ethnic and civic – were consciously reflected on and played off
against each other by the intellectuals concerned, from Fichte to Renan (cf. below,
pp.241-242). There has also been a demonstrable tendency in international confronta-
tions, after Renan, to credit one’s own group with a ‘good’ civic sense of nationality
and to denounce the others as wielding a ‘bad’ ethnic sense. Completely abolishing the
heuristic distinction would make it impossible to even register these historical pro-
cesses, or to make a meaningful comparison between, say, the programmes of the
Scottish National Party and the Hungarian Jobbik. I would, on the contrary, plead
for enshrining the heuristic distinction into our very definition of nationalism, for the
good reason that the two polarities always operate in tandem: nationalism can be
defined as the ideology that conflates, albeit in varying proportions, civic and ethnic
ideas of political cohesion. How that came about, and how that worked, is the topic of
this book.

FOREWORD TO THE THIRD EDITION 17

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 Preface
This book is the revised and expanded English version of the Dutch-language Natio-
naal denken in Europa: een cultuurhistorische schets (Amsterdam University Press, 1999).
When it was decided to make that book available in English for a wider international
readership, I took the opportunity to expand what was originally a survey handbook
for students into an intervention in nationalism studies generally; an intervention
which I thought was timely (despite the great amount of excellent work being done in
that field, and the large number of existing publications) because I felt there was room
for a view that was culturally oriented without reifying the notion of ‘culture’ into
something static or primordial, and that was historically oriented without subordinat-
ing the cultural dimension of nationalism to its political one.

Portions of this book draw on previously published books and articles, referred to
under my name in the bibliography. Some issues addressed here for the early nine-
teenth century are more extensively thematized in an ongoing project on the role of
philologists and ‘men of learning’ in romantic and cultural nationalism; for that parti-
cular project, and its publications to date, I refer the reader to the website www.hum.
uva.nl/philology.

When I have provided my own translations/paraphrases from non-English source ma-

terial (rather than quoting published translations), the original is given with the source
reference. Source references are given in the endnotes; the footnotes provide obiter
dicta and information on side issues and background.

The form that this book has taken owes much to the European Studies programme at
the Universiteit van Amsterdam, with its focus on the interaction between ideas and
events, culture and politics, and European cross-border exchanges. I wish to thank my
colleagues there, in particular the team with whom I teach the survey course on the
cultural formation of Europe.
On going over this book I realized, even more than when I was first writing it, how
deeply indebted my approach is to Hugo Dyserinck and his erstwhile Comparative
Literature programme at Aachen University, where I studied in the 1970s. The funda-
mental tenets of this book (the contingent nature of state formation, the need to
demythologize the discourse of national identity, the idea that nationalism is the poli-
tical instrumentalization of ethnotypes, the link between romanticism and national-
ism) all reflect the outlook of the Aachen comparatist school.

As always, I am deeply and happily indebted to the support and companionship (in-
tellectual, moral and domestic) of Ann Rigney.

I dedicate this book to my mother, who remembers the war, and to my children.

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 Introduction
The aim of this book is to give a cultural and intellectual history of national thought
in Europe. What does that mean, and how does this hope to add anything new?
There is an overwhelming body of research on nationalism, much of which focuses
primarily on social and political developments. Nationalism is, after all, a political
ideology – one of the dominant ones of the last two centuries. The rise of nationalism
is usually analysed as a factor in the development of states, or in the development of
national consciousness and national cohesion as part of a society’s development to-
wards modernity. After initial work by intellectual historians such as Isaiah Berlin and
Hans Kohn, the study of nationalism was given a more political and social orientation
in the 1960s and 1970s, and received a huge upsurge following the work of Ernest
Gellner, Eric Hobsbawm, Benedict Anderson and A.D. Smith in the 1980s. Most of
these studies attempted, on the basis of various sample cases, to arrive at a model of
nationalism as an ideology. For Gellner, nationalism was a side effect of modernization
with its shifting patterns of education and economic scale enlargement, driven largely
by intellectuals; in this ‘modernist’ view, a sense of national identity was fabricated by
nineteenth-century nationalists. Hobsbawm, while also taking a modernist view, ad-
vocated a more ‘bottom up’ societal model, claiming that nationalism was an ideology
born of the people rather than imposed by intellectuals; Anderson stressed the devel-
oping role of media and the growth of communication as a crucial factor. There were
also anti-modernist voices, which insisted that national identity has been a long-stand-
ing ideological presence in Europe since long before the nineteenth century. A very
prominent role in this debate was played by A.D. Smith, who sought to steer a middle
course, opposing Gellner’s modernism by tracing the pre-nineteenth century ethnic
origins of nations, while at the same time arguing that these ethnic identities were
largely subjective and underwent an ideological transformation and modern instru-
mentalization in the nineteenth century.1
These debates have brought to the foreground two main questions: How ‘modern’
or recent is nationalism as a historical phenomenon? Did the ‘nation’ (as a cultural and
social community that people identify with and feel political loyalty towards) only
emerge as a meaningful concept in the nineteenth century, along with the ideology
that named itself after it, or does it, contrariwise, have a more long-standing presence
in human affairs?* And so nationalism is usually studied as something that emanates
either from modernization processes or else from a social category called ‘nation’ or
‘ethnicity’.

* There have been other debates over the typology and various sub-types of nationalism, e.g. the
distinction between the expansionist nationalism of established states and the emancipatory nation-
alism of minorities, between an ‘Eastern European’ and a ‘Western European’ variant, or between
‘civic’ and ‘ethnic’ nationalism; cf. below, p. 169-170.

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 In this book, I would like to take a different approach, and trace nationalism as
something that emanates from the way people view and describe the world – in other
words, as a cultural phenomenon, taking shape in the constant back-and-forth be-
tween material and political developments on the one hand, and intellectual and poe-
tical reflection and articulation on the other. That way of viewing the world is itself an
active part of historical processes, subject to changing conditions and with a dynamics
and development of its own. Hence the subtitle of this book: a cultural history.

�
In order to explain what this cultural-historical approach stands for (and also in order
to explain the terminology of this book itself), it will be useful to clarify, briefly, what
is meant here by concepts like ‘nationalism’, ‘nation’ and ‘ethnicity’.
People have used concepts like ‘nations’ and ‘nationalism’ in very contradictory and
confused ways; that is one of the reasons why nationalism as an ideology has been so
successful and so dangerous. The idea of nationalism slides without obvious change
from mild virtues like ‘loving one’s country’ and ‘being a good citizen’ to militant
intolerance and genocide. In general parlance, the word ‘nationalism’ can be loosely
used to denote a whole set of meanings, as listed by the Oxford English Dictionary:
‘Devotion to one’s nation; national aspiration; a policy of national independence’.
Since we must gain a sharp focus on what is unavoidably a fuzzy topic, it is all the
more necessary that in our analysis we keep our critical concepts and our own termi-
nology as unambiguous as possible. ‘Nationalism’ is not just a sense of national iden-
tity, or an assertion of ethnic separateness, or a chauvinistic proclamation of one’s
superiority over one’s neighbours. In this book, the word nationalism is used in a
much more specific and restrictive meaning: as that political ideology which is based
on the combination of the three assumptions:
a. that the ‘nation’ is the most natural, organic collective aggregate of humans, and
the most natural and organic subdivision of humanity; and that, as such, the
nation’s claim to loyalty overrides all other allegiances;
b. that the state derives its mandate and sovereignty from its incorporation of a con-
stituent nation, so that civic loyalty to the state is a natural extension of ‘national’
(cultural, linguistic, ethnic) solidarity;
c. that territorially and socio-politically, the most natural and organic division of
humankind into states runs along ‘national’ (cultural, linguistic, ethnic) lines, so
that ideally there is a seamless overlap between the outlines of the state and of its
constituent nation.

In this definition, I follow the common ground established by the main authorities.
Whatever their mutual differences, there is broad agreement between the likes of Hans
Kohn, Elie Kedourie, Ernest Gellner, Anthony Smith and John Breuilly as to the
defining characteristics of nationalism. Kohn (1946, 9) defines nationalism as ‘a state
of mind, in which the supreme loyalty of the individual is felt to be due the nation-
state’. Kedourie defines nationalism as:

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 A doctrine invented in Europe at the beginning of the nine-
teenth century. It pretends to supply a criterion for the deter-
mination of the unit of population proper to enjoy a govern-
ment exclusively its own, for the legitimate exercise of power
in the state, and for the right organization of states. Briefly,
the doctrine holds that humanity is naturally divided into
nations, that nations are known by certain characteristics
which can be ascertained, and that the only legitimate type of
government is national self-government (1960, 9).

Gellner (1983, 1) succinctly defines nationalism as ‘primarily a political principle,

which holds that the political and the national unit should be congruent’. Anthony
Smith’s definition is ‘an ideological movement for attaining and maintaining autono-
my, unity and identity on behalf of a population deemed by some of its members to
constitute an actual or potential nation’ (Smith 1998, 187). Breuilly identifies national-
ism as:

A political doctrine built upon three basic assertions: 1. There

exists a nation with an explicit and peculiar character. 2. The
interests and values of this nation take priority over all other
interests and values. 3. The nation must be as independent as
possible. This usually requires at least the attainment of poli-
tical sovereignty (1993, 2).

This strict definition of nationalism used in this book explains why our historical
analysis ‘zooms in’ on the nineteenth century, from the French Revolution to the First
World War. It is in the nineteenth century that nationalism emerges as such, as a
specific and recognizable ideology with a specific and recognizable political and cultur-
al agenda.
If, in the title of this book, I speak not of nationalism but of ‘national thought’, it is
because I want to include the wider pre-nineteenth-century source traditions and ra-
mifications of the nationalist ideology, without confusing the source traditions with
the thing itself. ‘National thought’ is wider and less specific than ‘nationalism’. Follow-
ing the common sense of the definitions of nationalism cited above, by national
thought I mean a way of seeing human society primarily as consisting of discrete, dif-
ferent nations, each with an obvious right to exist and to command loyalty, each
characterized and set apart unambiguously by its own separate identity and culture.
The ideology called nationalism did not emerge suddenly out of nowhere, but is the
nineteenth-century result of a long run-up. This is the reason that there is so much
debate about the modern or pre-modern origin of nationalism. For at the core and at
the root of the recent word ‘nationalism’ is the much older word ‘nation’.
What is a nation? The concept is itself notoriously vague and contradictory; its
semantic shifts will receive ample attention in this book. For the purpose of providing
a starting point it is useful, rather than attempting an analytically watertight defini-
tion, to recall the general consensus that has been operative in people’s minds over the

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 past century. In all its vagueness, this popular meaning is clearly set forth in the Ox-
ford English Dictionary: ‘An extensive aggregate of persons, so closely associated with
each other by common descent, language or history, as to form a distinct race or
people, usually organized as a separate political state and occupying a definite terri-
tory.’ Readers will realize that the concept of ‘nation’ in these terms hovers between
three poles: one is that of a society (people living together, communicating, and sharing
the same socioeconomic and political conditions); another is that of culture (people
sharing the same language, social habits and historical memories); the third is that of
race (people sharing the same descent and having passed on a shared culture through a
filiation of generations). Over time, we see that the concept of a nation can be used
with emphasis either on the social, the cultural or the racial aspect; usage is particularly
slippery from case to case.
That same slippage also applies to the related word ‘people’, which sometimes refers
to a social layer (‘power to the people’) and sometimes to nations (‘the self-determina-
tion of peoples’). The confusion is made worse by the fact that the adjective ‘national’
is often used to refer to states. (The debt that a state incurs is called ‘the national debt’;
the government that rules a state is called ‘the national government’; a state’s capital is
called ‘the national capital’, a sports championship that covers the entire state is called
‘a national championship’.) Indeed in terms like ‘The United Nations’ the words ‘na-
tion’ and ‘state’ can be used interchangeably (although the former refers to a group of
people, and the latter to a sovereign fiscal-legal-political institution with a territory).
That interchangeability is also hinted at in the concept of the ‘nation-state’, by which
we refer to a state as representing and incorporating a nation (or rather, as claiming to
do so; cf. Roobol 1998).
The conclusion is unavoidable: the ‘nation’, that thing which is at the core and at
the basis of the ideology of nationalism, is a slippery and elusive concept. This is one
of the reasons why nationalism has taken on so many appearances and sub-types (ci-
vic, ethnic, modern, primordial, etc.).
In order to introduce a less threadbare and more focused term, the neologism of the
ethnie has arisen as an alternative to ‘nation’. Derived from the Greek ethnos, an ethnie
is defined in modern scholarship as a group bonded intersubjectively by a chosen
common self-identification, involving a common sense of culture and historical con-
tinuity (Poutignat & Streiff-Fenart 1999, Eriksen 2002). This notion of ethnicity
emphasizes that what matters in group identity is not any objective presence of real
physical or cultural similarities or differences, but rather a group’s acknowledgement of
perceived similarities or differences, and the willingness to consider these meaningful.
Ethnicity here means nothing more or less than the collective acceptance of a shared
self-image (cf. Dyserinck’s suggestion, 2002, to speak of ethno-imagology). The French
term was intended, then, to be as neutrally descriptive as possible, registering only ad-
hoc identities arising from social attributions of meaning to cultural differences, and
free from all preconceived notions as to which human aggregates were more ‘natural’
or ‘organic’ than others; and, as such, it was originally introduced into nationalism
studies by A.D. Smith. Nonetheless, it must be pointed out that the terminology has
become contaminated and that the word is now as contradictory and problematic as
all the others. In English and other languages, terms like ‘ethnic’ and ‘ethnicity’ are

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 widespread in a wholly different sense, quite different from the technical one. Ethni-
city is by now a euphemism for ‘race’ (witness phrases like ‘ethnic studies’, ‘ethno-
centrism’ and ‘ethnic cleansing’), and ‘ethnic nationalism’ is usually understood to
refer to that nationalism which sees the nation as a biological community sharing a
common bloodline and descent.

In this book I want to clear the deck by taking as my starting point a return to the
technical meaning of the ethnie, not as a biological race or bloodline but as a subjective
community established by shared culture and historical memories; to this I add that
such a subjective community is not in the first instance merely a sense of ‘belonging
together’ as that it involves a sense of being distinct from others. In other words, a
perceived collective identity, or a shared self-image, presupposes a perceived separa-
tion from others, a process of exclusion (Räthzel 1997). A community constitutes itself
by distinguishing itself from the world at large, in the process also excluding from its
constituent membership all those that do not belong to it. We order the world primar-
ily by subdividing it, and the sense of collective togetherness involves unavoidably a
sense of collective separateness.
This process of self-silhouetting against an Outside is in the deepest, dual sense of
the word an articulation – meaning a realization that the world is not homogenous but
‘hinged’ between different parts, as well as a naming of that difference.
A collective sense of identity derives, then, not from a group’s pre-existing cohesion,
but from the perception and articulation of external differences. How this perception
and articulation of differences results in a sense of identities has been identified by
specialists in Comparative Literature and cultural studies as the interplay between
Otherness and self-image.2 It is in this sense that I want to trace the development of
national thought and nationalism: as the articulation and instrumentalization of col-
lective self-images, derived from an opposition against different, other nations.
Thus, whereas Smith sought the root system of nationalism in ‘the ethnic origins of
nations’, I propose to locate it in a tradition of ethnotypes – commonplaces and stereo-
types of how we identify, view and characterize others as opposed to ourselves. In
tracing the development of national thought and nationalism, it is important to fol-
low, alongside the socio-political ‘nation-building’ developments that take place in and
between societies, also the discursive patterns of self-identification, exoticization and
characterization that take place in the field of culture. It is on this basis that this book
claims to be a cultural history of national thought and nationalism in Europe; and on
this basis I hope to complement the existing, primarily politically-oriented body of
research, by an approach that thematizes the constant interweaving of intellectual and
discursive developments with social and political ones.

If groups such as nations are constituted not only by material realities but also by
cultural patterns and choices of self-identification, then it follows that they are variable
and changing. That, indeed, is what European history shows us. Small groups can
vehemently distinguish themselves from each other, and oppose each other, yet at

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 another moment they can coalesce into a shared whole. What at one moment is a
category identifying itself as Yugoslav has coalesced from, and can fission back into,
constituent groups: Croats, Serbs, Montenegrins, or older, now-forgotten categories
such as Dalmatians or Morlacks (cf. Wachtel 1998, Kohn 1960, Wolff 1994 and 2001).
At a single moment in history, different national aggregates can compete with each
other: between 1850 and 1900, inhabitants of the Netherlands had the options of iden-
tifying themselves as narrowly ‘Dutch’ pure and simple; joining with Flemings in a
Greater Netherlandic identity; or else joining with Germans in a Greater-Germanic
whole, or even as part of a specific Greater Low German area between Dunkirk and
Königsberg/Kaliningrad (Leerssen 2006a). The history of European nationalities may
be described as the competition between different models of national aggregation. The
result of that competition is often determined by hard, socio-economic and political
power; but the terms in which the various competing models and scenarios are con-
ceived emanates from the sphere of cultural reflection.
To a large extent, the outcome of that process, the state-system as we see it in
Europe in the twentieth century, is a historical contingency. Alternatives to it were
thinkable, and were circulating. In tracing the cultural history of these ideals and
models, I hope to stress the contradictory, indeterminate, open-ended nature of how
people envisaged their identity and their national aspirations. The history of national-
ism is far more complex than merely a pre-history of the contemporary states.
Yet that (‘a prehistory of contemporary states’) is often how nationalism studies are
conducted. In many cases, the modern state, as it emerged from history, is taken as a
starting point and retrospectively it is traced how this state came about. But the histor-
ical landscape is far more complex than the trajectory we can see in the rearview mir-
ror of modern state formation; in order to understand nationalism, we need to take
into account the roads not taken, the ideals that were not realized (cf. Koselleck 1979).

There are many outstanding histories of aspects of national movements in the various
European countries; I have made grateful use of them in preparing this book.3 Even
so, if we study national movements on a single-country basis, the study of national
thought and nationalism will collapse into the history of a single country. In order to
understand nationalism and national thought in their own right, and not just as fac-
tors playing into a country’s history, we must work comparatively and study various
countries and cases.
There are, to be sure, many studies of wider European trends and/or macro-regions,
usually taking the form of collections. While the aim is to bring out transnational
patterns in the history of nation- and state-formation, and the volumes in question
usually have good synoptic introductions, they often consist of separate essays addres-
sing separate countries. The individual essays, again, are usually illuminating and in-
formative,4 applying a shared perspective on the national movement in question. But
it often remains unclear what connections there were between these cases. The over-
laps, exchanges, influences, parallels or antagonisms often fall between the cracks. Jux-
taposing national case-studies is not the same as transnational comparison. However,

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 an inspiring example of how such European juxtapositions can yield important com-
parative insights is provided by the work of Miroslav Hroch (1968, 1986, 1996, – and
see below, p. 164-165).
Many nationalism studies will aim for a broad data-sample by collating cases from
historically unrelated areas, e.g. in Europe, Africa and South Asia. However, national-
ism in its European development and profile cannot be easily compared to processes
of state- and nation-formation elsewhere in the world (cf. below, p. 236-237). Nation-
building and state-formation in areas as diverse as Chile, Ghana, Israel, Iran, Indone-
sia, Japan, Morocco, Senegal, the USA and Vanuatu differ so widely from case to case,
by so many case-specific and historical variables, that any attempt at a generalized
description raises more questions than it can answer.
Between the micro-level of nationalism in a single country and the global level of a
total world-theory, the case of Europe presents a challenging and, I think, workable
mid-size case, if we study it, not just as an accumulation of separate nation-states each
with their own antecedent national movement, but comparatively, as a multinational
whole to be analysed from a supranational point of view.5 Particularly inspiring in this
respect is Anne-Marie Thiesse’s La création des identités nationales (1999), whose influ-
ence permeates this entire book.
From a culture-historical point of view, Europe presents itself as a zone of traffic and
exchange. If our main focus is on the developing discourse of national identity, then we
see the formative ideas and tropes move across the European map, in a catchment area
that reaches from Iceland and Scandinavia to the Mediterranean, and from the Atlantic
to the Volga. This is what so saliently emerges from a culture-historical perspective:
national thought is mobile. It is not just a reaction, within a given country, to the socio-
political conditions of that country, but it moves over the map like a weather system or
an epidemic. Thoughts are formulated by an author in one country to be read an picked
up by readers in wholly different places. The traffic of ideas does, indeed, resemble an
epidemiology, as Dan Sperber put it, where anyone who is affected by (or ‘infected’ with)
a certain idea may pass it on to others.6 Nationalism and national thought proliferate
internationally, spreading and ramifying across the European map; movements and
debates in one country may spawn copycat movements and spin-off debates else-
where. This book attempts to trace that mobility and contagiousness of ideas, the
cultural traffic and exchange, the patterns that cannot be subsumed in the individual
cases of separate countries. When one traces this traffic and exchange, it is striking and
very suggestive that the area in which all this ideological contagion and migration took
place coincides pretty precisely with the continent of Europe.* The developments

* Europe in this respect (as the historical catchment area of the epidemiology of nineteenth-cen-
tury nationalism) forms a ‘society’ in Lévi-Strauss’s definition of that term: ‘A society consists of
individuals and groups which communicate with one another. The existence of, or lack of, commu-
nication can never be defined in an absolute manner. Communication does not cease at society’s
borders. These borders, rather, constitute thresholds where the rate and forms of communication,
without waning altogether, reach a much lower level. This condition is usually meaningful enough
for the population, both inside and outside the borders, to become aware of it.’ Lévi-Strauss 1963,
296.

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 traced here take place in an area stretching from Gibraltar to Murmansk and from
Reykjavik to Istanbul and Odessa.*
This Europe shades into the wider world-at-large through a dual periphery: a geo-
graphical and a political-historical one, respectively. The geographically neighboring
area that is peripherally involved in the developments traced here is formed by the
Maghreb, the Levant, Turkish Anatolia, the Caucasus and the area between the Volga
and the Urals. The other periphery consists of the European colonies in the rest of the
world. (In the course of the nineteenth century, these were still under European dom-
ination, except for the United States and the areas liberated by Simon Bolívar in Latin
America.)
This book attempts, then, to describe national thought and nationalism as they
took form in Europe. The focus of attention will often shift, certainly for the period
before 1800, from one country to another; I cannot claim to present pre-modern or
early-modern Europe as a unified single whole, nor do I claim that the examples I
highlight are representative of Europe as a whole. My topic is the spread of ideas, not
the development of societies; and the ideas I trace were largely confined, for a long
time, to a literate elite sphere in Western, or even North-Western Europe.
This changes after 1800, and that change is something that struck me, as I was
preparing this book, as something remarkable in itself. In the course of the nineteenth
century, we can see the development of nationalism affecting Europe as a whole. The
emergence of nationalism in Iceland is linked to, and similar to, developments in
Catalonia, Finland and Bulgaria. Indeed, in that development the outer corners of
Europe (the Balkans, the Baltic, Ireland) are by no means lagging behind the centre.
All these areas were spanned by a Europe-wide circulation of ideas and a Europe-wide
network of intellectuals; they were jointly affected by the repercussions of the French
Revolution, the upheavals of the Napoleonic times, and the end of the Enlighten-
ment. All of Europe shared, albeit to varying degrees, the ambience of urban middle-
class sociability, the increasing social spread and penetration of print and education,
and the new organization of learning in universities, academies, libraries, archives and
schools. These institutional and intellectual factors, in the climate of Romantic ideal-
ism, were to determine the type of nationalism that developed in Europe in the nine-
teenth century.

The structure of the book is as follows. I trace, from a variety of source traditions, the
emergence of nationalism in the years following the French Revolution. Central to
these source traditions (surveyed in part one), is an ongoing use of ethnotypes in
European views on collective identity. This ethnotypical tradition starts as raw ethno-

* While the topic of this book is Europe, and its scope is therefore Europe-centred, this is not the
same, I hope, as mere, smug Eurocentrism. For one thing, there is the unsettling realization that near
its outer margins, Europe is often marked off by the legacy of political failure, and by bitterly con-
tested cities and territories: Belfast, Gibraltar, Nicosia, Grozny.

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 centrism; from the end of the Middle Ages onwards it influences (and is in turn influ-
enced by) the process of state centralization. Various post-medieval developments in
political and cultural thought play into this ethnotypical tradition: the seventeenth-
century development of the notion of ‘character’ and the emergence of modern
anthropology; the modern and Enlightenment urge to systematize; new ways of view-
ing the relations between state and territory, state and people, people and culture. Part
one leads up to an inventory of the various conceptualizations of what a ‘nation’ is, by
the end of the eighteenth century. In Enlightenment democratic thought, the nation is
seen as the locus of sovereign power, while at the same time, in pre-romantic cultural
thought, the nation is seen as the communal unit in which the diversity of human
culture expresses itself.
Part two traces how these various source traditions are fused together into the ideol-
ogy called nationalism in the turbulent, tense decades of Napoleonic rule. Political
upheavals and Romantic philosophy are traced in their impact upon the emerging
nationalist ideology. This early nationalism (also described as political romanticism)
sees nations as natural human categories, each defined in its individual identity by a
transcendent essence, each self-perpetuating that identity transgenerationally through
history, each deserving its own self-determination. Each nation has a natural or moral
right to be incorporated in its own state, while conversely every state should incorpo-
rate the natural, organic solidarity of its proper constituent nation. The repercussions
of this idea (the hyphenation of nation and state into the ideal of the nation-state) are
traced. Nationalism as an ideal of a congruence between nation and state can take
various forms: as state centralism (adapting the constituent nation to the identity of
the state); as a national unification ideal (abolishing the divisions that keep a nation
separated over different states); or as a separatist movement (the nation opting out of
an uncongenial state). In each case, however, the ideology’s backbone is still a belief in
ethnotypes: essential individual dispositions giving each nation a separate character,
identity or ‘soul’ and setting it apart from others.
Part three traces the further implications across the rest of the nineteenth century,
in particular nationalism’s more totalizing aspects, its implicit tendency to see the ideal
state as a monocultural one, and its slide from the left-wing to the right-wing end of
the political spectrum. The transition from cultural self-assertion to territorial de-
mands is critically surveyed and analysed; so is the tendency that all culture is seen
and cultivated as ‘national’ culture, a proclamation of collective rootedness and iden-
tity.* Finally, the impact of scientific thought is traced, with its tendency to see nations
in racial-biological terms. This part ends with the ultimate translation of cultural acti-
vism into constitutional reality during the Paris Peace Conference: the ‘Versailles’ sys-
tem emerging out of the First World War.
Part four, finally, is a concluding survey of the twentieth-century aftermath, and
offers some more contemporary implications of the historical analysis.

* For a further analysis of nationalism’s ‘cultivation of culture’, I refer the reader to my article
Leerssen 2006b.

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 To some extent, unfolding this historical survey is in itself the point that I am trying to
make: that a historical analysis of national thought and nationalism may be fruitfully
conducted by studying the shifting interactions between countries, between ideas, be-
tween culture and politics, across the centuries. If an overall pattern emerges (besides
the aforementioned facts that ethnotyping is the origin and core of national thought
and nationalism, that it always takes place against an Outside, and that the develop-
ment of European nations took place in a flux of shifting self-identifications amidst a
widespread and intense exchange of ideas) it is perhaps the following.
Nationalism contains within itself two vectors, ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’, which it
consistently conflates. The ‘vertical’ aspect concerns the rights of the nation (i.e. the
people-at-large) within the state, vis-à-vis superiors and rulers; the ‘horizontal’ aspect
concerns the identity and separateness of the nation (i.e. the cultural community
based on a shared sense of descent and a shared set of historical memories) vis-à-vis
outsiders and neighbours. In its ‘vertical’ concerns, the nation’s self-vindication is es-
sentially democratic; in its ‘horizontal’ concerns, it is essentially ethnocentric or xeno-
phobic. One of the most problematic aspects of nationalism has been its Jekyll-and-
Hyde ambivalence between these two poles, and the complex patterns of interaction
between them. It is all the more important to gain a clear analytical focus on this
feature of the ideology. In particular in language activism, so central to the nationalist
agenda, we can recognize (and we are apt to confuse) the modality of monoculturalist
ethnic chauvinism and the modality of civil rights.* To a large extent, also, the transi-
tion from Enlightenment patriotism to Romantic nationalism can be seen as a process
in which civic (‘vertically’ oriented, intra-national) vindications of popular sovereignty
acquired the added ‘horizontal’ component of inter-national and ethnic rivalry (cf.
Koselleck 1992).
This is an attempt towards a cultural history, not an analysis of current affairs. Even
so, this book was written in the hope that a cultural-historical perspective may be
useful for understanding the contemporary cultural conflicts that are confronting
Europe – hampered as it is in a shrinking multi-ethnic world by its self-imposed delu-
sion that it is a modular aggregate of ‘nation-states’, each incorporating a separate na-
tional identity.

* This problem is addressed in an appendix, below, pp. 278-283.

INTRODUCTION 29

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 Source Traditions, 1200-1800

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 Wilderness, Exoticism and the State’s Order:
Medieval Views
Upon entering Edinburgh’s Museum of Scotland (built in the 1990s), the visitor passes
between two sentences, calligraphed on opposite walls, from the Declaration of Ar-
broath (1320) asserting Scottish independence and freedom; their heavily symbolic
placement clearly lifts these phrases from the field of antiquarian anecdote and turns
them into a motto for contemporary culture and politics. On one wall is written: ‘As
long as only one hundred of us remain alive, we will never on any condition be
brought under English rule’; on the opposite wall: ‘For we fight not for glory, nor
riches, nor honours, but for freedom alone, which no good man gives up except with
his life’. The explanatory notice gives the Latin original of the phrases, and emphasizes
their modern resonance:

These still resounding words appeal for freedom in the face

of conquest by England. The ‘Letter of the Barons of Scot-
land’ to Pope John XXII, dated at Arbroath on 6 April 1320,
was a declaration in the name of the ‘whole community of the
Realm’ on their determination to maintain the independence
of Scotland and to support King Robert Bruce.7

This recent Scottish example of anchoring a late-twentieth century national museum

in a medieval bedrock is representative of the tendency of modern national thought to
hark back to ancient or medieval roots and continuities. Nineteenth- and twentieth-
century Flemish national thought is full of references to anti-French resistance in the
Battle of Courtrai (1302); the Irish and Greek nations invoke the memory of resistance
against English and Turkish rule over many centuries. But does a claim to ancestry
really prove direct descent? Must we, on the basis of nationalist self-historicizations,
accept that nineteenth- and twentieth-century nationalism is the direct continuation
of a persistently asserted, unchanging Scottish, Flemish, Irish or Greek ‘nationality’
across all these centuries? If modern Scots, Flemish or Greek nationalists recognize
their ideals in medieval precursors, does that mean that those medieval precursors
would have recognized themselves in these self-proclaimed nineteenth- and twen-
tieth-century successors? Would the Scottish Barons who so resoundingly asserted
their inalienable liberty in 1320 have cheered the movie Braveheart as modern Scottish
audiences did? Would they have endorsed a parliamentary democracy with voting
rights for all, including workers and women? Did ‘freedom’ and ‘English rule’ mean
the same thing in 1320 as in 2000, and can we equate the medieval notion of a feudal
realm with the modern notion of a nation-state? To ask these questions, and to realize
that they are unanswerable and even impossible, means confronting modern national-
ism, and its rhetoric of national remembrance, with the danger of anachronism.

33

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 The history and pre-history of nationalism consists of changes as well as continu-
ities, none of which are simple or straightforward. When confronted with the self-
historicization of national movements, scholars should not repeat histories, but study
history; we should study historicist claims critically, rather than accepting them as the
basis for our own research. Cultural history in particular must always be aware of the
historicity and variability of culture, and avoid anachronism. Most continuities in
history are retrospectively imposed rather than spontaneously generated, imposed
upon the past by latter-day needs and desires. There may be similarities between atti-
tudes and rhetoric that we encounter in various centuries, but similarities do not con-
stitute unchanging identity or persistent continuity; they should not blind us to all
that changed over the course of time.
Medieval Europe was aware of distinctions between languages and regions, and
these were often couched in the nomenclature of ‘nations’. The nation was not, how-
ever, a rigorously thought-out concept. Sometimes it referred to the fellow-inhabitants
of a shared region (pays, paese). Sometimes it referred to people sharing a notion of
common descent. Thus, clans in medieval Ireland and Scotland were referred to, in
medieval documents, as nations; Hessians, Suabians and Bavarians were considered
nations, as were Picardians or Burgundians. Well before the development of reliable
maps, the realms and territories of Europe, and the people who inhabited them, were
demarcated in a far less systematic manner than what we are accustomed to nowadays.
Everywhere in Europe there was an intense, but unsystematic proliferation of ancestry
myths that attempted to link back the present population of the world to the figures
and tribes known from Classical Antiquity or from the Old Testament. Thus the in-
habitants of Britain believed that their island was named after a legendary Roman,
Brutus; many genealogical filiations were drawn up tracing family roots back to an-
cient Greece or Troy, or to the Tribes of Israel.8
There was, to be sure, a tendency to ascribe to the different regions and populations
a certain set of moral virtues and vices; these, however, were fairly unspecific. Virtues
such as honesty, charity, filial piety, marital fidelity, chastity and hospitality, and
vices such as lust, sloth, wrath and mendacity, had been listed by Aristotle, Cicero
and the church fathers; they were universally human but could be predicated, as the
case required, to any nation that one wished to praise or blame. The base modality of
ethnographic characterology was, if any, the crude ethnocentrism of the cartoon char-
acter Obélix, who finds all non-Gauls, be they Roman or Goth, Briton or Hispanic,
‘funny’ and ‘queer in the head’. Nationality and national character were certainly not
the basis of a systematic division of mankind, let alone the basis for a territorial divi-
sion of the world by nation-state.
If we want to trace the rise of national thought in pre-modern Europe, it is useful to
look at other forms of societal grouping and stereotyping. Much more fundamental to
the medieval world order, in terms of social organization and the regulation of human
behaviour, was the opposition between civilized culture and wild nature. Humans
who fail to live up to civil standards are prone to a savage inferiority which is proper
to beasts and wild nature: mankind is poised between the higher, spiritual world and
the lower, bestial world, and society, too, is divided vertically in the higher, refined
orders and the lower, brutish underclass. As Jacques Le Goff put it:

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 In the Middle Ages the great contrast was not, as it had been
in antiquity, between the city and the country (urbs and rus,
as the Romans put it) but between nature and culture, ex-
pressed in terms of the opposition between what was built,
cultivated and inhabited (city, castle, village) and what was
essentially wild (the ocean and forest, the western equivalents
of the eastern desert), that is, between men who lived in
groups and those who lived in solitude.9

The place of the individual is always positioned in the vertical terms of the order or
estate to which one belongs, the lord or liege whose servant or subject one is. In
medieval society, the centre of civility is the noble court. Codes of chivalry are in force
here, with their ritual and ceremonious self-discipline. Table manners, protocol, an
elaborate hierarchy of dignities and titles, and courtly behaviour, indeed the very no-
tion of courtesy: all this manifests a triumph over crude ‘natural’, savage behaviour. Its
most powerful expression is sexual self-denial, either in the abstinence of clerical celib-
acy or in the reticence of ‘courtly love’.
The courtier’s opposite is the churl, bumpkin, low-class country dweller. The
names given to him invariably become terms of insult: churl, vilein, boor, peasant; a
‘heathen’ was originally someone who inhabits the barren, savage heathlands (the pa-
gus in Latin where lives the paganus). These rustics are denigrated by the same token
that glorifies the courtly chivalric role model. Churls’ eating habits and personal hy-
giene are animal-like, unrestrained, revolting, demonstrating their lower position in
the social and natural order. The medieval Flemish Kerelslied or ‘Song of the Churls’
mocks and taunts their boorishness and lack of breeding, and their sloppy diet of
‘curds and whey’.10 A late example of such anti-churlish invective is the mid-seven-
teenth century Irish-Gaelic satire Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis (‘The Parliament of
Tom’s Clan’), which with aristocratic scorn describes the bestial condition of upstart
menials, who presume to hold a parliament; they feed on:

The head-gristle and trotters of cattle, and the blood, gore

and entrails of dumb animals; and furthermore these were to
be their bread and condiment: coarse, half-baked barley
bread, messy mish-mashes of gruel, skimmed milk, and the
butter of goats and sheep, rancid, full of hairs and blue pock-
marks.11

Outside the sphere of control of the civilized court (always conceived of, like the city
or the cloister, as a walled-in or fenced-in place) lies also the wild countryside.12 At its
wildest, it can be a forest; the absolute counterpart of the ordered, refined world of the
court with its regulated life, the forest is an unkempt wilderness with no rules but only
savage nature. According to Emile Benveniste the very word ‘forest’ derives from the
late-Latin foris, ‘outside’ indicating anything that is external and alien.13 It is here that
the courtly discipline and protocol can be relaxed in the sport of hunting; it is here
that the wild things are. In many romances from the chivalric Middle Ages, the hero

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 makes a sortie into this wild world of the Forest Perilous. A knight’s quest will take
him from banquets and refined conversation into the sombre haunt of dragons and
damsels in distress. The forest is a labyrinth without charted roads, and knights invari-
ably start their adventures by getting lost there.
Interestingly, the separate status of the forest had a special legal title. Medieval
England knew two sets of law: Common Law for the civil part of the country, that is
to say, for ‘society’ proper, and Forest Law for the wilderness.14 This status provided a
means to dominate the wild Outside, mainly by stipulating that human individuals
had no rights or legal standing in the forest, except for the King to hunt there.15
By the sixteenth century, the forest becomes, then, the playground of the court;
hunting parties become increasingly refined demonstrations of the King’s preroga-
tives,16 enacting time and again a symbolic victory of courtly nobility over wild na-
ture. This attitude, that courtly knights and kings can demonstrate their power and
heroism by having adventures in the wild countryside, still informs in later centuries a
specific notion of colonial expansion. The heroes of Victorian adventure romances by
Kipling (The Man who Would be King, 1888; Kim, 1901) and Rider Haggard (King
Solomon’s Mines, 1885; She, 1887) follow the patterns of medieval chivalric heroes like
Yvain; in the American Western, with its cowboys, outlaws and Indians, a similar
questing hero is to be encountered in a similar savage testing-ground. The humans
who are native to this wildness/wilderness are likewise savage: the ‘Wild Man’ or homo
sylvestris of the medieval imagination is succeeded in later representations by native
Africans, Pashtuns and American Indians. Thus the expansion of the power of the
state goes hand-in-hand with a denigration of the people who dwell at its uncultivated,
uncontrolled frontier. One early case within European history involves the expansion
of the Teutonic Order into the non-Christian, heathen areas of the Baltic, where na-
tive tribes like the Old Prussians were either enslaved and forcibly converted to Chris-
tianity, or else exterminated.17 Another well-documented example is Ireland.

Exoticism and propaganda: Giraldus Cambrensis and the English conquest of

Ireland

From the very beginnings of the English hegemonic presence in Ireland, all these
attitudes were operative.18 As early as the 1170s, when ambitious noblemen had begun
to claim Ireland for the English crown, the intellectual courtier and cleric Giraldus de
Barri (an Anglo-Norman better known as Giraldus Cambrensis, ‘Gerald of Wales’)
justified this hegemonic claim with two tracts: Topographia Hiberniae (‘The Topogra-
phy of Ireland’) and Expugnatio Hibernica (‘The Irish Conquest’). Prince John, son of
the English king Henry II, had been appointed Lord of Ireland, Dominus Hiberniae
on the basis of a papal bull. Issued by the English-born pope Adrian IV, this bull
(which Giraldus quotes at length) pointed out that Ireland was too savage to govern

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 itself and that accordingly it had to be placed under the rule of the English crown.*
Wildness and savagery thus signal an inferior, subordinate position in the order of
things, and English hegemony is presented as a civilizing mission. Pope Adrian had
empowered his ‘beloved son in Christ’, Henry, to:

Enter that island for the purpose of enlarging the boundaries

of the church, checking the descent into wickedness, correct-
ing morals and implanting virtues, and encouraging the
growth of the faith of Christ.

A subsequent papal confirmation even emphasized this motivation:

Once the stains of this land have been cleansed, its savage
people, Christian only in name, may through your efforts
take on proper mores; and this nation may, once the disor-
dered church of that land is brought into line, be worthy of
the name of Christians.19

In fact, Ireland was not a savage wilderness, though that is what these sources suggest.
It had a rich monastic life and had been known in previous centuries as insula sancto-
rum et doctorum, ‘island of saints and scholars’. The papal donation, which elsewhere
in the same bull states to meet an expressed desire on the part of the English king, may
have been a political ‘deal’ between Henry II and Adrian IV, and the rhetoric of moral
improvement only a propagandistic pretence. Even so, it is remarkable that political
expansionism should choose to drape itself in this type of rhetoric.

Giraldus’s descriptions move in two patterns. One is a description of the country’s

marvels and strange phenomena, the other a strenuous denigration of the Irish natives.
Giraldus follows standard patterns of the exotic imagination. From Roman to med-
ieval authors (Solinus and Mandeville), we encounter a tendency to describe foreign
lands in terms of their strangeness. They are doubly strange: unaccustomed to, and
also weird. In strange lands, nature plays strange tricks; weird phenomena and mon-
strous creatures abound. A good example in case are the so-called ‘Plinian races’,
named after the Roman geographer Pliny, who filled in the blanks on the world map
with the help of his imagination and peopled them with fantastical creatures. Cyclops,
phoenix, creatures without heads with their faces in their chest, creatures with one leg
who can rest from their hopping by reclining in the shade of their parasol-sized foot;
etcetera.20

* Ireland thus counted as a lordship that the English king held in fief from the pope. Only with
the English Reformation did Henry VIII break with this arrangement: he declared himself, not
dominus Hiberniae, but King of Ireland. From then on, Ireland was seen as a kingdom in personal
union with the English Crown.

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 1. Plinian races

This reservoir of fabulous monsters and fantastical marvels (mirabilia) was used as a
marker of exoticism. In order to describe foreign lands in terms of their strangeness, to
emphasize their exotic nature, the description will use imagery that represents a dis-
torted or topsy-turvy version of the world as we know it. It is this stock-in-trade of
mirabilia that Giraldus activates, especially in the Topographia, in order to describe
Ireland. He thereby signals that the country should be seen as a different country, an
exotic land, an Elsewhere. Thus, under the heading De mirabilibus Hiberniae (‘On the
Marvels of Ireland’) he tells of an offshore island where people do not die; of a fish
with golden teeth, a speaking wolf, a bearded woman and a man who is half bull, half
human; a cow shaped partly like a deer, unnatural carnal relations between a woman
and a goat, a woman and a lion... Ireland, it is made obvious, is strange, weird, a

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 perversely twisted outpost of the normal world. This leads into chapters on the Irish
lack of Christian manners and Irish vices: descriptions of Irish strangeness shade into a
denunciation of Ireland’s barbaric uncouthness:

This people is extraordinarily dirty and completely covered in

sins. Of all peoples it is the least instructed in the rudiments
of Christian doctrine. They pay no tithes or harvest sacrifices,
they do not celebrate marriage, they shun no unchastity and
neglect to visit God’s church with the necessary respect.21

The accusation of sexual looseness is the gravest of all. The implication is that the Irish
will have sex with any available partner, without any taboo, restriction or social rule
whatsoever. This is behaviour that truly marks them as bestial, beneath the standards
of humanity: they copulate as freely as animals.* In Giraldus’s book, the savagery of
the Irish is not just a sign of their lack of civility, but an abomination of the natural
order of things, because it perversely breaks through the barrier between man and
beast.

This is a people of forest-dwellers, and inhospitable; a people

living off beasts and like beasts; a people that still adheres to
the most primitive way of pastoral living. For as humanity
progresses from the forests to the arable fields, and towards
village life and civil society, this people is too lazy for agricul-
ture and is heedless of material comfort; and they positively
dislike the rules and legalities of civil intercourse; thus they
have been unable and unwilling to abandon their traditional
life of forests and pasture.22

The conclusion: England will have to restore the natural order of things by ‘taming’
Ireland; English hegemony is a moral imperative. The Expugnatio accordingly con-
cludes with practical tips on how to reduce the country to obedience, and how to
administer it; the Topographia ends with a chapter in praise of the good king Henry,
who in classicist terms is eulogized as a latter-day Alexander the Great, with references
to Ovid, Caesar, Seneca and Horace: the representative of true civility in the face of
Irish savagery.23
The classicism of this twelfth-century cleric is, in fact, remarkable. At some points,
Giraldus’s idea of civility is not merely courtly-chivalric, as one might expect from a
feudal courtier, but even Roman-inspired, breathing the spirit of Cicero, and seeing

* The underlying principle has been pointed out by thinkers like Freud and Norbert Elias: hu-
man civility consists in the tabooing and social regulation of bodily functions (such as sex) and
aggression. Accordingly, discourse that wants to stress the savagery of a given society will frequently
do so by imputing the free performance of strongly tabooed acts of sex and violence: especially
cannibalism, promiscuity and incest; cf. Arens 1979; Arens 1986.

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 progress (as we can gather from the quoted passage) in the transition of pastoral life to
agriculture and the building of cities.

Order within, wilderness beyond

English policy in Ireland, from the days of Giraldus onwards, was aimed at demarcat-
ing and separating the areas of wildness and civility. The civil portion of Ireland was
the part where royal power was duly acknowledged, where ‘the king’s writ ran’. De
facto the area in question was a semicircle around Dublin, with a radius between 50
and 100 miles. It was known as ‘The English Pale’, from a Brabant loanword signify-
ing ‘border post’ or ‘frontier’; even now the phrase ‘within/beyond the pale of civiliza-
tion’ recalls this state of affairs. There was also a legal distinction between the two
worlds that confronted each other in Ireland: the ordered English-governed realm,
and the savage Irish wilderness. The Statutes of Kilkenny of 1366 defined a constitu-
tional distinction between ‘the king’s English subjects’ and ‘the king’s Irish enemies’.
The nomenclature may have been ethnic, but being English or Irish was a matter of
choice, not of descent. Those who adopted a civil lifestyle in obedience to English law
were ipso facto English (and this may have included a good deal of Irish natives who
had submitted). Those who maintained native customs that had been outlawed (dress,
hairstyle, beard/moustache, keeping bardic court-poets, etc.) were thereby declaring
themselves savage Wild Men, ‘Irish enemies’ (and this included families of Norman-
English descent). The laws made no proviso for anything like Irish subjects or English
enemies.24
As long as Ireland remained a feudal dominion or lordship, the division between
‘within’ and ‘beyond the Pale’ echoed chivalric patterns. Ireland Beyond the Pale was
like the Forest Perilous where the wild things are. In a way, it was also the natural back
garden of any chivalric court: every Camelot needs its Forest Perilous. It represented
that wildness which

[...] implied everything that eluded Christian norms and the

established framework of Christian society, referring to what
was uncanny, unruly, raw, unpredictable, foreign, uncul-
tured, and uncultivated. It included the unfamiliar as well as
the unpredictable.25

The change from feudal-chivalric patterns towards a more modern state organization
was to make itself felt in this Irish arrangement as well. Once Columbus had sailed to
the far shores of the Atlantic, America took on the role, in the English imagination,
that the Irish wilderness had had before: a New World beyond the sea, full of savage
Wild Men, monsters and weird phenomena, a testing ground for the bravery and
resourcefulness of heroic adventurers. By the same token, Ireland was now seen as
belonging in its entirety to the king’s realm; any lawless wilderness where the king’s
writ did not run was an intolerable defiance. The existence of a race of Wild Men in

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 the forests and wildernesses of Ireland was as unacceptable as a tribe of rebellious Ap-
aches would be nowadays in the suburbs of Phoenix, Arizona.
All this was reflected in Henry VIII’s 1541 claim to the kingship of Ireland (as op-
posed to the lordship it had been before). It was not merely a side effect of his breach
with the papacy, or a coup by his Dublin subjects; it also extended his centralization
policy to Ireland. As a result of his becoming king of Ireland, all inhabitants of that
realm became his subjects and the distinction between an Ireland within and beyond
the Pale was abolished. Anyone who would under the old laws have been considered
an ‘Irish enemy’ now became an Irish rebel: a internal traitor, rather than an external
barbarian. Significantly, Henry’s policy in Ireland was to rely less and less on feudal
nobles like the earls of Ormonde, Desmond or Thomond, but rather on appointed
officials and a bureaucratic administration, involving sheriffs and a Privy Council.
Irish territory was no longer shared out as fiefs among noble courtiers, but as ‘planta-
tions’ (colonial holdings) among English ‘adventurers’ or ‘undertakers’ (colonists).26
At the same time, cultural policies were sharpened. Whereas native Gaelic custom
had been proscribed earlier as signifying a refusal to submit to the King’s power, it now
became an illegal act of rebellion. A policy of anglicization formed the cultural mani-
festation of this centralist agenda:

A conquest draweth, or at the least wise ought to drawe to it,

three things, to witte, law, apparayle, and languague. For
where the countrye is subdued, there the inhabitants ought
to be ruled by the same law that the conqueror is governed,
to weare the same fashion of attyre, wherewith the victour is
vested, & speake the same language, that the vanquisher par-
leth. And if anye of them lacke, doubtlesse the conquest lim-
peth.27

Uniformity of language and culture thus mirrored uniformity of law. From this more
modern perspective, the Irish wilderness ought not to have been left to its own devices
beyond the Pale; government ought to have been imposed, by Forest Law if need be.
One of James I’s foremost advisers, Sir John Davies, wrote in 1612:

Againe, if King Henry the second, who is said to be the K.

that Conquered this Land, had made Forrests in Ireland [...]
or if those English Lordes, amongst whom the whole King-
dome was devided, had beene good Hunters, and had re-
duced the Mountaines, Boggs, and woods within the limits
of Forrests, Chases, and Parkes; assuredly, the very Forrest
Law, and the Law De Malefactoribus in parcis, would in time
have driven them into the Plain & Countries inhabited and
Mannured, and have made them yeeld uppe their fast places
to those wild Beastes which were indeede less hurtfull and
wilde, then they.28

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 2. National types in the margin of an early-modern map of the world
(by Petrus Kaerius, 1611).

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 Accordingly, a law was enacted around the same time (1612) formally abolishing the
existence of an inimical Irishry:

In that all the natives and inhabitants of this kingdome,

without difference and distinction, are taken into his Majes-
tie’s gratious protection, and doe now live under one law as
dutiful subjects of our sovereigne lord and monarch, by
means whereof, a perfect agreement is and ought to be settled
betwixt all his Majestie’s subjects in this realm.29

Not only do we see in these developing English attitudes, from Giraldus to Davies, a
foreshadowing of what was to become a European colonial policy in the world at large
– Davies’s views were also to result, within Ireland, in the ‘plantation’ of the rebellious
Ulster counties with Scottish undertakers. And that, in turn, marks the beginning of
the ethnic and religious tensions which have dominated political relations in the north
of Ireland ever since. One of the most violent flashpoints of nationalist strife in late-
twentieth-century Western Europe, Ulster represents also the impact and importance,
even in modern state formation, of archaic imaginative patterns. Medieval notions of
savagery and civility, wild nature and ordered society, are operative in European eth-
notypes. These influence in turn the developing notion of a well-ordered, properly
governed realm or state, the order which that state includes and the wild Otherness
from which it is separated.

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 The Renaissance and Democratic
Primitivism
The idea of ‘the Renaissance’ covers a whole cluster of great European transitions and
revolutions in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries: the great advances of art and
learning in Italy, the scientific revolutions from Copernicus to Galileo, the Turkish
conquest of Byzantium, Columbus’s successful crossing of the Atlantic, the invention
of movable type printing, the various initiatives towards an anti-papal reformation of
Western Christianity from Jan Hus to Martin Luther. All these are loosely grouped
around the vague but indispensable concept of a European Renaissance. That term
evokes not just progress or even revolutionary innovation but rediscovery: a rebirth, a
reawakening, and more specifically a re-acquaintance with the learning and culture of
classical antiquity. In the eyes of intellectuals from the period, they participated in a re-
classicization of Europe after the previous chivalric-Gothic centuries.
However, the Renaissance involved not only a new ideal of ‘the grandeur that was
Rome’; it also brought into fresh circulation the misgivings that Rome had about
itself, and the mixed feelings with which Rome regarded primitive tribes outside its
frontiers. The Renaissance not only rediscovered classical civility, but also classical
primitivism.30 For the civilizations of Greece and Rome had their own ‘discontents’:
misgivings about the decadent over-refinement found in the city, nostalgia for an
arcadian existence in the countryside, close to nature, as expressed by in bucolic poetry
or Virgil’s Georgics. In certain Roman sources, such ‘back-to-nature’ primitivism
could lead to a backhanded appreciation even of the barbaric tribes of the north. And
this, in turn, when translated into the frame of reference of early-modern Europe,
would lead to a new form of tribal nomenclature and self-identification in the emer-
ging states of the period.

Gauls, Belgae and Goths at universities and councils

The Low Countries – a set of lordships including, among others, the duchy of Brabant
and the counties of Flanders, Holland, Zeeland and Hainault, between them covering
much of the present-day Benelux – were called ‘Low’ from the more elevated perspec-
tive of the heartland of Burgundy. The dukes of Burgundy acquired these Pays-Bas in
the early fifteenth century, as part of their great expansion, which for a while looked as
if it might lead to the establishment of an independent Middle Kingdom between
France and Germany. The Dukes of Burgundy signalled their ambitions by many
monarchical claims and gestures: they even founded a chivalric order, the Order of
the Golden Fleece, which had as much prestige as the Order of the Garter in England.
In another typically monarchical gesture, the dukes founded a university in their

44

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 newly-acquired possessions: at Louvain, in 1425, five years before their Order of the
Golden Fleece was founded at Bruges.
It was around Louvain that Latinate humanists found another, classical name for
the Burgundian Netherlands. They called them the ‘Provincia Belgica’. That name
they gleaned from Caesar’s De bello gallico, with its flattering description of the tribes
of the appropriate regions of North-Eastern Gaul, between the Marne/Seine and the
Rhine. Geographically, the name made for a good fit. Morally, it was an even happier
choice, because Caesar had shown himself quite appreciative of the Belgae. Famously,
Caesar opened his description of Gaul as follows:

Gaul is a whole divided into three parts, one of which is in-

habited by the Belgae, another by the Aquitani, and a third
by a people called in their own tongue Celtae, in the Latin
Galli. [...] Of all these peoples the Belgae are the most coura-
geous, because they are farthest removed from the culture
and the civilization of the Province, and least often visited by
merchants introducing the commodities that make for ef-
feminacy; and also because they are nearest to the Germans
dwelling beyond the Rhine, with whom they are continually
at war.31

We notice Caesar’s implicit macho primitivism: Southern Gaul (the Gaulish ‘Province’
around Narbonne, nowadays still called the Provence) is mollified and effete because of
its proximity to the comforts and luxuries of Roman civilization. Conversely, the Bel-
gae, being farthest removed from Rome and its influence, are the doughtiest and most
stalwart tribe. The ‘Belgian’ self-appellation accordingly was flattering and stayed in
use from the early 1400s onwards; it was eventually to be applied to the still-existing
kingdom, Belgium, which proclaimed its independence in 1830. (That new kingdom
assiduously continued and cultivated the historical remembrance of the ‘ancient Bel-
gae’ as tribal forerunners and godfathers of the nation.)32
During the period of the foundation of Louvain University, Europe was going
through major upheavals, of which Burgundy’s attempts to wedge itself as an indepen-
dent realm between France and the Holy Roman Empire formed only a part. Owing
to the Western Schism – the division of the Western church between competing popes
and anti-popes – the unifying role of the Roman church had been severely handi-
capped. A centrifugal tendency, away from Rome, was in evidence everywhere. There
was the Hussite religious reform movement in Bohemia, which took on national over-
tones: the claim to use Bohemian (Czech) as a language of administration and liturgy
was part of it. And in the Council of Constance (1414-1438), bishops no longer delib-
erated and voted as a united body, but chose to cast ‘block votes’ organized by arch-
diocese – that is to say, nationally.33 National-dynastic interests (that is to say, the
separate interests of different kingdoms and their monarchical rulers) began to dom-
inate the agenda. Against the older ideal of a European Christendom united beneath
the twin aegis of emperor and pope (bickering though they may be), kings began to
develop the ideology that they had total, imperial sovereignty within their own realms.

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 This was voiced particularly strongly by kings whose realms did not fall within the
limits of the old Carolingian Empire.34 The king of Scots affected the heraldic use,
not of a royal crown but of an imperial-style ‘open’ crown: something still in evidence
on many Scottish towers, such as that of the University of Aberdeen. The invocation
of ancient tribal roots, as gleaned from classical authors, falls into this trend.
A particularly potent tribal name to be invoked was that of the Goths. These had
originally emerged from Southern Sweden to settle, in late imperial times, at the lower
course of the Danube, and from there had been instrumental in the break-up of the
Roman Empire, founding sixth-century kingdoms both in Northern Italy (the Ostro-
goths under Theodoric, around Ravenna*) and in Spain (the Visigoths). Like the
associated tribe of the Vandals, the name of the ‘Goths’ lived on in memory as the
destroyers of the Western Roman Empire;† but the Goths’ early conversion to Chris-
tianity and their bravery had been praised by Latinate authors like Jordanes and
Isidore of Seville. This Gothic prestige was invoked in the mid-fifteenth century from
opposite ends of Europe. The Kingdoms of Sweden and of Spain both claimed status
based on the fact that they had been founded, not under the aegis of Charlemagne,
but by independent Gothic forebears. To be sure, both kingdoms were as yet in flux:
the Spanish reconquista would not be completed until the fall of the Moorish King-
dom of Granada in 1492, and Spain was (feudally and dynastically speaking) a con-
glomerate of various separate royal realms; Leon, Aragon, Navarre and Castille. Even
so, the dynastic memory of having originally been founded by Visigothic conquerors
was alive, and strong enough to play a role in the seating arrangements and order of
precedence at the Council of Basel in 1436. Such precedence, now a matter of na-
tional-dynastic honour (after the foregoing Council, at Constance), was heavily con-
tested. Bishop Alfonso of Burgos claimed seniority on the basis that he represented a
most ancient, Visigothically-founded monarchy. In so doing, he attempted to rebut a
similar claim by bishop Nils Ragvaldsson of Uppsala to claim precedence on the basis
of Sweden being the aboriginal homeland of the Goths.35
These examples, of Lowland-Burgundian Belgae and Spanish or Swedish Goths,
show how the spreading influence of Latinate learning and humanism in the early
fifteenth century would gradually replace older, biblically-derived models of ethnic
descent. The most influential of these sources came to light even during these decades:
Tacitus.

* The prestige of this Ostrogothic capital (later recaptured by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian)
was such that the chapel built in Charlemagne’s residence of Aachen was consciously modelled on
Ravenna’s main church of San Vitale, with its Byzantine octagonal ground plan.
† Thus Giorgio Vasari (1511-1574), the first great art historian and proponent of classical taste,
made ‘Gothic’ a term of aesthetic abuse, and a byword of medieval tastelessness and wayward dec-
oration-overload; cf. Panofsky 1930.

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 Tacitus

One of the first great effects of the new medium of printed books was not so much to
facilitate the production of new types of text as to reissue and redistribute older cano-
nical classics. The first printed book, Gutenberg’s Bible, stands as an example, and the
most meaningful early printed books are perhaps best characterized as ‘reprints’.
One of the classical authors who was best served by the new medium of print was
Publius Cornelius Tacitus. Whereas much of Horace, Virgil and Cicero, as well as
other texts such as Caesar’s De bello gallico, had been extensively circulated in manu-
script throughout the Middle Ages, and Livy’s history of Rome had been fairly widely
known at least since the thirteenth century, Tacitus’s work was coming to light on the
very eve of the invention of print. Portions of the Annales (books 11-16) and the Histor-
iae (books 1-5) had been sighted around 1360 in the monastic library of Monte Cassino
by none other than Giovanni Boccaccio, and slightly less than a century later, around
1455, the sole surviving manuscript of his Germania surfaced in Rome. It may be said
that Tacitus is the classical author who owes most to humanism.36
With Tacitus’s texts, a number of Roman reflections on North-European societies
came to the attention of contemporary intellectuals. He had written around the year
100 AD, that is to say, a full century and a half after Cicero and Caesar; he describes
the vicissitudes of Roman rule in Gaul and Britain after Caesar, and his historical
survey therefore covers, not only the march of conquest, but also its ultimate stalling,
and the troubles of consolidation. Caesar in his Gaulish conquest had triumphantly
described how he overcame the stalwart resistance of Gaulish and Belgian chiefs like
Vercingetorix or Ambiorix; Tacitus’s subsequent history also takes in the disastrous
annihilation of Varus’ army at the hands of Arminius the Cheruscan in 9 AD, the
nobility of the defeated Britannic leader Caractacus in 51 AD, and the risings of the
Iceni under Boadicea in 62 AD and of the Batavi under Civilis in 69 AD.
Tacitus echoes the implicit primitivism that we already encountered in Caesar, and
adds to it a dose of cultural pessimism. Writing as he does after the Roman Republic
had become an empire, he evinces a fundamental unease concerning the loss of primi-
tive, republican virtus.* In particular his Germania is a mirror held up to Rome. While,
on the one hand, the patrician Roman cannot but despise the rustic savagery of the
Germanic tribes and their lifestyle, there is a continuous awareness that these savage
tribes had in 9 AD destroyed two entire Roman legions in the Teutoburg Forest under
their leader Arminius, and that what they lack in refinement they more than make up
for in moral and political ‘manliness’. They are frugal, chaste, and have a republican
political system in that they elect or appoint their leaders on the basis of merit (as
opposed to the dynastic empire, with its decadent court culture, that Rome was be-
coming).

* The notion of virtus contains far more machismo than a straightforward translation ‘virtue’
would suggest. The word indicates an ideal of masculinity (the first syllable is the same as in virile),
and may best be translated as ‘manliness’: the strength of character, courage, resolve, self-abnegation
and self-discipline that makes men superior to women, or children (cf. McDonnell 2007).

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 Tacitus’s appreciative comments on the Germans’ tribal republicanism are well
known. Witness the following passage, with its heavy undertone of self-criticism:

[...] the marriage tie with them is strict: you will find nothing
in their character to praise more highly. They are almost the
only barbarians who are content with a wife apiece [...] So
their life is one of fenced-in chastity. There is no arena with
its seductions, no dinner-tables with their provocations to
corrupt them. Of the exchange of secret letters men and wo-
men alike are innocent; adulteries are very few for the num-
ber of the people. Punishment is prompt and is the husband’s
prerogative [...] No one laughs at vice there; no one calls se-
duction, suffered or wrought, the spirit of the age. [...] to
limit the number of their children, to make away with any of
the later children is held abominable, and good habits have
more force with them than good laws elsewhere. There they
are, the children, in every house, growing up amid nakedness
and squalor into that girth of limb and frame which is to our
people a marvel. Its own mother suckles each at her breast;
they are not passed on to nursemaids and wetnurses.37

After almost every sentence one might tacitly add: ‘unlike our own, depraved, Roman
morals’. Tacitus’s appreciative, primitivist ethnotypes contrast sharply with the denig-
rations of Giraldus; yet both follow the same rhetoric in juxtaposing uncouth other-
ness contrastively with an implied domestic standard. Both silhouette an implied self-
image against the otherness of an opposing Outside.38 Tacitus’s praise for the combi-
nation of primitive, rustic frugality and unadulterated virtus is very close indeed to the
withering satire that his contemporary Juvenal levelled against Roman vice. Juvenal’s
sixth satire, denouncing the decline of marital fidelity and the loose sexual mores of
women in particular, opens with a wistful evocation of primitive virtue, as it had once
existed in a bygone Golden Age. When the old father of the gods, Saturn, ruled, and
his successor Jupiter was still young, mankind was in a natural state, without elegant
clothing or comfortable housing – much like contemporary German tribes. It was
before sentimental maidens could indulge their effete posturing, when manners were
rough but chastity and virtue still dwelt among primitive mankind:

I can believe that Chastity lingered on earth during Saturn’s

reign [...] when a chilly cave provided a tiny home, enclosing
fire and hearth god and herd and its owners in communal
gloom, when a mountain wife made her woodland bed with
leaves and straw and the skins or her neighbours, the beasts.
She was nothing like you, Cynthia [...]. Instead she offered
her paps for her hefty babies to drain, and she was often more
unkempt than her acorn-belching husband. You see, people
lived differently then, when the world was new and the sky

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 3. Enea Silvio Piccolomini sets out for the Council of Basel as secretary to the
papal legation. From a fresco in the Piccolomini Library, Siena.

was young – people who had no parents but were born from
split oak or shaped from mud. It’s possible that many or at
least some traces of ancient Chastity survived under Jupiter
too – but that was before Jupiter had got his beard [...] at a
time when no one feared that his cabbages or apples would
be stolen but people lived with their gardens unwalled.39

Like Juvenal’s satire, Tacitus’ Germania denounces Roman decadence. As such, it was
to affect the course of history repeatedly, and to become the single most influential
piece of Latin literature in post-medieval Europe. Anyone who believes that monar-
chies and royal courts are a congenial climate for intrigue and moral corruption; any-
one who for that reason prefers republics to monarchies; anyone who extols the virtues
of simple, solid citizens over immoral aristocrats; anyone who believes that Northern
Europeans are more trustworthy than Southern Europeans – is indebted to Tacitus.
The first humanist intellectual to betray the influence of Tacitus was Enea Silvio
Piccolomini, later Pope Pius II. At the Council of Basel, he already felt that from
Austria to Scotland, the Germanic languages were perhaps more suited than Latin to

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 unite Christendom in the struggle against the Turks; and in a later correspondence
with the archbishop of Mainz’s secretary (1457), he let slip some references to Tacitus’s
just-discovered Germania.40 A few years later, in 1470, Germania hit the printing
press, followed in 1515 by the Annales.

Tacitus’s impact in Germany

By the time Tacitus’s works appeared in print, they had acquired a whole new, but
uncannily apposite, political urgency: because Germany and Rome were now embark-
ing on a new war, that between Luther and the papacy.
The escalating Lutheran conflict marks the beginning of Europe’s first successful
anti-papal Reformation. To recapitulate briefly a few famous dates:
– 1517: Luther nails his 95 theses to the church door at Wittenberg, denouncing the
trade in indulgences and their theological underpinning (that salvation can be
‘bought’ by good deeds);
– 1520: A papal bull threatens Luther with excommunication unless he recants;
Luther burns it;
– 1521: Luther is excommunicated; he defends himself before emperor Charles V at
Worms; after the lapse of his free conduct he is declared an outlaw and goes into
hiding at the Wartburg, where he translates the New Testament into German
(printed in 1522).
Politically speaking, the salient fact is that the emperor obviously could not afford to
remove Luther as ruthlessly as an earlier reformer, Jan Hus, had been removed. Luther
was protected by a groundswell of sympathy (or perhaps better, by a groundswell of
anti-Roman feeling) among German princes, which tied Charles V’s hands. This anti-
Roman feeling was given a fortunate, powerful rhetoric by Tacitus’s recently published
Germania.41
As early as 1497, the Rhineland humanist Conrad Celtis had lectured on Germania
at Vienna University, and two of Luther’s most vociferous defenders, Ulrich von Hut-
ten and Georg Spalatin, began to praise him as a veritable champion, not of private
religious faith, but of the German nation. Luther was made a political as much as a
moral champion. In his tract Arminius, c. 1520, Hutten made the obvious and very
effective comparison: just as in Roman times the ancient German chief had defended
the liberties of his country by defeating Varus’s legions in the Teutoburg Forest, so the
modern German theologian would defend the liberties of the country by defeating the
Roman pontiff. One had blocked the Roman Empire as it attempted to expand be-
yond the Rhine, the other proved that the rule of the papal inquisition reached no
further than that same river.
And so the printing of Tacitus’s Germania in 1470 and of the Annales in 1515 facili-
tated the printing of Luther’s New Testament in 1522. It proved an invaluable asset in
politically justifying the Reformation by a recourse to anti-Roman patriotism. Germa-
nia and Arminius have maintained that role ever since in German history. The Cher-
uskan chief’s name was even retrotranslated into its putative original form: the name
must have been derived, so it was thought (for this was when scholars were fond of

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 etymological speculation) from an original Hermann, most Ur-German of names. Did
it not evoke martial virtue as a Heer-Mann, ‘army-man’? Did it not, in fact, stand to
reason that from Hermann had been derived, not only the Latin Arminius, but also the
Latin Germani, and that therefore the very name of the nation, Germani, meant noth-
ing else than ‘the Hermanns’, the army-men, the warriors?
Over the following centuries, the Tacitus-derived opposition of Germany against
Rome, as exemplified by the names of Arminius and Luther, became one of the great
commonplaces of European history. Within Germany, it was repeatedly activated
whenever a ‘national’ cause was championed against enemies from beyond the Rhine.
When the eighteenth-century poet Friedrich Klopstock attempted to develop a native
German literature, based on its own sagas and history, he used Arminius repeatedly:
in the ode Hermann und Thusnelda of 1752; in the tragedy ‘Hermann’s Battle’ (Her-
manns Schlacht, 1769); and its sequels ‘Hermann and the Princes’ (Hermann und die
Fürsten, 1784) and ‘Hermann’s Death’ (Hermanns Tod, 1787). Trying to gain favour
with the enlightened-autocratic emperor Joseph II for his project of a German Repub-
lic of Letters, Klopstock glorifies Hermann as ‘Patriot King’, ruling an alliance of
princes and relying on the advice of his bardic counsellors. Indeed, so bardically-en-
thusiastic is Klopstock’s tragedy that he himself subtitled it eine Bardiet für die Schau-
bühne (‘a bardite for the stage’), coining that word from Tacitus, who had used it in
Germania to describe a chant used to inspire courage before battle.42
More explosive was Heinrich von Kleist’s Die Hermannsschlacht of 1808, which up-
dated the Teutoburg tale into an anti-Napoleonic political allegory. By 1808, Napoleon
had Germany under control along the Rhine, with Bavaria and Prussia being reduced
to the status of satellites. Among German intellectuals, anti-French feeling was begin-
ning to ride very high indeed. Even Kleist, usually a refined and lyrical poet and play-
wright, threw himself into vitriolic propaganda. His anti-French verse we shall en-
counter further on; his play of 1808 represents the title-hero, Hermann, as a
Cheruscan chief bracing himself to shoulder the task, as the play points out he must,
of uniting the Germanic tribes under his leadership to face the Roman foe. Kleist
obviously intended this as an incentive for the Prussian king (then still a French client)
to take on the leadership of an anti-Napoleonic German coalition. In the event, that is
what Prussia was to do: after Napoleon’s disastrous failure in the Russian campaign of
1812, Prussia joined the British-Russian camp. The Battle of Leipzig (1813) was to de-
feat Napoleon and send him to Elba.
What strikes us in Kleist’s piece is how neatly the classical story fits the contempo-
rary situation. The imperial threat from beyond the Rhine is now Napoleonic, not
Roman, but Germans can still effortlessly see themselves as simple-minded, frugal and
virtuous sons of the soil, and thereby oppose themselves morally to the ooh-la-la cul-
ture of frivolous France, autocratically ruled by its Corsican warlord-emperor. Tacitus’s
democratic primitivism is effortlessly applied as a metaphor to later circumstances.
Tacitus’s ethnography is cited to establish a moral distribution between northern vir-
tue-and-patriotism against southern decadence-and-imperialism.
That became once again manifest when, in the course of the 1870s, a huge statue
was erected in honour of Arminius in the Teutoburg Forest, near Lippe. Not only does
it honour the old German military chief and celebrate his struggle’s final fulfilment in

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 the creation of Bismarck’s empire; it also is, once again, an anti-Roman statement. For
in the 1870s, Bismarck’s empire was locked in a bitter struggle with the papacy over the
loyalty of Germany’s Catholic citizens. Should German Catholics be first and foremost
Germans, or Catholics? The so-called Kulturkampf, which ensued over this question,
culminated in Bismarck more-or-less banning Roman Catholicism from the empire.
We recognize this close link between German chauvinism and anti-Roman feeling in
the Teutoburg memorial to Arminius. In a contemporary political cartoon the Cher-
uscan hero, as represented in the newly-unveiled monument, is placed side by side
with Germany’s other hero, Luther (represented in the pose of the monument un-
veiled at Worms a few years previously). What unites them? The cartoon’s caption tells
us: Gegen Rom, against Rome. In this shared resistance Arminius, the forefighter of
Germany’s political independence, states ‘Ich habe gesiegt’ – ‘I have prevailed’. Luther,
forefighter of Germany’s religious independence, replies: ‘Ich werde siegen’ – ‘I shall
prevail’.43

4. United against Rome: Arminius and Luther. After a reproduction in

Thomas von der Dunk, De schaduw van het Teutoburgerwoud (2000), 69.

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 Tacitus’s impact in Holland

Meanwhile, the Low Countries were undergoing various religious and political pres-
sures; and here too, the availability of a cultural template from classical antiquity pro-
vided a scenario and a self-image to an emerging political conflict. The ducal house of
Burgundy had merged, in the person of Charles V, with the Habsburg dynasty, and
the territory of the Burgundian lands had ties with the Holy Roman Empire. As the
Reformation affected Charles’s German empire, so too did it affect his Low Countries.
When Charles abdicated in 1555, he left these Burgundian fiefs, now only nominally
part of the Holy Roman Empire (where he was succeeded by his brother Ferdinand)
under the rule of the Spanish crown (where he was succeeded by his son, Philip II). This
decision had grave consequences. The Low Countries were now linked with a distant,
centralist monarchy. Philip’s autocratic, centralist rule differed much from the looser,
more federal structure of the Empire. The Spanish connection also made it possible for
a Spanish institution to be introduced into this religious conflict: the Inquisition.
Tensions quickly increased as a result. The inquisitorial repression of the Reforma-
tion was particularly harsh, and Philip rode roughshod over the localist autonomies of
the various Netherlandic Provinces. Eventually the situation polarized into a full-
fledged revolt. Philip II was forsworn as king, the throne was declared to be vacant,
and the breakaway Provinces became in essence self-governing. Various European ru-
lers (including Queen Elizabeth, who supported the Protestant Reformation against
Philip’s hegemonism) were approached to accept the sovereignty of the Low Coun-
tries; when none was found willing, the joint provincial assemblies (or Estates Gener-
al) took on the country’s government, and appointed an erstwhile favourite of Charles
V (his placeholder, stadhouder: ‘locum tenens’, stadholder) to fill the absence of an
actual monarch. This was the highly respected Protestant magnate William of Nassau,
prince of Orange, known as William ‘the Silent’.
Constitutionally, this development was of momentous historical importance.
While there had been republics or republic-like confederations even in medieval
Europe (city-states like Geneva, Lucca or Venice, the Swiss cantons, the Lombard or
the Hanseatic leagues), the Dutch development was unprecedented. The act by which
the Estates General forswore Philip as king was truly revolutionary: as if an anointed
monarch was a mere official who could be dismissed from his post if he performed
badly. That, in fact, is the argument of the 1581 ‘Act of Abjuration’, by which the
Estates General declared Philip of Spain to have forfeited his monarchical rights; it
was to find an echo two centuries later in the American Declaration of Independence.
Princes (so the argument ran) were placed over their subjects to protect them; if they
failed in that duty, and especially if they tyrannically oppressed their subjects, they
forfeited their royal mandate. The implicit thought was that even monarchs did not
rule absolutely, by divine right or by virtue of their dynastic descent, but by virtue of
principles of a higher constitutional justice.
To those who believed in the divine right of kings (like Philip II), this justification
added insult to injury. The revolt, and the Protestant Reformation, were in fact sup-
pressed in the Southern Netherlands (roughly the area of present-day Belgium), in a
ferocious campaign deploying Philip’s great military might. The Spanish armies found

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 5. The Dutch Act of Abjuration

it more difficult, however, to campaign in the marshy terrain of the Northern Nether-
lands, and here the revolt, despite frequent setbacks, consolidated itself. Seven pro-
vinces in effect maintained their independence in the teeth of the Spanish crown.
This independence was de facto accepted by 1610, and formally acknowledged (with
that of Switzerland) in the Treaty of Westphalia, in 1648.
In the early days of the revolt, the stadholder, William of Orange (who became the
victim of a political assassination in 1584) undertook a quasi-monarchical gesture by
founding a Protestant university. The gesture echoed the foundation of the University
of Louvain by the duke of Burgundy in 1425. Louvain remained firmly Catholic, in
the Spanish-controlled Southern part of the Netherlands. To counterbalance this, Wil-
liam rewarded the Protestant town of Leyden, in Holland, for its stalwart resistance
against a Spanish siege by founding a university there in 1575 – intended also as a
counterbalancing, Protestant intellectual focus against Catholic Louvain.
The name that this Protestant, North-Netherlandic foundation chose for itself was
as meaningful as the Louvain usage of Provincia Belgica had been 150 years previously.
Holland and the other northern provinces were now opting out of the Burgundian,
Spanish-dominated Netherlands, and also opting out of the name of Belgia. Latinate
scholars were no longer referring to the language and the region as the provincia or
lingua Belgica but as Germania inferior (Low-German, or Nederduits). And tribal an-
cestors were no longer sought among the Gaulish Belgae mentioned by Caesar, but

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 among Germanic tribes as mentioned in Tacitus. The tribe which was selected to
stand godfather over the fledgling Republic and its newly-founded university was, in
fact, found mentioned in the Annales: the Batavi. Leyden accordingly latinized its
name to Lugdunum Batavorum.
The Batavian narrative fitted the current political situation like a glove; Tacitus’s
story seemed tailor-made as a metaphor for the Dutch situation at the time. The
Batavi are described by Tacitus as a tribe linked to Rome as confederates, who, how-
ever, under their leader Civilis, are driven to an anti-Roman insurrection. This could
be read as an obvious parallel to the relationship between the modern Dutch and the
Spanish monarchy. Much as Luther had been seen as a latter-day Arminius, so Wil-
liam the Silent became an obvious reincarnation of the Batavi’s leader Civilis. The
Batavian myth, as it has become known,44 was assiduously cultivated by the Dutch
republic in the seventeenth century: two of the country’s most outstanding writers,
Pieter Corneliszoon Hooft and Joost van den Vondel, wrote tragedies on Batavian
themes, a painting by Rembrandt of the ‘Oath of Civilis’ was commissioned for the
council hall of Amsterdam, when the Dutch East India Company captured the Javan
royal city of Jakarta they renamed it ‘Batavia’, and when the renowned legal scholar
Hugo Grotius pamphleteered to obtain international recognition for the new state, he
presented it as a reincarnation of the ancient tribal commonwealth of the Batavi. Taci-
tus had not only provided modern Germany with a role model from classical anti-
quity, he had done the same for the Dutch Republic.

Further European repercussions: England and France

Roman history mentions some stalwart native defenders of their tribal liberty against
the might of the Roman legions in Britain and France. In Britain, there are the figures
of Caractacus and of Boudicca (or Boadicea). Both become popular literary and tragic
themes in the late seventeenth and eighteenth century. Eventually the warrior queen
Boadicea was to merge into the iconography of Britannia:* she is usually depicted in
her war-chariot, personifying a combination of manly, courageous stalwartness and
female (chaste) virtue – in that she was goaded into war because she wanted to avenge
the outraged honour of her daughters, raped by Romans.
The dominant tribal origin-myth in early-modern English political thought, how-
ever, was not linked to the Roman conquest of Britain in the first century, but rather
to the Norman-French conquest of the eleventh century, following the Battle of Hast-

* Many European countries have symbolized themselves in female allegorical form. In Holland
there was the Nederlandse maagd or ‘Dutch Maiden’ (ill. 12); Germany came to cultivate the figure of
Germania, to whom a huge statue was dedicated on the banks of the Rhine in 1877 (Mazón 2000);
France came to see itself personified, after the 1789 revolution, in the figure of Marianne. The figure
of Britannia had particular force because twice in the course of history the country had been led to
glory under reigning queens: Elizabeth I and Victoria. It was towards the end of Victoria’s reign that
the monument of Boadicea was placed on the Thames Embankment, near the Houses of Parlia-
ment. On the female allegorization of nations, see Warner 1985.

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 ings of 1066. And the native tribes, whose love of liberty was taken as a shining exam-
ple for contemporary politics, were not the Iron-Age Celts of Britain, but rather the
Anglo-Saxons: tribes of Germanic origin, who had migrated to England in the fifth
and sixth centuries, and whose reputation fitted, once again, the typology that Tacitus
had given of the Germanic tribes in his Germania.
From the mid-seventeenth century onwards, British politics were dominated by a
power struggle between Crown and Parliament. The Stuart dynasty developed a royal
ideology of absolute monarchical power, while parliament insisted more and more
urgently on its constitutional rights. This led to two constitutional crises in the course
of the seventeenth century, indeed to civil war: in the 1640s, when Charles I was
executed and Britain became a Commonwealth (republic) for a while, headed by
Cromwell; and in the late 1680s, when James II was ousted from the throne and Par-
liament installed in his place his daughter and son-in-law, Mary and William III.
Throughout these upheavals the constitutional conflict was schematized in ethnic
terms. Royal powers and ambitions were seen as a ‘French’ type of government, intro-
duced after 1066 by the medieval Norman-French kings starting with William the
Conqueror; Parliament, in contrast, was seen as a native, ‘Gothic’ (i.e. Germanic)
institution dating back to the tribal liberties as described by Tacitus, and recognized
before 1066 by good Anglo-Saxon kings such as Alfred the Great.
This crystallized into a powerful national myth: that of the ‘Gothic Liberty’ versus
the ‘Norman yoke’.45 The harsh feudalism of the Middle Ages, with its oppressive and
extorting nobles and barons, was seen as a form of Norman-French occupation under
which the aboriginal freedom of the Saxons languished, only to be reasserted by Parlia-
ment in the seventeenth century. The British class system was thus given an ethnic
tinge: aristocratic names like De Vere, Montague etc. were obviously of French origin,
and as such a foreign overlay over the demotic Saxon population.
As late as 1820, this democratic primitivism was given fresh expression in the hugely
influential and popular historical novel Ivanhoe by Sir Walter Scott. Set in the times of
the Crusades, it depicts an England dominated by corrupt, arrogant and cruel nobles
of Norman-French extraction, with names like Reginald Front-de-Boeuf and Brian de
Bois-Guilbert, who scorn the native Saxon population and see themselves more or less
as colonists in an alien country. Against their harsh, oppressive rule, Saxon characters
with Germanic names such as Cedric, Gurth and Athelstane pine for their lost liberty
and engage in passive or active resistance. Even Robin Hood is introduced into the
narrative: as a Saxon woodland guerrilla fighter driven to an outlaw existence because
of Norman oppression. Scott eventually concludes Ivanhoe on a note of integration
and reconciliation: the hero, Wilfred of Ivanhoe, is shown as a chivalric ideal where
Saxon virtus is united with Norman aristocratic honour. The book looks forward to a
merger between the Saxon and Norman traditions and languages to combine into a
joint, mixed, English identity (see below, 205-6).
Even in France we can observe this national myth. That is remarkable, because
France, from the days of Louis XIV onwards, was generally represented as the modern
successor to ancient Rome: with its sumptuously elaborate court, its Catholic religion,
its military power and its aggressive foreign policy. Nonetheless, even within France a
national origin-myth was in force that celebrated a native, tribal-democratic tradition

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 against the Roman-imported system of absolute monarchy. The ancestral tribe in
question was, of course, the Gauls. Caesar’s De bello gallico had described their resis-
tance against his conquest, and this text was to do for French anti-absolutists what
Tacitus had done in Germany. The rediscovery of the ancestral Gauls took place some
time in the fifteenth century.46 A particularly interesting example is that of the out-
standing legal scholar François Hotman (or Hotomannus, 1524-1590), precursor of re-
publican thought.47 Already at the age of 23 (in 1547), Hotman was professor of law in
Paris. In the same year he became a Protestant. After the infamous St. Bartholomew’s
Day massacre (an organized pogrom against Protestants, 1572), he fled to Geneva, and
eventually obtained a university chair at Basel, where he died in 1590. His most fa-
mous work, with the remarkable title Franco-Gallia (1573) argued that royal absolutism
(which he criticized because it led to religious intolerance) had no roots in the nation’s
history and stood at odds with the primal French tradition of Gaulish virtus. The
manliness of the Gaulish ancestors needed to be revived so as to counteract popish
corruption, which, as he saw it, manifested itself in the Machiavellian ruthlessness of
the Medici dynasty, who had married into the French royal family and had instigated
the Bartholomew’s Day massacre. From Hotman onwards, the Gauls came to stand
for the tribal-democratic bedrock of the French nation.* Class tensions in aristocratic
France were to be translated into ethnic terms until well after the French Revolution,
as we shall see: the plain people were seen as the continuation of the Gaulish popula-
tion, while the aristocracy was either metaphorically linked to Rome or to the con-
quering Germanic Franks. This national myth has found its humorous modern
embodiment in the cartoon figure of Astérix, who makes fools of officious Roman
occupiers.48

From democratic primitivism to classical republicanism

Thus, everywhere in Northern Europe, national myths sprang up to glorify the manli-
ness of primitive tribes such as Goths, Belgae, Germans, Batavi and Anglo-Saxons,
who had inhabited the territories of the early-modern states – these, in the process,
were metaphorically and morally adopted as the ancestors and role models of the
modern nation. In particular their defence of independence and liberty was seen as a
moral example. Frequently, the role of the villain was given to an imperial power from
outside, which was represented as a reincarnation of the military imperialism of an-
cient Rome. The role division between ‘manly, primitive natives’ and ‘corrupt, arro-
gant conquerors’ can be schematized as follows:

country manly , primitive na- corrupt, arrogant conquerors

tives

* One particularly fanciful theory, which obviously twisted the facts of history to the needs of
political allegory, argued that some Gaulish tribes had refused to submit to Rome’s rule, had fled
eastwards across the Rhine, to return, five centuries later, under the name of Franks.

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 Spain, Sweden Goths —
Belgium / Belgae —
Low Countries
Germany Germanic tribes Roman Empire
Roman Catholic Church
France (Napoleon)
Holland / Batavi Spain
United Provinces
England (British Celts) (Roman Empire)
Anglo-Saxons Norman French after 1066
France Gauls Romans
(Catherine de Medici and Italian-
imported absolutism)
Franks

All these tribal ancestry myths, derived from Caesar and Tacitus, take shape, and ob-
tain a fresh political function, in the early modern period – the time when, between
the Council of Basel in 1436 and the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, the state system of
Europe began to emerge in its modern form. The myths had a triple function: to
anchor the newly emerging state in history, by showing that the territory as it had
been inhabited in Roman times already prefigured the modern situation; to profile
the emerging state against possible hegemonic conquerors from outside, by showing
that these had always been, and always would be, resisted; and thirdly, to show that
the state embodied a moral collective, not merely united by the contingencies of feu-
dal lordship, but organically linked by traditions, institutions, virtues and values.
This last function was momentous indeed. It meant that something called ‘nations’
could now be conceived of, and articulated, as a demotic collective, a type of extended
family with its own family tree and ancestral roots, and its own inherited traits, cus-
toms and rights. The nation was, in other words, seen – not merely as a loose reference
to regional-territorial background, or to a social layer (all the ‘subjects’ under the obe-
dience of a given lord or overlord) – but as a tribe: precisely in the terms that Tacitus
and Caesar had used. This had two enormously important implications. If the popula-
tions of the various states of modern Europe were ‘nations’, each with their own name
and ancestry, then they could also be vested each with their own ‘character’ or collec-
tive culture. More importantly, there was (as will be outlined in the next chapter) a
hugely subversive, implicitly democratic subtext to this historical myth: if the subjects
of the various sovereigns of Europe were tribally linked as ‘nations’, then they could
also be seen as the carriers of virtues, traditions and customs that made them an
autonomous force in constitutional politics. The nation could become the counterpart
of the king, even the king’s adversary. That was spelled out in the Dutch Act of Ab-
juration; it manifested itself in the decapitation of Charles I in 1649, and in the oust-

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 ing of James II in 1688; it was implicit in the Gaulish self-image of Hotman and his
successors. What was picked up by all his adepts was Tacitus’s original critique of the
Roman Empire.
Germania, it will be recalled, was aimed at exposing the decadence that Rome had
slipped into after it had turned from a Republic into an Empire. The message (also in
Tacitus’s contemporary Livy) was that virtus had driven the Republic and its con-
quests, while luxury and corruption had weakened the Empire. As we shall see in a
subsequent chapter, all those political thinkers who, from Hotman to John Locke,
Montesquieu and Rousseau, were to argue against the absolute power of kings, and
who were forming the intellectual run-up to the democratic revolutions of America
(1776) and France (1789), picked up on this Roman message: absolute monarchy
means luxurious corruption, and only tribal democracy (in the form of parliaments)
will maintain the nation’s virtus. Thus the democratic primitivism of Tacitus was to
inform the eighteenth-century tradition of classical republicanism;49 its tribal nomen-
clature, grafted onto current ethnotypes, helped to schematize Europe’s populations
into a template of ethnic traditions.

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 Anthropology and the Nation: Character and
Climate in the Seventeenth Century

The geopolitical state and the rise of systematics

In medieval statecraft, the realm was largely an abstract principle: the reach, or sphere
of influence, as it were, of a ruler’s power (potestas, imperium). Towards the end of the
Middle Ages the monarch increasingly becomes the sole focus of a state’s unity; a
position he gains in a power struggle from his feudal nobles. Once the feudal dispa-
rateness of lordships under local noblemen has become centralized under an effective
kingship with a growing bureaucratic state apparatus, the realization also takes hold
that the realm is not just the reach of royal power and charisma, but a territorially
discrete area cordoned off from its neighbours.
This process takes shape in different modes and at different times throughout
Europe. The emergence of the Tudor dynasty establishes a centralized monarchical
state in England and Wales; Philip II consolidates a Spanish centralist monarchy, and
Louis XIV’s surmounting of the fronde does the same for France. Compared to Eng-
land, Spain or France, the German Empire remains diffracted. Emperor Maximilian I’s
attempt, as part of the 1495 Reichsreform, to establish a Perpetual Public Peace (ewiger
Landfriede) throughout the empire, may be seen as a first, unsuccessful attempt to
concentrate the right of using violence and of conducting warfare in the state rather
than in the nobility. Kings and princes sometimes confront the self-government of
cities, sometimes the ambitions of local noblemen; but disparate as the process is, in
all cases the end result is that a king embodies his country and governs it through
ministers and courtiers rather than through a feudal system of satellite lordships.
This process also signals the birth of geopolitics. The principle of a rounded-off
territorial contiguity seems to assert itself. Whereas the map of Europe in the later
Middle Ages resembles a game of Monopoly, with players trying to obtain titles and
lands wherever these become available, a territorial rationalization takes places over the
centuries.50 The English crown abandons its claims on French territories, the various
branches of the Habsburg dynasty withdraw to their own corners, and under Louis
XIV France consolidates its hexagonal shape.
The French process is especially instructive. It was largely driven by the strategic
thought of the great fortification engineer Sébastien de Vauban (1633-1707), one of
Louis’s ablest generals and one of the greatest fortification architects in European his-
tory. Whereas, under Richelieu, there had been an ‘open’ territorial policy, with
Richelieu trying to stake claims for the French crowns at various points on the Euro-
pean map, Vauban wanted to turn all of France into one large fortress: a cordoned-off
area which he called a pré carré. France had ‘natural’ frontiers along its sea coasts and
the Pyrenees and Alps. The remaining, open frontier to the north-east would ideally

60

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 7. Outline of Vauban’s fortifications. After Michèle Virol, Vauban: De la gloire du roi au
service de l’état (2003), 100.

be closed off by gaining the Rhine as a border running from the Alps to the North Sea.
Conquering and fortifying the cities of Metz, Strasbourg and Luxemburg was a first
step in this direction:

The old frontiers made up of ‘provinces with their dependen-

cies’, and thereby complicated by irrational enclaves and feu-
dal overlappings, had been satisfactory enough before the rise
of the new armies and the new conceptions of political mili-
tary power. A ‘province with its capital city’ could be a satis-
factory ‘gate’ in Richelieu’s parlance, but what was now
needed was a frontier that could be defined and more easily
defended by ‘lines’ to prevent marauding enemy detachments
from collecting ‘contributions’ by invading the kingdom.
Vauban had seen this in 1673 when he urged ‘by treaty or by

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 a good war’ that the irrational ‘pêle mêlée’ of French and
Spanish fortresses scattered here and there on the frontier
should be made into a pré carré, a rational ‘dueling field’, that
could be defended without excessive costs. The Treaty of
Nymwegen did away with much of the irrationality on the
frontier with the Spanish Netherlands [...]51

This process is partly made possible by a new look at the world: a cartographic one.
Rulers now study their territories from the bird’s eye view from on high as the world
presents itself on a map; and following the development of perspective in Italian art
and architecture in the mid-fourteenth century, the art of map-making was likewise
much enhanced in the following centuries. As Jeremy Black points out, sovereignty,
which in the Middle Ages had been viewed in terms of feudal power, also came to be
perceived in geographical terms from the sixteenth century onwards, involving a great-
er and indeed cartographical sense of the extent and borders of a realm’s territory:

There was a growing emphasis on what was seen as accuracy

[...] For both contemporary and historical maps this affected
a major subject, the depiction of frontiers. A firmer grasp of
the nature of a linear frontier developed, one that was possi-
bly associated with improved mapping and a more definite
perception of the nature of political sovereignty [...]52

The view of sovereignty also shifted morally. The Middle Ages had seen a flourishing
genre of writing known as the ‘mirror of princes’ – a moral looking-glass in which
kings were advised as to their proper behaviour, wisdom and attitude. The no-non-
sense cynicism of Machiavelli’s The Prince (1513) had dealt a death blow to these pious
moral mirrors. Instead, the new ‘mirror of princes’ was the map, where a king could
study the shape and lie of the land, the location and size of his dominions, enemies
and allies.
The new states cannot yet be called nation-states; they were, after all, centred
around the power of the king rather than based on the freedom of the people. But in
their rationalization and centralization they were moving away from the loose differ-
entiation of the feudal Middle Ages.53 The vernacular languages, for instance, were
everywhere becoming the official vehicle of state affairs and administration. Latin was
retreating into the institutions of the church and the university, while laws were now
enacted, and court cases were conducted, in the language of the land. At some point in
the late Middle Ages the English legal system abandoned the language of the conquer-
ing nobility of 1066, Norman French, and turned to ‘The King’s English’ instead; and
in the course of the fourteenth century, the first lectures in English (rather than Latin)
were held at Oxford.54 Dante’s De vulgari eloquentia of 1303, though itself written in
Latin, stated the ambition of vernacular languages to be used for literary purposes – an
ambition that Dante himself was to make good with his Divina Commedia. The var-
ious vernacular dialects of Europe, as they were becoming languages of state affairs,
gained trans-local currency by means of the new state administrations and the printing

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 press, were beginning to crystallize into what was to become a system of European
languages. In the Protestant countries, Bible translations into the vernacular (Luther’s,
the King James translation, the Dutch Statenbijbel ) were to act as consolidating norms
and provided a linguistic standard.
Europe, in other words, was becoming a modular system of separate states, each
with a recognizable territory, language and profile. And by the same token, cultural
thought on the diversity of the world was beginning to systematize. But what does
that actually mean?
A good impression may be given by looking at a categorization that is not systema-
tic. The most famous (but fictionally invented) example is a thought experiment con-
ducted by the great Argentinian writer Jorge Luis Borges. He imagined a fictitious
‘Chinese Encyclopedia’, which in categorizing the animal kingdom lists the various
types of animals in the following order:

Animals are distinguished in: [a] those belonging to the Em-

peror; [b] embalmed ones; [c] tamed ones; [d] suckling pigs;
[e] sirens; [f ] fable animals; [g] dogs on the loose; [h] those
included in this classification; [i] ones that move about
madly; [j] countless ones; [k] those painted with a very fine
camelhair brush; [l] etcetera; [m] those that have broken the
jar; [n] those that from afar resemble flies.55

The reader gets a hilarious sense of unease when reading this quasi-taxonomy. We
understand a proper taxonomy to provide a systematically ordered division of a com-
plex system in its component parts (e.g. the Linnaean division of vertebrate animals in
fishes, amphibians, reptiles, mammals and birds), to enumerate enough categories to
cover the entire animal kingdom, while each category is in itself complete, neither
overlapping with other categories nor leaving any lacunae between them. What Bor-
ges’s list fails to provide, indeed what it provokes and irritates, is this sense of systema-
tics, which is apparently conceived of as ‘Western’ – it is not for nothing that Borges
presents his provocation of an unsystematic taxonomy in an Oriental, Chinese guise
(though he goes on to draw attention to the no less bizarre categorizations in Western
libraries). This fragment was also the starting point for Michel Foucault’s inquiry into
the beginnings of methodical and systematic thought in modern Western history: The
preface to Les mots et les choses (1966) opens, precisely, with a self-analysis of Foucault’s
hilarity when reading Borges’s ‘Chinese Encyclopedia’.
The urge towards systematic, taxonomic ordering will lead, in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries, to the great classifications of modern science. If we want to clas-
sify plants or animals, we do not do so by means of incidental, ad hoc qualities like
colour or size, but by more fundamental characteristics, and this will lead to the sys-
tems of Linnaeus, Buffon and Darwin. Chemists will first distinguish elements from
compounds, and eventually classify the elements in a ‘Periodic Table’. Comparative
linguistics following Sir William Jones, Grimm and Bopp will sort out, in a methodi-
cal and systematic manner, the relationships between languages and language families.
Modern science is dominated by method, systematics and taxonomy. So too, cultures

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 and ‘nations’ will be categorized in the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-
turies, on the basis of ethnotypes reconfigured into what comes to be called ‘national
temperaments’ or ‘national characters’.

The systematics of national character

The European taxonomy of national character is a perfect example of a process that

also intrigued Foucault: methodical systematization as a hallmark of modern Western
thought. The Middle Ages had, to be sure, known many commonplaces, stereotypes
and prejudices about certain sets of people, but these were generally speaking neither
stable nor systematic. Nobody was sure how the category ‘French’ related to the cate-
gory ‘Picardian’, what was an Irishman and what a good subject of the King of Eng-
land. The term ‘Dutch’ could apply specifically to the Low-German area at the estuary
of the Meuse and Rhine, in Holland, or else, generally, to inhabitants of any part of
the German Empire.
This unsystematic national mishmash crystallizes into recognizable, fixed patterns
in the early modern period. Modern thought as it takes hold in the Renaissance and
dominates the classically-oriented seventeenth century is obsessed with method and
systematics and ‘sorting things out’. A good example of this urge to systematize can be
found in one of the foundational texts of early-modern European culture: Julius
Caesar Scaliger’s Poetices libri VII (1561). This encyclopedic work bespeaks an almost
manic urge to list, order and sort. And among the many sorted lists with which this
book classifies the world, there are also lists of national characteristics as attributed to
certain nations:

Luxury is the hallmark of the Asians, mendacity of Africans,

cleverness (if you will allow) of Europeans. Mountain people
are rough, people from the low-lying plains are demure and
slow. [...] Germans are strong, simple, open, true in friend-
ship and in enmity. The Swedes, Norse, Greenlanders and
Goths are bestial, and so are the Scots and Irish. The English
are perfidious, puffed-up, cross-tempered, arrogant, of a
mocking and quarrelsome disposition, divided amongst
themselves, warlike when united, stubborn, independent and
pitiless. The French are attentive, mobile, nimble, humane,
hospitable, spendthrift, respectable, martial; they scorn their
enemies and are heedless of themselves; they are self-con-
trolled, brave, not very tenacious, and by far the best horse-
men of all. The Spanish have a dour life-style, they live it up
when they sit at another man’s table, they are fiery drinkers,
talkative, busy, their arrogance is hellish, their disrespect in-
fernal, their stinginess amazing; they are strong in poverty,
their religious steadfastness is priceless, they are envious of all
nations and all nations are envious of them. One nation sur-

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 passes them in wickedness and is even less magnanimous: the
Italians.56

Although still a bit ‘Borgesian’ in its waywardness, this contrastive list shows an emer-
ging comparative tendency to arrange moral praise and blame into patterns. This con-
trastive-comparative systematization was to become enormously influential all over
Europe in the following century. Scaliger’s work, and subsequent Poetics-style encyclo-
pedias, loosely inspired by Aristotle, were to dominate the culture of seventeenth-cen-
tury European classicism. In many poems and disquisitions, nations are collectively
enumerated in contrastive lists, in which the spectrum of human dispositions, tem-
peraments* and proclivities is sorted and distributed. Each nation has its defining
traits, each human trait can be encountered in pronounced form in a specific nation.
This, then, is the most important side effect of Scaliger’s listings: nations are now
primarily ordered by temperaments, personality-attributes, characters. There is, I
think, a specific (though unexpected) reason why this psychological ordering-by-tem-
perament should have become so very influential: namely, the fact that it also domi-
nated the literary imagination and suffused all of European literature.

Poetics and anthropology

It is not just a trivial coincidence that the context for Scaliger-style lists of national
characteristics should have been made in a book that he himself called a Poetics. In-
deed, the rich tradition of neo-Aristotelian poetical writings of the seventeenth cen-
tury is precisely the genre where this type of characterization is most systematically set
forth, and where it influences the many classicist dramas that dominated the European
literary scene in this period. The poetical systematization of human types-by-character
serves to program the European imagination, the way of looking at the world.
The numerous classicist poetical writings that appear in the course of the seven-
teenth century are all reworkings of the genre’s prototype: Aristotle’s Poetics. Aristotle,
in this tract, attempted to define what precisely it was that made literature special:
what literature’s appeal consisted of, and why some literature, like Homer and the
Attic tragedies, was so efficient in transporting us into fictional circumstances and
moving us deeply. In the process, he defined a number of important literary proper-

* The idea of ‘temperament’ comes from the pre-scientific medical theories of Hippocrates and
Galenus. People’s physical-emotional disposition was considered to be determined by certain bodily
fluids called ‘humours’: these included blood, bile, black bile or gall, and phlegm. These humours
needed to be in a healthy balance (not unlike modern thinking about hormones); the mutual bal-
ance and ‘tuning’ of those humours was called a person’s temperament. This theory has survived in
informal phraseology. A state of emotional discomfort or disturbance is still called a ‘bad temper’ or
mauvaise humeur. An excess of blood induced a passionate, ‘sanguine’ temperament; an excess of gall
(cholos in Greek, ‘bile’ in English) made someone ‘choleric’ or ‘bilious’, and an excess of black gall
‘melancholic’. The preponderance of phlegm (believed to be produced by the spleen) made someone
‘phlegmatic’ or ‘splenetic’. Generally Zacharasiewicz 1977.

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 ties, techniques and strategies. One of these was the need to have a plausible connec-
tion between plotline and characters. A heroic action must be carried out by an admir-
able hero; an admirable hero cannot be deployed to carry out silly or despicable parts
in the action. The things a given character does in a story must be in keeping with that
character’s personality. This link between personality (characterization) and plotline
(plausibility), came to be known by its French term of vraisemblance, and was consid-
ered indispensable if a literary work was to convince its audience.57
Neo-Aristotelian poetics took Aristotle’s descriptive analysis and turned it into a
prescriptive set of rules. If a playwright wanted to construct a properly convincing
tragedy, so the argument ran, a number of Aristotle’s principles had to be observed: a
structure in five acts, unified in time, space and plot, etcetera. Aristotle’s descriptions
were turned into prescriptions, and much of classicist drama went by the rules of neo-
Aristotelian poetics, became drama-by-numbers, with the poetical handbook provid-
ing the recipe.
Part of the prescriptions of neo-Aristotelian poetics concerned, precisely, the plau-
sible characterization of actors in the plot. And here, a marked tendency was to char-
acterize by type: a male is like this, a female like that; a soldier, monk or princess
comes with certain pre-programmed, stereotyped personality traits. These are the rules
of plausibility that have to be observed. For a silly female personage, use the type of
the servant girl; for a dignified woman, use a widowed queen; for a cheerful, energetic
young man, use a student. And in many, many cases, the ready-made types that clas-
sified personality style were categorized by nationality. One may call this the poetics of
predictability, and it reigned supreme throughout the classicist period.58
A good example is given by one among many of these works of poetics, the Poétique
of Jules de la Mesnardière (1640). La Mesnardière urges playwrights again and again, not
to shock vraisemblance and not to bewilder the audience: characters ought to be typified
according to their function in the plot, and to be given matching social and ethnic
attributes.59 If, so La Mesnardière argues, Germans are proverbially dull and boorish,
then a German character should always be shown as such. To introduce a clever, witty
German would be a sin against vraisemblance. And so we get lists like these:

Now, according to country: French will be courageous, indis-

creet, generous, adroit, inconsiderate, impetuous, flighty,
spendthrift, easy-going, polite, light-hearted in their love af-
fairs, impatient and bold. Spaniards presumptuous, uncivil to
strangers, knowledgeable in political intrigue, tyrannical,
greedy, constant, capable of supporting great exertion, indif-
ferent to climate, ambitious, scornful, stately (even extrava-
gantly so), blindly passionate about their nation’s glory, ridi-
culous in their love affairs and fanatical in their hatred. I have
seen from visits that the English are faithless, lazy, valiant,
cruel, attached to cleanliness, enemies to foreigners, proud
and partial. If we can follow a great authority, excellent ob-
server of the manners of each nation, the Italians are idle,
impious, seditious, mistrustful, deceitful and stay-at-home,

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 8. Page from La Mesnardière’s La poétique.

subtle, courteous, vengeful, they love good manners and

adore profit. Germans will be sincere, stolid, faithful, mod-
est, big eaters, affable, stout and lovers of liberty.60

– and so on, down to Persians, Greeks, Egyptians, Moors, Thracian and Scyths...
Remarkably, these national characters are (as we can gather from La Mesnardière’s
presentation) indiscriminately a matter of personal observation, hearsay, and empty
formula.
In this and the subsequent century, all treatises on cultural diversity use such classi-
fications. It is not for nothing that literary criticism should have been in the vanguard
of this development: for it was in these poetics that people thought most specifically
about how to bring all the world together on a stage, and on the link between what
people were and what they did.61 This logical ‘hinge’ between people’s identity and
people’s behaviour was acquiring a new relevance in modern times. In the moral per-
spective of medieval Christendom, humans had a free will and a soul, which was sub-
ject to temptations but also to the scrutiny of an all-knowing deity. The behaviour of
people was a constant set of ethical choices between the prescripts of religion and the
temptations of the Devil, between the urge to rise to salvation and the downward pull
of our animal nature.

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 In the context of seventeenth-century poetics, encyclopedias and anthropology, be-
haviour was also determined by mechanical factors such as humours and temperament
(themselves influenced, as we shall see, by physical circumstances such as climate); and
the agency that determined behaviour was conceived of less and less in terms of con-
science or soul, and increasingly in the Aristotelian, poetic terms of personality, of how
one’s actions were motivated by one’s station in life and one’s type – or, to use a word
that just came in vogue in these years: by one’s character.
Early modern literature, and with it the imagination of early modern Europe, be-
gins to acquire a habit of looking characterologically. Whereas, in medieval romance,
the chivalric knights were exactly what they did, were mere functions of their plot
activity (going on quests, rescuing maidens, fighting dragons, whatever), this one-on-
one congruence between identity and behaviour is complicated in modern literature.
The two great literary figures that stand at the opening of the modern period, Don
Quixote and Hamlet, are marked precisely by this complex tension: between what
they do and what they really are. The hero of Cervantes’s 1605 novel marks a tragi-
comic dissociation between his role and his person, and this is precisely why Don
Quixote is a modern novel (the first one, indeed) and not a medieval romance. Like-
wise, the introspective, wavering hero of Shakespeare’s 1602 play keeps us guessing as
to his motivation: is his slow course of action a sign of deliberate carefulness, repug-
nance at the task, or vacillating weakness? Has his moral dilemma (to kill his mother
so as to avenge his father) driven him mad, or is he merely pretending to be mad in
order to cloak his plans? The ambiguity is, again, one between action and identity,
between what we do and what we are. Hamlet and Don Quixote (and a half-century
later, the thematization of social role-playing and moral hypocrisy in Molière’s Tar-
tuffe) mark the beginning of psychological interest in post-medieval European litera-
ture.62 As this new preoccupation with ‘the fundamental part of our personality
which motivates our behaviour’ gains currency, a term is gaining currency to denote
it: the notion of character.

Character: From behavioural reputation to psychological essence63

‘That fundamental part of our personality that motivates our behaviour’: that seems to
be, simply and straightforwardly, the meaning of the word ‘character’ as we use it
nowadays. It is not, however, the oldest, root meaning of the word. Originally the
word referred, rather, to the impression someone produced. Old-fashioned English can
still use the word in the sense of ‘reputation’: ‘a man of good character’ means that
someone is positively seen among those who know him; ‘character assassination’ refers
to ruining, not someone’s personality, but someone’s good name and reputation.
The oldest root of the word in fact referred to a sketch of the impression that some-
one made, the figure that you cut in society. It derives from a Greek word grattein,
meaning to sketch, scribble or scratch on a wax tablet. (Hence one of the oldest mean-
ings of the word ‘character’ refers to lettering: a book can be said to be printed in
Greek, Cyrillic or Japanese characters.) The term was used as a title of a verbal ‘sketch-
book’ by the Greek author Theophrastos, a pupil of Aristotle’s. Theophrastos as-

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 sembled, around 300 BC, a collection of èthikoi charakteres or ‘behaviour-sketches’, in
which he outlined gently satirical descriptive portrayals of social types that one might
encounter in the streets of Athens. That genre has remained popular ever since. We
still enjoy the power of literature to ‘typify’ certain ‘characters’, often in humorous
terms. We speak, almost unthinkingly, of a quixotic person, a Romeo or a Don Juan.
In contemporary culture, Basil Fawlty, the choleric hotel owner in the television sit-
com Fawlty Towers, stands in this Theophrastan tradition: he pinpoints, in height-
ened, mocking form, a sort of human type that we may have encountered in various
instances ourselves. Such stock types or characters are the boastful old soldier, the vain
young dandy, the dumb blonde, the lusty widow, etcetera. Nowadays, character
sketches are often incorporated into comedies or novels, or part of the repertoire of
stand-up comedians (Dickens is full of them, Oscar Wilde has given us the ‘type’ of
Lady Bracknell, and television serials have spawned an entire array of personality
‘types’). The genre of the character sketch was popular throughout the seventeenth
century, the most famous example being probably La Bruyère’s collection Les carac-
tères ou les moeurs de ce siècle. As the subtitle indicates, the idea of a ‘character’ is
behavioural, social, referring to ‘the manners of our times’: modes of speaking, dres-
sing, posturing.64
All this, to be sure, referred originally to someone’s outside: the front they put up,
the image they project, the pose they strike. A character dealt with how someone came
over in his or her environment. As the seventeenth century, with its psychological
interest, progresses, however, the notion of character becomes less and less one of
social impressions and increasingly one of inner motivation: what makes that person
tick? What makes them behave the way they do? From what inner disposition does
this behaviour emanate?
Interestingly, an entire set of terms and words that originally refer to the social out-
side of a personality, later come to refer to the inner mainspring of behaviour and
identity. The word ‘character’ shifts from the semantic field of reputation and repre-
sentation to that of psychology; likewise the words ‘type’ and ‘style’.* Again, the word
‘habit’, now generally referring to fixed patterns of behaviour, originally referred to
one’s dress, and the word ‘custom’ referred to costume, or to the way one dressed
one’s hair. Terms like ‘ethics’ and ‘morals’, now primarily seen as reflecting inner eva-
luations and standards on what should or should not be done, or what is right and
wrong, originally derive from the neutrally-descriptive, non-valorizing Greek and La-
tin words for behaviour and manners, social conventions: mores, ethos.
So, too, the notion of ‘character’ is psychologized, internalized, and shifts its mean-
ing to the one still current today: ‘The sum of the moral and mental qualities which
distinguish an individual or a race [...] mental or moral constitution’ (Oxford English
Dictionary). In this shift, neo-Aristotelian poetics played a crucial role, in that it, more

* The word ‘style’ derives from the Greek stylos, the stylus or pen used for scribbling on wax
tablets (cf. also Van Delft 1996 and, more generally, Amossy & Rosen 1982). This etymology adds
an ironic extra dimension to the famous dictum by Buffon, in his Discours sur le style of 1753, that Le
style, c’est l’homme même (‘one’s style is one’s very personality’).

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 than any other form of thought or writing, was concerned with the articulation of how
the inner personality related to and motivated outward behaviour.
In the wake of this semantic shift, it comes as no surprise to see that the notion of
character becomes the primary way of sorting out human and cultural differences. As
the above-quoted definition in the Oxford English Dictionary has it, a character distin-
guishes an individual or a race. It is in fact tantamount to what gives us our identity as
individuals. If modern thought is concerned with a systematic categorization of the
world, as Scaliger already undertook; if one tries to replace the wayward ad hoc listings
in the style of Borges’s ‘Chinese Encyclopedia’ with something that can be called
methodical; then the method consists of sorting out the diversity of the world by its
fundamental, essential characteristics. As skin colour was used to classify the world’s
races (down to the nonsensical notion of calling Asiatics ‘yellow’ and Americans ‘red’),
so in the realm of human culture, character becomes a dominant criterion for sorting
out Europe’s nations. The seventeenth and eighteenth century sees the rise of a na-
tional anthropology in European cultural thought – a quasi-system lifted from the
realm of stereotype and fictional characterization, of which we still, naively, uncriti-
cally and habitually, make use nowadays.
National identity – that is to say: national specificity within a European spectrum –
will come to revolve largely around the idea of ‘national character’, but will incorpo-
rate under that heading other factors such as language, manners and customs. The
margins of seventeenth-century maps are often embellished, not only with allegorical
figures symbolizing the earth and the relations between countries and realms, but also
with little vignettes depicting the various nationalities who inhabit the area in question
– and marked out as such by the ‘characteristic’ dress and habit. In this manner, maps
already take on to a small extent the notion of an ethnographically illustrated geogra-
phy (cf. ill. 2).
Later in the seventeenth century, we see how the categorized listings in the style of
Scaliger and La Mesnardière are systematized into a two-dimensional matrix. A num-
ber of attempts to give a summarized synopsis of knowledge (what will evolve into the
genre of the encyclopedia) are cases in point. The earliest example of a national-char-
acterological matrix I have been able to find comes from a book published in Nurem-
berg in 1696, by the Dominican priest Johann Zahn. In this encyclopedic volume,
Specula physico-mathematico-historica notabilium ac mirabilium sciendarum or ‘Physi-
cal-mathematical and historical mirrors of noteworthy and marvellous things to
know’,* the author – a very remote intellectual descendant of Giraldus Cambrensis,
by way of Scaliger – also deals with the nations of Europe and lists their distinctive

* The title seems worthy of Borges’s Chinese Encyclopedia. In full, it continues: ‘In which the
marvellous and amazingly ample world-system, obscure and complex as it is, is now brought into
light, and a treasury of abridgements to learn the various sciences by a very easy method, is presented
for inspection to all curious world-investigators’ (in qua mundi mirabilis oeconomia, necnon mirificè
amplus, et magnificus ejusdem abditè reconditus, nunc autem ad lumen protractus ac ad varias perfacili
methodo acquirendas scientias in epitomen collectus thesaurus curiosis omnibus cosmosophis inspectandus
proponitur). We see how the mirabilia of Giraldus Cambrensis’s day have evolved by the end of the
seventeenth century.

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 9. Zahn’s schematization of national characteristics, 1696

characteristics under the heading ‘The differences between the five most important
nations in Europe, i.e. the German, Spanish, Italian, French and English ones’. These
are, to be sure, lists in the style of Scaliger and La Mesnardière; but what is new is the
grouping into a synoptic matrix. It tabulates how the nations in question differ in
physical build, in the sort of animal they resemble, clothing, manners, style of beauty,
eating habits, language, discretion, education, religion, etc. It is an anecdotal list that
often appears satirical in intent: Germans resemble bears, Spaniards resemble ele-
phants, the French resemble eagles; the speech of the Italians is raving, that of the
English whiny; as husbands, the Spaniards are tyrants, the Italians are prison-keepers
and the English servants.
The combination of categories is in itself remarkable. Nations are (and will for a
long time continue to be) represented by the way they dress, and diet will also remains

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 an important ‘characteristic’. At the same time, observations will be added concerning
the political and social system in which a given ‘nation’ lives. But all that will be
summed up morally by references to character and disposition, as if the outward ap-
pearances are motivated by an inner essence.
This principle (outward appearances are taken to be motivated by an inner essence)
we may properly call ‘essentialism’: and so the intriguing implication is that a com-
parative-systematic view of European nationalities arises conjointly with a new na-
tional essentialism.
Contrastive matrices like these became popular around 1700. The great Spanish
Benedictine savant Benito Feijoo (1676-1764) borrowed the model from Zahn in his
Teatro crítico universal (1726-1739);65 but its most famous spin-off is doubtless the
Völkertafel or ‘Tableau of Nationalities’ that was produced in a number of painted and
printed copies in Southern Germany and Austria between 1690 and 1720, and which is
reproduced on the cover of this book.66 We see the various nationalities arranged left-
to-right on a West-to-East axis, from Spaniard to Ottoman,* and represented by a
figure in representative dress. Underneath, a matrix, distributing over the columns of
these nationalities various characteristics – often whimsical or satirical – such as mode
of dress, manners, intelligence, vices, love-life, prevailing illnesses, martial vigour, reli-
gion, political system, lifestyle etcetera. The Völkertafel obviously continues the picto-
rial tradition of map-making, the characterological lists of Scaliger and La Mesnar-
dière, and the encyclopedistic approach of Zahn and Feijoo; but there is something
new too.
The matrix imposes, as a form, the implicit rule that for each of the listed character-
istics, a value must be filled in for each of the nationalities. It would not do to leave
any of the squares blank. The comparative system imposes a discipline; not only does
it make it easier to visualize things, it forces one to follow the system in all its steps and
elements. Nor would it do to list similar values in different squares: each of the squares
has to say something different. Zahn had already called his matrix a system of differ-
ences, and that is what it must be; a matrix listing similarities and saying the same
things about different nations would be, by its own rules, stupid.
In other words: the comparative tabulation of European nationalities is oppositional
in nature and leads to particularism; by which I mean that from the mid-seventeenth
century onwards, the nations of Europe begin to locate their identities in their mutual
differences. Common factors, common vices and manners, cease to be of importance
in this taxonomy. Nations will come to see their character, their individuality, in those
aspects in which they differ most from others.

* Curiously, the Ottoman is indiscriminately labelled Turkish or Greek, Türk oder Griech – a
reflection perhaps of the fact that the Ottoman Empire was governed in an administrative division
by religious groups (millets) rather than by ethnicity, and that its Christian millet in the European
territory was largely administered at the time by an ethnically Greek elite, the Phanariots. Even so, it
does startle the modern viewer to see such categories, nowadays so polarized, conflated. It reminds us
how changeable national identities are over time.

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 Climate and temperament67

One of the great rationalizations for the new characterological anthropology of Eur-
ope’s nations is by way of climate. The climatological explanation of national character
has, again, long historical roots. In his medical treatises such as ‘On conditions of air,
water and location’, Hippocrates had already made a link between the prevalence of
certain sicknesses, and certain temperaments, with physical ambience (marshy and
wet, or rocky and windy; hot or cold). Hippocrates’s link between climate and tem-
perament was easily enough transmuted into a link between climate and character.
The legal thinker and historian Jean Bodin (1530-1596, a fellow-traveller of Hotman68)
assigned, in his Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem (1566) phlegmatics to cold
and humid places, sanguinics to hot and humid ones, cholerics to hot and dry ones,
and melancholics to cold and dry ones. In Du Bartas’s epic on the history of the world,
La sepmaine, ou création du monde (1578-1584, translated into many European lan-
guages), the link was already proverbial, a matter of commonplace. Hot climates will
lead to a ‘hot’ temperament and a sanguine national character, as in Italy; cold, wet
living conditions, e.g. in Holland, will lead to a phlegmatic, damp character. Gener-
ally, the world is seen to be divided into hot, moderate and cold climatezones. Every
nation has a tendency to place itself in the central, moderate zone, with chilly neigh-
bours to the north and fiery neighbours to the south. How this commonplace works
its way through literary texts may be gathered from Daniel Defoe’s satire The True-
Born Englishman of 1700, where the sensual, untrustworthy character of the Italians is
metaphorically likened to, and explained from, the hot climate of the place and the
volcanic nature of the land. Etna, Stromboli and Vesuvius form, as it were, the geolo-
gical underpinning of a Latin Lover:

Lust chose the torrid zone of Italy,

Where blood ferments in rapes and sodomy;
Where swelling veins o’erflow with livid streams,
With heat impregnate from Vesuvian flames:
Whose flowing sulphur forms infernal lakes,
And human body of the soil partakes
There nature ever burns with hot desires,
Fanned with luxuriant air from subterranean fires:
Here undisturbed in floods of scalding lust
Th’infernal king reigns with infernal gust.69

All this is the stuff of literary commonplace and stereotype, something which in lit-
erary criticism is called the objective fallacy (the generally current, but in fact unten-
able idea that there is a natural correspondence between the emotional, inner state of
human subjects and the external situation). This climatological underpinning of tem-
peraments and characters becomes more politically important if it is correlated with
political systems. In eighteenth-century political thought, we see an increasing
tendency to link the cool climates and characters of the North with a democratic,

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 republican state system and with the protestant religion, while the hot south is linked
to absolute monarchy and Catholicism.
The argument runs as follows: in cool, northern climes, the people are more pensive
and less sensual than in the south. They are more retiring, less gregarious, and hence
more individualistic (as opposed to the greater sociability of warm, southern climes).
Correspondingly, northerners will rely more on individual judgment than on collec-
tive agreement; they will value personal responsibility more than popular consent. It is
no surprise, then, to see Protestantism, which relies more on individual morality,
more widely established in the north, whereas the ritual, ceremony and pageantry of
Catholicism strikes a more responsive chord in the south. Also, northern government
will be based more on the deliberation of individuals than on the obedience of a
collective; hence, the north will incline towards parliaments and republics, the south
more to monarchical systems (much as in church matters, Catholicism is more like a
monarchy and Protestantism more like a federal republic).
The reader will recognize in this model the distant echoes of Tacitus’s democratic
primitivism; and indeed, it was formulated in its strongest form by none other than
Tacitus’s great modern adept, Montesquieu (1689-1755). Even in present-day politics,
one can encounter such North-South stereotypes. Stereotypes they are, of course: they
owe more to the commonplaces and formulas of La Mesnardière’s poetics than to real-
world observation, and on reflection this North-South model turns out to be a drastic,
misleading simplification. Catholicism is not just the Semana Santa at Seville, or a
papal ceremony in the Vatican: it also thrives in the rainy northern climes of Poland,
Ireland and the Scottish Highlands. Prussia, despite its northern location, is a prime
example of an absolute monarchy, while the strongest republican traditions of early
modern Europe we find, not just in the Netherlands, but also in city-states like Ve-
nice, San Marino, Lucca and Dubrovnik; and Protestantism is not just the religion of
Upsala, but also that of Geneva. ‘North’ and ‘South’ are, in characterological terms,
vague and evocative metaphors, not real points on the compass.
Even so, climate theory became a massively important template in schematizing the
temperaments and characters of the European nations, maybe because it formed such
a natural extension of the implicit north-south contrast that was already inscribed into
foundational texts like Tacitus’s Germania. Thus the classical republicanism of the En-
lightenment relied uncritically on the idea that history was partly driven by the differ-
ent character-stereotypes of the European nations.

‘National character’ in Enlightenment philosophy

‘The proper study of mankind is Man’, as the poet Alexander Pope put it in his Essay
on Criticism (1713). The fundamental preoccupation of the Enlightenment was the
proper understanding of what it meant to be human. Aided by the faculty of critical
reason, aloof from traditional nostrums, inherited dogmas and arguments-by-author-
ity, a new notion was developed of humanity, the human understanding and human
relations. It is no coincidence that the great Enlightenment spirits, such as Hume,
Montesquieu, Voltaire and Rousseau, were at the same time historians and psycholo-

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 gists, philosophers and cultural critics. All these methods were centred around a large,
ambitious agenda of the proper study of mankind: to understand the nature of Man,
with Man’s achievements, history and relations.
Following this anthropological* agenda, the Enlightenment seeks to gain knowl-
edge, not only through abstract, philosophical cogitation (on the origin and function
of language, or on the origin and development of an individual’s intelligence and un-
derstanding), but also from empirical data, taken either from history or else from
different societies and countries. These data illustrate the patterns, variants and varia-
tions of human affairs. A thinker like David Hume (1711-1776) not only studies the
psychological development of human intelligence in the abstract (Enquiry Concerning
Human Understanding, 1748), but also by investigating history. Indeed, Hume (now
considered one of the greatest Western philosophers) was famous in his own lifetime
mainly as a historian, with his magnum opus the History of England from the Invasion of
Julius Caesar to the Revolution of 1688 (1754).70 This is one of the key texts in what is
often called ‘philosophical history’. For someone like Hume, history-writing was a
branch of philosophy, analysing the historical record as if it were a long, diachronic
database of human personalities, actions and choices, strengths and follies. History, as
Hume’s contemporary Bolingbroke put it, was ‘philosophy teaching by example’.
But if history provided a diachronic database of human manners and personalities,
then a synchronic database was turned to as well: the human variations as represented
in different societies, different nations, different national characters. Hume is not
averse to drawing on commonplace information on national characteristics; nor are
his contemporaries. In the process, the Enlightenment’s anthropological ‘study of
mankind’ gives a ‘philosophical’ endorsement to racial and national stereotypes as
these had been categorized and systematized in the previous century. Thus, there is
only a small step from the Völkertafel’s contrastive commonplaces to the philosophy of
Montesquieu.
Montesquieu was deeply interested in the relativity of cultural standards, in the fact
that there is no absolute, universal morality but rather different moral codes in differ-

* The term ‘anthropology’ originally refers to the philosophical investigation of what it means to
be human. As such, it fits the undifferentiated universalism of the Enlightenment, which tends to
deal in general categories (Man, Freedom, Understanding, Culture, Literature, Language). Ob-
viously, this universalism egocentrically generalized the specific identity of Enlightenment thinkers
(white, male, wealthy, European) into a universal type, thereby marginalizing all humans and all
forms of human culture that do not fit this particular profile. By the end of the eighteenth century,
these universals were broken up, and the generalities of Enlightenment thought were abandoned in
favour of comparative reflections on diversity (the plurality of cultures, languages, literatures, various
forms/races/types of humanity). In anthropology, we can see the shift between Kant, who still uses
the term Anthropologie in its philosophical, universalist sense, and the Humboldt brothers, who
already use it in the new, comparative-ethnographical sense familiar to us nowadays: anthropology
as the ethnographical study of the distinctive cultural features of different societies. The Enlighten-
ment has been heavily criticized by recent critics for its tendency to cloak a white, male, European
supremacy in the discourse of universal values. Historically speaking, however, these blind spots in
Enlightenment were exacerbated rather than resolved by the various forms of anti-Enlightenment
chauvinism that became dominant in the following century.

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 10. Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu

ent societies. His satirical epistolary novel Lettres persanes (1721) illustrates this by
mockingly describing French society from the foreign perspective of two Persian visi-
tors; France is thus, ironically, seen through a foreign, exotic mirror, as a very odd
country indeed.71 One generation later, Rousseau’s celebration of the sauvage noble
was to go one step further, urging decadent, hyper-civilized Europeans to follow the
example of the innocence, simplicity and moral purity of Noble Savages.
Montesquieu’s cultural relativism was most forcefully expressed by his major treatise
De l’esprit des lois (1748); the political context and repercussions of that influential
work will be discussed in the next chapter. For our present argument, which concerns
the anthropological view of the European landscape, it is important to realize that for
Montesquieu (echoing to some extent also the thought of his near-contemporary,
Giambattista Vico) a country’s legal system emanates from its manners, climate, reli-
gion and economy. De l’esprit des lois specifies in its subtitle that it addresses ‘the rela-
tions which laws must have with the constitution [i.e. the fundamental organization]
of each government, with manners, climate, religion, commerce etc.’ (du rapport que
les loix doivent avoir avec la constitution de chaque gouvernement, les mœurs, le climat, la
religion, le commerce, etc.). In other words: political and constitutional organization
reflects a nation’s specific character; and that character, in turn, is determined by a

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 nation’s physical environment, most importantly its climate. The climatological deter-
minism which relates temperaments and characters to ‘hot’ or ‘cold’ climates gets a
direct political and constitutional extension. Monarchy and authoritarian government
are considered natural to hot climates; democracy, republicanism and parliamentar-
ianism seem to fit the character of cool, northern nations.72 And the implication is
that France, with its intermediate climate, will need something called a mixed govern-
ment: a parliamentary monarchy...
Montesquieu’s strict physical determinism went too far for the taste of contempor-
aries like David Hume, who had a keen interest in the topic of ‘national characters’.73
(He repeatedly placed it on the agenda of the Edinburgh Select Society, a club of
educated gentlemen that formed the A-team of the Scottish Enlightenment.) In his
own essay on the topic (1748), Hume argues that national characters are not deter-
mined by climate, but that they arise from social intercourse. For him, national psy-
chology (though that term did not yet exist as such) was not so much a matter of
‘natural philosophy’ as of ‘moral philosophy’ – sociological rather than ethnological.
In the differing opinions of Montesquieu and Hume, we already see the opposition
which in the twentieth century became known as the ‘nature vs. nurture’ debate.
Other Enlightenment philosophers also used nationality as the template for their
inquiries; Montesquieu was aware of the then still-obscure Giambattista Vico’s Princi-
pi di una scienza nuova d’intorno alla natura delle nazioni (1725); one can also think of
Voltaire’s Essai sur les moeurs et l’esprit des nations et sur les principaux faits de l’histoire
depuis Charlemagne jusqu’à Louis XIII (1756). By the end of the century, the common-
places of nationally-arranged knowledge are summed up in the famous Encyclopédie of
Diderot and D’Alembert, which, under the entries Nation and Caractère des nations,
gives the following end-point of a tradition which we have traced from the days of
Scaliger:

National characters are a certain habitual predisposition of

the soul, which is more prevalent in one nation than in
others (even though that predisposition need not be encoun-
tered in all the members of such a nation).

And:

Thus the character of the French is their airiness, gaiety,

sociability, their love of their kings and of the monarchy as
such, etc. Each nation has its particular character; it is a sort
of proverb to say: airy as a Frenchman, jealous as an Italian,
serious as a Spaniard, wicked as an Englishman, proud as a
Scot, drunk as a German, lazy as an Irishman, deceitful as a
Greek.74

In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, encyclopedias would continue to organize

knowledge of the world around us by ‘countries’. This category includes geographical,
socio-political and cultural data indistinctly under the same single name, as if they

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 naturally belong together, and lists, pell mell, matters of landscape, climate, geology,
natural resources; along with state frontiers, institutions, mode of government, econo-
my; and history, language, art, literature and the physical and moral character of the
inhabitants. Such encyclopedic conflations are a closer echo of Borges’s bizarre
‘Chinese’ quasi-systematics than we might realize at first sight. We have come to think
of nation-states as an ideally systematic taxonomy of Europe, where the French live in
France and speak the French language, and the Germans live in Germany and speak
the German language, and each country has its own French or German cuisine, fash-
ions, national anthem, and lifestyle. But this simplistic ideal-type of the nation-state is
ultimately the inheritance of the encyclopedic and Enlightenment-anthropological
systematization of stereotypes, hearsay and cross-cultural caricatures.

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 Politics and the Nation: Patriotism and
Democracy in Enlightenment Thought
One of the by-products of the Enlightenment was the invention of modern democ-
racy. The critical second-guessing of received authorities and traditional wisdom also
involved a critique of the God-given dynastic power of kings. Montesquieu’s De l’esprit
des lois not only outlined a legal-anthropological idea of the types of law and govern-
ment that went with various societies in different climates and cultures; it also formu-
lated, famously, the ideal of the trias politica or tripartite separation of powers (the
requirement that power in the state should ideally remain in separate institutions,
each independent of the other).* Montesquieu was, of course, writing against the ab-
solutist monarchy that reigned in France since the rise of Louis XIV; but his ideas have
a far wider importance and bring a number of source traditions together into a highly
influential and important form. Montesquieu’s critique of the authoritarian state can
be seen against a contemporary and against a classical background. One is his intellec-
tual debt to Locke, the other his preoccupation with Tacitus.
John Locke (1632-1704) may count as one of the Enlightenment’s great early prota-
gonists. What is especially remarkable for our purpose is his characteristic combina-
tion of philosophical anthropology and constitutional thought. In his attempts to un-
derstand human understanding he pondered the growing mental capacity in the
human individual, making him a precursor of Hume and one of the founders of mod-
ern psychology (Essay concerning Human Understanding, 1690); at the same time, he
analysed political relations in two Treatises of Government (also 1690) – works which,
published anonymously, were to prepare the democratic revolutions of 1776 and 1789
by way of the intermediary stages of Montesquieu and Rousseau.
The Treatises of Government were themselves written under the shadow of the par-
liamentarian coup d’état of 1688, when the English Parliament had foresworn king
James II and in his stead had sponsored the rule of his daughter and his son-in-law,
Mary and her husband William III. Much as this ‘Glorious Revolution’ had been
foreshadowed by the Dutch Act of Abjuration of 1581, so too its political justification
could fall back on political philosophers like Grotius, who argued that the relationship
between king and people was essentially a contract. The English philosopher Thomas
Hobbes had argued that the contract was an absolute and binding, non-negotiable
one: in order to escape from a primitive, bestial dog-eat-dog existence, so Hobbes had
argued, humanity had evolved a fundamental pact called society, where individual
liberty was sacrificed for the sake of protection, security and civility. To be human

* Montesquieu’s division of power was implemented almost to the letter in the United States of
America, which drafted its constitution less than fifty years after De l’esprit des lois. We see the divi-
sion between legislative, executive and judiciary powers neatly reflected in the ‘checks and balances’
between the powers of Congress, the President, and the Supreme Court.

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 meant to take one’s part in that society, and to submit to higher authorities. Not so,
Locke argued: the social contract was only binding inasmuch as it served the purpose
and interests of the contracting parties; and in order to monitor this, the king’s author-
ity was constantly under the proviso that the people had to assent to it. This was
achieved by means of having parliaments. Therefore, if parliaments were instrumental
in authorizing the king’s laws by giving their consent, they must also have the theore-
tical power of withholding that consent.75
In stipulating that all social power is subject to the ‘consent of the governed’ Locke
famously laid down some fundamental civil rights: the fact that power can never be
absolute power, and must allow for the possibility of civil disobedience. Otherwise,
power shades into despotism, which can only be maintained oppressively and cannot
claim to be lawful. The implications of Locke’s thought are, then, more radical than
their ‘philosophical’ presentation might suggest, and it is no wonder that the author
should have chosen to remain anonymous.
Within Britain, the thought of Locke was to inspire the Enlightenment ‘Common-
wealthmen’ and other proto-democrats,76 including the leaders of the American revo-
lution. Lockean thought was, however, incorporated within the existing political sys-
tem (at the extreme left), since there was a functioning parliament which in 1688 had
flexed its muscle. In France, however, where Louis XIV had destroyed all forms of
parliamentarian power and had established an unchallenged royal supremacy in all
spheres of the affairs of state, the impact of Locke was to prove far more subversive –
revolutionary even.
Montesquieu was receptive to Locke’s thought since he was facing a major quand-
ary: Louis XIV’s inability to realize his aggressive expansion towards the Rhine.* As we
have seen, the rounding-off of the French territory was a fundamental goal of foreign
policy. Louis himself, who thought of affairs of state in highly personal, dynastic and
almost mystical terms, would not have phrased it in those words; but the end result
was the same. For Louis, kingship was a mystically sacred thing; as king, he was, quite
literally, the living embodiment of France. He may not have used the actual phrase
l’état, c’est moi, but it does sum up his outlook quite well. Louis did not see himself as a
private individual who had a task of government to carry out – he was that task. He
had no private life. His getting up in the morning, his meals, his going to bed in the
evening: all of these were affairs of state, elaborately ritualized. The thing which we
nowadays would call the French ‘national interest’ was, for him, a personal matter,
something which he considered his gloire. An insult to the king was an affair of state;
a foreign war was waged for his personal dignity. A victory was useful because it added

* Louis took Strasbourg in 1681, and thereby managed a first implementation of the great Vauban
scheme of turning the Rhine into France’s north-east frontier (Ayçoberry & Ferro 1981, Beller &
Leerssen 2017). The city became henceforth an object of German Romantic nostalgia; Goethe cele-
brated its cathedral as a prime example of ‘German architecture’ in 1772, thereby triggering the
European taste for the Gothic. At the same time, the French drive towards the Rhine seems to have
remained constant in French history regardless of the régime in power; it was also espoused by Dan-
ton and by Napoleon, and even, in 1915, by the young lieutenant Charles De Gaulle (Lacouture
1984-1986, 1, 66).

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 11. Louis XIV in his gloire: Portrait by Hyacinthe Rigaud, 1701.
Extant in two copies, one in the Louvre, the other at Versailles.

to the gloire of Louis, which was another way of saying that it added to the power of
France. Foreign policy, if it was not directed at placing relatives on foreign thrones
(e.g. in the War of the Spanish Succession), aimed to expand French power by teach-
ing neighbours a lesson or two about the king’s gloire. In this total identification
between the king and his realm, all other institutions of state (such as the regional
parliaments, who had traditionally also acted as regional law courts) had been brought
to Louis’s heel.
One theatre where this was singularly unsuccessful was, precisely, the Low Coun-
tries between France and the Rhine. The recalcitrance of the Dutch Republic, with its
mercantile-egalitarian Calvinist ruling class, was doubly repugnant to Louis because it
resisted both his dynastic self-importance and his expansionist aims (he felt that the
Duchy of Brabant should have devolved, by inheritance, to the French throne), and
tarnished his gloire both by insult and by injury. Time and again he hurled his armies
at his north-east; in the process, he turned the stadholder of the Dutch Republic,
William III of Orange (a great-grandson of William the Silent) into his most invete-
rate opponent. Louis met his nemesis when this selfsame William III, now on the
British throne as the son-in-law of the ousted James II, brought together a Europe-
wide anti-French coalition and effectively bridled Louis.77 The successive treaties that

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 concluded Louis’s various European wars (the treaties of Nijmegen, 1678; Rijswijk,
1697; and Utrecht, 1713, all named after the Dutch cities where they were signed)
between them spell out the successive stages of a European containment policy regard-
ing the Sun King, and also formulate in their preambles the rising notion that Europe
should be a stable state system based on a balance of power.
The end of Louis’s long, long reign, for all his gloire, was ruinous. France had been
humiliated and, at one point, almost destroyed in its foreign wars. The building and
running of Versailles, home to an elaborate choreographed protocol about the king’s
every movement, with a supporting entourage of nobility reduced to minions in
Louis’ daily rituals, was a huge drain on the country’s wealth; and philosophers like
Montesquieu faced a mystery. How was it possible for France’s most powerful mon-
arch to have been stymied by the Dutch Republic? How could Louis, having beaten
the rebellious nobility into submission, having reduced the parlements to empty folk-
lore, having smashed the power of the Palatinate, having established a power base on
the Rhine in Strasbourg – how could this Sun King have failed to overrun a small
mercantile republic on its north-eastern frontier?
In facing this dilemma, Montesquieu showed the influence of Tacitus, whom he
had read deeply and attentively. His historical treatise Considérations sur les causes de la
grandeur des Romains et de leur décadence (1734) betrays a Tacitus-inspired view: the
Republic, manly, frugal and virtuous, was capable of greatness; the Empire, enervated,
corrupt and decadent, proved weak. The parallel with France was unstated but ob-
vious, and the implications were spelled out when, under the influence of Locke,
Montesquieu formulated his constitutional ideas in De l’esprit des lois. That book is
not just a legal-anthropological disquisition of the relations between laws, mores and
societies, but also, importantly, an argument proving that concentrated authority does
not necessarily make a state strong. Louis’s France must be kept at the back of one’s
mind when reading De l’esprit des lois: Louis is the king who has ridden roughshod
over the institutions that were needed to register the necessary ‘consent of the gov-
erned’ (in the Lockean phrase); Louis had suborned the state’s legislative, executive
and judicial powers into one single hand – his own; and while this may superficially
seem like a concentration of power and a heightening of strength, it does in fact add
up to the same weakness that befell ancient Rome between Julius Caesar and Nero.
The analysis itself is of the very highest importance. It means that the rule of law
stands on an equal footing with the head of state, and cannot be made subordinate to
the executive powers of the king. This meant that the law becomes almost a sovereign
institution within the state; and with that principle, Montesquieu may truly count as
the founder of the democratic state. For it is not merely the existence of an elected
parliament, or the publicity campaigns of elections, or the rituals of the ballot box,
that constitute a democracy; the most important protection of the citizen against arbi-
trary power may, in practice, lie in the hands of judges rather than politicians. It is the
even-handed, autonomous rule of law that forms the most important basis of what we
call a democracy. In the great nineteenth-century European struggle for democratic
governance, German thinkers often opposed against the Fürstenstaat or ‘monarch-
ruled state’ the notion of a Rechtsstaat or ‘law-governed state’; they followed in Mon-

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 tesquieu’s footsteps and laid down a principle on the rule of law which continues to
be of undiminished importance.
Still, historically speaking, what needs to be emphasized here is that the separation
of powers is a lesson for which Montesquieu invoked the legacy of democratic primi-
tivism: Tacitus works his way, not only into Enlightenment anthropology, but also
into Enlightenment politics. The eighteenth century will remain preoccupied with
the decadence that befalls authoritarian states with absolute monarchy – the greatest
example of this preoccupation being, no doubt, the great history of the Decline and
Fall of the Roman Empire (1776-1788) by Edward Gibbon; the Enlightenment will
glorify frugal republics like Rome in its early days, or ancient Sparta; it will celebrate,
in historical and literary texts, heroic freedom fighters like William the Silent, William
Tell, Gustav Vasa.* And all this because history demonstrates that absolute power cor-
rupts the moral fibre of the state. Democracy thus becomes the politics of virtue,
against the depravity that goes with an aristocratic court culture.

Virtue, love of country, Patriotism78

The point needs to be stressed: ‘Patriot’, throughout the eighteenth century, meant
something quite different from the sense in which it is used nowadays. Nowadays,
patriotism and love of the fatherland count as forms of national pride, as a benign
form of nationalism, as ‘civic nationalism’. Often invoked at the right-wing, conserva-
tive and national-chauvinistic end of the political spectrum, patriotism nowadays is a
form of ‘wrapping oneself in the flag’. This was quite different in eighteenth-century
parlance.†
The root sense of ‘patriot’ seems to have been merely that of ‘inhabitant of a patria’,
fellow-citizen, com-patriot. Much as the term ‘citizen’ derives from membership of the
free and politically emancipated population of a city, so too the notion of ‘patriot’
seems to be, analogously, intended originally as signifying the citizenship, not of a
city, but of a country at large.
The notion thus reflects an attempt to express someone’s political status, not in the
usual ‘vertical’ or feudal terms of the lord whose subject one was, but rather in the
‘horizontal’ terms of a society of equals, freemen, to which, or to whose geographic
area, one belonged. In the root sense of the term, then, patriot seems to have meant,
either ‘compatriot’, or else ‘citizen of a country’ (as opposed to ‘subject of a sovereign’).
The term was already used in the Dutch Revolt against Spain to denote those who
opposed Philip II (e.g. by William of Orange in his Apologia of 1580); it was frequently
combined with adjectives such as ‘good’, ‘true,’ ‘worthy,’ and as such came to refer to

* When John Toland, a freethinker, edited James Harrington’s Oceana in 1700 (itself, written in the
1650s, one of the seminal works on power control), the portraits on the frontispiece of this edition
show Brutus, William III, Moses, Solon, Confucius, Lycurgus and Numa. (Venturi 1971, 59-60).
† In order to highlight the difference between eighteenth-century usage and the word’s current
meaning, I spell it, it the following pages, with a capital P whenever I refer historically to the Enlight-
enment doctrine.

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 one who would function well as a citizen, who would perform his civic duties and live
up to his responsibilities towards his compatriots. Indeed, in the 1680s, the decade
leading up to the Glorious Revolution, the term Patriot was ‘often applied to one who
supported the rights of the country against the King and court.’
It is in this direction that the word’s meaning developed in the century between the
British revolution of 1688 and the French Revolution of 1789. Dryden, that staunch
royalist, wrote in ‘Absalom and Achitophel’ that in the ‘modern sense’ a Patriot ‘is one
that wou’d by Law supplant his Prince.’ In fact, that was an apt enough description of
what John Locke was all about in his Treatise of Government of 1690, concerned as it
was with the containment of arbitrary power by law.
The more generalized meaning of the word concentrated on the notion of ‘selfless
service to one’s country’ and which began to equate the notion of the Patriot with that
of the ‘good citizen’, the loyal, responsible member of society. Patriotism as an ideol-
ogy of social responsibility and selfless devotion to the common good was character-
ized aptly by the Enlightenment philosopher George Berkeley, who defined ‘a Patriot’
as ‘one who heartily wisheth the public prosperity, and doth not only wish, but also
study and endeavour to promote it.’
Characteristically, Patriots want to make themselves useful, in a kind of political
philanthropy.* To that end, many charitable foundations and improving societies
sprang up. In Ireland, the Dublin Society (to name but one example), was founded in
1731 for the promotion of agriculture, industry, the economy as well as the arts and
letters. This essentially civic-philanthropic nature of Patriotism was encapsulated in a
passage in Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels (1726), where the wise King of
Brobdingnag exclaims:

That whoever could make two Ears of Corn, or two Blades of

Grass grow upon a Spot of Ground, where only one grew
before; would deserve better of Mankind, and do more es-
sential Service to his Country, than the whole Race of Politi-
cians put together.79

By the later eighteenth century, Patriotism will be a stand-in term for Republicanism,
or radical democracy. The influential critic Shaftesbury (1671-1713) opposed national
chauvinism or any instinctive sense of love and attachment to one’s native land. As
Franco Venturi sums up his views:

* The root meaning of the Greek word ‘philanthropy’ is theological, referring to God’s love of
mankind. This divine sense falls out of use after 1711 and is replaced by a secular one still current
today. The word ‘philanthropist’ makes its first appearance in 1730. By the end of the century, a
Hamburg-based Jacobin club was known, ominously, as the ‘Philanthropic Society’, ‘devoted to the
spreading of republican principles throughout Europe’. We should also take into account the En-
lightenment overtones of a word like ‘philadelphia’, the ‘brotherly love’ which gave its name to an
American city and foreshadowed the fraternité that came second only to liberté in the Revolutionary
Trinity, and well ahead of the later-added égalité. Jane Austen’s grand-aunt, by the way, had the
Christian name of Philadelphia.

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 This [love of the fatherland, JL] was a passion of ‘narrow
minds’, ‘of a mere fungus or common excrescence to its par-
ent-mould or nursing dunghill’. The new patriotism is cos-
mopolitan and indissolubly linked with freedom. It cannot
be conceived, or at least would be absurd, without it. It can-
not be felt except by those ‘who really have a country and are
the number of those who may be called a people, as enjoying
the happiness of a real constitution and policy by which they
are free and independent’. All kinds of absolute power deny
and destroy the very base of true love of one’s country. ‘Abso-
lute power annuls the publick, and where there is no publick,
or constitution, there is in reality no mother country or na-
tion [...] A multitude held together by force, tho’ under one
and the same head, is not properly united, nor does such a
body make a people. ’Tis the social league, confederacy and
mutual consent, founded in some common good or interest,
which joins the members of a community, and makes a peo-
ple one.’ As we see, the word patriotism itself conveys, in
terms of enthusiasm, passion and ethics, exactly the sense of
equality and freedom of those who considered themselves the
people and the nation in the ancient republics.80

We see similar sentiments elsewhere in Europe. The anti-Orangist party in the Dutch
Republic, who wanted to see the almost hereditary grip of the Orange dynasty on the
stadholdership abolished, called themselves ‘Patriots’ and Jan Wagenaar in his pamph-
let De Patriot of Politike bedenkingen over den Staat der Verenigde Nederlanden (1747)
stated:

A Patriot has such a strong and upright feeling for the welfare
of his fatherland, that, in order to advance the interest of this,
he puts not merely his own interest in the balance, but, if
needs be, dares to put it entirely on one side. He considers
his fellow countrymen and himself as members of one body.
His highest wish is that he himself and all the individual
members of the Civil State be happy and work together for
each other’s good. [...] He never presses his own interest to
the disadvantage of the common cause. [...] A Patriot doesn’t
grumble about the present government, as long as it main-
tains the Law, and leaves Liberties and Privileges un-
rumpled.81

Similarly, a Maetschappy tot nut van ’t Algemeen or ‘Society for Public Improvement’
was established in 1784; and odes to ‘The fatherland’ were the order of the day. But

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 12. William the Silent leads the Dutch Maiden to the throne of sovereignty. Allegorical
frontispiece to J. Nomsz Willem den Eersten, of de grondlegging der Nederlandsche
vryheid (Amsterdam, 1779).

then again, ‘the fatherland’ was a topic which could be invoked both by Orangist and
by Patriot authors.*
Later on, the idea of Patriotism became firmly situated at the radical Republican
end of the political spectrum, as a result of the American and French Revolutions.
The principle invoked by opponents to absolute royal power had always been la na-
tion.† The early years of the French Revolution opposed, in an interesting terminolo-
gical polarity, the ‘aristocratic’ party and the ‘patriotic party’, and slowly but surely a

* A Patriot example: the poetry of Jacobus Bellamy (1757-86), e.g. his Vaderlandsche Gezangen
(‘Fatherlandish Cantos’), influenced by Rousseau. An Orangist example: Onno Zwier van Haren
and his epic Aan het Vaderland (‘To the Fatherland’ 1769).
† Palmer 1959, I:88, quotes private remarks to this effect by the Marquis d’Argenson, and gener-
ally (88 ff. and 449) describes the opposition of the various parlements against court policy: anti-court
opposition of the mid-century parlements put a good deal of incipient revolutionary language into
wide circulation – citoyen, loi, patrie, constitution, nation, droit de la nation, and cri de la nation.

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 ‘Patriot’, during the last decades of the century, could come to mean, quite simply, a
revolutionary – a supporter either of the American Revolution or of the French one,
more or less ardent, more or less radical or extreme, but – a revolutionary. This must
be recognized behind Dr Johnson’s manifest dislike of Patriotism, which he memor-
ably denounced as ‘the last refuge of a scoundrel’. English Jacobins of the 1790s fre-
quently gave themselves, or their pamphlets, ‘Patriotic’ names. Thus, a Sheffield radi-
cal newspaper of around 1792 was called The Patriot; an important radical club around
1795 was the ‘Norwich Patriotic Society’. Such nomenclature must have grated on the
Doctor’s ears with a cynical ring.
We shall see in the following chapter how the course of events after 1789 was to
influence attitudes towards ‘nation’, ‘patriotism’ and ‘love of country’. Until the early
1790s, the invocation of ‘love of the fatherland’ or ‘patriotic pride’ was couched in
terms of civic duty and political philanthropy. The Swiss author Johann Georg Zim-
mermann, in his essay Von dem Nationalstolze (1758), pointed out that national pride
should be a form of altruism towards one’s fellow-citizens, never a form of chauvinism
against foreigners. Likewise, the sermon given in 1788 by Richard Price, entitled A
Discourse on the Love of Our Country, stressed the idea that ‘love of our country’ should
not be equalled to ‘any conviction of the superior value of it to other countries, or any
particular preference of its laws and constitution of government.’ Again, the same
Richard Price (who worked with a club called the ‘London Revolution Society’*)
worded an address of congratulation to the French National Assembly (the self-chosen
name of which will be discussed in the next chapter), which began with ‘disdaining
national partialities, and rejoicing in every triumph of liberty and justice over arbitrary
power’. The attitude directly foreshadows what Kwame Appiah, much more recently,
has labelled ‘rooted cosmopolitanism’.82
Neither the idea of the ‘nation’, nor that of ‘love of the fatherland’ were, then, the
specifically nationalist slogans they could later come to be. The bronze was there, and
it rang; but nationalism had not yet arrived on the scene, like an occupying army, to
commandeer those bells and recast them into cannons.

Virtue vs. nobility

The leading political ideal was not ethnic solidarity, but civic virtue. And all this
virtue was opposed, consistently, to the selfish, arrogant corruption which was im-
puted to courtiers and aristocrats. As Patriot politics began to vindicate the rights of
the nation (‘the governed’) within the state, Patriot moralists began to wage a very
widespread and all-pervasive ethical campaign against the class system of the ancien

* The revolution in the club’s name referred to the British ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688, whose
centenary Price’s Discourse commemorated. Price was, of course, a radical democrat. His sympathy
for the French Revolution was viewed with suspicion and anger by the anti-revolutionary, conserva-
tive statesman Edmund Burke. In fact, Burke’s Reflections upon the Revolution in France, the first and
most forceful denunciation of the revolution in Europe, was written as an attack on Price.

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 régime. In order to understand the intensity, the persistence and the very wide appeal
of this campaign, it must be stressed how far-reaching the class system was.
The nobility saw itself, quite literally, as a race apart. The notion of nobility was
wholly linked to descent and to the ‘blue blood’ that flowed in one’s veins. While it
was possible for a commoner to be ennobled, this was a rare occurrence and restricted
to the very rich landowning gentry or to very influential magistrates and politicians.
The nobility kept its demography under control by elaborate registers of ancestry and
descent. Its outward shows of privilege were not mere follies and vanities, as they
might appear nowadays, although vanity undoubtedly played into it. Who was called
monseigneur, who excellence; who had a right to four, or six, horses before their coach;
whether one’s coat of arms might, or might not, be flanked by allegorical side-figures
called ‘supporters’: that is no more trivial than Louis XIV’s sense of gloire, which was
in fact a way of phrasing state interest in personal-dynastic terms. The ‘right to bear
arms’ was not merely the heraldic vanity of displaying a shield, or coat of arms, but
reflected also the very real privilege that one was allowed to wear a sword, or other
weapons; any commoner caught armed would be punished. The right to self-defence,
to rapid transport (riding a horse), to immunity from the law, to certain careers: all
that was aristocratic prerogative. Noblemen could not be imprisoned for debt (and
could therefore run up far greater bills than commoners); in order to become an offi-
cer in the army, one had to prove that all eight great-grandparents, or all sixteen great-
great-grandparents were of noble birth; and in everyday life, a nobleman had an un-
questioned right to boss around all commoners in sight. It took a nobleman’s seal to
make a contract legally binding (having a seal was a noble prerogative). A nobleman
was exempt from many taxes, duties and punishments. His position, in other words,
was not unlike that of a white colonial official in a nineteenth-century colony like
India or South Africa, or a slave-owning planter in the southern states of the USA
prior to the Civil War.
Long before the power of the nobility was challenged in political terms, its privi-
leges were challenged in moral terms. The nobility was driven by a code of honour,
with its roots in the chivalric courts of the Middle Ages. The worst thing a nobleman
could fear was dishonour: shame incurred by cowardice or treason. (To allow insults to
pass without revenge was a sign of cowardice and thus a form of dishonour.)
It was against this all-pervasive noble code of honour that the Enlightenment was to
formulate, and bring into currency, the moral code of virtue. And as we might have
guessed from the Tacitan context, virtue was seen in classicist (rather than Christian)
terms: in terms of a nostalgically remembered Roman republic. Against the arrogantly
asserted honour of the nobleman came dignity, against outward bravado came inner
courage. Against elegance and pomp came simplicity and modesty; against pride in
one’s descent came the merit of one’s deeds. And where the main aristocratic virtue
lay in a duty to one’s class (the liege lord and one’s own noblesse oblige), the new
morality of virtue stressed a sense of responsibility towards one’s fellow-men. Amor
patriae, or ‘love of the fatherland’ must be seen, then, as yet another virtue (not the
only one) wherein a good Patriot differs from a depraved aristocrat.
The vilification of the nobility, in the Enlightenment, is remarkably sustained and
all-pervasive. In all the sentimental and moralistic writings of the century, there is a

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 stereotypical role division in which middle-class characters are virtuous, upright,
whereas noble characters, while they may be forceful and heroic, have a tendency to
be immoral, overweening, arrogant and depraved. In the works of Samuel Richardson
(Pamela of 1740 and Clarissa Harlowe of 1747), young women from the middle classes
must defend their chastity against lecherous aristocrats. Clarissa will ultimately be
raped and driven to death; Pamela manages to withstand the schemes of ‘Lord B.’ and
her virtue ultimately impresses him to the point of a decent marriage proposal. All this
in long, drawn-out, sentimental novels-in-letters, full of anguished sighs and moral
reflections; and tremendously popular and influential all over Europe. The role-divi-
sion of arrogant noblemen and virtuous commoners was taken over in the hugely
successful genre of the ‘sentimental comedy’, which dominated the London stage
throughout the century. In Germany, it inspired the significantly-named bürgerliches
Trauerspiel. France itself gives us the most telling example: Beaumarchais’ comedy Le
mariage de Figaro of 1784. It led to great controversies because of its anti-aristocratic
tendency; showing, as it does, a Count as villain. Count Almaviva invokes the ancient
aristocratic prerogative of the ius primae noctis and harasses the virtuous heroine,
Figaro’s bride-to-be. Things turn out alright once the wily Figaro (already a popular
character from Beaumarchais’ earlier play Le barbier de Séville, 1773) comes up with a
cunning plan.* The later pornographic writings of the Marquis de Sade, a perverse
Richardson, will still depict middle-class girls as virtuous victims, helplessly raped and
tortured by noblemen and clergy. These various trends are all focussed in the work of
one remarkable writer: Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Notions of virtue, primitivism, senti-
ment, civil rights and social contract all come together in a crucial combination.

* This ius primae noctis or ‘right of the first night’ (probably a myth more than a current praxis,
cf. Boureau 1995) was widely loathed as the incorporation of all that was depraved and vile in feudal-
aristocratic privilege. It represented in graphic symbolism the rape of society by the lecherous corrup-
tion and unrestrained power of the nobility. Beaumarchais could only get away with representing a
nobleman as such a depraved villain by making him foreign; even so, the play was condemned by
Louis XVI, briefly banned as a result, and triggered one of the more outstanding scandals in Euro-
pean literary history.

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 The Nation Empowered: Popular
Sovereignty and National Unity in the
French Revolution

Rousseau and the Geneva model

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) was one of the cardinally important eighteenth-

century-thinkers.83 Less original than Vico, less erudite than Montesquieu, less pene-
trating than Locke or Hume, less profound than Herder or Goethe, and less acute
than Voltaire, he was more versatile and many-sided than any of these, and brings
together a number of revolutionary strands in the Enlightenment. His novels Julie, ou
la nouvelle Héloïse (1761) and Emile, ou de l’éducation (1762) became figureheads for
sentiment as an affect equal in value to rational cogitation, and fixed for centuries the
sentimental image of childhood as a period of innocence and openness. His proclama-
tion to turn ‘back to nature’, and his glorification of the ‘Noble Savage’, gave voice, in
the very heart of the Enlightenment, to a discontent with the rigidity of over-refined
civility, and prepared the Romantics’ opposition between human society and divine
nature. His Confessions (1782-1788) re-launched the genre of the moral autobiography;
widely admired as a benchmark in self-honesty, they prepared the way for the Roman-
tic cult of the self: the preoccupation with one’s own personality and personal growth.
There was no cultural endeavour that he did not pursue: he speculated on the origins
of language and human inequality along with the greatest philosophers of the century;
he even wrote an opera.
But the Rousseau whose importance is to be traced here is the author of a book
which was entitled Du contrat social and which he signed as a Citoyen de Genève. Du
contrat social was written in 1754 and appeared in 1762; as the title indicates, it goes
over the familiar ground, already trodden by Grotius, Hobbes, Locke and Montes-
quieu, of the mutual obligations of the partners, monarch and people, whose contract
forms the root of human society and the basis of power distribution. But Rousseau’s
Contrat social was more than a mere rehash of familiar arguments; it was a radical and
even revolutionary extension of democratic thought. Earlier thinkers had all started
with an a priori top-down distribution of power: power comes from On High, and
works its way downwards. Locke had argued for a control mechanism in the down-
ward distribution of power, involving the ‘consent of the governed’; Montesquieu had
argued for an institutional separation and ‘checks and balances’ system, regulated by a
rule of law that was itself not subject to the king’s authority. Both had continued to
accept, however, the top-down vector of constitutional power as a given. Rousseau
turned it on its head, in what was in the most fundamental sense a ‘revolution’. For
Rousseau, power emanated from the collectivity of the people who together formed a
society. The establishment of a collective volition or volonté générale is what constitutes

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 13. Jean-Jacques Rousseau

the primal social contract; and therefore the fundamental, sovereign authority of any
state is the collectivity of the people expressing its volition. It is only in the second
instance that the power to exercise and implement this collective volition is placed in
the hands of individuals. They, the executive, even in a monarchy, are in fact just
that: mere executives.
Constitutional power is then, in Rousseau’s scheme of a social contract, bottom-up:
it is entrusted by the people to officials. Governments rule as trustees of the will of the
people; if they claim to rule in their own right they are tyrannical.
Rousseau, in short, formulated the tenets of ‘popular sovereignty’, and he did so in a
most efficient and influential manner. Twenty years after the appearance of the Con-
trat social, the constitution of the newly independent United States of America was
drawn up as the expression of a Rousseauesque volonté générale: it opens with the
portentous opening phrase ‘We the People of the United States...’; and by 1792, Rous-
seau was to be the guiding light of the French Republic. His body was the first to be
placed, together with that of Voltaire, in the Panthéon, the hallowed shrine of a new
religion of the fatherland where great men were to be buried or commemorated under
the inscription Aux grands hommes la Patrie reconnaissante (a very Roman, Tacitus-style

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 14. Title page of Du contrat social

phrase and sentiment).84 And Robespierre, the leader of the radical Republican wing
of the new Republic, was always seen with the Contrat social under his arm, a devotee
of popular sovereignty.
From where did Rousseau get his ideal of popular sovereignty? For one thing, there
had been a tenacious ‘underground’ of radical republican philosophy, drawing on se-
venteenth-century representatives like Algernon Sydney and John Harrington. The
politicians who had rebelled against their kings, like the Dutch Estates General in 1581
or the British Parliament under Cromwell, had had their constitutional thinkers. But
the most important influence is probably given away by that epithet which always
appears under Rousseau’s name on the Contrat Social’s title page, whatever the edition:
Citoyen de Genève.
For that was Rousseau’s political status. Geneva at the time, not yet fully part of
Switzerland, was an independent and sovereign city-republic, one of a handful to have
survived as such since the Middle Ages; like Ragusa (present-day Dubrovnik), San
Marino, or Lucca, or some Free Imperial Cities in Germany such as Hamburg or
Frankfurt. Other erstwhile city-republics, like Milan or Florence, had come under the
rule of a dynastic aristocracy; or they had lost their privileges and self-governance in a
power struggle with monarchs; only in rare instances had they maintained themselves.

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 Venice had maintained an independent republican constitution until the arrival of
Napoleon, but had acquired such large territories that it was far more than a mere
‘city’-republic. In practice the rule of such independent cities was in the hands of a
small oligarchy of patrician families; but even so, the fact that members of these fa-
milies were appointed to office rather than gaining power by inheritance, stood out
from the dynasticism of aristocratic rule in most of Europe. Such city-republics were
constitutional oddities, islands of civic self-rule in a continent wholly consisting of
monarchies and feudal states.
Geneva was one such case. It had made the city one of the great European sanctu-
aries for Reformation thought; and indeed, Rousseau had briefly forfeited his Geneva
citizenship when he had married a catholic. But by the time he published Du contrat
social he was once again a Genevan citizen in good standing, and did not omit to
mention that on the title page of his book. This was partly to stress that he was no
subject of the French king, and enjoyed some form of constitutional immunity. Partly
it also betrays the mainspring of his ideas of popular sovereignty: they are taken from
the self-governance of a city.
Although in the climate of classical republicanism, many cities saw themselves as
offshoots of the Mother of All Cities, Rome,* they had in fact sprung up as joint
enterprises of people living and working together and acquiring wealth and privileges
in the process. The city as a joint enterprise meant that to be a citizen (that is to say: a
resident and financially solvent town-dweller) was tantamount to being a shareholder
in the city, one of the participants in the city’s common affairs. ‘Joint enterprise’,
‘common affairs’: the Latin phrase to express all that was res publica, the public endea-
vour. The notion of a republic therefore refers to a shared concern of co-owners, share-
holders, participants. It is these that are the citizens.
Crucially (and, to a feudal mind, anomalously), a citizen is not a subject. In a world
where all social relations were seen in the vertical terms of ‘who obeys whom’, citizen-
ship in a city implied the horizontal relationship of being a fellow-participant in the
city’s public endeavour. That res publica turned the city into something that was var-
iously called a Gemeinde, gemeente or commune (as in the English ‘Commons’ or ‘com-
moner’), or a corporation. Cities had what they called the freedom of the city, and a
citizen (burgess, burger, Bürger) was also called freeman. The Dutch saying had it that
‘city air makes free’: anyone in servile condition would become free once he was ad-
mitted a citizen of a city.
The commune is then the corporate totality of free equals. In order to administer
their affairs they appoint a city council, which in turn appoints aldermen (échevins,
Schöffen, schepenen) and mayors (burgomasters, Bürgermeister) as well as law enforce-
ment officials. These are entrusted with power by way of an appointment, which is
limited in time and subject to scrutiny and approval from the city council. In other
words: a city functions exactly as a modern republic; or we should rather say that the

* The old public buildings of Dutch and Frisian cities such as Alkmaar, Franeker and Haarlem
can still be seen to sport the abbreviations SPQA, SPQF and SPQH, calqued on the Roman SPQR,
and indicating that the city was ruled by senatus populusque.

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 modern republic is a large-scale application of a model of governance which was prac-
tised originally only at city level. It took a Citizen of Geneva to draw up a model for
the state which in fact mirrored in its organization the constitution of a city. A body
politic that consists, not of a lord’s subjects, but of a community of equal, free citizens,
who exercise their corporate volition through councils and appointed officials: all that
is Rousseau’s model of a social contract based on popular sovereignty; all that is in-
spired by his native city of Geneva.
There is a deep symbolism, then, in the fact that the term citoyen – ‘citizen’ –
became the only title of courtesy which was allowed in France when the French Re-
public had abolished all noble privileges and titles and forms of address such as mon-
seigneur and excellence. Citizenship, the thing proclaimed almost as a Geneva singular-
ity on the title page of the Contrat Social, became the hallmark of republican,
democratic emancipation after 1789. And until well into the twentieth century, the
carrier of a British passport would be called a ‘British Subject’, whereas the holder of
an American passport would be called a ‘Citizen of the United States’.

The nation in power: Rousseau to Sieyès

By the mid-century, Patriot-minded politicians began with increasing frequency to

use the term ‘nation’. Usually, the meaning of the word was generally ‘the great mass
of the population’ or ‘ the body politic’. That body politic had no specific, designed
name of its own; although concepts like Volk, people, narod, pueblo or popolo were
widely current in their respective languages, the French term peuple was almost dero-
gatory (as German and Dutch loanwords such as Pöbel and gepeupel indicate), and was
often used in the combination menu peuple (the ‘people under command’), indicating
a total lack of political rights or social standing. Another term was that of the tiers état
or ‘third estate’ (after the clergy and the nobility, that is). This non-noble, non-church
estate has its inner stratification: at the bottom of the scale was the menu peuple, some-
where in the middle the roturiers and at the top the worthy bourgeois who, if his family
had a lengthy track record in the magistrature or in local administration, could be
allowed into a minor nobility.* A term for the politically active part of the population,
excluding the poor peasantry and servant class but including the minor nobility, did
not exist; and it was in this meaning that the word ‘nation’ came to be used from ca.
1750 onwards. Rousseau does not use the nation to describe his volonté générale, but
the word was to burst into political usage in a crucial episode of the French Revolu-
tion, in 1789. The person who launched it was the priest Emmanuel Sieyès (1748-
1836).85

* This was the so-called noblesse de robe or ‘nobility of the gown’, to distinguish them from the
older, more exclusive noblesse d’épée or ‘nobility of the sword’. The old sword-nobility did much, in
the course of the eighteenth century, to keep aloof from the rising tide of newly appointed noblesse
de robe. Commissions in the army, or certain army regiments, became the jealously guarded preserve
of the ‘old’ nobility with feudal roots. Similar trends can be noticed in other European monarchies.

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 15. Emmanuel Sieyès

Though as an ordained cleric Sieyès formed part of the first estate, the true power of
that rank was reserved for higher dignitaries such as abbots and bishops – who, almost
invariably, were from noble families. A low-ranking priest, Sieyès’s real sympathies
were with the Third Estate, the non-noble part of the population. By the 1780s, this
segment of the population had not had any real say in the running of the state for a
century and a half. Its original constitutional platform, the États généraux (an ancient
type of parliament of the three estates together), had not been assembled since 1614.
Another political platform where the Third Estate was represented was in the regional
parlements (that of Paris, of Aix, of Bretagne, and other places) which had likewise
been bulldozed by the absolutism of Louis XIV and XV. All the Third Estate could do
was pay their taxes and obey their superiors. By the late 1780s, however, France was
brought to the verge of absolute bankruptcy as a result of decades of profligate social
exploitations. The king, Louis XVI, was reluctantly forced to admit that an economic
perestroika was needed: the tax system was decrepit and askew, state expenditures were
too bloated and out-of-control to be supported by the country as it stood. In the
attempt to float the state financially, it was decided to convene the États généraux, the

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 full three-estates parliament that would also include the productive part of society: the
Third Estate. For the first time in more than a century and a half, the non-nobility
could participate in the running of the state. It was to trigger an avalanche of long
pent-up grievances, and the end result was, famously, a revolution rather than a re-
form.
The prospect of an États généraux assembly put the Third Estate across France into
a ferment. Pamphlets and public registers prepared the public opinion for this chance
to get a foot in the constitutional door. How should the Third Estate make use of the
proffered opportunity?
In this ferment, the young priest Sieyès brought out a small pamphlet with the
deceptively neutral title: Qu’est-ce que le Tiers État? – ‘The Third Estate, What is
That’? The answer he gave in this essay was perhaps as influential as Rousseau’s Con-
trat social. For Sieyès, the Third Estate was not just the bottom rung of the social
ladder, the ‘number three’ underneath the clergy and the nobility; on the contrary:
the third estate was all of society. In Sieyès’s argument, the clergy and the nobility did
not form part of the French population; they were, rather, external parasites who had
fastened themselves onto the Body Politic, feeding upon it, sucking it dry, but not
participating in it. The First and Second Estate lived off the people but not with the
people, were not a productive part of society but only a drain upon it. Hence, if one
wanted to see the true representatives of France, then the Third Estate, and nothing
but the Third Estate, was what counted.
This attitude was to prove of crucial importance in the events that unfolded in 1789.
Once the États généraux were convened in Versailles, Sieyès was among them as an
elected representative of the Third Estate of the Paris Commune – always the most
disaffected, the most radical part of the French population. The representatives soon
found, however, that the deliberations were meant to keep the lower orders firmly in
their place. Palace protocol subjected the Third Estate to numerous petty humilia-
tions, and certain parties at court obviously meant to keep a tight rein on the Third’s
political agenda. Indeed, the deliberations soon derailed, and Louis XVI went as far as
calling off the entire assembly, in effect telling the Third Estate to return home.
It was at this point that world history stood on a knife’s edge. The course of events
was tipped towards a democratic revolution by the bullishness of Mirabeau (a noble-
man by birth, the black sheep of his family, who was a delegate for the Third Estate),
who cowed down a palace official and refused to accept the King’s dissolution of the
assembly. All the same, the Third Estate was now at a loose end. The First and Second
Estates had obeyed the dissolution order, the palace at Versailles was no longer avail-
able as a venue, and there was in fact no constitutional precedent giving anything like
a mandate to a separate assembly of representatives of the Third Estate. The delegates
reconvened in a sports hall not unlike a squash court, the Jeu de Paume, and there
vowed they would continue their session until they had achieved the programme that
they had been entrusted with by their electorate: to reform the constitutional system
of France and to replace the arbitrary government of the absolute monarchy with a
written constitution.
Meanwhile, one of the first things that had had to be decided was the question how
the Third Estate delegation should define its position; indeed, what it should call

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 itself. It was at this point that Sieyès had taken the lead. On the basis of the argument
already unfolded in his Qu’est-ce que le Tiers État?, he chose a name indicating that the
representatives of the Third Estate represented all that mattered in the entire country.
On his proposal, the assembly of the Third Estate, remainder of the dissolved États
généraux, took the name of Assemblée nationale. The word ‘nation’ had suddenly be-
come a galvanizing point for the unfolding battle between the people and the Court.
Henceforth, the word ‘nation’ comes to refer to the corporate identity of all political
subjects of a given country. The realization that these people form, not a servile estate
or a subaltern layer in society, but the general body politic, with a will and a mandate
of its own, will call into play the concept of the nation. In the political thought and
vocabulary of 1789 and after, a nation consists, not of subjects, but of citizens. Political
clashes in 1789 saw the slogans Vive la nation (or Vive la patrie) used against the coun-
ter-revolutionaries’ Vive le roi or Vive l’aristocratie. The birth of democracy vests
power, not in the dynastic rights of kings, but in the united will of the people; and
that people, following 1789, will proclaim its inclusiveness and emancipation by call-
ing itself a nation.
Once the great organs of state (the ministeries, libraries, armed forces etc.) are no
longer under the aegis of the king or the court, they will be called ‘national’, indicating
that they are there on behalf of the entire population and for the benefit of the entire
population. It is indeed the inclusiveness of the term ‘nation’ that dominates in the
1790s. If nationality excludes anything, it is the nobility or the church: national educa-
tion will mean: education that is no longer under church control, and a national army
is no longer a war instrument for the king’s gloire run by the noblesse d’épée. Habi-
tually, the French nation will consider any friend of democracy a fellow-national, and
there is hardly any distinction between the Rights of Man (the philosophical declara-
tion of fundamental human rights proclaimed in 1789), and the Rights of a Citizen.

Republicanism, Spartan style

As will be shown in more detail in a later chapter, the inclusiveness of the empowered
nation hardened in the later, Republican phase of the revolution. The crisis of 1792
saw the definitive failure of the attempt at a constitutional monarchy. Louis XVI,
suspected of making common cause with France’s external counter-revolutionaries,
was imprisoned, indicted and executed; France was declared a republic at a time of
grave military threats on its borders. In that climate, the hardline republican factions
became dominant, and their interpretation of popular sovereignty, inspired by
Rousseau, stressed heavily that the sovereign people had to be a single whole: any
internal differentiation of the nation, by region, class or otherwise, would be a fatal
faultline in its supreme sovereignty. Liberté, fully thought through, presupposes a
complete égalité between the citizens and a total concord of purpose (fraternité). Ac-
cordingly, the new republic carries the programmatic name of République française,
une et indivisible.
It is curious to see how the idea of absolute democracy, total egalitarianism, seems
to entail a state policy that is intolerant of diversity. The paradox is that out of the

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 ideal of democracy, a dictatorship can arise. The case of Robespierre is exemplary in
this respect.86 Always on his guard against corruption from power-hungry elites, he
saw himself as the watchdog of the people and the high priest of a Rousseauesque cult
of vertu – the last and most chilling transformation of Tacitus’s old ideal of virtus. He
gloried in his nickname of ‘the incorruptible’, l’incorruptible, and established a watch-
dog committee to ensure that the public good would not be threatened by creeping
tendencies to old-style corruption. This Comité de salut public became an instrument
of terror. Fanatically self-righteous, it denounced all dissent as a form of corruption.
The guillotine became the prime instrument of a ‘rationalized’ turnover of denuncia-
tions, show trials and executions. Robespierre’s sinister sidekick, the angel-faced 24-
year-old Saint-Just, formulated a policy whereby, chillingly, all human virtues were
redefined as revolutionary virtues:

A Revolution man is inflexible, but sensible; he is frugal,

down-to-earth, without indulging in the luxury of false mod-
esty. He does not brook lies, waste, or affectation; since his
aim is to see the Revolution triumph, he will never criticize
it, but he condemns its enemies without confusing it with
them. He does not insult it but will improve it, and, mindful
of its purity, he will, when speaking of it, take care to be
respectful. He does not pretend to be the co-equal of author-
ity, the law, but rather of people, especially unfortunate ones.
A Revolution man is filled with honour; he is polished with-
out being insipid, but frank, because he is at peace with him-
self. Grossness for him is a sign of dishonesty and guile which
disguises falsehood by being intemperate. Aristocrats speak
and act tyrannically, but the Revolution man is intransigent
only towards villains while remaining sensitive. He is so con-
cerned for the glory of his fatherland and for liberty that he
undertakes nothing lightly. He rushes into battle, he perse-
cutes the guilty and defends the innocents before the courts.
He speaks the truth so that it may instruct rather than out-
rage. He realizes that the Revolution, in order to consolidate
itself, needs people to be as good now as they used to be
wicked in the past. His probity is not a spiritual refinement
but a self-evident heart-felt quality. Marat was sweet-tem-
pered within his own household, and terrified only traitors;
and Rousseau, a revolutionary, was certainly not an insolent
man. I infer that the Revolution man is a hero of good sense
and integrity.87

The totalitarian politics of virtue, as practised during the reign of the Jacobins, form
the more sombre outgrowth of classical republicanism. It took, for its guiding princi-
ple in classical antiquity, not so much the ancient Roman Republic (though that is
what furnished the themes of the paintings of David, and much of the official art and

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 symbolism of the time) but also the myth of an older, much more harshly ‘virtuous’
city-republic: Sparta. That ancient Greek city-state had for centuries maintained itself
as a totalitarian warrior society. It was based on a ruthless oppression of slaves and
helots, a total disregard for suffering and sentiment in others and in oneself, and in a
total subordination of the individual to the common interest. Sparta had had a sinister
reputation in ancient Greece, had been the great dark rival of Athens, but had grud-
gingly won respect for its unflinching courage in the face of overpowering enemies:
Persia, Alexander the Great. As such, it had been praised by Rousseau: as a society
based on restraint rather than luxury, on loyalty rather than pleasure; on discipline
rather than selfishness. As Paul Cartledge has pointed out, Rousseau formed his view
of Sparta in the course of a polemic on luxury during the years 1749-1753. In his
Discours sur les sciences et les arts (1749-1750), he described Sparta’s heureuse ignorance
and the sagesse de ses lois. Although projects for a regular treatise on Spartan history
came to nothing, Rousseau continued to give favourable references throughout his
later works, especially to its fabled legislator, Lycurgus. These virtues, Rousseau felt,
had made Sparta strong enough to withstand the overwhelming power of great neigh-
bouring monarchs; they also held out an ideal that was the very opposite of the dis-
sipated, idle and vain aristocracy of latter days.88
It was this myth of Sparta which, after Rousseau, came to inspire the more totalitar-
ian discipline-minded politicians of ‘virtue’. The fact that so many sports clubs should
have chosen to name themselves after the most gruesomely oppressive, inhuman war-
rior society of classical antiquity is one of the great, chilling ironies of European his-
tory. It was certainly the Spartan myth of dour, relentless and grim uprightness, which
inspired Jacobin France and all totalitarian societies after it.
Indeed, if France in 1789 is the dawn of democracy for all of Europe, France in 1794
can be seen as the blueprint for all later totalitarian regimes of Europe, be they fascist
or communist.
And Robespierre himself may be the very prototype of the modern dictator, in that
he felt himself under an almost mystical mission to rule the people, all of the people.
Stalin, Ceauşescu, Mussolini, Franco or Hitler: they all share with Robespierre the idea
that they have an immediate, non-mediated responsibility for the nation-at-large, and
they share with Robespierre a distrust of ‘representative’ government. The same atti-
tude marked, in an attenuated form, post-1945 authoritarian leaders like Charles de
Gaulle and Margaret Thatcher, who felt they could intuit or channel the needs and
desires of the nation; it is more markedly noticeable in the contemporary type of the
strongman leader with his media-based reliance on an unstructured populist ground-
swell, from Berlusconi to Erdoğan and Putin, from Geert Wilders to Donald Trump.
A Montesquieuan separation of powers is uncongenial to this outlook. Government
should not represent the people, it should be a single, indivisible incorporation of the
people-at-large. Such dictators claim to feel and embody, in an immediate and mysti-
cal directness within their own soul, what is good for the people. They are the instru-
ments of history and of the people’s destiny. Any bureaucracy, any career official, any
other type of politician, will have to face their mistrust as selfish impostors, plotters,
corrupt schemers. Again, Robespierre may himself have taken this idea of the trans-

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 cendent ‘lawgiver’ – opposed to the wishy-washy ‘law-makers’ of modern states – from
a Rousseauesque celebration of Spartan antiquity. In Lycurgus, Rousseau had seen

an almost divinely inspired and authoritative legislator, so in

tune with the temper and spirit of his people that he laid
down laws which they could unswervingly abide by for cen-
turies to come. Rousseau wrote, approvingly, that Lycurgus
fixed ‘an iron yoke’ and tied the Spartans to it by filling up
every moment of their lives. This ceaseless constraint was, to
Rousseau, ennobled by the purpose it served, that of patrio-
tism, the ideal of which was constantly presented to the Spar-
tans not only in their public laws, but also in their marital
and reproductive customs, and in their festivals, feasts and
games. In short, Rousseau saw in Lycurgus’s Sparta a society
devoted to implementing the general will in a collective, self-
effacing, law-abiding, thoroughly virtuous way.89

Thus the sovereignty of the people, at first conceived as an inclusive all-embracing

fraternization and solidarity, can turn into a recipe for stifling totalitarian unity. The
luminous rise of modern democracy throws for its shadow the emergence of modern
totalitarianism. But in one fundamental respect it all changed from the power of
ancien régime monarchs: nothing was legitimate anymore except in the name of the
nation.

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 Culture and the Nation: Literature, the
Public Sphere and Anti-French Relativism
In previous pages we have seen that a good deal of attention was given to the idea that
nations differed culturally and in their ‘national character’;* it remains to be traced
how this cultural-ethnographicalsense of nationality gained programmatic importance
and eventually became instrumentalized into a cultural-political agenda.
So what, finally, is a nation, and where does it begin or end? The French Republic
saw, at least in its high-minded beginnings, no obvious demarcation between ‘the’
nation and humanity at large: political usage at the time used the word ‘nation’ mainly
in a societal sense, as the mass of the body politic. ‘Nation’ meant much the same
thing that ‘society’ means nowadays – thus in Adam Smith’s economic classic An In-
quiry into the Nature and Cause of the Wealth of Nations (1776) – and the more particu-
larly ethnic-anthropological meaning, referring to the cultures, manners and customs
by which societies mutually differ, was more current in the realms of philosophy and
cultural criticism than in the world of politics.

Literature and the emerging public sphere90

A general trend in Europe was to denounce the vices of the nobility and to praise the
‘civic virtues’ of the middle classes. Among these virtues was the patriotic ‘love of the
fatherland’: the Patriotic citizen saw himself, ideally, as a useful member of society and
of his nation. To this virtue belonged the rejection of ‘foreign’ vanities. It was a privi-
lege of the upper classes and the nobility to have international contacts and to engage
in foreign travel; and it was a matter of conspicuous wealth display to buy foreign
produce and affect foreign manners. Command of a foreign language, the display of
exotic plants or imported antiques, all that was considered a part of aristocratic show-
ing-off, and was disdained by the solid citizen. In England (to name but one example),
fashionable young gentlemen who had returned from the ‘Grand Tour’ (an educa-
tional journey to the Continent) formed the ‘macaroni club’, in honour of that exotic
dish they had tasted in Italy; the word macaroni, still used sarcastically in the Patriot
song ‘Yankee Doodle Dandy’, referred to pretentious showing-off. This exoticism was
denounced countless times as profligate, irresponsible, in patriotically minded texts

* It should be stressed that the term ‘national character’ was not yet completely used in a na-
tional-psychological sense, but still largely also in a Theophrastan sense: as the way in which a nation
presented itself to the world, as the set of remarkable, distinguishing external features (in manners
and social conventions) that made a nation look different from others.

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 from verse to pamphlets to spectatorial essays,* and above all in the theatres and play-
houses. If we can witness the emergence of something like a ‘public sphere’ in eight-
eenth-century north-western Europe, then this is linked not only to the rise of venues
like associations, clubs and coffee houses, or the rise of the spectatorial and periodical
press, but also to the immense public function of the theatre. Indeed the very word
‘public’, and the specific term ‘public opinion’, were largely used in the context of
playhouses: the audience of a theatre was its public, and their taste and preferences
were, as early as the 1670s, called l’opinion du public. Neo-Aristotelian poeticists from
the mid-seventeenth century onwards had stressed time and again that the playwright
was bound by tout ce qui est conforme à l’opinion du public (that phrase was used by
Rapin in his La Poétique of 1673), and as Gérard Genette has emphasized:

This opinion, real or imputed, is fairly precisely what nowa-

days would be called an ideology, that is to say: a body of
rules and prejudices which forms both a world-view and a
value-system.91

‘Public opinion’ begins, then, as the general rules of seemliness and plausibility (bien-
séance and vraisemblance) which collectively govern an audience’s reaction to theatrical
representations, and will branch out from there into a general ideology whereby the
public-at-large, i.e. the informed part of society, judges the world as it is presented to
them. That is the sense in which Shaftesbury, in the above-quoted fragment (p. 85)
distinguishes the sentient ‘publick’ from a mere governed ‘multitude’. And much of
what gave this public its moral cohesion happened in the ‘virtual’ sphere of the press
and the printed media, much of it in the immediate public spaces of the coffee houses,
associations and, indeed and still, the theatre. Thus, in the playhouses of mid-century
London, a veritable ideology took place in the genre of the ‘sentimental comedy’, as
popular and all-pervasive then as television chatshows are nowadays, where, in literally
hundreds of plays, all forms of aristocratic profligacy were denounced in favour of
solid middle-class virtues such as female chastity and innocence, filial piety, marital
fidelity, and honesty. These were, increasingly, presented as national virtues, English
virtues, against the aristocratic vices of gambling and duelling, and increasingly also
against the aristocratic-cum-foreign vices of employing French servants, spending

* The eighteenth-century press saw the birth and great rise of a type of periodical, named after its
prototype the Spectator (1711), combining moral essays, social satire and cultural criticism. The spec-
tatorial press was, as Jürgen Habermas (1990) has pointed out, a ‘virtual’ media extension of the type
of talk and gossip that would have gone on in the clubs and coffee houses that were so much in
vogue in London from c. 1700 onwards. Like the social talk and gossip that went on in the public
spaces of the European capitals, the spectatorial press contributed much to the emergence of a reg-
ular ‘public opinion’, linking individual citizens into a sense of social cohesion and a ‘civil society’.
All this forms part, then, of the informal opinion-making and mobilization of the public that even-
tually culminated in the democratic revolutions of the late eighteenth century. Benedict Anderson
(1983), too, has emphasized the important role of the media in nation-formation, by their establish-
ment of a public opinion and an ‘imagined community’.

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 one’s money abroad, and importing foreign life-styles out of brainless and spineless
pretentiousness.
In other words: the critique of aristocratic immorality became also a critique of
aristocratic cosmopolitanism; Patriotism and the ideology of civic virtue did, in its
emphasis on amor patriae, begin to acquire some xenophobic elements. If an aristocrat
was marked by his lack of involvement in his own country, then Patriotism would
denounce the ethos of nobility and honour, not only for its immorality, but also for
this lack of national rootedness.
In England, Holland and Germany, this anti-aristocratic anti-cosmopolitanism fas-
tened, specifically, on the Frenchness of aristocratic culture. The France of Louis XIV
and Louis XV was seen as the very home of all that was foreign, pretentious, hyper-
refined and corrupt. France had been a dominant culture in Europe from the late
seventeenth century onwards. The language of refinement was French; the technical
vocabulary of refined pursuits such as fencing, etiquette, dance, ballet, fashion and
haute cuisine was French. The language of international diplomacy was French. The
court at Versailles was the point of orientation for all European monarchs, and so was
its architecture. In Germany and Holland, palaces were built in the French-imported
style of classicism, and given French names such as Sanssouci. The languages of the
various courts of Europe were also increasingly shot through with French: famously,
Frederick of Prussia used French for polite conversation and reserved German for his
horses and his servants.
The international dominance of French high culture in aristocratic circles implied,
logically enough, that the denunciation of aristocratic pretension and vanity also im-
plied a denunciation of everything French. England took the lead in this, understand-
ably, because throughout the century it was embroiled in wars with France. One of
these conflicts, over the colony of Quebec, saw the presentation (significantly, in a
playhouse, at the end of a theatrical performance!) of an anthem in support of George
III: ‘God Save the King’ – the first modern ‘national anthem’ to emerge in the incipi-
ent formation of modern states in Europe.* The very genre of the ‘sentimental come-
dy’ was meant as a reaction against the dominant form of the classicist tragedy, as it
had been prescribed by the likes of La Mesnardière and benchmarked by authors like
Corneille and Racine. The sentimental comedy accordingly highlighted middle-class
virtue rather than noble honour, and lost no opportunity to ‘play to the gallery’ by
invoking anti-French and anti-foreign sentiments.92 A revival of the works of Shake-
speare almost gloried in the fact that Macbeth and Hamlet were written in ignorance of
the rules of neo-Aristotelian classicism (something which still led an author like Vol-
taire to dismiss Shakespeare as uncouth).93
This message was soon picked up in Germany. ‘Germany’ did not exist at the time,
of course; in the many principalities and petty monarchies which together formed the

* Strictly speaking, ‘God Save the King’ is not the oldest national anthem in Europe; the Dutch
Wilhelmus is a good deal older, and formed part of an institutionalized canon of songs asserting
Dutch independence. It was not until the nineteenth century, however, that the Wilhelmus obtained
the status of national anthem.

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 loose and almost fictitious German Empire, French taste and French culture were the
order of the day. The German public was dispersed over many different petty states,
and a German literature was weak and disparate in the face of the overwhelming
French hegemony at the many different courts in all the different German capitals:
Munich, Dresden, Berlin, etcetera. Patriotically minded writers, in taking offence at
this French-derived and court-dominated self-alienation, began to look to English
taste and English literature as an alternative. Significantly, the obvious starting point
appeared to be the mobilization of homegrown taste and a homegrown public sphere
by means of creating a German public, that is to say, by creating a German theatre. A
theatre venture was started in Hamburg, significantly an independent city-republic,
which failed after a few years, but which sparked off a body of critical writing by one
of the leading German intellectuals of the mid-eighteenth century. Gotthold Ephraim
Lessing’s Hamburg Dramaturgy resoundingly stated the need for German literature to
abandon its formulaic classicism-by-numbers and its slavish imitation of the high
French style.
Lessing sarcastically stated in 1768 that the idea ‘of giving to the Germans a national
theatre’ had been quixotic ‘because we Germans are not yet a nation’;94 but in invok-
ing the notion of nationality he discussed a moral, social and literary problem as much
as a ‘national’ one. In his view, Germany does need a theatre for the main mass of the
population at large, in the cities, outside the aristocratic courts; but that population is
as yet inchoate, unconnected and disparate, and can only follow foreign (French) taste.
Following Lessing, early calls for a national theatre or a national literature seem to
imply that what German society needs is, again, a public sphere, in Habermas’s sense
of the term: a forum for social concourse and opinion-forming, an intellectual space
for egalitarian exchange and communal reflection of matters of common importance.
Thus, the need for a German national theatre, as expressed by intellectuals like Les-
sing, can be read as a desire to have something like a German public sphere, a public
opinion, a common bonding agent for society apart from the suzerainty of lords and
princes. This, at least, is how Friedrich Schiller’s 1784 essay on ‘The stage as a moral
institution’ can be read:

I cannot overlook the great influence which a good firmly-

established theatre would have on the nation’s spirit. That
national spirit I define as the similarity and concord of its
opinions and proclivities in matters where other nations
think and feel differently. Only through a theatre is it possi-
ble to effect such concord to a high degree, because theatre
moves through the entire field of human knowledge, takes in
all situations of life and shines into all corners of the heart: it
unites all ranks and classes of society and has free access to
the mind and to the heart. [...] if we would see the day when
we have a national theatre, then we would become a nation.
What else was it that forged Greece into a unity? What was it
that pulled the Greeks to its theatre? Nothing other than the
public-mindedness of their plays, their Greek spirit, the

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 great, overwhelming interest of the state and of the better
part of humanity.95

Theatrical practice followed this call. Lessing himself, whose main claim to fame
nowadays is his philosophical play Nathan der Weise, adapted the English sentimental
comedy into something he called, significantly, the ‘bourgeois tragedy’ (bürgerliches
Trauerspiel). His followers, Goethe and Schiller, were to use the theatre as the prime
launching pad for a revival of German culture, with plays like Goethe’s Götz von
Berlichingen (1773), Egmont (1788) and Faust I (1808), and Schiller’s The Brigands
(1781), Don Carlos (1787), Wallenstein (1798) and Wilhelm Tell (1804) – plays with an
obvious historical, Shakespearian and (certainly in Schiller’s case) Patriot character.
Thus, the great flowering of German literature is propelled by a consciousness-rais-
ing effort to reject French models and French classicism (and to turn to English mod-
els instead). A similar trend is noticeable in other Northern European countries: in
Holland, the novels of Richardson are praised as both realistic and morally uplifting,
and as such diametrically opposed to the artificial and decadent material that comes
out of France. One of the ‘classics’ of late-eighteenth-century Dutch literature, an
epistolary novel on the life and adventures of Miss Sara Burgerhart (1782),* sets itself
up as a Dutch novel for young Dutch women, not only by casting all French charac-
ters and French influences either as silly or as villainous, but also with a preface stress-
ing that a homegrown literature should turn to Richardson and turn away from
French frivolity. The authors, Elizabeth Wolff and Agatha Deken were, significantly,
part of the liberal-Patriot end of the Dutch political spectrum; after a failed coup d’état
against the stadholder, William V of Orange, they had to take refuge abroad with
other members of the Patriot faction.

Herder and cultural relativism

There was, then, a widely expressed resistance against the hegemony of a French-or-
iented cultural elitism in Europe. This was systematized most influentially in the philo-
sophy of Johann Georg Herder (1744-1803), who formulated a notion of cultural relati-
vism of truly seminal importance. Most of the ‘national awakenings’ that took place in
Central and Eastern Europe, from Germany to Bulgaria and from Slovenia to Finland,
can be more or less directly traced back to the philosophy and influence of Herder; and
all of the Romantic (and later) preoccupation with popular culture, from the Grimms’
collection of fairytales to the birth of folklore studies, is due to him. To this day, all

* The name is overtly programmatic: the heroine has a burgher’s heart, i.e. she is clear-sighted,
level-headed and independently minded. The name had been used in earlier drama by P.C. Hooft on
the Batavian topic: in Hooft’s Baeto oft oorsprong der Hollanderen (‘Bato, or the origin of the Hollan-
ders’, 1626), the hero’s most trustworthy companion is called Burgerhart. The name may play on the
Latin ‘Civilis’.

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 16. Johann Gottfried Herder

folk-inspired artists, though they may not realize it, are still indebted to Herder’s
thought.
Like Lessing’s, Herder’s ambience was urban, and removed from the aristocratic court;
but whereas Lessing worked in a mercantile-urban context, that of Herder was the
Protestant church. He was for many years a pastor in Riga, that Baltic city that was so
multicultural par excellence: a crossroads for Jewish, Finnish/Estonian, Latvian/Lithua-
nian, German, Polish and Russian influences. In keeping with the Enlightenment
Protestantism of his time, Herder felt that all humans shared a fundamental dignity as
God’s creatures; this made him adverse to the idea that some human types should be
superior to others. The status of being ‘God’s creatures’ also implied a radical equality
for all humans. And so Herder’s thought gravitated to the problem of human diversity
as opposed to human equality.*

* We can notice a similar trend in the person of Johann Caspar Lavater, a Swiss pastor of Patriot
leanings who wrote on physiognomy. He classified, in typical encyclopaedic Enlightenment style, all
variations and ‘characteristics’ of the human face; at the same time, he did so as a contribution to
‘anthropology and philanthropy’ (Menschenkenntnis und Menschenliebe, as the subtitle of his work

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 We may perhaps single out, as the core of Herder’s manifold writings and trains of
thought, a central insight regarding a question that much preoccupied Enlightenment
thinkers: the origin of language. Language, it was universally agreed, was one of the
prime distinctions between humans and animals, one of the main properties that
make us human. What, precisely, lies at its root? How did language evolve? How
does it take hold in the development of a young child? These questions, which are still
equally important (and unresolved) nowadays, led to a number of exchanges of
thought. Herder’s contribution was characteristic and revolutionary in that he turned
the question ‘inside out’, as it were. In asking whether language was a natural instinct
or a cultural development, he pointed out that natural instincts (e.g. birds building
nests, bees building honeycombs) are invariant and follow strict patterns. All bees stick
to honeycombs with hexagonal cells, never triangular or square ones; no woodpecker
will attempt to build a stork-style nest. Opposed to this invariance, human language
dazzles because of its diversity. Humans do not speak a single language, but a great
many, all of them adapted to their various living conditions and expressive of their
identity and mentality. The great thing that makes language into a uniquely and char-
acteristically human feature is, then, not its existence, but its potential for diversity.
With this mode of reasoning, Herder almost single-handedly turned Enlightenment
notions of culture on their head.96 The Enlightenment, though it had been aware of
variations in humanity, culture, and language, had still studied these topics in the
abstract. Man, Culture, Literature, Language: universal words in the singular, with a
capital letter as it were. Variations were registered as secondary, as exceptions, as
anomalies. In Herder’s style of thinking, variation became the central essence of what
made humanity human. Not humankind, but the diversity between societies and na-
tions, each with their own language, their own outlook, their own literature, their own
unique place in creation. And, what is even more important: it is this variation as such
that is valuable: not any particular culture or language in its own right, but the exis-
tence of alternatives, of differences. Herder’s view of human culture may, in short, be
characterized as ecological – the richness of a given cultural landscape was, in his view,
determined by the amount of variation and diversity to be encountered within it. The
corn was not necessarily more valuable than the cornflower, the rose not necessarily
more beautiful that the moss or the fern, the eagle not necessarily more highly valued
than the lizard.
Herder propounded this view in many historical and philosophical treatises, but
also in influential collections of folk songs from all the corners of Europe and indeed
the world. Later known under the title ‘The nations’ voices in their songs’ (Stimmen
der Völker in Liedern), his collections of Volkslieder (1778-1779) marked a true turning
point in European literature. Truly inclusive, they presented Finnish, South-Slavic and
other materials in German translations. The simplicity of their form and the artless
spontaneity of their style were very far removed from the official ‘high’ literature of

has it), in that he saw in all facial variations still the underlying Biblical principle that humanity (and
that included all humans) had been created in God’s likeness; cf. Leerssen 1998, and see below, p.
209.

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 the time, and readers were delighted by it; it must have been like hearing an Irish reel
after a year of Wagner. The Lied or ‘song’ became the form of choice for German
romanticism, both in poetry (Goethe) and in poetry-put-to-music (Schubert); simpli-
city of diction and spontaneity of sentiment became a Romantic ideal all over Europe,
witness Wordsworth’s contributions to the 1798 Lyrical Ballads.97 What is more, it
alerted all nations that were as yet without established ‘high literature’, that their cul-
tural output, even if it took the (hitherto despised) form of oral folksong, was none-
theless a thing to be proud of, a manifestation of the nation’s presence in the cultural
landscape.
The huge impact and wide ramifications of this cultural ecology in the nineteenth
century will be traced further on. In the eighteenth-century context, it will be obvious
that Herder’s thought necessarily led into a cogently argued denunciation of the hege-
mony of French-classical culture. In Herder’s view, this amounted to an impoverish-
ment of the cultural landscape and to a fatal self-estrangement of nations under
French influence. Such self-estrangement amounted almost to a moral failure to live
up to the divine dignity of human diversity. At times he vehemently denounced the
flattening of characteristic cultural identities into a French-dominated one-size-fits-all.
The Enlightenment’s optimistic and cosmopolitan ‘improvement-through-assimila-
tion’ is sarcastically mocked:

How miserable were the days when there were still nations
with different characters! What mutual hatred, xenophobia,
stick-in-the-mud stolidity, patriarchal prejudices, attachment
to the sod on which we were born and in which we will rot!
Nativist thought, narrowly confined ideas, eternal barbarism!
Now, thank God, all national characters have been obliter-
ated, we all love each other, or rather: no one needs to love
anyone else. We converse, we are wholly equalized: well-
mannered, civil, happy. We do not have a fatherland, no
sense of our own that we live for, but we are philanthropists
and cosmopolitan citizens of the world. All rulers of Europe
already speak the French language, soon we shall all speak it!
And then, Oh bliss! we shall return to the Golden Age, when
all the world had a single language and was one flock under
one shepherd! Oh national characters, where have you
gone?98

Herder attacks the central values of the Enlightenment as utopian, sinister and spiri-
tually deadening. This makes him one of the greatest ‘critics of the Enlightenment’,
one who paved the way for the intellectual and cultural fashions (like Romanticism)
that were to take over one generation later. Unlike the eighteenth century, the nine-
teenth will always define national identity on the basis of international difference.
National differentiation after Herder obtains a fundamental, categorical status in cul-
tural and political thought. Following Herder, a nation’s sense of identity will cru-
cially, fundamentally, be based on the way in which that nation stands out from

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 humanity at large. The abstract universalism of the earlier generation is overturned
and made wholly impossible as a result of Herder’s intervention. A nation’s culture is
no longer seen as its civility, or its artistic achievements, or anything imposed or culti-
vated from above; rather, a nation’s culture is seen as the manifestation of its true,
fundamental identity, something that comes from below, from the lower classes, from
folklore, rustic traditions and popular customs. This is the basis, the root system, that
culture must tap into.
The repercussions are manifold. Goethe will celebrate German popular literature –
texts like ‘Reynard the Fox’ and ‘Faustus’, topics and themes which at the time were
known only as the denigrated ‘pulp’ for the consumption of the lower classes. Poets
will emulate the diction and simplicity of folksongs in their poems, which turn to the
ballad form and the simple four-line stanza. The romantic return to the roots of pop-
ular culture was not just a parallel to a Rousseauesque call for a return to nature and
innocence, its was given an urgent agenda of national identity politics as a result of
Herder’s philosophy. Indeed, the rise of romantic nationalism in Europe may be seen,
to a very large extent, as the outcome of a fusion between the influences of Rousseau
and Herder. Rousseau had proclaimed the sovereignty of the nation against the power
of princes; Herder had proclaimed the categorical separateness of nations mutually;
both exalted natural authenticity above civilized artificiality. As we shall see in the
next chapter, the combined influence of Rousseau and Herder was to result in the
idea that each nation, categorically separate from others as a result of its cultural root-
edness and authenticity, deserved its own separate sovereignty. Which is the very defi-
nition and starting-point of modern nationalism in Europe.

Summing up

The survey of the source traditions of European nationalism started with ancient no-
tions of ethnocentrism and exoticism, the separation between self and other, between
ordered society and wilderness. Into these ancient attitudes play circulating ‘ethno-
types’: conventional commonplaces regarding the mores and manners of foreign peo-
ples. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, these ethnotypes, at first free-floating
and ad hoc, crystallize into contrastive systematics of different characters and tempera-
ments; these in turn are ordered by national names taken from the state system which
begins to stabilize in Europe at the same period, and whose component states begin to
formulate historical self-images linking present-day political ideals back to classical and
primitive antiquity. Thus, the discourse of ethnic stereotype becomes ‘national’: ar-
ranged under the names of countries, referring to the character and purported identity
of populations.
The relationship between country, population and character is further spelled out
as a result of the rise of republican and democratic thought (resulting in the idea that
the population (known increasingly as the ‘nation’) is welded into a whole (a ‘public’)
by a communal solidarity and by shared civic virtues such as love of the fatherland,
and on that basis deserves to exercise a constitutional mandate. At the same time, the
notion of culture turns ‘inside out’ from a general one (culture opposing nature) into a

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 comparative-contrastive one (mutually opposing cultures). The concept of nationality
gains a political-constitutional importance as well as a defining function in establish-
ing why and how countries and societies differ from each other.
These developments and source traditions between them form the root system, the
ingredients as it were, of the ideology of nationalism. Over the period 1795-1815, these
will be welded together in the pressurized atmosphere of the Napoleonic Wars, and
coalesce into that ideology which sees humanity as naturally divided into nations, each
with their different culture and character, each deserving a separate nation-based sov-
ereignty, each commanding the overriding allegiance of their members.

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 The Politics of
National Identity

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 Napoleon and the Rise of Political
Romanticism
In Germany, the French Revolution had initially been greeted with awe and enthu-
siasm. Goethe recognized the beginning of a new era when he witnessed, at the Battle
of Valmy (1792), how a ragtag army of volunteers defeated the well-trained war ma-
chine of the monarchical allies, carried to victory by the inspirational force of their
battle song, the Marseillaise.
In the wars that followed, the Republic’s main trump card was a small wiry Corsi-
can artillery officer, Napoleon Bonaparte. He conquered the Italian peninsula for
France in a 1796-1797 campaign, and after a less successful campaign in Egypt over-
threw the Republic’s leading Directorate in a military coup d’état. Named ‘first consul’
(with Sieyès as second consul) Bonaparte resumed the French series of victories after
1800. In battle after battle he defeated variously aligned opponents: Marengo (1800),
Ulm and Austerlitz (1805), Jena and Auerstädt (1806), Wagram (1809). And at each
turn, the French territory was expanded until it covered all of Western Europe, with
Prussia and Austria as helpless client states.
Important French gains had taken place as early as 1797. In a peace treaty with
Austria, France traded in some of its Italian conquests (like Venice) for the Vienna-
ruled Southern Netherlands. Indeed, France came to control practically all of the left
bank of the Rhine, and Vauban’s old dream, to have French territory bordered in the
North-East by that natural frontier, came true at last. This was, however, to prove a
fatal destabilization for the ancient Holy Roman Empire. Many lordships and fiefs
west of the Rhine formed part of the old Empire; they were held by local nobles who
constitutionally were vassals of the Emperor at Vienna. That emperor had now, almost
literally, sold them down the river, and an arrangement had to be found to compen-
sate them for their losses. When attempts failed to recapture the Rhineland territories,
a formal imperial decision was taken (the dishearteningly named Reichsdeputations-
hauptschluss) in 1803 to reshuffle the fiefs and lordships in the Empire. A number of
territories in the imperial heartland (east of the Rhine), which previously had been free
lordships immediate under the Imperial crown, were now placed as fiefs and lordships
under the dispossessed nobles from the left bank; they lost their immediate status and
were, as the terminology had it, ‘mediatized’ – a severe loss of something close to
autonomous sovereignty. Many of these erstwhile free imperial fiefs had been church
establishments (monasteries, free bishoprics); these also lost their legal independence
and immunity and were placed under secular rule or ‘secularized’.99
The reshuffle of 1803 had a momentous side effect. The old Empire – the Holy
Roman Empire of the German Nation, to give it its full name – was by now fully a

113

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 thousand years old* and as a state it was very decrepit indeed. The various princes who
ruled under the auspices of the Emperor were largely autonomous. Indeed, in the
course of the eighteenth century, the empire had had to look on almost powerlessly as
the Electors of Brandenburg had first assumed the title of King in Prussia, and then
King of Prussia (cf. below, p. 135), in a process that had even led to war between Berlin
and Vienna. The Empire was largely a legal fiction, with all the charisma and the
impressive ceremonial dignity that a thousand-year-old history can bestow, but with
almost no political muscle. Whatever power the Empire had was restricted to the
actual heartland of the ruling Habsburg dynasty† (i.e. Austria with the conquered
kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary, and a few other adjoining provinces); outside
the Habsburg crown lands, the imperial power rested almost exclusively on its sym-
bolic prestige, its venerable traditions, the idea that it had always been there, ever since
Charlemagne had been crowned the first modern emperor in 800 AD.
The 1803 reshuffle broke down even this façade of unchanging traditional fixity. It
demonstrated that the Empire, for all its venerable antiquity, lacked the force to with-
stand the tide of modern geopolitics. The 1803 reshuffle was not a sign of a flexible
arrangement, but the first cracks and totterings of a rigid superannuated edifice about
to come tumbling down. One year later, in 1804, Napoleon crowned himself Emperor
of the French. Emperor Francis II, last successor to Charlemagne, abdicated in 1806 as
Holy Roman Emperor and instead contented himself with the (decidedly less impress-
ive) title of ‘Emperor of Austria’.
This development may be the first sign of Napoleon’s ‘imperial overstretch’. Ten
years earlier, German intellectuals had been willing enough to greet the French Revo-
lution as a great new era of universal liberation; a marvellous irony was felt to lie in the
fact that France, of all countries, previously the homeland of Louis XIV’s expansionist
warmongering and Louis XV’s corruption, should now become the cradle of human
rights and of Liberty, Equality and Brotherhood. This fond willingness to see France
reborn as the home of freedom was most bitterly disenchanted when Napoleon proved
to be Louis XIV’s equal in arrogance and territorial greed. By the time Napoleon
crowned himself Emperor, he had reduced all of Germany to French provinces or
French puppet regimes, and had assigned even that most venerable institution, the
Holy Roman Empire, to the dustbin of history.
The period 1800-1810 saw, then, the transmogrification of Napoleon, in German
eyes, from a heroic titan of a new age towards a monstrous re-enactment of all that
was fearsome in the French. Beethoven, who had still dedicated his third ‘heroic’

* When Hitler’s ‘Third Reich’ raised its claim to last for a thousand years, it was evoking the
duration of this first Reich. (The intervening second Reich was the one under Prussian control,
established in 1871 and ending in 1918.)
† The imperial crown was theoretically an elective monarchy: a college of Electors (consisting,
with some changes over the centuries, of the archbishops of the ancient Roman-founded sees of
Cologne, Mainz and Trier, and of important magnates such as the King of Bohemia and the Mar-
grave/Elector of Brandenburg) appointed each new emperor. In practice, the imperial title had been
contested property between the great dynastic houses of Luxemburg, Wittelsbach and Habsburg
since 1273, with the Habsburgs in almost continuous control since 1438.

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 17. Ernst Moritz Arndt

symphony to Napoleon in 1804, tore up the dedication in disgust in 1806. From 1806
onwards, German intellectuals of the Romantic generation, like Görres, Friedrich
Schlegel or Wilhelm von Humboldt, and the philosopher Fichte, many of whom had
been quite positively predisposed towards the ideas of the Revolution originally,
turned into fervent France-haters and anti-revolutionaries.100

Arndt, Jahn and nationhood

One of the most enduringly influential representatives of this new anti-French intelli-
gentsia was Ernst Moritz Arndt (1769-1860).101 He had been born as the son of a
liberated serf on the island of Rügen, had been trained for the Lutheran ministry, and
had made, in the style of the Romantic Wanderjahre, a journey through Europe.102
A true Romantic, he was inspired by ideals of human equality, denounced the notion
of aristocratic prerogative and the servitude of the rural poor; a true Romantic, he was
also touched by the sight of the many ruins of medieval castles on the banks of the
Rhine and Moselle. Arndt’s vision of the Rhine, however, was also an intensely
political one: at the time of his journey, that river formed the border of the French

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 Republic, and the ruins he saw had not been caused by the slow decay of centuries,
but by French explosives. Most of the Rhineland castles had been laid to waste in the
ferocious campaign of Louis XIV in the Palatinate War of 1689.
The Rhine became, for Arndt, the symbol of a Germany raped and ruined by its
aggressive neighbour; and the canonization of the Rhine as the picturesque, but torn
and tattered frontline of Germany’s history was to remain central in the next genera-
tion;103 it was not for nothing that Görres called his anti-French newspaper the Rhei-
nische Merkur. More importantly, the experience goaded Arndt into an increasingly
vehement denunciation of France and France’s hegemony over Germany. His sarcastic
lines addressed to the French nation on Napoleon’s rise to power may give an idea:

You, then, are that worthy people, which has swindled

Europe out of its fairest hopes – and you claim to be the
benefactors and lords of others, while you have yourselves
again become crouching and miserable slaves?104

From a teaching post at the University of Greifswald, Arndt began a one-man pamph-
leteering war against French domination; this took some courage, since Napoleon’s
rule was in fact a dictatorship, and dissent was not treated mildly under French rule.
Nonetheless, Arndt excoriated French rule in prose and in verse, in a series of pamph-
lets entitled The Spirit of the Age (Geist der Zeit), and going as far as claiming, in dead
earnest, that hatred of the French nation was a moral duty for each virtuous German.
Eventually, Arndt’s position became too precarious, and he briefly went into exile
in Sweden. Later, in St. Petersburg (one of the great European centres for fugitives
from Napoleonic rule), he met the then-disgraced Prussian minister Karl vom Stein,
who had been declared a public enemy by Napoleon, and he was employed by that
statesman as a private secretary. From that moment onwards, Arndt’s influence in
political circles was to increase dramatically. Among the people-at-large, his standing
was very high owing to political verse like ‘What is the German’s fatherland’ (‘Was ist
des Deutschen Vaterland’), which enjoyed enormous popularity. Throughout the first
half of the nineteenth century, this song was practically the unofficial national anthem
of a ‘Germany’ that existed, not as an actual state, but as a cultural and political ideal.
Another populist activist stirring up anti-French opinion in these years was Frie-
drich Jahn (1778-1852). His formula was to be copied by many later nationalist move-
ments: he founded a sports association. In Jahn’s view, Germany’s humiliation under
French dominance was to be countered by a physical and moral regeneration. Ger-
many’s young men were to work hard in body and spirit to regain the stalwart manli-
ness (traces of Roman-primitivist virtus, once again) that could alone form the basis of
a German resurgence. As a result he began open-air training sessions of what was
innocuously called a Turnverein, or Gymnastics Club, but which in reality was a hot-
house of anti-French consciousness-raising, and a thinly veiled training camp for a
future popular militia. Jahn, too, operated on the very fringes of what was permissible
under law. His Turnvereine (which sprang up in many German cities, and were to
form a radical-populist wing of German nationalism for decades to come) were repeat-
edly outlawed as seditious paramilitary organizations. But with his book Deutsches

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 Volkstum of 1806, Jahn was to create an important popular bible of national regenera-
tion. Forty years later, both Arndt and Turnvater Jahn were elected to the 1848
National Assembly at Frankfurt, as revered godfathers of the German national
movement.

Idealism and transcendence

It is instructive to look a little more closely at the titles of two activist publications just
mentioned: Geist der Zeit and Deutsches Volkstum – ‘Spirit of the Age’ and ‘German
nationality’. Both formulate a new way of dealing with identity and politics. In both
titles, the topics of contemporary politics are reduced to an abstract principle, an es-
sence: a ‘spirit’, ‘nation-ness’ or nationhood. This vocabulary bespeaks a new type of
thought which is particular to the period, and which we would not have encountered
twenty years previously. It is a mode of thought that is peculiar to Romanticism and
which we may call ‘idealistic’.
I do not use the term ‘idealism’ in its standard, contemporary sense (holding a set of
high moral standards and goals, and being willing to work for them). In the more
technical sense as used here, the word derives from idea rather than ideal, and refers
to a mode of thinking which believes that the true meaning of the world is to be found
in abstract underlying principles rather than in concrete phenomena (in this sense,
idealism is often opposed to materialism). It is a line of reasoning that originated with
Plato, and which underwent a revival in post-Kantian philosophy; the most well-
known philosophers of the generation after Kant being Schelling, Fichte and Hegel.
However, it should be stressed that in the German intellectual climate of the 1790s
and early 1800s, philosophical trends were set by men who nowadays are more famous
as creative authors, but who in their day and age exerted great influence on the devel-
opment of philosophy: e.g. Goethe, Schiller and Hölderlin. Conversely, philosophical
developments were not restricted to the professional circles of dedicated, academic
philosophy scholars, but had a wide participation among the intelligentsia at large.105
What distinguishes the intellectual patterns of the post-Kantian generation from its
forerunners is, precisely, its idealistic bent. The phenomena of the world are not ana-
lysed in their structural workings or in their historical roots, but are often seen as
manifestations of an essential spiritual principle. The famous example of ‘the horse’ is
hackneyed but still serviceable to make the line of reasoning clear: horses can be of
many types, breeds and colours; yet, despite all these differentiations, we almost never
confuse a horse with a donkey, or with a dog. That is because all different concrete,
material horses that present themselves to our senses, are immediately understood by
us to belong to the category ‘horse’, i.e. to incorporate some essential quality or idea of
‘horseness’. That is precisely the drift of Jahn’s title: instead of the German nation, his
topic is German nation-ness, nationhood, Volkstum.106
Human intelligence means, then, to see through the incidental details of material
reality and to grasp the underlying essences and principles. In other words: human
intelligence is a continuous effort to transcend the level of the single details, to move

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 from the concrete to the abstract, from the material to the spiritual, from the indivi-
dual phenomenon to the more general truth.
The thought of the most influential philosopher of the period, Hegel, is also based
on such a principle; in his case, he focuses on the principle of the human Geist as
something which (like creation itself, and like all of world history) constantly strives
towards transcendence. Geist will strive to embrace superficial contradictions into ever
deeper and wider understandings of the underlying truth.* But this restless questing
urge towards a transcendent understanding is not only the topic of abstract philoso-
phical reasoning, it also expressed by non-academic minds, e.g. in Goethe’s Faust
(1808).
Indeed, all of Romantic poetry seems to reflect a tendency towards the transcen-
dent. The actual topic of a given poem is often taken as something which the poet
addresses in its more spiritual essence. A singing bird, for instance, is not just a specific
feathered animal, but becomes instead the eternal, timeless principle of creativity. It is
instructive, for a single example, to look at the way a lark is described by Shakespeare
and by Shelley:

Lo, here the gentle lark, weary of rest,

From his moist cabinet mounts up on high,
And wakes the morning, from whose silver breast
The sun ariseth in his majesty;
Who doth the world so gloriously behold
That cedar-tops and hills seem burnish’d gold.
(Shakespeare, Venus and Adonis, 1593)

Hail to thee, blithe spirit!

Bird thou never wert-
That from heaven or near it
Pourest thy full heart
In profuse strains of unpremeditated art.
(Shelley, ‘To a Skylark’, 1820)

Both poems express the beauty of the scene: Shakespeare by way of a sensuous and
visual evocation of the radiant early morning and its splendour, Shelley by lifting the
bird to the realm of the spiritual, more than a mere bird, the very symbol of divine
musical rapture and poetical inspiration. Romanticism, and with it the entire climate

* The idea that understanding is reached, not through linear cause-and-effect reasoning but by
way of getting to know both sides of a conflict, involves a sense of ‘dialectics’. The notion that hu-
man history progresses dialectically, i.e. as a constant succession and resolution of conflicts, is typical
of the nineteenth century (it also lies at the basis of Marx’s thought); it may reflect the experience of
the mother of all conflicts, the French Revolution and its many aftershocks. In contrast, the Enlight-
enment thinkers we have encountered (Locke, Montesquieu, even Rousseau) had a much more
gradualist understanding of historical progress: as something taking place in a linear development
from cause to effect.

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 of the early nineteenth century, participates in this trend towards grasping the true
meaning of the world in terms of its deeper spiritual essences.
While this may be one of the core preoccupations of the Romantic school of litera-
ture* (the urge towards transcendence is as characteristic of Romanticism, as the belief
in human progress and the power of the critical mind was of the Enlightenment), it
also affects the type of political thought that we see in the titles of Arndt and Jahn.
The issue is not just a political crisis, a distribution of power and hegemony, a conflict
of monarchs and their armies and territories: at a more transcendent level, those con-
flicts are the manifestation of a deeper, more spiritual clash. For Arndt, History itself is
facing a Crisis between the Powers of Morality and of Immorality (I capitalize all these
nouns to draw attention to the Romantic habit of dealing with abstractions when
‘explaining’ current affairs); for Jahn, the point of concern is the essence of German
Nationhood or National Identity (for that is how we may translate Volkstum, a word
that he coined for the first time and introduced into the German language).
This is not just a rarefied point of philosophical nit-picking; it marks a crucial turn-
ing-point in European history. Against the pragmatic machinery of the French Revo-
lution and of Napoleon’s empire is opposed a Romantic, idealistic argument that in-
vokes abstract spiritual essences; a ‘philosophical’ overlay on top of the old opposition
between the Germanic (Arminius/Luther) and Latinate halves of Europe. On the one
hand, it sets up Germany and France, not just as rivalling countries, but as two almost
metaphysically opposing principles: France as the embodiment of pragmatic and

* This is not a literary history, and it is far beyond the scope of this book to give extensive cover-
age of the notion and periodization of Romanticism; I may refer to standard handbooks and studies
such as Béguin 1946; de Deugd 1966; Gusdorf 1993; Praz 1930; Van Tieghem 1969. The following
sketchy digest may, however, be useful by way of background: The notion of ‘Romanticism’ spreads
in European literature from the 1790s onwards. It refers initially to whatever is thrilling, unusual and
out-of-the-ordinary (the term ‘romantic’ originally meant ‘as in a romance’, much as ‘picturesque’
meant ‘as in a painting’ or the earliest ‘grotesque’ meant ‘as in a cave-drawing’). Growing out of
earlier trends of the 1760s and 1770s (such as the Rousseauesque cult of nature and sentimentalism,
and the literature of passion and sentiment), Romanticism as a label is attached to specific groups of
authors who work under Goethe’s shadow in Germany in the 1790s through the 1820s. In English
literature, the term applies to the ‘Lake School’ of poets (Wordsworth, Coleridge, Southey, De
Quincey) and their successor generation (Byron, Shelley, Keats), flanked by the long-lived figure of
Walter Scott; likewise active mainly in the period 1795-1825. In France, Romanticism is delayed until
after Waterloo (1815), as a result of the dominant climate of classicism under the directoire and the
empire. By the 1830s, Romanticism is more or less played out in German and English literature, but
still important elsewhere in Europe, from Portugal (Almeida Garrett) to Russia (Pushkin). It has left
traces and echoes in subsequent periods, down to the present day. These entangled developments
across Europe have been mapped in the Encyclopedia of Romantic Nationalism in Europe (Leerssen
2018; online at http://ernie.uva.nl).
The poetics of Romanticism involve: a tendency towards idealistic abstraction (i.e. seeing the
sublime and transcendent in the mundane and the small-scale); a tendency towards situational irony
(the cleavage between human ambitions and the chaotic realities of the world); a tendency to thema-
tize the topic of artistic inspiration and subjective alienation from society; a tendency towards exoti-
cism in space (the Orient, other distant places; wanderlust) and in time (the past, the future, the
Middle Ages).The Romantic artist has a strong sense of being different from (and misunderstood
by) others, owing to his/her capacity for artistic inspiration.

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 systematic reasoning, Germany as the embodiment of moral and meditative
contemplation; France as the social engineer, Germany as the moral philosopher. This
perceived opposition (which of course is an over-simplification that does not do justice
to the reality of European relations) became a dominant stereotype in the next cen-
tury: Germany as the sphere of Kultur and Geist, France as the sphere of civilisation
and esprit.* The Romantic resistance against Napoleon thus articulates and brings into
being one of the deepest cleavages in Europe’s cultural self-image.
The other result of this Romantic tendency towards abstraction was that the notion
of national character was to undergo yet another shift in meaning, and this time a
fateful one. The notion of ‘character’ had, we have seen, been moving in meaning:
from someone’s ‘type’ or outward appearance towards someone’s inner predisposition.
This internalization process was taken one step further as a result of Romantic ideal-
ism. A nation’s ‘character’ from Arndt and Jahn onwards was no longer, as Diderot’s
Encyclopédie had phrased it, a disposition habituelle de l’âme or ‘habitual disposition of
the soul’ – it became the nation’s soul itself. Every nation owed its identity, the very
fact that it existed as something separate from other nations, to its own essence, its
own Volkstum, its own Geist. The notion of ‘national character’ obtained an almost
metaphysical meaning: it became the underlying moral blueprint, the DNA as it
were, that determined a nation’s personality, its way of positioning itself in the world,
its way of viewing the world. Roughly around this period, we see the emergence (the
precise point is hard to pin down) of important new concepts like Volksgeist. Lessing
and Herder had paved the way for this line of thought: they had credited different
nations with a different Denkungsart, or mentality, or outlook. With the Romantics,
this ‘outlook’ is canonized into the very core, indeed the soul or Geist, of a nation’s
identity. To lose one’s national identity was to lose one’s soul; to be true to one’s
national identity became, more than ever before, a moral, ethical duty.

Fichte’s ‘Reden an die deutsche Nation’

I do not merely extrapolate this from the thin evidence of two exemplary publications
with catchy titles; the argument paraphrased here was set forth, at length and with the
full firepower of heavy-duty philosophy, in the foundational text of modern national-
ism: Johann Gottlob Fichte’s Reden an die deutsche Nation (1808). In Fichte’s view, the
nation is more than just the ‘social contract’ of the democrats; it is a moral and trans-
generational community. Moral, in that it is based on the deepest feelings and affec-
tions that make us human: love of our children, piety towards our parents, attachment

* The opposition between esprit and Geist was formulated as such by Eduard Wechssler in his
book of that title, 1927 (cf. Dyserinck 1991, 141). The subtitle of the book is telling: Versuch einer
Wesenskunde des Deutschen und des Französischen, where Wesenskunde would mean something like
‘the study/understanding of identity/essence’. For the opposition Kultur/civilisation cf. Labrie 1994
and Karuth 1967.

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 to our native soil.* Transgenerational, in that the nation gives us a sense of rootedness
in the past, and a sense of responsibility for the future generations. The nation is
presented as a kind of extended family, and loyalty to the nation becomes almost like
‘family values’.
We see in Fichte’s lectures the merger of Herder’s and Rousseau’s thought, and the
first blueprint for European ethnic nationalism. The term Nation is far-reaching in its
implications. At first sight one might expect that Fichte would avoid that term, which
is so redolent of the political jargon of the French Revolution; Ernst Moritz Arndt and
Friedrich Jahn, after all, prefer the nomenclature of Stamm or Volk. Yet on closer scru-
tiny Fichte’s term is deliberate, and apt. He gives his Reden under the shadow of the
millennial trauma of the abolition of the Holy Roman Empire, Das Heilige Römische
Reich deutscher Nation. Fichte’s implication is that, although the empire no longer
exists, its constituent Nation still does, bereft of its sovereign incorporation but alive
in its substance. In the process, he takes the term nation back from the democratic-
revolutionary register where it had been placed by Sieyès, and, while maintaining all
its claims to sovereignty, equates it with the German-ness of the old Empire. What is
more, Fichte proclaims the moral superiority of the German nation over other nations
– an ethnic specification of the notion of nationality that comes straight from Herder,
but which is now given political as well as cultural value. The superiority of the Ger-
man nation, for Fichte, lies in its unbroken maintenance of its traditions and lan-
guage. The customs and language of the Germans, so his argument runs, can be traced
back for centuries, indeed millennia; and this bespeaks a loyalty and integrity that
other, more fickle and changeable nations, lack.
To some extent this was merely an anti-Revolutionary argument, and aimed against
the French who had thrown the ancien régime overboard. In their own style, the
British political thinker Edmund Burke and the French anti-Revolutionary Joseph de
Maistre formulated similar arguments.† The core of these was that it was amoral or
immoral to see society purely as a contract of individuals, and the state merely as a
regulating arbiter overseeing social intercourse and the distribution of power and fi-
nance. The nation was, in the anti-Revolutionary view, a community, across time and
generations, and the state was therefore also an incorporation and protector of that

* ‘Attachment to our native soil’ is something different from the Patriotic notion of ‘love of the
fatherland’. In the Enlightenment, the ‘fatherland’ is above all a society of those with whom we feel
solidarity; in the Romantic, nineteenth-century meaning of the term, it has to do with the emotional
attachment we feel with the scenes and places of our youth, our emotional rootedness. The most
powerful expression of ‘attachment to the native soil’ is the pain we feel when we are in exile –
homesickness, or Heimweh. Jacob Grimm addressed this emotional/moral foundation for political
loyalty in his inaugural lecture as professor at the University of Göttingen, De desiderio patriae. Cf
below, pp. 154-155.
† Burke’s anti-revolutionary writings were known in Romantic Germany. Anti-revolutionary con-
servatism and Romantic idealism are linked in that both invoke a mode of apprehending the world
that is not based on rational understanding and analysis, but on emotional response and an intuitive
‘sensing’; cf. Jolles 1936 (a book that needs to be used with extreme caution, given its own historical
and ideological background). On De Maistre, see Isaiah Berlin’s classic essay ‘Joseph de Maistre and
the Origins of Fascism’, in Berlin 1990, 91-174.

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 continuity, with its traditions and its institutions. As we shall discuss in greater detail
below, the reflex of ‘historicism’, crucial to the intellectual climate of the early 1800s
and to the development of nationalism, was born as an anti-Revolutionary reaction.
Fichte went further, however, than mere historicism. For him the continuity and
permanence of tradition involved, crucially, a maintenance of ethnic and cultural par-
ticularities, such as language and customs. Later that century, scholars like Grimm
were to spell out the implications of Fichte’s thought. Germany still consisted of the
ancient tribes already known in antiquity: Catti, Bajuwari, Boii, Borussi, Suebi, Fran-
ci, Saxones; indeed, many of the modern states in the German lands still continued, in
their nomenclature, those ancient tribal divisions: Hessia, Bavaria, Bohemia, Prussia,
Suabia, Franconia, Saxony. The language was still that of the ancient tribes. The man-
ners and customs, and some legal institutions, could be traced back to these Germa-
nic-tribal days. The Volk or Nation was so deeply rooted historically as an ethnic com-
munity that no modern sociological theorist was needed to teach them solidarity: it
was an implicit German virtue from times immemorial, and could flourish under royal
rule as easily as in some new-fangled contrivance like a ‘republic’ or Napoleonic em-
pire. Whereas all over Europe, nations had changed their languages and their systems,
Germany had maintained its own; and therein lay a moral superiority, and also a
moral imperative not to cave in under French hegemony.
Fichte’s nationality-concept changes the Enlightenment-Patriotic invocation of civic
virtue into a Romantic rhetoric of moral virtue. Fichte was also bringing together, in
the superheated, pressurized climate of the Napoleonic domination, elements from
Herder, Tacitus, and Montesquieu; he links the Rousseauesque principle that the peo-
ple are sovereign to the Herderian principle that the nation should be true to its own
culture, heightens this with a portion of his own idealistic philosophy (according to
which the nation is characterized in its identity by an abstract, transcendent essence),
and gives all this an anti-French, anti-Napoleonic political urgency. It marks one of the
fundamental differences between the pragmatic, socially-based ‘love of the fatherland’
of Enlightenment Patriotism and the nascent ideology of nationalism.

Literary activism: Kleist, Schlegel, Körner

Most of this centred around Berlin and culminated in the period 1810-1813. The way
Napoleon had carved up Germany into vassal states, and brought Berlin down to the
status of a minor ally, rankled among the assembled intellectuals there. Even in the
churches of Prussia, Protestant clergymen, in the spirit of Arndt, began to preach
sermons on the moral duties of a true lover of one’s native land – for instance, the
great theologian Schleiermacher.107 Heinrich von Kleist, until then a sensitive lyrical
poet of human affection and tender feelings, participated in an anti-French newspaper
entitled (portentously) Germania, and echoing in essays and verse all the anti-French
hatred of Arndt and Jahn. Kleist himself contributed bloody-minded propaganda
verse, exhorting people to kill all French found east of the Rhine:

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 Only the Frenchman still shows his face
In the German realm.
Brother, take up the cudgel
To make him, too, retreat.

And again:

All that their foot had trod on

Must be bleached by the dust of their bones;
Such carrion as is left by raven and fox
You may give to the fishes.
Use their corpses to dam the Rhine;
Let their skeletons divert its course
Around Trier and the Palatinate
And let that then become our frontier!
The lust of the hunt is like marksmen
On the trail of a wolf!
Slay them! The court of world history
Does not inquire into your motives.108

It was Kleist who dusted off the old theme of Arminius the Cheruscan, he who had
annihilated the Roman legions in the Teutoburg Forest, and wrote a political allegory
under the title ‘Arminius’s Battle’ (Die Hermannsschlacht, 1808), urging the Prussian
king to place himself at the head of Germany’s princes and to re-enact the heroic deed
of yore.109
Further south, Vienna, capital of the humbled Habsburgs, was another focus of
anti-French intellectual resistance. Friedrich Schlegel (1772-1829), one of the leading
intellectuals of his day and one of the leaders of the post-Goethe generation of Ro-
mantics, had obtained a position there; and in the year 1812 held a series of public
lectures, a counterbalance to Fichte’s earlier ones in Berlin, on ‘ancient and modern
literature’. An innocuous topic on the surface, it was a momentous intervention in-
deed. It addressed ‘literature’ in the broadest of terms, as all learned and written forms
of a nation’s culture, and instilled into it Herder’s message as to the categorical specifi-
city of all human cultures. Schlegel’s view of the role of literature added to Herder’s
cultural relativism, precisely, a historicist impulse: cultural difference, for Schlegel, in-
volves not just (as in Herder’s view) different patterns of articulating the world and
one’s position in the world, but also a different historical identity, a different set of
collective memories kept alive by a continuous discursive tradition:

From this historical standpoint, comparing peoples according

to their achievements, it appears above all important for the
entire development and even for the spiritual existence of a
nation that it should have great national [i.e., collective, JL]
memories, which often recede back into the dark periods of
its first beginning, and which it is the great task of literature

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 18. Theodor Körner

to maintain and to celebrate. Such national-collective mem-

ories, the finest inheritance a people can have, are a blessing
which nothing else can replace; and when a people can find
itself elevated and ennobled in its awareness by the fact that it
has a great past, that it has such memories from primitive,
ancient times, and that in other words it has its own poetry,
then we must acknowledge that it is thereby promoted to a
higher rank [than savages, JL].110

This line of reasoning is not just antiquarian and anthropological, describing the pri-
mitive development of literary culture. There is also a topical-political and program-
matic undertone, in that Schlegel’s comments reverberate against the idea, current
since Lessing, that Germany was not yet a proper ‘nation’ (cf. above, p. 104). Collec-
tive memory and rootedness in tradition are proclaimed as the very first requirement
of a national literature and culture. Among the many young Romantics following
Schlegel’s lectures was a budding author, Theodor Körner, who, inspired by the intel-

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 19. The philosopher Fichte volunteers for the anti-Napoleonic militia; contemporary sketch.

lectual and political climate of his time, was to become the first example of what we
might call the type of the ‘national poet’ – the romantic young poet who, often in a
tragically brief life, will draw his main inspiration from his love of the fatherland and
his desire to see it free. The type is represented all over nineteenth-century Europe,
and forms the prime example of what we may call ‘political Romanticism’ – not just a
politics inspired by Romantic concepts and attitudes, but also a Romantic literature
inspired by national politics. After earlier representatives of the type such as Thomas
Moore in Ireland, we encounter Dionysos Solomós in Greece, Sandor Petőfi in Hun-
gary, Mickiewicz in Poland (and in exile), Runeberg and Arwidsson in Swedish-speak-
ing Finland, Taras Shevchenko in Ukraine, Thomas Davis in (again) Ireland. Béranger
was to have a similar status in France after 1815, and the fact that Byron died fighting
for Greek independence in 1824 turned him into a mythical Che Guevara-style hero.
Of all these ‘national poets’, Theodor Körner may be considered the prototype.111
His posthumous collection of poetry, with the symbolical title ‘The lyre and the
sword’ (Leier und Schwert), is replete with poems extolling battle against the foreign
tyrant. What is more, Körner lived (and even died) according to his poetical pro-
gramme. After Napoleon’s failed Russian campaign of 1812, a broad mobilization took
place in Prussia. This not only involved the regular Prussian army, but also a whole

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 host of volunteers, who organized themselves into ‘free-corps’ irregular units (the most
famous of these being the ‘Lützow Free Corps’). Students, poets and intellectuals took
up arms in these irregular regiments, even the portly philosopher Fichte. To the en-
thusiastic Romantic of the time, it seemed an ideal convergence of the power of the
king and the solidarity of the people: a national unity that could root in the constitu-
tional tradition and need not attempt a new experimental regime as in France. In this
Romantic view (supported by widely read pamphlets written by Arndt) the free corps
seemed the flowering of earlier moral mobilization movements like Jahn’s Gymnastics
Clubs. The Battle of Leipzig (1813) and the eventual liberation of German soil from
French hegemony was aided materially by these irregular regiments. Among them was
Theodor Körner. His patriotic plays had begun to meet with success in the Vienna
theatres, but he had preferred to enlist in the Lützow Free Corps and died on the
battlefield in August 1813. His ardently patriotic verse was collected and posthumously
edited, and became a symbol of political Romanticism – for the German reader, in its
rhetoric, and for budding young poets elsewhere, as a heroic role model.
Under Napoleonic pressure, intellectuals and princes, poets and generals entered
into a common cause. The message of this ‘political Romanticism’ reached into the
very highest echelons of the state. It can be seen in operation in the fateful year 1813,
when the King of Prussia mobilized his entire people by an edict ordering the estab-
lishment of a popular militia. At that point, his Chief of Staff Gneisenau – a typical
representative of the Prussian Junker class of military nobility, in what was proverbially
a no-nonsense, bureaucratic state – tendered a memo to the King ‘on the preparation
of a popular insurrection’, stressing the opportunities offered by the fervent popular
opinion of the day. The King, a prosaic old-school monarch who believed in diplo-
macy, armed forces and a tight and thorough organization of his realm, dismissed
Gneisenau’s memo as ‘fit for poetry’. In his reply, Gneisenau showed that the rhetoric
of the Romantic intellectuals (Schleiermacher, Fichte, Arndt, Schlegel, Körner and
Kleist) had reached its political goal:

Religion, prayer, love of the ruler, of the fatherland, of virtue:

all that is nothing but poetry. There is no enthusiasm with-
out a poetic disposition. If we act only from cold calculation,
we become rigid egoists. The security of the throne is
founded on poetry.112

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 Napoleon and the Rise of National
Historicism113

Hankering after continuity

Anti-Napoleonic feeling suffused all of Germany, from north to south, from high to
low. Even the Brothers Grimm, who at the time were just emerging as fairytale collec-
tors, contributed their bit: they brought out an edition of the ancient German tale
Poor Heinrich (1813) with a preface stating that the proceeds of the sales would go to
the support of the militias. And within the Brothers’ collection of folk- and fairytales,
there was a tale that was generally interpreted as a political allegory: the story of the
poor fisherman, who (thanks to his capture of a magic fish) can wish for greater and
greater riches and splendour – until he finally overreaches himself and is reduced to his
original destitution. Many contemporaries read it as a parable on the rise and fall of
Napoleon.
The cult of the native German past was a natural reaction to the innovations that
had been sweeping across Europe in the wake of Napoleon’s armies. Everywhere in
Germany, a nostalgic cultivation of traditions sprang up in the teeth of historical
change. The dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in particular was felt as a trau-
matic self-estrangement, and the historicist impulse that we have noted in the reac-
tions of Fichte and Schlegel made itself felt in the field of letters and learning every-
where. Three reactions to the fatal year 1806 can be noted by way of an example.
The first of these involved the Bavarian Crown Prince Ludwig. He conceived, in
1807 – that is to say: at the height of Napoleon’s power and at the nadir of Germany’s
subjection – a plan to enshrine the great German past in nothing less than a national
Pantheon. The original Pantheon, at Paris, had already been reconstituted into a
shrine of heroes of the French nation, such as Rousseau and Voltaire.114 Ludwig
wanted to establish a great temple, to be filled with busts and plaques honouring the
great representatives of the German nation. Once he mounted the Bavarian throne, he
was in a position to put his ideas into practice. National architecture flourished under
his rule. Not only did he order a massive loggia, the ‘Generals’ Hall’ or Feldherrnhalle
to honour the generals of the Befreiungskriege (built 1841-1844 in Munich), there was
also a ‘Liberation Hall’ or Befreiungshalle (built near the village of Kelheim in 1842),
with eighteen colossal statues allegorizing the German tribes. Most importantly, Lud-
wig implemented his idea of a German Pantheon with the Walhalla, built on the
banks of the Danube near Regensburg in the shape of the Parthenon; it housed a
collection of busts and commemorative plaques to the great German representatives
of statesmanship, arts and sciences. All of this cult of the great national past was, it
must be stressed, triggered by a sense that in 1807 this past was receding into a bygone,
lost distance and needed recalling and remembrance.115

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 20. Walhalla temple near Regensburg

Secondly, also in Bavaria, the gentleman-scholar Johann Christoph von Aretin – who
was in charge of the cataloguing of ancient monastic libraries which (following the
secularization of the monasteries as ordered by the Reichsdeputationshauptschluss of
1803) were now being relocated to the Munich Court Library – edited an ancient
manuscript which he had found in the old abbey of Weihenstephan, near Munich, on
the life of Charlemagne. The edition came out in 1803, when the Holy Roman Empire
was just beginning to creak under the weight of Napoleon-imposed modernity; and
Aretin opened the preface as follows:

It is now just a thousand years ago that Charlemagne

founded the German Empire. I draw the reader’s attention to
this fact, not only to point out how amazingly things are
changing at the present day; nor to bring to mind the recent
events which threaten to destroy this same empire after its
thousand-year existence; such reflections I leave to politics.
My intention is rather to offer a literary jubilee celebration of
this great anniversary, and a suitable occasion to do so pre-
sented itself when I consulted a remarkable old-German
manuscript in the very ancient abbey of Weihenstephan near
Freising.116

In other words: the political crisis of the present is remedied with a cultural reflection
on the enduring past. The empire is tottering and collapsing, but its traditions remain
to inspire us. The very same feeling was offered in another text edition that came out a

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 few years later, when the threatened overthrow of the Holy Roman Empire had in fact
run its course.
For once again in the fateful year 1807, a young scholar, Friedrich Heinrich von der
Hagen, published a modernized version of another old-German text, and did so in
order to boost his country’s morale at the lowest ebb of its political fortunes:

In the days of Tacitus people tried to recall the ancient Ro-

man language; so too, in the middle of the most destructive
storms, an attachment is making itself felt to the language
and the works of our stalwart ancestors, and it seems as if in
the past and in poetry we seek what is so painfully declining
in the present.117

The work that Von der Hagen offered to his bereft countrymen was the Nibelungen-
lied – that poem of honour and revenge which was to echo through the nineteenth
century to culminate in the operas of Wagner, which was to inspire the notion of
Nibelungentreue between the German and Austrian empires in the First World War,
and which was to drive Hitler’s destructive vision of a Götterdämmerung towards
1945.118
In 1807, the story of Siegfried the dragon-slayer and of the vengeful Chriemhilde
was largely forgotten, remembered only in distant echoes. Fragments of a medieval
manuscript had been brought to light, however, in 1775 and 1779 and Von der Hagen
revived this fateful tradition in German literature with his 1807 rendition. His fire-
brand preface refers to ‘the indestructible German character’ (unvertilgbaren Deutschen
Charakter), which ‘sooner or later would break free from all foreign fetters’; in expecta-
tion of which, the heroic poem was offered to readers as ‘a comfort and veritable sup-
port for any German soul’. Later, Von der Hagen himself would look back on the
edition as ‘ a true encouragement, during the fatherland’s most shameful episode, and
a high promise for the return of German sovereignty’.119
This, then, is one possible manifestation of Romantic historicism: the tendency to
counter a modern sense of self-alienation by taking recourse to tradition and to one’s
rootedness in the past. We see it in the Romantic vogue for the Middle Ages; we see it
in the nineteenth-century cult of monuments and historical buildings; we see it in the
antiquarianism of Romantic philologists who begin to re-edit medieval texts. On the
surface, this historicist impulse is a manifestation of political Romanticism, and belongs
to the general spectrum of resistance against a Napoleon-imposed loss of nationhood –
Aretin belongs with Friedrich Schlegel, Von der Hagen’s edition fed the same sensibil-
ities as Fichte’s Reden an die Deutsche Nation, Ludwig’s memorials have the same com-
memorative-inspiring function as the posthumous editions of Körner’s poetry.
At a more fundamental level, however, the historicist impulse can celebrate any
notion of authenticity and connectedness with the past. It is remarkable, for instance,
how Napoleon-dominated Germany develops a sympathy for Spain. Spain had long
enjoyed a rather bleak reputation, as a country full of morose arrogance, cruelty, and
rigid Catholic fundamentalism. As Spain showed, in the years 1808-1812, that it was
among the fiercest rebels against Napoleonic rule, waging insurrection after insurrec-

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 tion even while Prussia was still under France’s thumb, the reputation of Spain ame-
liorated dramatically, especially among German Romantics. Spain began to count as
one of those truly authentic countries that had developed without self-estrangement
from the Middle Ages into the present. Tellingly, one of the first serious philological
works that was brought out by the budding Jacob Grimm was not a German, but
Spanish collection: Silva de romances viejos or ‘collection of ancient romances’
(1815).120 And the great authority August Wilhelm Schlegel (brother of Friedrich) had
in his 1809 lectures on Drama and Literature held up Calderón alongside Shakespeare
as a truly ‘national’ poet. Schlegel had already translated plays by Calderón in 1803.
It is to be stressed, therefore, that the development of a historicist view did not
restrict itself to the German context. Germans looked further afield, and as we shall
see, an important historicist impulse came from another corner of Europe altogether:
Walter Scott’s Scotland. Even so, the link between anti-Revolutionary ‘political Ro-
manticism’ and historicism seems a predominantly German conjunction.
The special position of German intellectuals in this development is exemplified by
two names: Jacob Grimm, and his teacher Friedrich Carl von Savigny. Grimm’s name
has already been mentioned a few times; the years between 1810 and 1820 mark his rise
from German provincial life to Europe-wide fame.

Grimm and Savigny121

Today, the name of Jacob Grimm (1785-1863) is linked especially to the collection of
folk- and fairytales that he edited together with his brother Wilhelm, and which ap-
peared in the years 1811-1814. At this time the two brothers were sub-librarians at Kas-
sel, in the Napoleon-created kingdom of Westphalia, and were training in law under
the Göttingen professor Savigny. Their collection of folk- and fairytales was an exten-
sion of a literary taste for oral tradition, which had already led to an important collec-
tion of folk verse brought out by their associates Arnim and Brentano, inspired by
Herderian appreciation of the artless naiveté of popular culture. Following the great
success of this collection (Arnim and Brentano’s Des Knaben Wunderhorn), the register
shifted from balladry and verse to fairytales and folk beliefs. At the same time, how-
ever, the Grimms were being trained by their mentor Savigny in the skill of reading
ancient manuscripts and ancient forms of the language.
Friedrich Carl von Savigny (1779-1861) was, before all, a legal historian, and his
main speciality was the comparison of customary German law and formal Roman law
– two types of law which had co-existed in the Empire. Now, however, the new Code
Napoléon had been imposed as the legal blueprint for Europe, on the rigid systematics
of a written constitution with two main branches, civil law and criminal law. Savigny
loathed the new Napoleonic system, for precisely the type of nostalgic-historicist im-
pulse that we have seen with Von der Hagen, Aretin and Fichte. Against the theory-
driven French model, which saw the role of law only as an instrument for social con-
flict management, he believed that the German system had been the expression of a
national character, that German law had organically developed with the German na-
tion through history and had with the generations been the expression and instrument

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 of their morals, their outlook, their culture and indeed their identity. Savigny’s organi-
cism (which is in turn ultimately rooted in the thought of Montesquieu and Vico, see
above p. 68) led him to anchor law in the nation’s traditions, and it is this tendency to
see an entire country’s culture as the end product of a long, organic growth process
which can be properly termed ‘historicist’.122
Historicism began, then, as a reaction among constitutional legal scholars against
the anti-historicism, the innovative modernity, of the Napoleonic system. It had, of
course, profound political repercussions in the development of an ideology which can
be variously called ‘anti-Jacobin’, ‘anti-Revolutionary’ or, as the most common term is
nowadays, ‘conservative’. Edmund Burke, the great ideological founder of anti-Revo-
lutionary conservatism, had famously defended the slowly-accumulated prestige and
age-old charisma of the traditional state against the notion that a perfect social order
could be devised and fabricated in contentious deliberations by a group of ad hoc
legislators. The state, he argued, was more than merely a social contract; it was a con-
tract between the generations, and between the nation and its historical destiny.

Society is indeed a contract. Subordinate contracts for objects

of mere occasional interest may be dissolved at pleasure; but
the state ought not to be considered as nothing better than a
partnership agreement in a trade of pepper and coffee, calico
or tobacco, or some other such low concern, to be taken up
for a little temporary interest, and to be dissolved by the
fancy of the parties. It is to be looked on with other rever-
ence; because it is not a partnership in things subservient
only to the gross animal existence of a temporary and perish-
able nature. It is a partnership in all science; a partnership in
all art; a partnership in every virtue and in all perfection. As
the end of such a partnership cannot be obtained in many
generations, it becomes a partnership not only between those
who are living, but between those who are living, those who
are dead, and those who are to be born. Each contract of each
particular state is but a clause in the great primeval contract
of eternal society, linking the lower with the higher natures
connecting the visible and invisible world, according to a
fixed compact sanctioned by the inviolable oath which holds
all physical and all moral natures, each in their appointed
place. 122a

The message was picked up by anti-revolutionaries elsewhere, also in Germany by

Fichte and Savigny.
When Jacob Grimm aided Savigny’s legal-historical work (among other things, by
accompanying him to the great libraries of Paris and copying out old manuscripts for
him), this legal historicism fused with his Herderian interest in popular culture.
Grimm came to the insight that a nation’s entire outlook, including its myths, poems,
language and laws, all constituted a long, slow commentary on its historical experi-

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 ences. Herder had still seen culture and identity in almost timeless terms, as an
anthropological system of primitive differentiation. For Grimm, all of culture became
a nation’s historical track record. He learned from Savigny that ‘whatever is, should be
seen in terms of how it had grown’.123
The most important effect of this insight was, at first, linguistic. In studying the
various differences between the European languages, Grimm systematized them and
aligned them as a set of historically grown divergences. Thus, the Germanic languages
had split away from the common Indo-European family by shifting certain conso-
nants in patterns; the identification of these consonantal shifts later became known as
‘Grimm’s laws’ (see below, p. 260).
The comparative-historical method turned Grimm-style philology into the nine-
teenth century’s cutting-edge discipline. Grimm was to apply the method to his re-
search of literary imagination, comparing mythologies, saga material and themes like
the animal fable. Philology, in short, became something that embraced linguistics,
literary history and cultural anthropology.
Savigny’s historicism was not only applied to the realm of philology by Grimm, it
also affected the field of history writing. In literature, Grimm had become a great
defender of ‘reading historically’. He felt that texts should not be adapted to the read-
er’s contemporary frame of reference, but that, on the contrary, the reader should
reach out to them, reconnect with their pastness:

For lyrical poetry, arising as it does out of the human heart

itself, turns directly to our feelings and is understood from all
periods in all periods; and dramatic poetry attempts to trans-
late the past into the frame of reference, the language almost,
of the present, and cannot fail to impress us when it suc-
ceeds. But the case is far different with epic poetry. Born in
the past, it reaches over to us from this past, without aban-
doning its proper nature; and if we want to savour it, we
must project ourselves into wholly vanished conditions.124

In a similar vein, Grimm’s co-worker Leopold von Ranke felt that the historical past
should be studied as it had been within its own terms, not as it appeared in a latter-day
judgement. The trend was then (and this is perhaps how we can summarize the im-
pact of historicism in cultural thought) that it does not befit us to judge the past and
to adapt it to our standards, but to reconnect to it and to accept it on its own terms.
Historicism is – to adapt the later phrase of T.S. Eliot regarding the historical sense –
an awareness, both of the pastness of the past and of its presence.125
Reconnecting with the past will henceforth dominate nineteenth-century taste. We
shall encounter the restoration of ancient buildings, the editing of ancient texts, the
rise of something called ‘the historical novel’, the spread of neo-Gothic architecture.
Most of this will be in the service of the ideal of the nation-state: in order to proclaim
its ancient roots and its enduring permanence.
The close link between historicism and political Romanticism is perhaps peculiarly
a result of German circumstances and certain individual German intellectuals –

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 21. Sir Walter Scott

though, like the figure of the ‘national poet’, it was soon to spread far and wide across
Europe. This does not mean that historicism was a uniquely German monopoly. Else-
where under Napoleon’s shadow, European poets were beginning to celebrate the na-
tional past as a great medicine against present-day dishonour. In the Netherlands, Jan
Frederik Helmers wrote a long epic poem on the great deeds of The Dutch Nation
(1812). In Sweden, Tegnér’s Svea (1811) tried to come to terms with the loss of Finnish
territories, and in Denmark, Oehlenschläger had by then already begun the historical
verse and drama that turned him into Denmark’s national poet. No one’s influence
was as important, however, as that of Sir Walter Scott.126 By the time Scott published
his first historical novel, Waverley (1814), he was already one of the leading poets of
Britain, with a track record of themes taken from history. He had also edited older
minstrelsy and balladry and was one of the leading antiquarians* of his day. In his

* Antiquarians were those whose interest in the past did not take the form of regular history-
writing: collectors of informal texts, artefacts and other informal sources, they had an interest in ‘life
in the past’ rather than in diachronic developments. Antiquarianism was a pursuit for learned gentle-
men of leisure and became slightly outdated in the nineteenth century; it was overtaken by other

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 hands, the genre of the historical romance (less than prestigious until then) became
based on interesting, factual-historical couleur locale and a way for readers to identify
with the past through an engrossing narrative. The historical novel often engaged with
a past constructed as ‘national’ and therefore of particular, immediate interest to mod-
ern readers who were asked to reconnect with their ‘own’ roots; indeed, the historical
novel frequently centred on crisis moments in the nation’s past as seen through the
eyes of characters with whom modern readers could identify. As such, they constituted
a powerful identification with the nation’s roots and crises, and provided something
akin to an epic origin-story. That was the function of Scott’s Scottish novels for Scot-
land, or of Scott-inspired spinoffs like Conscience’s De Leeuw van Vlaenderen in Bel-
gium, or Manzoni’s I promessi sposi in Italy, or Rangavis’ and Pushkin’s historical no-
vels in Greece and Russia. (Cf. also below, pp. 212-213)127

To sum up: nationalism emerges in the nineteenth century from eighteenth-century

roots: Herder’s belief in the individuality of nations, Rousseau’s belief in the sovereign-
ty of the nation, a general discourse of national peculiarities and ‘characters’. What
changes from the eighteenth century to the nineteenth is this:
1. an unprecedented imperial campaign mounted by Napoleon and fiercely resented
outside France; this turns the eighteenth-century notions of tyranny and liberty
from a power imbalance within the state (between rulers and governed) into one
of power imbalance between states (between occupier and occupied);
2. the rise of Romantic idealism which sees national character as a spiritual principle,
a ‘soul’, rather than as a set of peculiarities;
3. the Romantic belief that a nation’s culture, and in particular its language, are the
manifestation of its soul and essence;
4. the historicist belief that all culture must be seen as an organic tradition linking
generations across centuries.

By the time Napoleon’s empire was definitively removed from the European map, the
great powers assembled at the Congress of Vienna attempted to return to the pre-
revolution situation of monarchical states. The intellectual trends outlined here, how-
ever, could not be undone as easily as Napoleon’s state systems; they maintained their
currency and were to manifest themselves as the nineteenth century’s leading ideology:
nationalism.

forms of cultural and literary history, and by archaeology. Scott himself gave an ironic but affection-
ate portrait of his own source tradition in his novel The Antiquary (1816). Cf. Momigliano 1955;
Sweet 2004.

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 Restoration and the Nation-State
1815 saw the old monarchies of Europe restored. In France, the series of Louis re-
sumed, when Louis XVIII ascended the throne (1815-1824; the hiatus in the number-
ing between Louis XVI and XVIII was due to a crown prince who had died in captiv-
ity). Louis ‘restored’ the ancien régime in more ways than one. Not only was the
dynasty restored to the throne, and the King restored to his old position and preroga-
tives – the ravages of the intervening period were patched up, brought back to an old
condition: in one word – restored. Public spaces were stripped of their revolutionary
names, statues removed or reinstated, and on the spot where Louis XVI and Marie-
Antoinette’s guillotined corpses had been thrown into a common mass grave, a cha-
pelle expiatoire or ‘penance chapel’ was built. The abbey church of St. Denis, which for
centuries had been the burial place for French Royals, had been turned into a stable
during the revolution – under Louis XVIII, it was brought back to its former state,
with handsome new grave monuments for Louis XVI and Marie-Antoinette. Restora-
tion was a return to the past, an attempt to remedy the ravages of time and to undo
the damages of the intervening years. Louis XVIII’s brother and successor, Charles X
(1824-1830), went so far as to re-instate royal rituals of medieval vintage such as be-
stowing a magically healing touch on scrofula patients.128 Yet in this very urge towards
conservation and restoration, the newly reinstated monarchy showed its historicism –
that is to say: the fact that its dynastic sense of family history had itself entered into the
nineteenth-century climate.
In Prussia, too, the Romantics continued their historicist influence even now that
Napoleon was gone, and the tide of revolution and innovation had turned. The cult of
medieval castles, chivalric heroes etc. had been in fashion in romances from the 1770s
onwards both in English and in German letters (indeed, this was the tradition from
which Walter Scott had emerged); as a result, ruins and historical sites now gained a
‘romantic’, symbolic interest which they had not had heretofore.
So it was, in Prussia, with the Marienburg. This had been the headquarters of the
Teutonic Order, and the centre of that order’s rule over the conquered Prussian terri-
tories east of the Mark Brandenburg. The margrave-electors of Brandenburg had, in
the eighteenth century, been able to assume a royal title mainly as a result of their
succession to these lands of the Teutonic order: they had first styled themselves ‘king
in Prussia’ and finally ‘King of Prussia’.* The Marienburg had, then, special dynastic

* The rise of the Hohenzollern dynasty from the rank of margrave (later elector) of Brandenburg
to that of king of Prussia is almost unique in the ancien régime. Not even the Wittelsbachs of Bavaria
had moved beyond the rank of duke, prince or elector until Napoleon came and kingdoms and royal
titles were created in great numbers. Technically, ranks of nobility within the Holy Roman Empire
were bestowed by the emperor, who could also create kings; in practice, however, this had not hap-
pened since Naples/Sicily and Bohemia had become kingdoms in the thirteenth century. All other
royal titles in Europe derived from tribal kingships outside the borders of Charlemagne’s empire (the
Iberian Peninsula, the British Isles, Scandinavia, Central Europe), and in fact so did the Prussian

135

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 importance for them; but by 1800 it had fallen into disrepair. Calls for its restoration
were first made by antiquarians and men of letters, and subsequently taken over by the
Berlin Court. In the course of the years 1810-1840, the Marienburg was restored (as the
St. Denis abbey church was restored), not only as a dynastic prestige object for the
Hohenzollerns, but also as a historical landmark for all of Prussia. The romantic poet
Joseph von Eichendorff, employed as an official in a Berlin ministry, wrote a heroic
history play, Der letzte Held von Marienburg, which was performed in its actual set-
ting; in the course of the century, the Marienburg became a prime locus of Prussian
historical consciousness.129
What is interesting in this, and in similar restorations, is that they show a transition
from the familial, dynastic consciousness of ruling families towards a national-collec-
tive one. The St. Denis Chapel and the Marienburg are rooted in a Bourbon and
Hohenzollern lineage, a private affair (or private-dynastic, in that for such monarchs,
family affairs and affairs of state were synonymous). In the course of the century, we
see how the cult of remembrance becomes a more collective property and investment:
historical sites are important for the nation at large, have a symbolism which collec-
tively affects all of the public, become tourist destinations, open to all visitors, funded
by taxpayers’ money; joint property, as it were. Correspondingly, we see that monu-
ments (which throughout the eighteenth century had been erected for monarchs, as
part of dynastic self-glorifications) are still focussed on the ruling heads of state and
their gloire after the Restoration, but soon shift to more collective symbolism, personi-
fying and remembrancing the nation-at-large. An interesting case can be seen in The
Hague, where two statues were erected to the memory of Prince William ‘The Silent’
of Orange in the space of three years. The first, put up in 1845, is obviously dynastic in
nature: an equestrian statue, it shows William as a prince, and is erected in front of the
Royal Palace by his descendant, King William II. Three years later, in 1848, the bicen-
tenary of the Treaty of Westphalia was marked by putting up a statue of the same
William the Silent, but this time as a contemplative patriarch, in a standing pose with-
out regalia, placed on the square behind the Parliament buildings. The ‘national’ (as
opposed to dynastic) nature of this monument is borne out by the inscription on its
plinth: ‘To William the First, Prince of Orange, Father of the fatherland: His grateful
people’.130
Although the monarchs of Europe might have wanted to turn the clock back to pre-
1789 days, it is obvious that states are no longer seen as the realms of princes inhabited
by the prince’s subjects; on the contrary, the presence of something like a nation, and
the idea that history is the nation’s common possession, has taken root. In 1815, how-
ever, the climate was very much one of royal restoration: the anti-Revolutionary reac-
tion, linked to the name of Metternich, attempted in the system of international con-
gresses to create a stable, power-balanced Europe based firmly on royal prerogative.

one, which referred to lands conquered by the Teutonic Order outside the original Holy Roman
Empire. The Hohenzollerns arrogated this title and forced the Vienna court to acquiesce.

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 22. Two statues of William the Silent in The Hague

The disgust of romantic-historicist intellectuals – a disgust with democratic revolu-

tions, dictatorial republics and Napoleonic inventions, all in one go – was such that at
first this royalist restoration was greeted with enthusiasm. Dynastic princes were hailed
as the embodiment of their nation’s unity, and their will was idealized as such an
organic, and organically rooted, expression of what was best for the people, that obe-
dience to the royal will was considered a fulfilling form of self-expression. Conversely,
it was implicitly expected of the post-revolution monarchs that they were to rule, not
by whimsy and egoism, but as father-figures, as benevolent patrons of their subjects’
welfare. The monarchs, for their part, rejected the revolutionary notions of the natural
Rights of Man, and were even reluctant to have their rule fettered by a constitution. In
most cases, constitutions as they were issued after 1815 were only procedural regula-
tions on how the king’s power should be channelled (not limited); and in a number of
cases, constitutions were abrogated in the 1820s and 1830s. The Metternich ideology
was that people should obey their rulers – even in the case of religious differences, e.g.
in the Ottoman Empire – and that stability was the overriding principle on which to
found international relations.

National resistance against the Restoration regimes

The 1815 honeymoon did not last long. The first sign of popular dissatisfaction with
autocratic monarchical rule came in 1817, when students celebrated the anniversary of
the Battle of Leipzig, along with the tercentenary of the Lutheran Reformation. A

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 combined festive commemoration took place at the Wartburg, the refuge where
Luther had accomplished his Bible translation. By this time, student bodies known as
Burschenschaften were among the few associations that made a trans-local popular or-
ganization possible, and like the Gymnastics Clubs founded by Jahn kept alive a po-
pulist view of national mobilization. Tellingly, the colours chosen by many of the
Burschenschaften, and by the Wartburg crowd, were the gold, red and black of the
old Lützow Free Corps; they were in the course of the century to become the flag (still
used in the present-day German Federal Republic) of those who wished the German
state to be rooted in the nation, rather than dependent upon the princes.
The Wartburg festivities became a flashpoint of anti-reactionary radicalism. Bon-
fires were lit, and symbols of hatred were burned. These included books, a wig and a
corset, symbols of error, artificiality, constraint and decadence, and themselves an
echo of the standard anti-French rhetoric of earlier years. In the present climate, how-
ever, they had gained a new and more subversive significance, hinting that the Ger-
man princes, rather than being the champions of their nation’s liberty, were backslid-
ing into a French-style autocratic court culture. The Wartburg manifestation was
widely perceived as a fist shaken in the face of Metternich’s new order. When one of
the participants committed a political murder less than a year later (the victim was the
playwright Friedrich von Kotzebue, widely believed to be a hack in the service of
monarchical autocrats), the climate soured further. The 1819 Carlsbad Decrees im-
posed limitations on press freedom, dissolved all student associations and tightened
the constitutional clampdown. The very figurehead of German national regeneration,
Ernst Moritz Arndt, was dismissed from his post at the newly founded Prussian Uni-
versity of Bonn – one of the first of the new generation of Romantic professors to fall
out of favour with the German princes. Twenty years later, in 1837, the dismissal of
seven professors from the University of Göttingen – among them such highly re-
spected men of letters as Dahlmann, Gervinus and the Grimm Brothers – continued
this trend, and the poet-philologist Hoffmann von Fallersleben was dismissed from
Breslau University in 1841 over a satirical collection of political verse.131
The period 1815-1830 was dominated by Metternich’s restoration policy; but mur-
murs were heard. In Ireland, Napoleon was remembered in folk songs as the harbinger
of civil liberties, the one who was to free the country’s Catholic majority from Protes-
tant oppression; an abortive uprising took place in 1803; the young, radical poet Shel-
ley attempted to stir up revolutionary feelings in Dublin in 1810; and the light verse of
Tom Moore, respected friend and biographer of Byron and caustic satirist, began to
celebrate Irish resistance in deceptively sweet musical settings and cloaked in elegant
phrases. Another song and verse poet, Béranger, kept the memory of the glory of the
empire alive in France, at a time when Napoleonic sympathies were considered a
crime against the state;132 after Napoleon’s death on St. Helena, the memoirs of his
physician Las Cases were published in 1824, triggering a revival of the Emperor’s
mythical stature. Secret societies like the Carbonari in Italy plotted against the restored
rulers, in the name of a constitutional regime remembered from Napoleonic days; and
especially in Habsburg Central Europe, e.g. in Hungary and Slovenia, Napoleon was
remembered, not as the ‘Corsican Ogre’ or usurping warlord, but as the liberator who
had spread constitutional rule for a brief, happy period.

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 23. Illustration from Béranger’s patriotic chansons

Metternich’s system was to show its first cracks in Ottoman Europe. It was here that
the nostrum of stability and obedience proved untenable, owing to the manifest deca-
dence of the Ottoman government. An uprising in Serbia in 1810 was the first sign – at
first nothing more, perhaps, than a sign of armed unrest from mountain outlaws, but
soon to take on a more far-reaching impact. More importantly, an uprising plotted for
years by a Greek secret society, in 1821, and affecting both Romania and Greece, sig-
nalled the rise of a new nationalism in the Balkans.
All these terms are anachronistic and distortive, of course. ‘Romania’did not exist as
such at the time. In the Danubian principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, as in all of
Ottoman Europe, Greek was the language of all educated classes, who were more
aware of their religious than of their ethnic identity; the Greek language was by no
means linked specifically to what is now Greece. It was spoken in the form of demotic
dialects by the mountain population of the southern tip of the Balkans and the adja-
cent islands, but also by the ruling class of Christian officials within the Ottoman
Empire. But in the perception of the secessionist Greeks themselves (organized in
associations like the Filiki Eteria, and often with important centres of congregation in
Vienna or Odessa), the rising was linked to a notion of Hellenic traditions and nation-

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 24. Swearing a member (Kolokotronis?) into the filiki eteria, a secret
society devoted to the liberation of Greece from Turkish rule.
Painting in the National Museum of Greece, Athens.

hood, organized around Orthodoxy and dimly remembering the great days of Byzan-
tium.
More importantly, this Greek insurrection attracted waves of sympathy in Western
Europe.133 Known as ‘philhellenism’, sympathy for the Greek cause was based on two
deep-rooted and widespread European attitudes: dislike of the Ottoman Turks and
admiration for ancient Greece. The Islamic Turks, since their capture of Byzantium in
1453 and their power expansion in South-Eastern Europe, counted as the proverbial
arch-enemy of European Christendom; they were seen as wicked, immoral and cruel
tyrants. This hate-image was to some extent based on religious xenophobia and centu-
ries of war propaganda; and the harshness of Ottoman rule, such as it had been, had
abated somewhat in the course of the eighteenth century. Still, to expect Christian
nations such as the Serbs or Greeks to submit to their status as second-rate citizens in
a decadent Sultanate, and this in the name of obedience and stability (as Metternich
would have it) was, to say the least, counter-intuitive. What is more, the image of the
Greeks in Western Europe was highly positive. Although Greeks were proverbially
seen as untrustworthy and wily, their ancestors were revered as the originators of all
that was best in Europe. Arts and sciences, literature and learning, philosophy, democ-
racy: Europe owed it all to the Greeks. What, then, could be more natural than to
support the oppressed Christian descendants of Socrates and Euclid against the sadis-
tic Janissaries and Bashi-Bazouks of the depraved Sultan in his Topkapi palace? Not
only did this philhellenism inspire great figureheads like the poet Byron and the pain-
ter Eugène Delacroix, it also provided a coded rallying-cry for all those who believed
in the self-determination of peoples to resist the Metternich system of obedience and
stability. In 1824, Byron, who had already written hugely popular poems about Otto-
man Greece, such as ‘The Giaour’, travelled to Greece in support of the insurrection.

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 25. Eugène Delacroix: ‘The Chios Massacre’ (1824). Painting in the Louvre.

He died in Missolonghi that year. In the same year, Eugène Delacroix exhibited his
‘Massacre of Chios’ in the Salon, taking for his subject the killing of 20,000 Greeks by
Ottoman troops. Six years later, Delacroix was to testify to the revival of democratic
ideas in his famous ‘Liberty leading the people’ of 1830 (see below, p. 225).
Nationalism in Europe affects, then, not only the centre (Germany), but also the
periphery: in Ireland and in the Balkans.134 Greece and Serbia were able to gain an
amount of autonomy within, or even independence from, the Ottoman Empire – the
first to break through the Congress of Vienna’s map of Europe. That this should be so
is largely a result of the way in which the European powers were trying to exploit
Turkey’s weakness in the Balkans for their own geopolitical interests. The European
powers had reasons to support the insurrections in spite of the priorities of the Metter-
nich system. But for the public-at-large, those insurrections counted as inspiring ex-
amples of how the people can gain their liberty against an oppressor. What was new,
compared to similar revolutionary ideals in the 1780s and 1790s, was that by now the
nation’s freedom was not just the emancipation of one social layer from under the rule
of its superiors, but the liberation of an ethnic community from under the hegemony
of alien conquerors. Romantic nationalism revives the ‘vertical’ notion of freedom as
the assertion of popular rights, but adds to this a ‘horizontal’ aspect, namely the sepa-
rateness of the nation amidst its neighbours. In short, the ideals that had moved Ger-
mans to resist Napoleon’s rule were still alive and operative ten years after Waterloo.
The new ideology had obviously survived the Restoration.
The crowned heads of Western Europe were realizing this as well. As we have seen,
the cult of commemoration, in shifting from dynastic to a collective-national register,
meant that the royals were already buying into their new role as figureheads of

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 26. George IV in Highland dress: Portrait by Sir David Wilkie, 1829. Painting in
Holyrood House. The Royal Collection © 2005 Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II.

national identity and national continuity.135 Ludwig of Bavaria, in commissioning the

Walhalla and the various other monuments, had, Romantic as he was, shown that he
was in touch with the climate of the time, and his example was followed in the other
monarchies, from St. Denis to the Marienburg. Nowhere more efficiently so than in
Great Britain. Here, anti-French patriotism had been stirred up to fever pitch by the
threat of a French invasion in 1803, and the great general and admiral who finally
brought Napoleon down (Wellington and Nelson) were heroes of a popular stature
unmatched until the days of Churchill. But George IV entrusted himself to writers
and painters even more than to army and navy. When he was finally crowned in 1822
he visited his Scottish capital of Edinburgh in an event carefully stage-managed by
none other than the novelist, poet and antiquarian Walter Scott (whom he had raised
to the title of baronet as ‘Sir’ Walter Scott).136 Scott, one of the exponents of Roman-
tic historicism, was a true anti-Revolutionary in that he firmly believed in tradition
and in loyalty to one’s king. The crux was, however, that the dynasty to which George
IV belonged had never been popular in Scotland and that violent insurrections against
George IV’s great-grandfather had taken place as recently as 1745. George IV, indeed,
was the first of his dynasty (that of Hanover) who dared to set foot north of the
Scottish border. In Scott’s stage-management, the visit became a triumph of public
relations, precisely by playing the trump card of nationality, culture and tradition.

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 George IV showed up wearing a kilt, a dress so outlandish that until recently it had
been outlawed (George still needed to wear flesh-coloured tights under the kilt for
decency’s sake, so little were people used to it). Scott artfully prepared public opinion
in Edinburgh for a festival of Highland local colour, with clans, kilts, bagpipes and
exotic pageantry, which were considered typical of the remote moors and valleys of
Scotland – and known to the public largely from the local colour in Scott’s own no-
vels. George IV played the tartan trump, and the result was a huge success for his
popularity in Scotland. Ever since, Scotland and Scottish culture have been loyally
integrated participants within a British imperial system; and that may be due in no
small measure to the influence of Walter Scott. Royalty could obviously benefit from
playing to the gallery and posing as incorporations of the nation’s identity, culture and
traditions.
Even in France, where the monarchs refused to curry popular favour except by
touching scrofula patients, we see that the grounding of dynastic rule in the nation’s
historical continuity becomes a leading principle. Louis XVIII himself, a scholarly,
bookish man, oversaw the foundation of a school for the study and conservation of
ancient manuscripts, the famous Ecole des Chartes, which still exists today. Tellingly,
archival science was represented as ‘a branch of French letters in which Your Majesty is
particularly interested, concerning the history of the fatherland’.137

The appeal of nationality

Everywhere in Europe, then, the national ideal subsisted and endured after Waterloo
and the Congress of Vienna. Disaffected regions of the multi-ethnic empires remem-
bered the ideals of popular sovereignty and constitutional rule, and ancient kingdoms
realized that national identity and historical consciousness provided the firmest foun-
dation for royal power. The joint influence of Rousseau, Herder, and the Romantic
historicists merged into a template that ideally equated the state with the nation, and
the nation with culture and tradition.
It is in the repercussions of this guiding principle that we can register nineteenth-
century nationalism: the ideal of a congruence between nationality (understood in
cultural-historical terms) and the state. Almost nowhere in Europe was this ideal-typi-
cal situation actually realized, and everywhere we see attempts to bring the two into
line. Depending on the actual lay of the land, three basic manifestations of national-
ism can be distinguished (though sometimes they operate simultaneously):
– In the case of ‘old states’, cultural divisions within the state are seen as problematic
and potentially weakening fault lines; the state may respond with a centralizing
policy, aimed at culturally homogenizing all the inhabitants into a joint whole.
This form of state-driven cultivation of a national ideal will be described below
under the header ‘Centralist nationalism’;
– In the case of cultural communities dispersed over different states, an urge towards
unification may make itself felt, the need to group together into a common state.
This will be described below as ‘Unification nationalism’;

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 – In the case of multi-ethnic states or empires, cultural and ethnic differentiations
may become so important as rallying factors for political disaffection, that the state
cannot hold its various minorities together. These may develop autonomist de-
mands ranging from mild regionalism to outright separatism. This will be de-
scribed below as ‘Separatist nationalism’.

Various crossovers and interactions between these various forms of nationalism are (as
will be described) possible. Hungarian nationalism as represented by Lajos Kossuth
(1802-1894) exhibits both a separatist aspect (vis-à-vis Vienna) and a centralist aspect
(Magyar hegemonism vis-à-vis Slovak and Croatian minorities). Adjoining minorities
in neighbouring states can each develop a separatist form of nationalism, which subse-
quently join forces and become a type of unification nationalism: thus with ‘hyphe-
nated’ nationalisms such as the Czecho-Slovak or the Serbo-Croat case (uniting se-
paratist Czechs under Austrian rule with separatist Slovaks under Hungarian rule; or
uniting separatist Croats under Habsburg rule with separatist Serbs under Ottoman
rule). Pan-movements like Pan-Celticism and Pan-Slavism are typically of this nature.
Again, what begins as separatist or unification nationalism may, after an initial
independent territory has been established, try to expand that territory to include ‘out-
lying’ fellow-nationals. Such irredentism is well documented in the cases of Italy and
Greece.
Still, I think it is possible to broadly group all manifestations of nationalism along
the parameters of Separatist, Centralist and Unification nationalism. This typology has
the advantage that it allows us to take great states as well as small minorities into our
analysis, Eastern as well as Western Europe, old (long-established) states with newly
established ones, and to trace the development of the nationalist ideology through all
these variables.

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 Nationalism as State Centralism
I have in a previous chapter drawn attention to the fact that the doctrine of popular
sovereignty involved a totalizing tendency. The people, once it has been proclaimed
sovereign, cannot be at odds with itself; the volonté générale is not conceived of as a
confused mass of conflicts but as something whole, unified, lapidary. The slogan li-
berté, égalité, fraternité can be read as a logical progression: Liberty cannot truly exist
without equality, and equality requires a unity and solidarity of purpose; which means
that dissent is easily interpreted as disaffection or disloyalty.
The course of events in France from the proclamation of the Republic onwards (in
1792) bears this out. To be sure, the course of events was also under severe external
pressure: the ancien régime monarchies of Europe were armed against France, and the
Revolution’s survival stood on a knife’s edge. The levée en masse or general military
draft for all able-bodied men was part of the climate that saw the birth of the new
Republic; the lines of the ‘Marseillaise’ (written in April of that fateful year 1792) like-
wise testify to an apprehension that an armed foreign invasion might restore the cen-
turies-long oppression of the Bourbons:

Come, children of the fatherland, the day of glory has come.

Against us, tyranny’s blood-stained flag has been raised.
In our lands you hear those fell soldiers howl;
They come to cut the throats, even in our embrace, of our
children and our women.
To arms, citizens! Form your battalions! March, march
And let their foul blood soak our fields.

What does that gang of slaves, of traitors and of conspiring

kings want?
For whom are those ignoble shackles, those long-prepared
iron fetters?
Frenchmen, that’s meant for us; oh what rage and fury must
this provoke!
They dare to plan reducing us to our ancient slavery!
To arms, citizens! Form your battalions! March, march
And let their foul blood soak our fields.138

The call for unity was, then, a military necessity as much as a piece of ideology. The
Republic that was eventually proclaimed bore the title, logically enough, of the Répu-
blique française une et indivisible: the Republic was stipulated as being French, one
whole, and indivisible. This formula allowed for no inner distinctions. Frenchness
became the only loyal qualification for a citizen of the Republic. Much as ancient titles
of nobility, and forms of address such as monseigneur and excellence had been abol-
ished in favour of the single, Rousseauesque appellation citoyen, so too the ancient

145

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 feudal-regional divisions of France were swept aside, and a deliberately artificial, ra-
tional new system of départements replaced it; this created more than eighty adminis-
trative districts, each with a central city, and each drawn up in such a way as to have
that city within one day’s journey from anywhere in the district. Not only did this
rationalize the accessibility of regional and local government, it also cut the ground
from under older regional loyalties, which could threaten the monopoly position of
the Republic as the sole focus of the Frenchman’s amor patriae. The civil wars then
raging in the Vendée illustrated, after all, the extent to which regionalism could feed
into anti-Revolutionary resistance.
The notion that the new France, one and indivisible, allowed no subsidiary or ‘hy-
phenated’ identities, is also manifested in the legislation prepared by the leading poli-
tician Henri Grégoire – like Sieyès a radical priest, who had been elected departmental
bishop under the new system. It was none other than this Grégoire who had formally
proposed the abolition of the kingship in the National Convention in 1792. It was on
his initiative that the Jews of France had, as early as 1789, been given the unrestricted
status of citizens (a radical emancipation unprecedented in Europe) and that first
moves were made to give civil rights to coloured ex-slaves from the colonies. In 1794,
Grégoire was also one of the movers behind a law formally banning all forms of slav-
ery. All this was largely a humane application of the Enlightenment doctrine of human
rights and human equality; but it also fed into a policy to buttress the Republic against
outside threats by strengthening inner homogeneity. The Republic was French, it was
One, and it was Undivided. Accordingly, anyone who was a citizen was French, and
vice versa. The gesture of giving the Jews of France unrestricted civil rights and full
citizenship was at the same time egalitarian (in that it removed their earlier second-rate
status) and assimilationist (in that it wanted to see France’s Jews as French, wholly
French and nothing but French). Tellingly, Grégoire was as intolerant of regional
diversity as he was of slavery and anti-semitism: the man who ensured the emancipa-
tion of the Jews also stressed the need to outlaw all non-French dialects as being by
definition suspect and counterrevolutionary.
In 1794 Grégoire presented to the national Assembly a report ‘On the necessity and
the means of destroying regional dialects and to render the usage of standard French
universal’ (Sur la nécessité et les moyens d’anéantir les patois et d’universaliser l’usage de la
langue française). That report painted a shrill picture of the republic’s linguistic situa-
tion: standard French was the language of only 15 out of 83 départements; there were no
less than 30 different regional languages in France; of 28 million inhabitants, only 3
million habitually used standard French as their everyday language, 6 million were
ignorant of French and another 6 million spoke it with difficulty.
For Grégoire, this linguistic diversity resulted from ancient feudal divisions; also,
the continued existence of regional dialects kept alive the heritage of those ancient
feudal regions. ‘We have abolished the Provinces but we still have some thirty dialects
that recall their names’. Non-French was thereby inherently anti-Revolutionary.
Barère, of the Comité de Salut Public, had already denounced this in his Rapport sur les
idiomes:

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 Federalism and superstition speak Breton; the nobles in exile
who hate the Republic speak German; the counter-revolu-
tionary speaks Italian, and religious fanaticism speaks Basque.
It is time to break these instruments of damage and terror.

Grégoire, too, wishes to eradicate dialects so as to facilitate an ideological unity be-

tween all Frenchmen. He too (like Barère) refers to the evil effects of linguistic parti-
cularism for the Basque region:

Our commissioners in the Western Pyrenees have reported in

October 1792 that among the Basques, a mild and good peo-
ple, a great number was susceptible to fanaticism because
their language is an obstacle to the spread of the Enlighten-
ment. The same thing has happened in other départements,
where villains could successfully base their counter-revolu-
tionary machinations on the ignorance of our language.*

But Grégoire’s report shows more than just heavy-handed strategic and tactical prag-
matism: it is based on more general notions of progress and the new type of state
which France represents. He recalls the old ideal of establishing a universal language,
and dismisses it as a pipe dream. However:

At least we can homogenize the language of a great nation, so

that all its citizens can communicate their thoughts without
obstacle. This undertaking, never wholly put into practice in
any nation, is worthy of the French people, which is centra-
lizing all the branches of its social organization and which
must be watchful to enshrine as soon as possible, in a Répu-
blique une et indivisible, the unitary and unchanging usage of
the language of liberty.139

There had been attempts at linguistic unification before; an early one dates from
Henry VIII’s reign in Ireland. But that had been part of an ideal of ‘total conquest’,
without any concerted policy to carry it into practice.† Here, the eradication of dia-
lects and the standardization of the nation’s language is advanced for two new types of
reason: progress and state centralization.
The notion of progress fills Grégoire’s report. The use of patois hampers education,
limits the mental horizon of the countryman. Progress must also mean: improvement

* The reference is to Brittany, a region firmly dedicated to the monarchy and to the church, which
participated in the Vendée wars and had anti-revolutionaryinsurrections known as the Chouannerie.
† Loyal Tudorites in Dublin had urged that Gaelic-Irish recalcitrance had to be put down on all
fronts, including the linguistic one; as a result of this agitation Henry’s Irish parliament had passed a
law banning the use of Gaelic as a treasonable act. See above, p. 41 and Leerssen 1996b, 39-49.

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 of the language as a tool of understanding and communication. In this respect, Gré-
goire joins the ranks of eighteenth-century linguistic improvers who, as part of a gen-
eral Enlightenment climate of improving society, had also undertaken language-refor-
mist programmes: Leibniz in Germany, Sneedorf in Denmark, Swedberg in Sweden,
Verlooy in the Austrian Netherlands.* In this light, indeed, the purification, consolida-
tion and propagation of a standard language (undertaken for the Patriotic reasons of
social improvement and public rationalization) can be seen as a nationally subsidiary,
smaller-scale parallel to the utopian ideal of a universal language.
Grégoire goes further, however, in that he places the entire mechanism of the cen-
tralizing state at the disposal of this language reform; or (to say the same thing the
other way round) that he places this language reform in the context of state centraliza-
tion. The improvement and rationalization of the public sphere is no longer a matter
for concerned individuals or associations, but a state responsibility. The state has a
mandate to improve society and its living conditions, and that mandate involves the
areas previously left to the church, or to associations and individuals: health care,
education, culture.
Thus the French Republic’s basis in popular sovereignty is translated, first, into an
ideal of undivided one-ness, and then into a programme for creating a single, undiffer-
entiated culture for all citizens. Grégoire’s programme, democratic and humane as it
was, is also motivated by mistrust of cultural difference; much as his emancipation of
the Jews is also an assimilationist move.
The French Republic did in fact develop ambitions to become a ‘total’ state, order-
ing and arranging all public aspects of its citizens’ lives. Education was one of the main
frontlines: no longer a responsibility for parishes or church orders, the formation of
young minds is taken in hand by the state.† But even in matters like dress, the new
Republic wishes to abolishes regional traditions. Thus, the geographers Lavallée and
Breton wrote, in a geographical survey of the 1790s:

It is to be hoped that the Revolution will sooner or later lead

to the blessing of a national costume, and that the traveller

* Such language improvers should not be confused with later, nationalistically motivated language
activists: to those they relate as Enlightenment Patriots relate to Romantic nationalists. This does not
mean, however, that there is no continuity between the two. Nineteenth-century language activists
could, and did, fall back on their eighteenth-century forerunners, cite them by way of example, and
in some cases recontextualize their publications in a new, nationally flavoured way. Thus, Jan-Baptist
Verlooy’s treatise on the neglect of the native language (Verhandeling op d’onacht der moederlyke tael,
1788) was cited as an inspiration by Flemish language activists like Jan Frans Willems and Philip
Blommaert in the 1830s. For Grimm’s invocation of a seventeenth-century language improver, see
below, pp. 191-192.
† Ever since, education has been the most hotly contested borderland between the public respon-
sibilities of the state and the private responsibilities of parents (including their religious beliefs). The
nineteenth-century battle over secular or religious education raged in many countries, and has found
later continuations in the debates about the teaching of Darwinism (especially in America) or of
Islamic values in educational facilities (in various European countries). For the mid-nineteenth-cen-
tury French case, see van der Heijden 2004.

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 who passes from one département to another will no longer
have the sensation of meeting different peoples. Who would
believe that we are dealing with one single nation if one
places the inhabitants of the département des Bouches-du-
Rhône next to those of the département du Nord, or those of
Finistère next to those of the Lower Rhine, or those of the
Lower Seine next to those of the Var?140

Interestingly enough, this urge towards national homogenization survived its revolu-
tionary origins.141 Even in the states that emerged from the Restoration and the Con-
gress of Vienna, a fresh habit is making itself felt towards the national collectivization
of culture. Perhaps this is partly the ongoing effect of a reformist ‘rationalization’ urge
that had been widespread in Europe and not only linked to the French Republic –
thus, Emperor Joseph II in Austria, and the kings of Prussia, had undertaken measures
which were aimed at abolishing traditional differentiations within their territories:
Joseph II had, ineffectively, attempted to impose German as the language of govern-
ment even on his Hungarian and Croatian realms, and Prussia had issued an Allge-
meines Landrecht in 1794 that had placed all schools under state control. In that re-
spect, the centralization efforts of the French republic fitted a wider European pattern,
although they were conducted with greater fanaticism.
To some extent, however, the later European trend towards state centralization in
cultural matters must count as an influence of French attitudes even among their
enemies – a bit like the decimal system of weights and measures, or the Code
Napoléon-style legal system with its fundamental binate structure of civil law and crim-
inal law based on a written constitution.142 These French-Revolutionary innovations
were exported across Europe together with the French army,* and remained influential
even after Waterloo.
A good case in point is that of the Netherlands. It had until the 1790s been a loose
association of provinces, the northern half of which was united in a federal republic,
the southern half being part of the Habsburg dominions (Spanish until 1714, Austrian
from 1714 onwards). After the French and Napoleonic years, they were given a new
status as a ‘Kingdom of the Netherlands’; and a vigorous centralization campaign im-
mediately followed. A school system was instituted, canals were commissioned, the
Dutch language and a common ‘Burgundian’ heritage were propagated. Although the
unification drive overshot its mark in the South (which split away to form, in 1830, the
independent kingdom of Belgium), the remaining Netherlands underwent a process
that gradually obliterated all regional differences and established a central, unified
state. Regional differences had been considerable (the various traditional costumes,
differing farmhouse-styles etc.). But national institutions, first introduced by the

* It is for that reason that, while most West-European currencies and weights/measures systems
went decimal and adopted a roughly Napoleonic legal system, the United Kingdom, unconquered,
maintained its unwritten constitution and its system of Common Law, along with its non-decimal
pence, shillings and pounds, or feet, yards and miles.

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 French government in the years 1806-1815, and adapted by the restored Prince of Or-
ange after 1813, turned the erstwhile confederate archipelago of independent coast-
lands, islands, estuaries, cities and provinces into one of the most tightly integrated
countries in Europe.143
Even in the United Kingdom, which had resisted the threat of a Napoleonic inva-
sion, we see a new cultural Anglocentrism rising in the course of the nineteenth cen-
tury. The case of Wales bears this out. Wales had been a subordinate English princi-
pality since the late Middle Ages, and although the Welsh appointments of bishops or
judges sometimes raised issues, given the distinct difference of the Welsh language,
this had not generally been an unmanageable problem. In the course of the nineteenth
century, however, linguistic difference began to constitute itself as a political flash-
point. The great rise of Methodism in Wales was partly abetted by the widespread
indifference to Welsh among the Anglican clergy; and in England, conversely, the
separate existence of something like Welsh began to be seen as a worrisome faultline
in the national system. A parliamentary enquiry in 1847 linked the existence of Welsh
to a general backwardness and lack of social cohesion in Wales, and resulted in recom-
mendations to have the Welsh language discountenanced and to hasten rather than
hinder its extinction; a policy strongly reminiscent of what Grégoire had proposed in
Paris half a century previously.144
We can see echoes of the ‘unity and indivisibility’ ideal of 1792 throughout Europe
and throughout the century. In the newly independent state of Italy, in 1861, the
politician and novelist Massimo D’Azeglio spoke the prophetic words ‘Now that we
have made Italy, we need to make the Italians’ – for the old regional identities, from
Sicily to the Veneto, were still as strong as the dialect differences between those areas.
In 1861, only 2.5 per cent of the total Italian population spoke standard Italian.145
All the states in Europe made use of education to turn their citizens into nationals.
Language tuition was a high priority everywhere, and often contested.* History, too,
became a school subject in many European countries in the course of the century,
often ousting religious education in the curriculum: the prime virtues to be taught in
school were no longer religious in nature, but civic, and a shared historical conscious-
ness was seen as instrumental in the process. A historical cult of national remembrance
also made itself felt in the public spaces of Europe: everywhere memorials and monu-
ments were built to remind citizens of their great shared past. In the process, a na-
tional canon of key historical facts and figures was elaborated from older dynastic and

* Among speakers of minority languages the use of the signum was much resented. Dating back
to the pedagogical discipline of Jesuit education, the signum consisted in making the speaker of a
banned dialect wear a sign (a piece of wood) around his neck, of which he could only rid himself by
transferring it to someone else caught in the act of dialect-speaking; the last bearer at the end of the
day was punished, and thus the task of policing language use was imposed on the pupils themselves.
The system was used (and resented) in many countries. In many places, again, the enforcement of
the ‘national’ language against regional languages led to activism and conflict; in Ireland, a ‘Society
for the preservation of the Irish language’ was founded partly in reaction to attitudes like those of the
Anglican bishop who had thoughtlessly expressed a hope that modern education would turn each
Irish pupil into ‘a happy English child’ (Leerssen 1996c, 151).

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 27. Seal of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica

regional sources, which featured prominently in public buildings, in paintings,

pantheons and operas, and in school curricula.146
And everywhere the notion of love of the fatherland became the trump card among
civic virtues. Nationality was not considered a political issue, but rather a transcendent
moral imperative beyond politics. All different classes and political groups were to
consider themselves united under the overriding ideal of shared nationhood. Here,
too, an older, eighteenth-century virtue was updated into a new climate and given
fresh intensification. The ‘Love of Country’ of Enlightenment Patriots was, following
Fichte’s moral-transcendent investment, given sacred qualities. The ‘Marseillaise’ had
already spoken, in its third couplet, of the amour sacré de la patrie. That same phrase
was to form the catchline of an opera aria which sparked the Belgian rebellion of 1830
(see below, p. 202). And in Germany, a large, semi-state-sponsored effort to publish
the ancient manuscript sources of German history, had for its seal an oak wreath with
the motto Sanctus amor patriae dat animum – ‘The sacred love of the fatherland in-
spires’.
There have been many comments on the extent to which nationalism in these dec-
ades takes the form of a ‘secular religion’. To be sure, the new state takes on many of
the symbols and rhetoric of religious worship – a worship of the national unity or the
enduring principle of nationality; but more important is perhaps the fact that nation-
ality thereby becomes a moral and even sacred notion, transcending all other concerns
in politics or in the state. The revolutionary fervour of 1792 was echoed, ironically, by
emperor Wilhelm II in 1914 when, in the course of his war-mongering chauvinism, he

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 28. Wartime postcard of Wilhelm II

wanted to unite the entire country under his military leadership with the slogan Ich
kenne keine Parteien mehr, ich kenne nur noch Deutsche! (‘I no longer recognize any
parties, I only recognize Germans’).

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 Nationalism as Unification

Germany

Deutschland? aber wo liegt es? asked Goethe in 1796 (ironic as usual). ‘Germany? but
where is it? I don’t know where to find that land. Its learning begins where its politics
end.’ Metternich had a similar sense that neither Italy nor Germany constituted ‘na-
tions’, and dryly stated that their names were at best cartographical, geographical no-
tions:

In my controversy with Lord Palmerston concerning the Ita-

lian question I made the statement, in the summer of 1847,
that the national concept of ‘Italy’ was a geographical one,
and my expression l’Italie est un nom géographique, which
poisonously irritated Palmerston, has become a byword.
More or less (as with all analogies) the same notion applies to
Germany, as this is conceived subliminally with the people-
at-large, and expressly among pure or calculating (i.e., honest
or tricky) visionaries.147

Metternich’s cynicism did not stop, of course, the unification and independence of a
new state under the name of Italy; but as we have seen, even the author and minister
Massimo D’Azeglio proclaimed shortly after the establishment of the new kingdom
that ‘now that Italy has been made, our task is to make the Italians’. A century later, at
the establishment of the European Economic Community, De Gaulle still confided
that there were only two well-established nation-states in the entire six-member EEC:
France and the Netherlands; whereas the other four – which included, besides Bel-
gium and Luxemburg, again Germany and Italy – were only nineteenth-century con-
trivances.
The German road to unification, from the dissolution of the First Empire to the
proclamation of the Second, in 1871, is one of the great examples of the unificatory
force of nationalism, as is the Italian Risorgimento. These processes can be, and have
often been, described in terms of political interests, military force, dynastic ambition
and political decision-making. But the driving power, behind all that, of cultural and
ideological movements needs all the more to be emphasized here. The Reichsgedanke
which actuated the Hohenzollern dynasty of Prussia was not just a hard-nosed, long-
term dynastic agenda, but also and to a considerable extent the product of Romantic-
historicist intellectuals. The last king of Prussia, Friedrich Wilhelm IV, who mounted
the throne in 1840, was the product of an education imbued with national historicism;
the last emperor, Wilhelm II (who reigned 1888-1918) no less so. What may have

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 begun as the historical flattery of princes tutored by Romantic scholars was eventually
internalized as political ideal by a good few of Europe’s crowned heads.
The refusal to acquiesce in the dissolution of the Reich not only inspired the Ro-
mantic scholars like Von der Hagen, Aretin and Grimm, it also exerted a strong appeal
in higher circles. Bavaria’s Walhalla, previously mentioned, is a case in point: it
marked, with classical columns and in marble dignity, the Eternal Germany from
primitive antiquity to Goethe and after, and as Ludwig, its initiator, phrased it during
his opening speech in 1842:

May the Walhalla encourage the strength and growth of the

German awareness! May all Germans, from whatever tribe
they be, always feel that they have a common fatherland, and
let each contribute as much as he can to its glorification!148

The reference to many tribes with a common fatherland is portentous. We had already
seen in discussing Fichte’s Reden an die deutsche Nation that the realms and lands of
Germany echoed the names and perpetuated the memory of the ancient Germanic
tribes, from Saxons to Hessians and from Franks to Bavarians. A common German
consciousness saw the unification as one between ancient divisions on the strength of
a shared culture and the memory of a shared Reich. This mode of reasoning has later,
famously, been couched in the phraseology of the Germans being a Kulturnation and
developing ambitions to become a Staatsnation. In fact, it may be better to speak of a
German Kulturnation clinging to its Reichsidee, the Holy-Roman-Empire-shaped hole
in the German self-image. The idea of a German language, literature and Kultur was
self-evident; the idea that it could express itself as a German state was, to men like
Goethe and Metternich, counter-intuitive.
If we see the nineteenth century as the translation period from Kulturnation to
Staatsnation (or restoration of the Reich) then obviously the process was more than
just a dynastic-political rise of Prussia headed by the Hohenzollerns and led by Bis-
marck. Throughout the nineteenth century, Germany was held up as an ideal by its
writers, intellectuals and artists. A particularly salient role was played by the Brothers
Grimm, whose prestigious publications always carried the word Deutsch in their titles:
from the German grammar to the German dictionary and including the German legal
antiquities and the history of the German language. Jacob Grimm, who famously
stated that he never in all his life loved anything as much as his fatherland, gave his
inaugural lecture as professor at Göttingen University in 1830 on the topic De desiderio
patriae – a remarkable text, probably unique in that it deploys the old, humanist
medium of scholarly Latin for the formulation of a new, romantic ideology of national
identity. One may translate De desiderio patriae either as ‘On the love of the father-
land’, or else as ‘On the yearning for the fatherland’ (i.e., homesickness*). The ambi-

* Homesickness has been attested in texts from many different centuries and cultures (cf. Gre-
verus 1972). It was diagnosed and given a name (initially the label ‘nostalgia’ was used) as a medical
condition in the mid-to-late seventeenth century. It was seen as a type of melancholia or depression

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 guity is part of Grimm’s point: he argues that homesickness is a universal human
affect, and that this fact proves that love of the fatherland is a universal, categorical
human virtue. It is not a civic attitude cultivated or abandoned at will, but, like lan-
guage, something which links the individual to a larger spiritual collective. And this, in
turn, projects language as the first and fundamental part of our socialization as human
beings: something which, imbued along with our mothers’ milk, forms us at the very
beginning of our lives. Language and nationality are, then, anthropological fundamen-
tals. And this in turn justifies Grimm’s definition of the fatherland in linguistic terms:
the German’s fatherland is wherever the German tongue is heard.149 (Cf. also below,
p. 179)
The philological-historicist dream of a united Germany started with the Wartburg
festival of 1817 and culminated in 1848. It was, initially, at odds with the aristocratic
absolutism of the Metternich-style reactionaries, and saw the new united Germany as
incorporating some fundamental civil rights and a written constitution.
This dilemma points to an ambivalence at the very core of the national unification
movement among German intellectuals – amongst whom we may count Arndt, the
Grimms, Uhland and many others. On the one hand, they were deeply nostalgic,
cultivating their romantic medievalism, glorifying the days of the old Reich. On the
other hand, they were by no means reactionary: they believed in the emancipation of
the citizen and rejected the reactionary programme of the German princes and Met-
ternich. They cherished a firm belief in aboriginal tribal liberties – among these being
a notion of local self-government, parliamentary institutions, and trial by jury – and
they despised arbitrary power. To some extent, the defence of civil and ‘national’ (that
is to say: collective-traditional) liberties makes these intellectuals democrats, radical
liberals, and to some extent even precursors of social democracy.
On the other hand, the selfsame generation of intellectuals was imbued with a great
deal of xenophobia and with a ‘love of the fatherland’ that was used to advocate terri-
torial aggrandizement.150 Belonging to the German Kulturnation was nothing short of
a total commitment, involving particularly a hatred of everything French. Both Arndt
and Jahn argued in so many words that hatred of things French was a moral impera-
tive for any good German. The same vehement xenophobia and national chauvinism
we find in another representative of this generation, Friedrich Christoph Dahlmann
(1785-1860). He was later to be dismissed, together with the Grimms, from Göttingen
University for refusing to accept arbitrary power; and during the Frankfurt Parliament
he was one of the actual authors of the German draft constitution; but this selfsame
champion of liberty had argued from his lectern at Kiel University, in the days of anti-
Napoleonic resistance:

that resulted from one’s removal away from home to foreign places, and to be cured by repatriation.
Initially the condition was diagnosed among Swiss mercenary soldiers and British seamen. Thus, the
conceptual rise of ‘homesickness’ in learned European discourse is linked to modernity in the guise
of early-modern warfare or naval expansion, and early-modern medical science. It formed part of an
emerging anthropology of human affect (a link between somatic and moral qualities) which reached
its high point in the nineteenth century; cf. Leerssen 2002c.

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 Anyone who henceforth sees Germans and French merely as
two opposing parties, both equally justified in pursuing their
cause; anyone who wants to speculate that, had he been born
a Frenchman, he would act like them – anyone who com-
pares this basely degenerated, oath-breaking, atheist, thieving
nation with the noble, self-sacrificing German – such a one is
a new-style Frenchman himself, wherever he was born, and
deserves to be despised as such throughout Germany.151

Again, the generation of Grimm and Arndt, and their younger followers, linked their
cultural idealism to a geopolitical expansionism that was of a highly belligerent, chau-
vinist nature. This is one of the contradictions that makes the ideology of the Vormärz
so hard to assess for contemporary readers. A belief in national self-determination and
individual liberties went hand-in-hand with a belief in the superior rights of Germany
over its neighbours and in the historical rights of the German nation to coerce the
unwilling. Being German conferred rights and imposed a destiny at the same time; in
the ideology of the Vormärz we see the roots of democratic liberalism and social de-
mocracy alongside the roots of fascism and imperialism. In the Frankfurt Parliament
of 1848, Grimm wanted to outlaw slavery in the proposed constitution and to include
an article that anyone on German soil was ipso facto free; the same Grimm urged a war
of conquest, on the same occasion, to take Schleswig and Jutland from Denmark, on
the basis of obscure German-style dialect forms in the language spoken there (see
below, p. 183-184).
The outstanding example of this ambivalence was the flamboyant character of Ernst
August Hoffmann von Fallersleben (1798-1874). A poet of wit and facility, and an
adept of Arndt and Grimm, he turned to the study of German (especially Low-Ger-
man) medieval texts, and had considerable scholarly importance as a philologist in this
line of learning. A typical representative of his Romantic generation, he undertook
journeys across Europe, celebrating the rise of national-cultural consciousness every-
where.*
Like Arndt, the Grimms and Dahlmann, Hoffmann was one of those German-
Romantic professors who between 1817 and 1848 were dismissed from their posts.
After he had published a volume of scathing political-satirical verse, the Prussian gov-
ernment dismissed him from his chair at Breslau; Hoffmann became a wandering
scholar. In his exile, he composed a song which expressed at the same time his home-
sickness, his belief in liberty, and his chauvinistic belief in the ideal and superiority of
a Great United Germany. It was called the Lied der Deutschen or ‘The Germans’ Song’,
and later became Germany’s national anthem:

* There is a significant poem dedicated to the Viennese-Slovene scholar Jernej Kopitar, at whose
regular table in the inn ‘Zum weissen Wolf’ Hoffmann met representatives of the various emerging
nationalities of the Balkans. Later in life, Hoffmann was to support, both through his textual scho-
larship and with his political verse, the Flemish Movement in Belgium (Deprez 1963; Hafner 1957).

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 Germany, Germany above all, above everything in the world
If for shelter and support it will fraternally stand together
From the Meuse to the Memel, from the Adige to the Belt
Germany, Germany above all, above everything in the
world!152

The lyric has become a byword for a chauvinistic belief in superiority, and to some
extent this reputation is not unjustified; the borders given to Hoffmann’s ideal called
‘Germany’ are drawn widely, in expansionist-hegemonic fashion. Hoffmann claims
much of the Low Countries east of the Meuse as German, and all of Schleswig-Hol-
stein south of the Belt. All of the Southern Tyrol as far south as the Adige is claimed,
and much of what now is Poland, as far as the Memel (a sea-arm near Königsberg/
Kaliningrad). None of these rivers are named gratuitously: in each and every case they
refer to actual territorial claims.
At the same time it would be wrong to see Hoffmann as a straightforward imperial-
ist; this song was not written to be sung to the tune of stamping soldiers’ boots. On
the contrary: it expresses nostalgia and longing rather than greed, and the wide ambit
given to the new Germany is, as it were, the spatial expression of an agenda of unity
and democracy. For a Vormärz Romantic like Hoffmann, the cause of liberty was wea-
kened in the German lands because these were broken up into so many monarchies
and small realms. Within each of these petty realms, the power of the prince was great,
the position of the populace weak and subordinate. Territorial integration would
strengthen the hand of the people and weaken the grip of the princes. Hoffmann’s
Germany is a dream of fraternization across inner divisions, and within his ideal Ger-
many, politics are to be dominated by the principles of Unity, Justice and Liberty.
The third stanza (nowadays the official text of the German national anthem) accord-
ingly reads:

Unity, Justice and Liberty for the German fatherland

Let us all work fraternally to that goal with hands and hearts
Unity, Justice and Liberty are the guarantors of bliss
Flourish in the glow of such bliss, flourish German father-
land!153

Between the expansionist and chauvinist first stanza and the humane-democratic third
stanza, Hoffmann’s Deutschlandlied embodies the very ambiguity of the national-liber-
alism of his generation. It was to reach its apogee, and its ruin, in the Frankfurt Parlia-
ment or Nationalversammlung of 1848.
Taking place in a year that saw all European countries rocked by revolts, reforms
and revolutions, the Nationalversammlung marks one of the pivotal points in nine-
teenth-century history. The fact that it was convened at all held a great promise among
romantic, nationally minded German intellectuals. It opened the prospect of a unifica-
tion of the various German lands into a federation or Reich, ideally to be glorified (and
rooted in historical tradition) by a restored imperial crown, but also ensuring civil
rights by means of a written constitution and a citizenry emancipated from the nobi-

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 lity’s many prerogatives and privileges. From July 1848 onwards, the Parliament argued
questions of civil rights, the constitution and the outline of a future united Germany.
From the beginning, however, deep tensions between conservative and progressive
forces were only thinly glossed over by a shared rhetoric of National Freedom. Liberty
for all Germans was demanded, and also the annexation of neighbouring territories
such as Schleswig-Holstein. A particularly vexed question concerned the position of
the Austrian Empire. This was resented for its closeness to the papacy, its Metterni-
chian reputation, and the fact that it counted a majority of non-Germans (Hungar-
ians, Slavs etc.) among its inhabitants. Ultimately, when a draft constitution for a new
German Empire was drawn up, it was to leave Austria out of the equation, and the
proposed German Empire was to be led by the Prussian Hohenzollerns. However, a
Reich with a liberal Constitution was a contradiction in terms. Accordingly, when the
imperial dignity was offered to the King of Prussia, it was rejected because it came
from the hands of mere commoners. A proper emperor, it was felt, should be pro-
claimed by his kings and princes, not appointed by his subjects.
The 1848 rejection was a sore discomfiture for the Frankfurt delegation, which
counted among its members the old, prestigious Romantic philologists (Arndt and
Dahlmann), but which represented at that moment only a torn and thinned-out par-
liament. The Frankfurt Parliament, which was at best tolerated, at worst obstructed by
the various German princes and Austria, was bypassed by the monarchists to its right
and by the emerging socialists on its left, and ended in ignominy.
In subsequent years, Bismarck undertook to accomplish by ‘blood and iron’ (as he
phrased it) the goal of imperial unification under Prussian leadership. Finally, in 1871,
following the great Prussia-led victory over France, a new emperor was proclaimed by
the assembled kings and princes of the Reich; this took place in, of all places, Louis
XIV’s Versailles.* (In his wartime diaries during the 1870 campaign, crown prince
Friedrich was looking forward to this imperial coup, the end of what by that time he
already called ‘the fifty-six year interregnum’.154) In the same gesture, Germany re-
annexed Strasbourg and the Alsace, mindful of the never-forgotten conquest by Louis
XIV of 1681. A new German university was founded there, the leading scholars from
all of Germany appointed on chairs there, in a policy to make Strasbourg and the
Alsace once again a thoroughly German-minded area.†
Thus, even though the programme of German unification and of the re-establish-
ment of the Reich was taken over by hard-nosed Realpolitiker after 1848, the cultural
outline of the new Germany followed Hoffmann’s semi-subversive song of 1841. Hoff-
mann’s song had in turn been a variation of a true evergreen of nineteenth-century

* The Versailles location was not only intended to humiliate the vanquished French enemy; it was
also to have the emperor proclaimed on neutral territory and to spare the German princes a submis-
sive journey to Berlin.
† Conversely, when the French retook Strasbourg and the Alsace, they closed down the German
university there and put up a French flagship university in its place, clearly intending to undo the
attempt at intellectual Germanization (Cf. Craig 1984).

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 29. Giuseppe Mazzini

German political verse: Arndt’s ‘Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland’? – ‘Where lies the
German’s fatherland?’.
Jacob Grimm also practised linguistic geopolitics in the style of Hoffmann and Arndt.
His inaugural lecture on ‘Love of the fatherland’ had concluded with a Latin phrase to
the effect that everywhere where the German language was spoken, was Germania –
including (as Arndt and Grimm both pointed out on various occasions) the funny-
sounding semi-Germanic dialects on the frontiers such as Flemish, Dutch, Alsatian,
and Jutland-Danish (cf. below, p. 189 ff.).
It all was, in effect, a reply to Goethe’s question from 1796. ‘Germany? but where is
it?’ The generation of philologists following Goethe answered that question in no un-
certain terms on the basis of ethnic and linguistic geography. They territorialized cul-
ture, and their intellectual and poetic rhetoric provided, throughout the century, an
ongoing, prestigious justification and rationalization of the emergence of a united
German Staatsnation.

Italy

The process that saw the emergence of a unified Italy was, if anything, even more
complex than that of Germany. It involved a collaboration of three political leaders of

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 very different type: Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807-1882), a Romantic military leader;
Count Cavour (1810-1861), an aristocratic diplomat, and Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-
1872), an ideologist and prophet of a Europe of Nations. Mazzini, a lifelong revolu-
tionary democrat, is perhaps after Fichte the second most important architect of Euro-
pean nationalism.
Mazzini grew up in the period around Waterloo, and never accepted the restoration
policies of 1815; he joined the Carbonari, a secret society of disaffected intellectuals, as
a young man in 1828; he was arrested and briefly imprisoned in 1830 (the year that saw
liberal revolutions in France, Belgium, Poland and elsewhere). In 1832 he founded a
society, which he named Giovine Italia or ‘Young Italy’. It proved enormously success-
ful and influential, both within and outside Italy. Within Italy, the movement swelled
to 60,000 members in a few years, and Mazzini tried a rash and abortive rebellion in
1833. Mazzini himself went into exile and spread his gospel of national self-determina-
tion. His programme of a ‘Young Italy’, with ardent, youthful idealists claiming their
nation’s liberties against the autocrats of the ancien régime, inspired similar movements
elsewhere in Europe: from Junges Deutschland to Young Poland, Young Hungary and
Young Ireland, eventually even giving its name to the reformist Young Turks. Mazzini
himself wanted a federative solidarity between all these nationalist movements in a
Young Europe; one of the first times that a pan-European vision was proposed, and
directly inspiring Victor Hugo’s vision of a ‘United States of Europe’.155 In Mazzini’s
view, no more wars or conflicts would be necessary if each state of Europe was the
expression of its constituent nation’s self-determination. It was a Romantic variation
on the democratic unanimity envisaged by Rousseau, and the ‘eternal peace’ which
Kant had predicted would arise from a Europe based on rational, free republics; it was
a vision later proclaimed repeatedly in the period 1914-1918, when, in the run-up to the
Versailles treaty, the ‘war to end all wars’ was thought to lead to a break-up of empires
and a wholesome rearrangement of a Europe of nations great and small.
The vision was, as we can see from hindsight, based on a starry-eyed simplification
and a denial of the geopolitical and demographic complexities of the real world. But it
did, in the years 1830-1848, formulate a democratic, non-authoritarian and non-chau-
vinist programme for national self-determination much preferable to anything the
Arndts and Grimms were devising north of the Alps. It also led, paradoxically, to an
international network of nationalist movements, where activists in Hungary or Poland
would support movements in Italy or vice versa. And ultimately, within Italy, the
programme of Young Italy, despite frequent setbacks, defeats and internal quarrels,
led to the emergence of a united, independent state.
This was achieved partly through the military genius of the wayward Garibaldi,
partly through the canny negotiations of Cavour, who played off France against Aus-
tria at a particularly problematic juncture in European affairs. Austria, mistrusting
Prussia’s rise to dominance in the north, had refused to support Germany’s claims on
Schleswig-Holstein; this had even led to a Prussian-Austrian conflict at a time when
Cavour, thanks to his stance in the Crimean War, had ensured French and British
goodwill. Cavour made use of the occasion to lure a weakened Austria into conflict,
having previously (secretly) ensured that France would remain neutral; as a result, he
was able to achieve Northern Italian independence from Austria in 1861. Thus the

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 national questions were ‘wheels within wheels’, involving Europe truly from the Belt
to the Adige. One factor of particular complexity in all this was the status of Rome,
ruled by the pope and supported (with varying degrees of real loyalty) by most Catho-
lic monarchies. For the papacy, Rome was the Eternal City, capital of the Catholic
church and indeed of Christianity at large; for Italian nationalists, it was the city of the
old Roman Republic and Empire, and the only possible capital for a new, reconsti-
tuted Italy. Those two visions were clearly incompatible, and led to protracted compli-
cations and complexities.*
The price Cavour paid for French neutrality was the city of Nizza, which was ceded
to France to become present-day Nice; another price was the fact that Italy was to
become not a republic (which was a form of government detested and feared by the
European powers) but a kingdom under the Sardinian king Vittorio Emmanuele. The
Romantic Garibaldi could live with this: it was he who proclaimed Vittorio Emma-
nuele King in 1860 after he had landed in Sicily with his redshirts. Mazzini, however, a
republican through and through, was deeply embittered by this turn of events and
disassociated himself from the country he had helped create.
All this political wheeling and dealing should not, however, obscure the fact that the
Italian risorgimento or ‘resurgence’ was carried, here as in Germany, by a wave of
cultural consciousness-raising. The risorgimento was a deeply Romantic movement,
carried by historians, poets, composers and historical novelists.156 Massimo D’Azeglio
who has been repeatedly quoted as stating the need to turn the people of Italy into
Italians, had prepared the ground by writing historical novels in the style of Walter
Scott, choosing significant periods from Italian history to proclaim his country’s tradi-
tions and historical track record: Ettore Fieramosca o la disfida di Barletta (1833) is set in
the 1503 conflict around the Spanish-Italian conquest of Naples against the French,
and involves a question of honour which is consistently given nationalist symbolical
value; Niccolò de’ Lapi, ovvero i Palleschi e i Piagnoni (1841) is set in the Florence of
Savonarola around that city’s conquest by Charles V. Rossini glorified the Swiss na-
tional liberator William Tell in an opera; and Verdi’s opera Nabucco, set in the Babylo-
nian Exile of the tribes of Israel, contained a ‘Slaves’ Chorus’ (Va, pensiero) that be-
came a veritable hymn to national liberation everywhere in Europe. Verdi’s name was
written on the walls of Austrian-held Venice as an expression of Italian commitment:
the name was understood as an acronym of Vittorio Emmanuele Re d’Italia.
It was Verdi, too, who composed his great ‘Requiem’ for the state funeral, in 1873,
for the novelist who had perhaps done most to fire an Italian historical consciousness:
Alessandro Manzoni (1785-1873) – incidentally, also D’Azeglio’s father-in-law.
Although his early career as a writer had been more oriented toward the drama (e.g.

* Rome was forcibly taken in 1870; Pope Pius IX, who would not relinquish his claims and who
in any case could not see his position as anything but a sovereign among sovereigns (never as a
citizen of a secular country) locked himself up in his Vatican palaces, considering himself a prisoner
there. The creation of an autonomous and extraterritorial Vatican in 1929, ensuring that the pope
could remain an independent sovereign, finally put an end to this deadlock; it was a diplomatic
success which massively strengthened the hand of Mussolini, under whose rule the deal was con-
cluded. Generally Chadwick 1998.

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 the history play Il conte di Carmagnola, 1828), he is famous as the greatest European
adept of the Walter Scott-style historical novel, with his I promessi sposi. That work was
one of the many Walter Scott adaptations across Europe playing a role of national
consciousness-raising; but in Manzoni’s case, there was an extra twist. He wrote the
original version in 1825, in his native dialect of Northern Italy. Fifteen years later, he
had moved to Florence, the city of Dante and the linguistic capital of Italian letters;
and he decided to make his novel truly national (as opposed to regional) by re-writing
it according to the Tuscan-Florentine standard. Manzoni made his novel Italian as his
novel was part of the making of Italy.

Pan-movements and macronationalism

One of the more remarkable aspects of nineteenth-century unification nationalism is

its tendency to spawn ‘pan-movements’ – projects to unite not just the fellow-mem-
bers of one particular culture or language but indeed whole clusters or families of
languages: the nationalism of language families.
The best-studied of these pan-movements is Pan-Slavism.157 It aimed, not just at
the emancipation and self-determination of various individual Slavic nations (Polish,
Czech, Croat etc.) but of the Slavic race as a whole. We should realize that the mutual
philological relations between the Slavic languages were as yet ill-understood. The
number of Slavic languages was estimated, in the course of the eighteenth century, to
run anywhere between one and seventeen; Albanian was thought of as a Slavic lan-
guage, Bulgarian was not. Given the high degree of mutual intelligibility between
neighbouring Slavic languages, there were (and still are) frequent debates as to whether
two variants were closely related but different languages, or else two dialects of one
and the same language.* Indeed, there was some cause to see Slavic as one large mega-
language with a shifting number of dialect variations from Russian to Polish to Ser-
bian. The ongoing use of Church Slavonic in the various Orthodox churches of Slav-
dom strengthened this notion.
The concept of a Slavic nation was first articulated by late-eighteenth-century critics
and historians like Herder. Herder, in particular, dedicated some appreciative chapters
to the European Slavs, whom he extolled as peaceful, long-suffering, morally exalted;
an ethnotype that was to have great impact on nineteenth-century Slavic self-images.
That the Slavs were united, not only by a common language and ‘soul’, but also by
common aspirations, was evident in the works of early Slavic philologists like the
Czech Josef Dobrovský and the Slovene Jernej Kopitar, both men of an outstanding
Europe-wide reputation in the sphere of letters and learning; the two collaborated on
the first scholarly grammar of ancient Slavic, which appeared under Dobrovský’s name
in 1822. Both worked in the Habsburg empire, both were Catholic (as opposed to

* In the course of the last two centuries, this debate has occurred regarding the relations between
Bulgarian and Macedonian, Ukrainian and Ruthenian (Rusyn), Russian, Belorussian and Ukrainian,
Serb and Croat, Slovene and Croat, Czech and Slovak. See below, pp. 175-176.

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 Orthodox), and both saw the Habsburg capital of Vienna as the natural focus of Slavic
aspirations: from Polish Silesia to Croatia and Slovenia, the Habsburg crown had per-
haps the greatest sample of Slavic nations under its aegis.
The resulting ideology is now usually known as ‘Austro-Slavism’; it was soon to
meet the competition of a different Pan-Slavic trend, one which looked to St. Peters-
burg rather than Vienna, to the Romanov tsar rather than the Habsburg emperor, and
which accordingly is known as the ‘russophile’ or ‘slavophile’ trend. It was carried by
Russian intellectuals, of course, but also by representatives of Orthodox Slavdom in
Serbia and Bulgaria, and to a lesser extent by those Slovaks who felt uncomfortable
with the idea that they were being subordinated to Czech dominance.158
Indeed, Slovakia may to some extent be seen as the very hub of early cultural Pan-
Slavism. There is, to begin with, the Slovak poet Jan Kollár (1793-1852), who had
studied in Jena and there imbued the legacy of Herder and the idealism of German
Romanticism; he had participated in the Wartburg festivities of 1817. These ideas he
used to formulate an explicit programme of Slavic cultural mutuality, and gave to the
various Slavic nations a poem cycle which intensified the moral praise of Herder into a
lyrical manifesto. A cycle of more than a hundred sonnets, his Slavy dcera (‘Slava’s
daughter’) at the same time celebrates his fraught love for a young woman whom he
had met in Jena, and his transubstantiation of this yearning into a national worship of
the personification of the Slavic race: the goddess Slava (whose name also means ‘fame’
or ‘glory’). Built around the three rivers that define the Slavic world, the Saale, the
Moldau and the Danube,* Slavy dcera is a lyrically intense bird’s eye view of the world
of Slavs, all of them yearning for a lost ideal and a distant desire. While the poetical
and critical work of Kollár offered a collective-Slavic cultural inspiration to all readers
from the Baltic to the Balkans, a common historical and archaeological foundation
was offered by the Slovak scholar Pavol Šafárik (1795-1861). His studies on Slavic anti-
quity provided a common Slavic historical awareness to all Slavic nations.
The Pan-Slavic movement burst onto the political scene in 1848. In that fateful year,
a Slavic Congress was held in Prague, with representatives from all Slavic nations (who
between them often found they had to speak German because their various languages
were not all that mutually intelligible after all).159 This Congress must stand alongside
the Frankfurt Parliament of the same year (above, p. 149) as one of the crucial assem-
blies of the mid-century. Indeed, the Prague meeting was set up partly to counterba-
lance Frankfurt: one of the prime movers, the widely respected Czech historian and
activist František Palacký (1798-1876), had been invited to sit in the Frankfurt assem-
bly as one of the representatives of the ancient kingdom of Bohemia, still one of the
Habsburg crown lands and an important part of the ancient Holy Roman Empire.
Palacký, in a significant move, decided that the ethnic difference between Slavs and
Germans was such that the Bohemian Slavs (Czechs) could not and should not be

* The Saale, running close to Jena, also ran close to the most north-western of the Slavic lan-
guages: Sorbic. While the number of Sorbic speakers is insignificant, their status in early Pan-Slavism
was very important, because they were highly educated, literate, and manifested their cultural pre-
sence with all the aplomb of German Romanticism.

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 adequately represented in a German assembly, and he decided to hold a separate Sla-
vic congress in Prague.160 (It should be remembered that Bohemia was culturally
mixed, with a sizeable German-speaking population even in Prague – think Kafka –
and that the Czech national movement was aimed primarily against the intra-Bohe-
mian domination of Czech by German.)
The further vicissitudes of Pan-Slavism, dominated by a rift between the Austro-
Slavic and the Russophile wing, and by the geopolitics of Habsburgs and Romanovs,
need not concern us too closely here. Pan-Slavism neither fulfilled its Romantic-idea-
listic goal of a federation of free Slavic nations, nor did the ideal disappear. Many later
developments were inspired by Pan-Slavic notions: emancipation movements in dif-
ferent Slavic regions, from Ukraine to Bulgaria and Macedonia. Some commentators
have seen in Stalin’s policies to create a belt of satellite states around his USSR a late,
warped echo of Pan-Slavism. The papacy of Polish-born John Paul II (1978-2005) was
certainly inspired by notions of Slavic identity and a Slavic moral mission.
More importantly, Pan-Slavism has bequeathed a tendency to hyphenate various
Slavic nationalisms into federal initiatives. The union between Czechs and Slovaks is
a case in point; the Yugoslav experiment another. Yugoslavia (the word means ‘South-
Slavia’ as a union of the Slavic nations of the Western Balkans) finds its roots in a sub-
branch of Austro-Slavism, the ‘Illyrian Movement’,161 which burgeoned from the 1830s
onwards, initiated by Slovene and Croat intellectuals who wished to see a union with
neighbouring Bosnians, Serbs and Montenegrins. To that end, the unity of a ‘Serbo-
Croat’ language was officially proclaimed in Vienna in 1850. The eventual establish-
ment of a united kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, eventually re-christened
Yugoslavia, can be seen as a partial concretization of a subsidiary Pan-Slavic ideal.
Yugoslavia was to some extent also seen as a Greater Serbia, as envisaged by the mid-
nineteenth century politician Ilija Garašanin (1812-1874). The combination of ‘Illyrian’
cultural idealism and Garašanin’s geopolitics proved impossible, here as in other cases:
Yugoslavia included Macedonia, which has stronger cultural ties with Bulgaria than
with Serbia, let alone Croatia; and it also included a sizeable Albanian (that is to say,
non-Slavic) population, mainly because these inhabited a region (Kosovo) that had a
huge symbolical importance in the Serb historical consciousness. These factors created
strong centrifugal tendencies, besides the fact that even among the Slavic populations
themselves, the different religious traditions (Catholic, Orthodox, Islamic) proved
more difficult to unify than their linguistic kinship had suggested.
Another side effect of Pan-Slavism was that it inspired copycat movements else-
where in Europe, such as Pan-Germanism and Pan-Celticism. Much as Slavic nation-
alism, including its Pan-Slavic outgrowth, had originally been inspired by Herder and
by political Romanticism made in Germany, its influence was to echo back into Ger-
man political thought. Of course, the German unification drive had always to some
extent been implicitly Pan-Germanic or at least ‘Great-German’, or at least potentially
so. In the linguistic expansionism of Arndt, Grimm and Hoffmann von Fallersleben it
must be noted that their usage of Deutsch is always fuzzy: sometimes it means, specifi-
cally, the German language in the narrower sense of the term (also known as ‘High
German’) – e.g. in the Grimms’ great dictionary, the Deutsches Wörterbuch. At other
times, however, the term Deutsch can mean nothing less than the entire Germanic

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 language family, including Dutch and Frisian, and even Anglo-Saxon – thus in Jacob
Grimm’s Deutsche Grammatik. On the basis of this elastic usage of ‘German’, outlying
languages were repeatedly classified, first as Germanic, and then as part of a German
complex as incorporated by Germany. This was the argument vis-à-vis Flemish,
Dutch, Frisian and even Jutland-Danish.*
From the end of the nineteenth century onwards, there was actually a Pan-German
movement, which was born among German-speaking Austrians eager to reunite with
their northern neighbours (and break away from Austria’s Central-European ties). In
time this ethnic line of thought came to incorporate geopolitical ideals as well (e.g.
control over the seaports at the mouths of the Rhine and Scheldt rivers, Rotterdam
and Antwerp), and this brand of Pan-Germanic thought briefly became officially en-
dorsed policy in 1940-1945.162 Meanwhile, an alternative aggregation had been thought
out in Flanders: that of a union of all Low-German dialect varieties spoken in the
North-European plain from Dunkirk to Königsberg: Flemish, Dutch, Plattdeutsch.163
This pan-movement was quickly marginalized. It does, however, testify to the ongoing
presence of the associative force of nationalism as a project of uniting a dispersed
Kulturnation into a single state. In the nineteenth- and twentieth-century case of Flan-
ders and the Netherlands, there has been a long-standing movement of what is called
‘Greater Netherlandism’, stressing the fundamental cultural and linguistic unity be-
tween Flemish and Dutch. To some extent this Netherlandism has been officially and
pragmatically enshrined in cross-border linguistic institutions (the Taalunie), in other
cases it lives in associations dedicated to the closer cultural and/or political union
between these two areas. There was, briefly, a flourish of this Greater Netherlandism
under fascist auspices.164
Pan-Celticism, alongside Pan-Slavism and Pan-Germanism, emerged in the nine-
teenth century, largely as a network of Breton activists looking to Wales for moral
and cultural support.165 These contacts flourished from the late 1820s onwards, when
Breton delegates were fêted at the Welsh cultural festival known as Eisteddfod. As the
Breton movement gathered steam in the second half of the nineteenth century, it
often looked to Welsh cultural festivals and institutions for inspiration, and continu-
ally stressed the fact that Brittany was not just an uncouth peripheral province within
France, but part of a larger, Celtic whole. When, in the 1890s, Celtic-inspired revivals
flourished in a fin-de-siècle atmosphere in Scotland and, above all, in Ireland, they
meshed briefly with these Breton-Welsh connections under the common header of
‘Celtic’, and some Pan-Celtic conferences were held. There is still a Pan-Celtic move-
ment in Europe, largely regionalist in tone, and nowadays enriched with the (philolo-
gically nonsensical) ‘Ibero-Celtic’ addition of Galicia. Pan-Celticism was never a se-
rious political agenda in its own right, but did help to inspire cultural revival
movements mutually and in regions like Cornwall and the Isle of Man, and to provide
a wider solidarity support for violent nationalism in certain regions (e.g. IRA cam-

* Thus, among the c. 100 busts enshrined in the Bavarian Walhalla prior to 1914, celebrating men
and women ‘of German tongue’, there are no less than twelve Dutch/Flemish figures, as well as the
Swedish King Carl X Gustav.

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 paigns in Northern Ireland). There is still a street called Rue Bobby Sands in the
Breton city of Nantes, named after the interned IRA terrorist who died on hunger
strike in 1981.
Three pan-movements can be mentioned briefly, merely for the sake of complete-
ness. Something calling itself Pan-Latinism was briefly inspired by the success of Pan-
Slavism and German nationalism, in the mid-nineteenth century. Marginal, it still
helped to legitimize thoughts about a génie Latin which set Western Europe off against
the Slavic and Teutonic East and Centre.166 The establishment, in 1883, of the Alliance
française, dedicated to the spread and maintenance of French culture and the French
language outside the borders of France proper, may be seen as an echo.* One should
also note in passing a persistent, though non-dominant current in Walloon regional-
ism pleading for unification with France.
Secondly, the rediscovery, c. 1800, of a Nordic-Germanic mythology and of a com-
mon medieval-historical history fed a ‘Scandinavist’ movement that advocated the
unity between Denmark, Norway and Sweden. It was mainly carried by students and
intellectuals and proved most influential in the cultural sphere. In politics, it foun-
dered after the defeat of Denmark in the war of 1864, unaided by its Scandinavian
brother nations; although the joint declaration of neutrality by the kings of Denmark,
Norway and Sweden in 1914 was a sign of its lingering presence.166a
Finally, a Turanian movement affected ethnic nationalism in both Hungary and
Turkey. It stressed the descent of both these nations from Central-Asian Turkic roots,
and was particularly influential in Turkey. There it formed a counterweight to the
multi-ethnic imperial doctrine of the declining Ottomans, and attracted Turkic-speak-
ing intellectuals in the Russian empire (usually called ‘Tatars’) to a nascent ideology of
Greater Turkism.167
In actual practice, macronationalistic ‘pan’ movements failed to realize their far-
flung dreams of unifying widely dispersed and vaguely connected language families
like the Slavs, Celts or Turanians. That does not mean that macronationalism was just
a quixotic oddity. In its local subsidiaries, be they regionalist or nationalist, Occitan,
Breton, Slovak, or Crimean-Tatar, the awareness of a ‘band of brothers’ wider afield
had a mobilizing and inspiring effect. Macronationalism was an echo chamber, a
powerful amplifier, for each of its constituent national movements.

The ongoing presence of nationalism as a unification ideology can still be registered in

the German events of 1989. That year marked the end of one-party dictatorship in the
German Democratic Republic, which for 45 years had been a Russian satellite state.
Now, as democratic freedom was regained (as it was in Russia itself, in Poland, Hun-
gary, Czechoslovakia and other countries in the region), hopes dawned for a removal
of the Berlin Wall and the Iron Curtain, for free traffic from one Germany into the
other, for long-separated friends and relatives to visit freely once more – a situation, in

* The Alliance française was initially founded as an Association nationale pour la propagation de la
langue française dans les colonies et à l’étranger. The administrative committee of 1884 includes Ernest
Renan, Armand Colin, Ferdinand de Lesseps, Louis Pasteur and Jules Verne.

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 short, as between Dutch Limburg and Belgian Limburg, or between Bavaria and Tyr-
ol. This, however, was not enough. The recuperation of liberty in East Germany was
immediately translated into a unification drive territorially merging east and west.
What is truly remarkable was the unquestioning automatism of this process; it was
seen as self-evident, obvious, justified in itself and inherently, unarguably proper –
almost a categorical necessity and certainly an overriding political priority. A century
and a half after Hoffmann von Fallersleben, the notions of Recht and Freiheit were still
led in tow by the overriding assumption of Einigkeit.

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 Nationalism as Separatism
The considerations that drove the French and Dutch states to tighten their communal
centralism, and that drove Germans and Italians to seek unification in a common,
culturally defined state, also drove cultural minorities away from the capitals from
where they were governed. We may roughly distinguish two sub-types of this trend:
those autonomist movements which harked back to ancient and still-remembered feu-
dal independence (e.g. in Catalonia, Scotland, Hungary and Poland), and those which
emerged with the discovery of a separate culture and identity among a local rustic
populace (e.g. in Finland and the Baltic, or Bulgaria). The distinction between those
two sub-types is gradual and tenuous: even the most illiterate and pre-modern
peasantries were taught their national culture and ‘roots’ by intellectuals and activists
from the gentry, or the professional and middle class, and even the most feudally
inspired Romantic nationalists drew on the local colour of the native peasantry to
underline the ancient realm’s claim to continued separateness.
In itself there was nothing new in the fact that the imperial capitals of Europe had
to cope with disaffected populations on their peripheries. The ‘Congress’ system that
Metternich imposed after 1815 intended to subdue those restive provincials in the same
gesture that should stifle all populist unrest: restoration of the monarch’s central power
also meant the imposition of obedience, not only of the rabble in the great metropoli-
tan centres of Europe, but also in the provinces and margins. Whatever sedition or
disaffection was going on in the outlying provinces had for centuries been a fact of
life, part of the ongoing political push-and-pull of centrifugal resistance against central
authority.
In the century following 1815, however, the rustic peasantry in the outlying pro-
vinces experienced a transformation: in many cases, its cultural, and specifically lin-
guistic particularity gained for it a symbolic status which had been held in relatively
low esteem before, but which now became nothing less than a badge of national iden-
tity. Peasant unrest, usually driven by oppression, exploitation, poverty and lack of
legal status, was thereby transmuted into a national emancipation movement. Nation-
alism and the pursuit of national independence did not, of course, replace the old
grievances of poverty and oppression; but it provided an indispensable focus for large-
scale self-identification and for a sense of solidarity between peasantry and an emer-
ging professional class or bourgeoisie.

A sample case: Ireland

A well-documented example is that of Ireland.168 The subjugation of Ireland to the

English Crown dates back, as we have seen, to the twelfth century. But the incorpora-
tion of Ireland into an English polity was never successful. Throughout the Middle
Ages, the feudal tendency among great Irish nobles (including Anglo-Norman crea-

168

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 tions like the Fitzgerald Earls) to ignore royal suzerainty would take the shape of ‘Eng-
lish’ versus ‘Irish’ loyalties. Tudor campaigns for undivided supremacy would be re-
sisted in a double religious-cum-national stance that neatly aligned the oppositions
English-Irish and protestant-catholic. Even the civil wars of the 1640s, which in Eng-
land itself divided Crown and Parliament, became, in Ireland, an anti-English war,
uniting Gaelic septs and English recusants in a common cause, and drawing upon
them the undifferentiating, ruinous fury of Cromwell’s campaign. In the eighteenth
century, a colonial-style landlord system had been installed which saw a small class of
landowners exploiting the country and its underclass of cheap, native labour. The
ruthless oppression and exploitation of the peasantry was to some extent part of a
general ancien régime pattern, comparable to what one can find in France, Spain or
certain German states; accordingly, the Enlightenment Patriots who vindicated a so-
ciety based on virtue, and who moved towards a benevolent paternalism vis-à-vis the
peasantry, form part of a European trend. Nonetheless, there was also a colonial ele-
ment in this situation in that the underclass was defined, not just in terms of social
standing, but also in terms of religion and ethnicity. The peasantry was always referred
to as native, and even the benevolent interest of the professional, urban and landown-
ing classes was often sparked by an antiquarian or exoticist interest in what made them
different and quaint: the Gaelic language, their music, songs, myths, annals and his-
torical antecedents.
A crucial transition towards Irish nationalism proper takes place between 1800 and
1830. By 1800, the Irish peasantry, pauperized into increasing illiteracy and maintain-
ing its cultural and common awareness largely through oral, face-to-face local and
regional networks, showed its opposition largely in inchoate agrarian revolts flaring up
here and there and fed by a folklore of carnivalesque symbols – fictional soubriquets
like ‘Captain Swing’, ‘Captain Moonlight’ or ‘Captain Rock’ were the collective pseu-
donyms for bands of rebellious peasants. The wider political import of this unrest was
not ignored altogether: folksongs referred to current affairs, e.g. the American War of
Independence, or the rise of Napoleon, and would often invoke the possibility of
political liberation. But when folksongs and poems express a yearning for some mes-
sianic redeemer who would break their bondage, the character was as often mythical
or formulaic as that it was informed by real, actual politics. The common insurrection
of 1798, linking peasant activists with Jacobin democrats from Belfast and other cities,
had been singularly unsuccessful.
In the decades following 1800, however, the peasantry was forged into an efficient
mass movement, and into a powerful political leverage, by the charismatic leader
Daniel O’Connell (1775-1847).169 His campaigns resemble those of Mahatma Gandhi
and Martin Luther King in that they mobilized a rural, dispersed population and used
its unified presence as an amplification instrument for demands for legal reform.
O’Connell’s campaigns managed, in 1828, to wrest Catholic emancipation from an
unwilling British government: all official disabilities were removed which had reduced
Catholics (the overwhelming majority of the Irish population) to non-citizens. The
underlying peasant grievances were not redressed.
O’Connell’s campaign for economic and legal reform was overtaken by an actual
nationalist movement. This later movement invoked, crucially, the right of the Irish

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 nation to self-determination; the rallying cry was no longer one of social justice, or the
redress of grievances, but the recognition of Ireland’s different culture, ethnicity and
historical consciousness, legitimizing a different national status. This national ideology
drew together various source traditions:
– There was, to begin with, a tenuous and almost-extinct tradition of native ‘bardic’
learning, now restricted to some locally educated scribes, genealogists and versi-
fiers; this tradition had been given some sponsorship from the 1730s onwards by
colonial, Protestant antiquaries and was given semi-professional employment in
the learned societies and institutions of the early 1800s.
– Alongside this native tradition, and linked to it, there was the legacy of a Gaelic-
aristocratic historical consciousness as laid down in books produced in the Catho-
lic monarchies of the continent by continentally educated gentry and clergy in the
seventeenth and eighteenth century. These books were retrieved and reproduced
for a wider readership within Ireland in the course of the nineteenth century.
– Thirdly, there was the antiquarian interest and scholarship that flourished
throughout the British Isles from the 1760s onwards. This antiquarian interest
provided a facilitating urban and middle-class ambience for the languishing tradi-
tion of native lore. In the course of the nineteenth century, it developed from the
curious pursuit of eccentric gentlemen-of-leisure into an increasingly public and
influential affair.
– To no small extent, this interest in the Gaelic antiquity and roots of Ireland caught
hold of the imagination, and of public opinion, as a result of its literary dissemina-
tion. The verse of Tom Moore, the national tales of Lady Morgan and others, the
many popularizing history books and journals (such as the Dublin Penny Journal)
spread the self-image of an Irish nationality rooted in a Gaelic antiquity (and lan-
guishing under English rule) across an urban, readership which itself was on the
increase.

By the 1840s, when new educational systems (now open to, and indeed dominated by,
Catholic teaching orders) drew on Gaelic antiquity for their school materials, some-
thing like a Gaelic orientation had taken hold of the Irish public sphere. What is
more, that public sphere had itself emerged as a result of urbanization, Catholic em-
powerment and the rise of new, cheap print. The successor generation to O’Connell,
significantly, used newspapers, pamphlets and other print media to spread its message
(whereas O’Connell himself had largely relied on physical gatherings, fundraising net-
works and mass meetings). The flagship of the new, nationalist media, founded in
1842, was called, fittingly, The Nation. Among its contributors were Romantic intel-
lectuals of the type encountered throughout Europe at the time: poets, journalists,
democrats, idealists. The best-remembered among them, Thomas Davis (1814-1845),
wrote verse inspired by Romantic literary nationalism à la Körner and by the glories of
Gaelic antiquity, and designed multimedia efforts to propagate this Romantic ideal of
a lost Irish nationhood amongst the population-at-large: he outlined a projected gal-
lery of historical paintings, a history of Ireland consisting of ballads, etcetera. His
rousing song ‘A Nation Once Again’ became the informal battle hymn of the Irish
nationalist movement.

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 In short, the years between Daniel O’Connell and Thomas Davis see the emergence
of an autonomist national movement which, as opposed to older forms of anti-English
resistance, is characterized by a number of features aligning it with national move-
ments elsewhere in Europe. It is propagated by men of letters and often carried by
urban activists; it invokes cultural rather than economic or legal arguments, especially
the fact that Ireland is set apart from England by its Gaelic language and by the ethnic
roots and historical memories of the Gaelic population; it spreads by means of urban
sociability and print media, that is to say, by taking over the public sphere and mobi-
lizing public opinion. Indeed, the success of a cultural and philological interest in
mobilizing a national movement seems crucially to depend on its power to fire a pub-
lic sphere; and in a country like Ireland, that public sphere was only just beginning to
emerge from an older downtrodden peasantry.170
To the extent that a public sphere had existed in Ireland, it had conformed to the
characteristics drawn up by Benedict Anderson (1983) and Jürgen Habermas (1990):
focussed around public spaces with a potential of sociability and opinion-making,
such as coffee houses, clubs and playhouses, and later also spawning a printed press
carrying these opinions to a wide readership that took an interest in public affairs,
without being physically present at the places of congregation. This Irish public
sphere, however, had throughout the eighteenth century been an exclusively Protes-
tant affair. Enlightenment Patriotism had been built around the urban, genteel asso-
ciations, playhouses, and printing presses of eighteenth-century Dublin; democratic
radicalism had crystallized around the Dissenting associations and publishers of Bel-
fast; but in all this eighteenth-century development the mass of the Catholic popula-
tion was almost wholly absent and unrepresented. Catholic public opinion, such as it
was, took shape mostly in the complicity of local balladeering and the inchoate out-
breaks of agitation and unrest. This continued into the nineteenth century, when
local disaffection was given a nationwide organizational aggregation under O’Connell.
But the capture of the Irish public sphere by a literate, empowered class of Irish
Catholics was only made possible after the achievement of Catholic emancipation of
1828. Thus the rise of Irish nationalism may be said to follow, not so much that old
chestnut, the ‘rise of a middle class’, as much as the capture of the public sphere by the
mass of the newly enfranchised Catholic population with a Gaelic self-awareness
(whose rise from the peasantry to the status of working- and middle-class was facili-
tated in the same process). No sooner was the public space opened up in this way for
the bulk of the population, or it became the sounding board for a Gaelic, Catholic
self-image of what it meant to be Irish.
Following the catastrophic potato famines of 1845-1849, the Gaelic-speaking popu-
lation was almost eradicated as a result of starvation, emigration and demographic
uprooting. Paradoxically, the Irish public sphere had at that point become so suffused
with a Gaelic self-image, that in the second half of the century a Gaelic language
revival took hold, which, though originally bourgeois and apolitical in nature, was
soon infiltrated and taken over by militant republican-separatist nationalists, many of

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 30. Douglas Hyde (on Irish banknote)

them from the Irish diaspora in America.* The combination of republicanism and
language revivalism led, finally, to a short-lived uprising in 1916, led mainly by educa-
tionalists, poets and white-collar workers, at which the Irish Republic was proclaimed
‘In the name of God and the dead generations’, and on the basis of an ongoing ‘tradi-
tion of nationhood’ asserted throughout the centuries by a succession of anti-English
insurrections:

Irishmen and Irishwomen: In the name of God and the dead

generations from which she receives her tradition of nation-
hood, Ireland, through us, summons her children to her flag
and strikes for her freedom.

The phraseology is interesting: whereas earlier, pre-nationalist declarations of indepen-

dence such as the Dutch Act of Abjuration and the American Declaration of Indepen-
dence had invoked timeless moral notions of right and justice, and had derived their
authority from the fact that they were enacted on behalf of the common interests of all
members of society, we see this nationalist declaration invoke the authority of histor-
ical trans-generational continuity and the principle of nationhood, and on that basis
exercise authority over the population at large (addressed as the children of a personi-
fied Ireland).
The insurrection was quickly put down, but the harshness of the British response
galvanized Irish public opinion and fed an insurrection which eventually led to the
establishment of an autonomous Irish Free State. That Free State followed, immedi-
ately upon its independence, a strenuous Gaelicization policy that continued the cul-
tural-nationalist activism of the year 1890-1920; it was aimed at re-establishing the
Gaelic language and at replacing the iconography of the British administration by a

* In this respect (though not in others), Irish nationalism corresponds to what Gellner 1983 clas-
sifies as ‘diaspora nationalism’: a separatist movement supported by an emigrant population else-
where. Support from the US for Croatian, Ukrainian, Armenian and Zionist causes falls under this
heading as well.

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 wholly Gaelic-Irish one. When that Free State later proclaimed itself a Republic, its
first president was, symbolically, the founder of the 1890s language revival movement,
Douglas Hyde (1860-1949).

General features of national movements

The Irish developments outlined here are representative of many national movements
throughout Europe. In many cases, national movements begin with cultural con-
sciousness-raising, pursued and triggered by intellectuals, men of letters, philologists
and scholars. Linguistic, philological, historical and folkloristic research salvages, in-
ventorizes and displays cultural heritages which often have been denigrated or which
have receded into the informal, unheeded recesses of private life, without status, with-
out prestige, sometimes even without a name. The project that brings these cultural
relics and traditions into view is often undertaken without immediate political agenda,
purely for its own sake, often by romantically minded bookworm-scholars. Their role
(the cultural carriers of national thought and nationalism) was more important than
their relative obscurity indicates.
The Czech scholar Miroslav Hroch has defined this incipience of national move-
ments as the ‘phase A’ of nationalism; phases B and C signal the widening agenda and
appeal of such movements. In ‘phase B’, demands for social reform are formulated on
the basis of that self-awareness which has now been culturally articulated. Once cul-
tural traditions and elements such as languages have been instrumentalized to articu-
late a given aggregate of rustics into a nation, that nation so constituted can become
the platform of social demands; these will, typically, combine economic, constitu-
tional and cultural concerns, involving matters of education, social and economic im-
provement, and some degree of autonomy (locally devolved administration or self-
government). ‘Phase C’, finally, denotes the spread and intensification into a mass
movement resisting the power of the state and often formulating an agenda of full
separatism.171
Hroch’s ‘phase model’ is a generalized extrapolation from many different cases and
does not claim to offer a universal, rigid, one-pattern-fits-all template. Still, its general
outline holds, broadly speaking, for a great majority of European national movements
as these arose in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The Irish trajectory,
too, exhibits the features of the three successive phases: from Lady Morgan’s National
Tales and Thomas Moore’s Irish Melodies (in the 1810s and 1820s) to the rise of The
Nation in the 1840s we can see the Irish question raised increasingly in terms of cultur-
al and literary interest; from the Young Irelanders around The Nation to the radicaliza-
tion of the language revival movement around 1900, the demands for economic and
educational reform fit the pattern of a B-phase; leading to the C-phase of unrest and
armed insurrection culminating in the achievement of independence in 1921.*

* The Irish case also illustrates the complexities beneath the ABC schematization: social unrest
and violence were endemic in the Irish situation even before the ‘phase A’ verse of Thomas Moore; it

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 Examples from elsewhere in Europe serve to illustrate the trend. The Flemish
movement in Belgium started in the field of philological text editions and cultural
journalism (phase A, roughly 1830-1844), then formulated increasingly stringent de-
mands for linguistic emancipation in a Phase B (roughly 1845-1900), and eventually
developed an anti-Belgian separatist wing in the first half of the twentieth century.172
Further parallel cases abound.
In the context of this book, which after all wishes to trace a cultural history of
nationalism, phase A nationalism is of primary relevance. It is not usually the phase
with which nationalism studies are most closely concerned; nationalism scholars tend
to see phase A as a prequel, an incubation period, a prologue before the Real Action
starts. Such neglect is regrettable for various reasons, two of which will be highlighted
here.
To begin with, the cultural concerns that dominate phase A do not cease when
phases B and C swing into action. On the contrary: nationalism as an ideology is by
definition predicated on a set of cultural assumptions and interests (linking language,
history, tradition, ethnicity and identity), and these persistently continue to influence
the agenda of nationalism, regardless of ‘phase’.
Secondly, phase A (early cultural nationalism) is a pan-European affair – as Euro-
pean as the spread of Romanticism at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Cul-
tural nationalists were in communication, exchanging scholarly insights, literary dis-
coveries, working methods and ideas. Indeed, it is phase A that binds European
nationalism into a specifically European network of nationalisms, spanning Iceland
and Bulgaria, the Basque country and Finland. These cross-continental crosscurrents
need more investigation; they have hitherto been neglected because each ‘phase A’
movement in cultural nationalism has been studied piecemeal, separately, within its
own national context as the precursor of its own succeeding phase B.
Early cultural nationalism often coincides with the discovery of the nation’s iden-
tity, something which might even be called its ‘invention’ or ‘construction’. We see
national movements arise in nineteenth-century Europe invoke a nationality that was
not (or barely) known as such a hundred years previously. Bulgarians173 were an al-
most-unnoticed group of eastern Balkan Slavs until the early 1800s; they had been left
out of the great inventory of languages commissioned by Catherine the Great in 1786,

fed and intensified the ‘phase B’ demands of Thomas Davis; and in ‘Phase C’, what has here been
described as the ‘radicalization of the language revival movement’ might also be described as the
‘culturalization of the resistance movement’. What is more, cultural concerns in the nineteenth cen-
tury picked up on older Jacobite and counter-Reformation ideologies. In short: it is possible to trace
across the three phases A, B and C both a long-term cultural agenda and a long-term insurrectionary
tradition. None of this, however, invalidates a Hroch-style phase model if one wishes to situate Irish
developments in the context and typology of nineteenth-century European nationalism. The mili-
tant leader Patrick Pearse (†1916) emerges from the language movement, not the other way around;
the language movement was prepared by Thomas Davis’s nationalist glorification of Gaelic culture,
not the other way around; Davis’s glorification of a Gaelic-rooted nation drew on the work of scho-
lars such as John O’Donovan and George Petrie, and followed the example of Tom Moore, not the
other way around. The progression from scholarship to activism is complex, but does have a specific
vector and sequential logic.

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 31. ‘Macedonia is Greece since ever’: sticker used in Greek duty free shops in 1990s

and it took a number of non-Bulgarian philologists like the Serb Vuk Karadžić and the
Ukrainian Yurii Venelin to point out their Slavic identity in the period 1810-1830. Un-
til that time, the assumption was widespread that the dimly remembered Bulgarian
realms of the Middle Ages descended from a non-Slavic tribe of invaders like Turks or
Magyars. Bulgarians themselves were subjects of the Ottoman Empire and members
of the (Greek-speaking) Orthodox millet (religious constituency). The Slavic language
that they spoke was used for informal, private and semi-private conversation. Only
very gradually did a manuscript history of the Bulgarian nation, originally written in
1762 by a Mount Athos monk, Paisi Hilendarski, begin to circulate in manuscript;
only very gradually did local merchants, driven by a philanthropic desire to benefit
their community, take educational initiatives. The first book printed in Bulgarian was
a school primer, sponsored by a physician who had trained in Paris. A Bulgarian iden-
tity was recognized initially among merchant communities abroad, e.g. in Odessa, and
often as the result of philological insights coming in from abroad. Characteristically,
the first political manifestation of this budding Bulgarian awareness was not a drive for
political autonomy against Ottoman rule, but a church reform movement within the
Greek-dominated Orthodox millet. In short: the articulation of a Bulgarian identity
was not the straightforward outgrowth of endemic and persistent ethnic roots and
traditions, but something that was inspired from abroad, as part of a general macro-
regional ordering of cultural categories, and facilitated by the ambience of rising mod-
ernity, sociability and an incipient public sphere.
Just how the various populations in the Balkans have crystallized into the national-
ities we know nowadays is a complex and interesting process. Eighteenth-century geo-
graphy had no knowledge of ‘Bulgarians’ or ‘Macedonians’; Petar Beron, the man who
sponsored the first Bulgarian schoolbook in 1824, called himself, for want of a better
term, a ‘Thracian’, using a term from classical antiquity that at least had the virtue of
familiarity. Conversely, eighteenth-century geography habitually spoke of tribes such
as ‘Morlacks’ and ‘Dalmatians’, terms which now no longer denote any national
group. The categories of nationality in the Balkans were built on shifting sands. At
some points we see Bulgarians and Macedonians regard themselves (and each other)
as variants of one and the same language group, at other times they vehemently assert

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 their separateness. Serbs and Croats proclaimed the unity of their ‘Serbo-Croat’ lan-
guage in 1850; by 2000 separate dictionaries and grammars were being written for
Serb, for Croat and even for Bosnian.174 Readers will be familiar with the hotly con-
tested appellation ‘Macedonian’ which is also claimed by Greeks as referring to an
ethnically and territorially Hellenic, not Slavic, category. There are dispersed or non-
territorial populations that are seen only as ‘ethnic groups’, without ‘national’ status:
Vlachs and Roma.
All this illustrates that the emergence of national identities from an ‘ethnic’ substra-
tum (as per Anthony Smith’s model) is anything but straightforward, and amounts in
many cases to a self-invention. Crucially, what is required is not just a sense of iden-
tity or self-image, but an act of articulation, a naming. This self-identification by a
shared and recognized appellation denoting a fairly unambiguous aggregate is a well-
established given in Europe’s ‘old states’ (Portugal, France, Denmark); in the case of
Germany and its adjoining Low Countries we have seen (p. 157 above) that there are
various competing aggregation models (German unity with or without Austria, in-
cluding the Low Countries or not, or with a neighbouring Greater Netherlandic or
Pan-Low-German complex). The process of self-articulation is even more complex
and turbulent elsewhere. A language and population must be recognized, identified by
name and outline as something separate with a separate culture; and this in turn pre-
supposes the availability of a public sphere, an ‘imagined community’, for the speakers
of that language. In many national movements in Europe, all that was by no means a
self-evident pre-given.
The Baltic nations present another case in point.175 Ancient feudal and ecclesiasti-
cal divisions in that region knew territories and populations by names like Courland,
Livland, Samogitia etcetera. The demotic languages spoken there were (alongside the
prominent and widespread Yiddish) the almost invisible, disregarded vernaculars of
poor peasants and serfs, overlaid with German, Polish and Russian.176 The emergence
of something like Latvian next to Lithuanian, or Estonian alongside those two, was
not the straightforward instrumentalization of a well-demarcated, recognized indivi-
dual ethnicity, but the result of deliberate (and often contested) acts of demarcation
and identification. It only succeeded because the constituency was created at the same
time as its ethnic label: a public sphere that was opened up, sensitized and mobilized
by means of learned societies for the urban professionals,* choral societies for the
emancipating rural peasantry, reading rooms and newspapers: new social platforms,
new cultural media, creating a public sphere where only a rustic peasantry had existed
before.
Particularly instructive in this respect is the case of Finland.177 It had been an inte-
gral part of Sweden for centuries, and Swedish was the language of learned, trans-local
communication everywhere in the land. Finnish had the status in 1800 that Saami (the

* The intellectuals and professionals who were the harbingers of cultural interest in the Baltics
and on the Balkans were often physicians or clergy (Orthodox in the Balkans, Protestant or Catholic
in the Baltic). Their work brought them in touch with the vernacular-speaking people; their educa-
tion gave them a literate interest in their language and culture.

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 language of the ‘Lapps’) has nowadays: known to exist, but not used in other than
dialect-vernacular situations. The first Romantics evincing a Finnish national aware-
ness were, in fact, Swedish speakers (much as in Ireland, most nationalists used Eng-
lish rather than Gaelic): Runeberg, Arwidsson and the Åbo school. The creation and
propagation of something like a Finnish national awareness was, again, the result of
cross-national, macroregional developments. Sweden had to cede Finland to Russia as
part of the 1815 rearrangement of the European map. This caused some misgivings
among Finnish intellectuals, who feared a more autocratic, Russian-oriented regime;
on the other hand, it brought Finnish territories into closer contact with the adjoining
lands in Karelia and Bothnia which were ethnically Finnish and which had been less
deeply Swedified; a more ‘authentic’, unspoilt Finnish culture came into view.
One statement, made by the Romantic poet Adolf Ivar Arwidsson, is famous for
hitting this nail on the head: ‘We are no longer Swedes, we can never become Rus-
sians, therefore let us be Finns’. From the 1830s onwards, Finnish emerged from the
shadow of Swedish as the language that embodied Finnishness. This process was given
a huge boost, in the 1830s and 1840, by the publication of oral epic material collected
by a country physician, Elias Lönnrot (1802-1884). His practice had taken him to far-
flung Finnish-speaking villages, where long epic ballads were recited full of legendary
and mythological material. Lönnrot, inspired by the Romantic philology of his times,
collected and collated the oral fragments he noted down like a Finnish Grimm, and
joined them into what he believed was their primordial epic cohesion. The result was
Kalevala; published in expanding editions in 1835 and 1849, it was quickly hailed as
‘the Finnish national epic’, comparable to what Homer had been for the Greeks, or
the Nibelungenlied for Germany. Alongside Kalevala (which grew and expanded in
later editions as Lönnrot found more oral material that he fitted into his overall com-
posite), Lönnrot collected a great corpus of other ballads and songs, published as the
Kanteletar. These publications gave enormous prestige to Finnish as the backbone of
the country’s national, ethnic identity. Swedish-speaking Romantics were gradually
sidelined (Arwidsson moved to Sweden, where he became keeper of the Royal Library
at Stockholm), and the country’s identity was subsumed under an ideal of Finnishness.
The language, now recognized and de-stigmatized as a viable means of communica-
tion, spread across society; literacy in it increased as its status rose. Demands for Fin-
nish education were made. People with Swedish names like Forstman changed these to
Finnish forms like Yrjö Koskinen. Eventually, as the Russian empire itself became less
and less tolerant of non-Russian minority cultures,* cultural demands hardened into
social activism, and phase A nationalism led to its B and C continuations, culminating

* Since the 1830s, Russian leaders and intellectuals had invoked the principles of ‘Orthodoxy,
autocracy, and nationality’ (pravoslaviye, samoderzhaviye, i narodnost). After Tsar Alexander III had
mounted the throne in 1881, these became the guidelines of government policy, leading to an in-
creased intolerance to non-Russian and/or non-Orthodox minorities, especially in the Polish/Baltic/
Finnish dominions. The ensuing repressive policy of Russification in turn fanned national commit-
ment among Ukrainians, Latvians, Lithuanians, Estonians and Finns.

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 in Finnish independence. In the Finnish republic, the publication day of Lönnrot’s
Kalevala is still annually celebrated as a national holiday.
A spin-off of Finnish developments was felt in Estonia: there, Lutheran German
clergy, assembled in clubs and societies such as the Learned Society of Dorpat*, took
an interest in Estonian folklore that was fanned by the achievements of Lönnrot in
Finland. Lönnrot’s Kalevala was held up as an enviable example for Estonian folklor-
ists, and one of them, Friedrich Kreutzwald, fitted Estonian oral material together into
a similarly conceived epic whole, the Kalevipoeg (1854).

Summing up

Centralization, unification and separatist nationalism all occurred more or less simul-
taneously in nineteenth-century Europe, and frequently affected each other. Russian
centralization policy hardened cultural emancipation movements in Finland, Ukraine
and the Baltic lands; French centralism provoked Breton regionalists into fostering ties
with the ‘Celtic brothers’ in Wales; German nationalism, inspired by anti-Napoleonic
resistance in Spain early on, itself inspired the Flemish language emancipation move-
ment. Indeed one of the outstanding features of nationalism is that it is a supremely
international affair, spilling from one country to another, spreading ideas, books, and
symbols freely across the map, spawning copycat movements at great distance. Irish
nationalism at one point was inspired by philhellenism (James Hardiman’s 1831 Irish
Minstrelsy cites the example of Fauriel’s Chants populaires de la Grèce moderne), at an-
other by Hungarian nationalism (Arthur Griffith’s 1904 The Resurrection of Hungary).
The point needs to be stressed: a national movement in a given country is not just the
result of the circumstances obtaining within that country, but also inspired by the
crisscrossing traffic of ideas all over Europe.
Why do I emphasize this point? Not only because it affects the way in which one
should study nationalism (namely, on a comparative-European basis, with due atten-
tion to its cultural aspects), but also because it helps us to avoid unnecessary and even
unhelpful distinctions in how we see nationalism. Nationalism might manifest itself
differently in France than it does in Italy, differently in Germany than it does in
Greece or Finland – but in each case, the underlying agenda is the same: to give the
state a national foundation, and to adjust the state’s territorial outline to its underlying
cultural catchment area. Again, distinctions have been made between a ‘Western’ and
an ‘Eastern’ type of nationalism, the former rational and liberal, the latter metaphysical

* Dorpat was the German name of present-day Tartu. The demarcation of public spaces often
went as far as re-naming, not only streets, but even entire cities from their imperially imposed forms
to native, vernacular ones. Laibach is now Ljubljana, Agram is now Zagreb, Neusatz is now Novi
Sad, Pressburg Bratislava, Maryborough and Kingstown Portlaoise and Dún Laoghaire. In Finland,
Åbo is now Turku, although Swedish is still a recognized second language in Finland, and the name
Åbo is accordingly maintained. Language activism in Wales, Belgium and elsewhere still involves the
contested forms of place names, and includes the graffiti-style blotting-out of place names on road
signs in the resisted language.

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 and totalitarian – but in the Ukraine, the federalist ideals of Pan-Slavism are much
more liberal and democratic than the totalitarian implications of French Jacobinism,
at the opposite western end of Europe, with its ruthless, Spartan sense of what it
means to be a citizen. The distinction between ‘civic’ and ‘ethnic’ nationalism – one
derived from the democratic-republican heritage of Rousseau, the other from the cul-
tural thought of Herder – is by no means useless, but would become unhelpful if we
didn’t realize that in most cases, national movements partake of both aspects: there are
usually vestiges of civic libertarianism even in ethnic nationalism, and at the heart of
civic nationalism there are often unstated ethnic assumptions as to who belongs, and
who doesn’t.178
The result of this Europe-wide activism was, eventually, a re-drawing of the Euro-
pean map. The chaotic opening decades of the twentieth century saw the downfall of
imperial rule in Germany, Austria, Russia and Turkey, leading to the emergence of
new states (sovereign or autonomous) from Finland and Norway to Ireland and Ice-
land across Europe’s northern rim, and to Bulgaria and Albania in the south-east. Else-
where, the emergence of regionalist or national movements was arrested but had
nevertheless taken hold: in the Basque country, in Catalonia, in Flanders. The idea at
the 1919 Paris Peace Conference was to ensure for each nation of Europe its self-deter-
mination; after all, it was partly for the sake of small, overrun countries like ‘brave
little Belgium’ (as it had been called in British war propaganda) that the victorious
powers had gone to war. The underlying, Mazzini-style reasoning was that once each
nation-state was happy within its ethnic solidarity and in its political sovereignty,
there would be fewer reasons to wage war, and the Great War might truly turn out to
have been ‘The war to end all wars’.
All this would seem, then, the run-up to a great rationalization of the European
cultural-political landscape along the lines of a just and equitable ‘self-determination
of peoples’. But in fact, there was a major shadow side to all this. The translation of
national emancipation programmes into territorial divisions, the move from culture
into geopolitics, was deeply flawed; and deep at the heart of all national movements
there were ancient ethnocentric and xenophobic attitudes that inexorably drove the
ideology to the right and even the extreme right of the political spectrum.
The ‘Versailles system’ that emerged from the Paris Peace Conference (see below,
219 ff.) pretended, to some extent, to translate national cultural differences into na-
tional political frontiers. The next section will deal with the underlying flaws of this
‘geopolitical mapping of cultural differences’.

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 Identity Rampant

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 The Nation’s Sources, the State’s Borders:
Culture into Geopolitics

Irredentism

The term ‘irredentism’ is an offshoot of the Italian national movement, the risorgimento;
it refers to the part of the Italian ‘nation’ still outside the free Italian state, not yet re-
deemed from foreign bondage. The yearning of the Slaves’ Chorus in Verdi’s Nabucco
(‘Va pensiero, sull’ali dorate’) reverberated throughout Europe: lack of freedom was
everywhere considered tantamount to foreign bondage, a domestic exile. Italy saw Ita-
lians outside its frontiers, under Habsburg rule, from Istria to Tyrol, and the agenda of
independence was soon translated into an agenda of territorial expansion so as to em-
brace unredeemed Italy, Italia Irredenta, into the free homeland. One of the most ar-
resting episodes of this irredentist urge is provided by the poet Gabriele D’Annunzio
(1863-1938): originally a sensuous-sentimental poet, his elitism and adoration for the
ideas of Nietzsche gradually made him list to the ideology of authoritarianism and fas-
cism.* He took a strongly belligerent stance in the First World War. He lost an eye,
and staged the remarkable stunt of dropping propaganda leaflets on Vienna in 1918.
Himself a heroic and charismatic fighter pilot, his fighter squadron was called ‘La
Serenissima’, a reference to Venice (until recently part of the Habsburg empire).† After
the war, D’Annunzio went as far as seizing, like a newfangled Garibaldi, the Istrian
town of Rijeka/Fiume with a 700-strong band of followers, proclaiming himself Duce
of the new territory.179 And successfully so: although the arrangements made at the
Paris Peace Conference had stipulated otherwise, Fiume was subsequently attached to
Italy.
Irredentism is by no means unique to the Italian case. In almost every instance
where a national independence movement achieves territorial incorporation as a new
state, there will be disputes as to the territorial outlines of that state. In each case, the
logic of nationalism will urge a territorial expansion so as to include all fellow-na-
tionals within the new state’s territory. Additionally, once established frontiers have
been raised as an issue owing to national movements, the demands of geopolitics will

* A similar trend can be noticed in the development of the Irish poet William Butler Yeats (1865-
1939); also, the case of Stefan George (1868-1933) shows some similarities. The fascist sympathies of
these closely contemporary, elitist fin-de-siècle poets were inspired by their distaste of modern-style
democracy, but at the same time they were also kept in check to some extent by their elitism. While
they endorsed the fascist creed of the Strong Leader, they despised the populism inherent in fascist
movements. For Yeats: Foster 1997-2003, McCormack 2005; for George: Strodthof 1976.
† Pilots were seen as the most gallant of ‘supermen’, acquiring considerable charisma – the early
rise and status of Hermann Goering was largely due to his reputation as a fighter ‘ace’ in the First
World War; and Yeats celebrated the heroism of the fighter pilots repeatedly in his poems.

183

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 often also lead to expansionist claims. Thus, as has been mentioned, the Prime Minis-
ter of a newly independent Serbia, Ilija Garašanin, formulated a Draft Plan (nacarta-
nije) in the late 1840s calling for a Greater Serbia, based, not only on the national
(anti-Ottoman) ideal of a united Slavic-Orthodox state in the Balkans, but also on the
geopolitical needs for Serbia to have seaports at the Adriatic and the Black Sea.
The most pronounced example of irredentism in Europe is probably the case of
Greece. The independent state established in the 1820s and consolidated in 1832 as the
Kingdom of the Hellenes originally covered little more than the Peloponnese, with
Navplion for its capital. Attica and the rest of Southern Greece, as well as a number of
islands, merged into the independent Greece in subsequent decades, and the capital
was accordingly moved to Athens. Throughout the nineteenth century, more north-
erly regions (Arcadia, Macedonian lands around Salonika including the Chalcedonica
peninsulas, parts of Epirus and Thrace) followed suit, and on the islands (like Crete)
there was a strong urge among ethnic Hellenes towards enosis or ‘unification’. In the
later parts of the century, this expansion seemed to follow a historicist logic: known as
the Megali idea or ‘Great Concept’, it envisaged bringing all ethnic Greeks together
into a mighty state that would revive the traditions of Alexander the Great and the
Byzantine Empire.180 Since Greeks were, at that time, a far-flung diaspora with settle-
ments (like the Armenians) throughout the Ottoman-ruled Levant, the ultimate bor-
ders of the new Greater Greece allowed for considerable latitude: there were Hellenic
colonies on the shores of the Black Sea, throughout Anatolia (in particular in the
coastal cities), even in Alexandria and Cairo. The more idealistic irredentists dreamed
of a re-conquest of Istanbul/Constantinople, and a re-dedication of its main mosque,
the Hagia Sophia, to Christian worship under the Ecumenical Patriarch. All crises of
the crumbling Ottoman empire were exploited towards this end, and in 1920, briefly,
Greek armies held not only the territory of what is now Greece but also a considerable
portion of Western Anatolia around the city of Smyrna/Izmir.181 (In the event, the
Anatolian conquest was recaptured by the Turkish army, and the demarcation be-
tween Greece and Turkey was settled in a traumatic population-exchange, the first
and by no means the least of the ethnic cleansings in the region.)
Thus the establishment of a successful separatist movement may with gradual logic
shift into an irredentist expansion: a partial realization of national-separatist goals is
achieved by establishing a territorial ‘foothold’, from where the continuing secessionist
agenda is pursued further. In quite the opposite corner of Europe, Ireland, we see how
the establishment of a Free State was grudgingly accepted by a part of the nationalist
movement as a ‘second best’ solution, in that a northern part of Ireland (in Ulster) was
left within the United Kingdom. A more fundamentalist wing of the national move-
ment refused to accept this compromise, resulting in a civil war within the new Free
State; both wings, however, considered the Ulster partition as an unsatisfactory stop-
gap measure and continued to lay claim to the entire territory of the island of Ireland.
The unresolved problems of national frontiers have been, in each and every case,
the fly in the ointment of national self-determination. They continue to addle public
affairs in Europe, albeit in different degrees of intensity. The South Tyrolean problem,
fairly harsh throughout the 1950s and 1960s, has found some accommodation in a
multicultural regional policy;182 tensions still ride high in the Istrian and Triestine

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 borderlands between Italy and Slovenia. Sharper conflicts persist between Greece and
Turkey (and on the island of Cyprus), and in Northern Ireland. The splitting-up of
Yugoslavia into various ethnic regions has been notoriously, and tragically, intractable.
In every case, it appears that the territorial demarcation and ‘mapping’ of cultural
identities is highly problematic, and tends to call forth more problems than it sets out
to solve.

The incommensurability of ‘frontiers’

Political frontiers are of a wholly different nature than cultural borders.183 A frontier
between states will mark off different sovereign, mutually exclusive jurisdictions in an
absolute, black-and-white fashion. Five metres on one side of a border post, I am
subject to the laws of one state, five metres beyond, I am bound by the wholly differ-
ent laws of a wholly different state. There is no gradual transition, no grey in-between-
zone: political frontiers are razor sharp and absolute.
Cultural borders, on the other hand, are almost never of this nature. They are
usually many miles ‘thick’, consisting of a mixed population where one language area
or cultural catchment area gradually shades into another, and where the people are
either familiar with both cultures, or else exhibit a mixed in-between-form. Languages
shade into each other by way of dialect variants or hybrid creolizations, and border-
lands usually exhibit a measure both of bilingualism and of diglossia (i.e. there are
two, or more, languages current in the area, and many speakers are themselves fluent
in both of them). Religions will usually coexist in territorial proximity and with inter-
mingled populations, sometimes (as in the case of Albania) even sharing the same
sacred locations in different liturgical contexts.184 Orthodox, Catholic and Islamic are
intermingled in Bosnia, Protestant and Catholic in Belfast; speakers of Danish and
German are a mixum gatherum in Schleswig, as are speakers of German, Italian and
Ladin in Alto Adige (Southern Tyrol), or speakers of Netherlandic and French in
Brussels.
A territorial division of such mixed regions is almost never clear-cut; it will, at best,
separate a 51 per cent majority ‘over here’ from a 49 per cent minority ‘over there’ by
tortuously meandering and deeply resented, contested frontiers. These, in turn, are
open to manipulation; the accusation of gerrymandering (outlining electoral districts
in such a way as to let certain groups carry more voting weight than others) is never far
off and frequently justified.
As a political model, nationalism has two main flaws. One is the uncertain idea of
what a ‘nation’ actually is. (I shall address this problem, and some of its consequences,
in the next chapter.) The other is the blithe and naive assumption that it is possible to
translate cultural identity, however defined, into sovereign territories. If, in the defini-
tion of the great scholar Ernest Gellner, nationalism can be defined as the attempt to
achieve congruence between the cultural and the political unit, i.e. to map political
frontiers onto cultural borders, then on scrutiny we must conclude that this is as im-
possible as to measure the outline of a flock of starlings with a pair of calipers. Yet that
is what the ideology of nationalism sets out to do: to fix in politics the profile of

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 culture. And who will expect nationalists to confine their nation in restricted, narrow
frontiers that embrace only one part of the nation and exclude other parts? Irredentism
is not an anomalous derailment of nationalism, but its logical and almost unavoidable
extension.
The logical transmutation of nationalism into irredentism can be traced in the pro-
nouncements of national activists: it is they who, after first having identified and vin-
dicated a cultural identity, then propose to give that identity a political expression and
a right to self-determination. In the process, they make a crucial step from the moral
and intellectual sphere to a demarcation of territory.
Culture is like the weather. It affects all of us but belongs to no one and to no place.
It manifests itself a set of behavioural choices and preferences transmitted across gen-
erations, involving religion, language, values and historical memories. Culture is not in
itself territorial; its geographical outlines need be no more fixed than those of vegetar-
ianism, Quakerism or Jewishness. A language is not a geographical fixture like a
mountain range or a coastline: it moves wherever its speakers move. Heinrich Heine,
German poet living in Paris, called the German language his ‘portable fatherland’.
Many cultures live in diasporas; many cities, even in early modern and nineteenth-
century Europe, are receptacles for the influx of many different cultures. To vindicate
the rights of a culture is, then, not itself a territorial demand. Indeed, in Central and
Eastern Europe the various ‘phase A’ beginnings of national movements were located
extraterritorially, in the multi-ethnic cities of those multi-ethnic empires. Bulgarian,
Greek and Serbian cultural activists started their work in places like Odessa, Vienna,
Budapest, Istanbul.
The nationalist translation of cultural emancipation demands into a political agenda
involves, crucially, a step towards territorialization; and in most cases, this is where a
fatefully agonistic note sets in. Douglas Hyde vindicated Gaelic traditions and the
Gaelic language in a programme which he himself considered ‘purely cultural’, and, as
such, above party politics; at the same time, his proclamation that Ireland was, ‘and
has always been, Celtic to the core’, had to dismiss the troublesome fact that this view
was not shared by the British-oriented, Protestant population of Ulster. They were
mentioned and dismissed in a breezy semi-sentence (‘in spite of some Saxon admix-
ture in the North-East’).185 Irish nationalism always claimed two things which, in
their incompatibility, reflect the incompatibility of culture and territorialism: one the
one hand, it asserts the difference of Ireland from England on the basis of Ireland’s
rootedness in an aboriginally Celtic culture; on the other hand, it claims to speak for
all of Ireland. The Protestants of Ulster fall between the cracks of those two claims:
they are part of the Irish territory, but are not rooted in aboriginally Celtic culture.
The result is a dilemma: to include Ulster in an independent Ireland would be to ride
roughshod over its Protestants’ self-identification and express wishes; to leave Ulster
out of such an Ireland, and within a United Kingdom, is to do the same thing to that
region’s nationalist Catholics. Are Ulster Catholics a minority within Ulster, or part of
a majority within Ireland-as-a-whole? Are Ulster Protestants a minority within Ireland,
or part of a majority within the United Kingdom? The question is unanswerable and
must in any case come to terms with the fact that Irish-oriented Catholics and British-
oriented Protestants live in close (though not friendly) proximity, and that to separate

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 them territorially would be like drawing a dividing line between the black and white
pebbles on a beach.

The role of the philologists: Tongue, tribe and territory

The ideal of mapping culture into territories is, then, a chimera. But where does it
come from? Leaving aside the older European patterns of reconciling the ‘law of the
land’ (ius soli) with the ‘law of the bloodline’ (ius sanguinis),* or of settling religious
divisions, the origin seems to lie, once again, in the historicist backlash against
Napoleonic upheavals. Once again we may take as a case in point the German cultural
critic Ernst Moritz Arndt.
Arndt, whom we have repeatedly encountered as the spokesman of anti-French
attitudes in early-nineteenth-century Germany, had written a ‘rebel song’ during the
anti-Napoleonic insurrection which became almost the unofficial national anthem of
pre-Bismarck Germany. It was called Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland, ‘What is the
German’s fatherland?’, repeating that pregnant question in every stanza, taking a bird’s
eye view of all the German lands and regions, from the sea coast to the Alps, one after
the other, and concluding, each and every time: ‘Nay! his fatherland is greater than
that!’ The German’s fatherland, so Arndt argued, was greater than any separate region;
it was the sum total of all of them, das ganze Deutschland, circumscribed by the furth-
est reach of the German language:

As far and wide as the German language is heard

Singing the praises of God on high:
That is where it should be!
That, bold German, you may call yours!

This blunt equation of language and territory, squarely countering Goethe’s ironic
Deutschland, aber wo liegt es?, was to echo throughout German nineteenth-century
history. The song was a favourite on the repertoire of any male choir, sung at frequent
sociable and political gatherings, and its impact was such that thirty-five years later,
when the elderly Arndt was a member of the Frankfurt Parliament, the assembly spon-

* Fundamentally, that distinction concerns the question whether a person is governed by the laws
of his tribe, or by the laws of his dwelling place. Usually, the latter (ius soli, law of the land) applies: a
Dutchman in Austria is subject to Austrian, not Dutch law. Ius sanguinis has historically been most
important in cases of royal succession: the genealogical/tribal descent of the royal house might decide
whether succession through the female line is, or is not permitted. Again, ius sanguinis lies behind
the constitutional right of any ethnic German, or any Jew, to claim German or Israeli citizenship. In
Belgium, the arrangement of linguistic rights has vacillated between the two modes: at times, the use
of either Flemish or French was legally permissible anywhere throughout Belgium, depending on the
preference of the citizen concerned; this ‘personality principle’ has by and large been replaced by a
‘territoriality principle’, where Flemish is the legally established language of the north, French of the
south.

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 taneously gave him an ovation and a vote of thanks, citing, in particular, this one
song.186
Arndt’s Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland reverberated in many other patriotic songs of
the nineteenth century, each of them becoming national, nationalist ‘classics’: Hoff-
mann von Fallersleben’s Lied der Deutschen also, as we have seen, subsumes the inner
divisions of a fragmented complex of German statelets into an amply drawn Deutsch-
land; and in particular the river Rhine was claimed as the main artery and bulwark of a
greater ‘Germany’ in songs like Nicolaus Becker’s Rheinlied (‘The French shall not lay
their hands upon that free, German Rhine’). Max Schneckenburger’s Die Wacht am
Rhein also served as a German national anthem in the nineteenth century: ‘Dear
fatherland, you may rest easy, firm stands the Guard on the Rhine’.
All of these songs stake geopolitical claims as to the territory and outline of a be-
loved ‘Germany’. Arndt himself showed how these claims were in fact defined and
drawn up; and here we notice, once again, that the influence of culture on politics
involves, not only a straightforward adoption of poetic ideals by political leaders, but
also a transmission through the field of learning and scholarship. In Arndt’s writings,
influential as they were on public opinion, his song and his activist prose formed only
the tip of a pyramid which had, for its base, the genre of learned-antiquarian disquisi-
tion. Arndt himself had straddled the gap between cultural criticism and political acti-
vism repeatedly in his various pamphlet disquisitions, most famous among them the
brochure proclaiming the Rhine ‘Germany’s river, not Germany’s border’ (Der Rhein,
Teutschlands Strom, nicht Teutschlands Gränze, 1812). It cast its influence over German
negotiators at the Congress of Vienna, where the geopolitical feature of the German
states would be decided briefly afterwards. Prussia then obtained its Rhineland Pro-
vinces; but how far were these to reach? Arndt felt strongly that the Alsace, with Stras-
bourg, ought to become German again, and also the entire Rhine basin, from Basel to
Rotterdam and Antwerp. This went against the French claims on the Alsace, and the
establishment of an independent kingdom of the Netherlands as a strong buffer state
between France and Germany.*
Arndt wanted to see Germany’s western border run from Dunkirk through the
Ardennes to Luxembourg and Saarbrücken, in effect annexing the entire modern-day
Benelux and Alsace-Lorraine. Characteristically, his arguments were a combination of
raw geopolitical power-calculations (Germany needed shipping control over the Rhine
and would profit from access to the sea by way of Antwerp and Rotterdam) and his-
toricist and philological learning: The Low Countries had formerly been part of the
Holy Roman Empire; it had been a mistake to release the United Provinces into in-
dependent sovereignty in 1648; the language spoken in all these territories was Dutch,
or Flemish, or some other such dialect with might properly be classified as ‘German’;

* That new Kingdom of the Netherlands, in the ambition of its monarch-designate (a scion of
the Orange-Nassau dynasty), should for its south-eastern frontier have the Rhine as far south as
Koblenz (where the Moselle was to form its southern border from Koblenz to Luxembourg). In the
event, the new kingdom came to occupy the territory of what nowadays are the Benelux countries.

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 and the tribes which had inhabited these parts in ancient times, Franks and others,
had been Germanic tribes.
With this mode of reasoning, Arndt set in motion three important intellectual
trends: the translation of cultural and ethnographic patterns (like language and ancient
tribal habitations) into contemporary political and territorial claims; a remarkably fuz-
zy usage of the concept of language to include, at will, neighbouring languages as mere
dialect variations; and a tendency to look to the past as justification, and even to see
the most ancient past (that of primitive tribal periods) as the most fundamentally and
transhistorically valid. This last point foreshadows a tendency to argue, not only from
history, but even from ethnographical patterns – a trend which will be more amply
discussed below.
Arndt returned to his linguistic-historical-ethnographic claims time and again
throughout the course of his long career. He ceaselessly vindicated the right of Ger-
many to annex Alsace-Lorraine, the Low Countries, and Schleswig-Holstein, and each
time argued for the historical necessity and the political justification of these regions
reverting to the German motherland from which they had branched off. The fact that,
upon his acclamation at the Frankfurt Parliament, he was appointed to that body’s
Committee for Foreign Relations indicates the potential leverage of his ideas.
In the realm of learning, Arndt’s views were taken over by an entire generation of
philologically minded intellectuals. Among them, Jacob Grimm soon became a lead-
ing personality. Grimm follows Arndt in linking the language and the nation, the
linguistic and the ethnic category. German is as German speaks. In a famous defini-
tion from the mid-1840s, Grimm explicitly linked the two:

Let me begin with the simple question, What is a people? –

and reply with the equally simple answer: A people is the
sum total of persons speaking the same language.187

Like Arndt (and most philological scholars of his generation), Grimm was deliberately
vague, however, as to what formed, or did not form, part of the ‘German’ language. In
his Deutsches Wörterbuch, the concept covered only standard German: that ‘High Ger-
man’ that was consolidated by Luther’s Bible translation. (For this reason, Grimm and
fellow-Protestants always celebrated Luther as the true champion, both of German
identity and or German morality, these two being interconnected concepts: not only
had Luther resisted Roman corruption, he had also cut short the enervation of the
German language by an insidious Latinity.) However, in the Deutsche Grammatik, we
see that the term Deutsch covers all the Germanic languages of Europe: from ancient
Gothic to Anglo-Saxon, from Icelandic to Frisian and Flemish – all of this centring, of
course, around the German language in the narrower sense of the word, which is
thereby canonized into the linchpin and gravitational core of this linguistic cluster.
Much as German unification nationalism was an attempt to gather all the German
lands into a great whole, the logic of that project tended to great-German expansion-
ism: to gather all those areas which could be called ‘German’, in however elastic a
meaning, into the motherland. Both in German unification and in German expan-
sionism, philologists set the agenda.

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 32. Jacob Grimm

Whenever a terminological obfuscation concerning the outlines of the term and the
language area of ‘German’ occurs, it will be in order to extend rather than to diminish
the hegemonic claims of High German amidst its adjoining Germanic sister lan-
guages. What people speak in Holland, in Flanders, in Friesland or in Jutland can be
easily grouped, foggily, as ‘Low Germanic’ or ‘Low German’, kindred languages, or
possibly variants of German-in-the-larger-sense, or possibly dialects in a subaltern sa-
tellite relationship to German-proper... Thus, linguistic problems of taxonomy (where
does dialect variation stop, and a separate different language begin?) shade into prob-
lems of the catchment area of the German nation, its identity and its fatherland.
Throughout the nineteenth century, this was to place an intellectual mortgage on
two German borderlands in particular: the Low Countries in the West, and Schles-
wig-Holstein in the North.
The first overt sign of Grimm’s expansionist ‘linguistic geopolitics’ came in his con-
frontation with the great Danish scholar Rasmus Rask (1787-1832), as early as 1812. It is
now generally recognized that Rask was a major influence on the linguistic develop-
ment of the young Grimm. Grimm read Rask’s grammatical work, which contained

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 first descriptions of what is now known as the ‘Germanic consonantal shifts’, as well as
ideas on Umlaut and Ablaut, after having himself published the first volume of his
German grammar; such was the importance of Rask’s insights for what Grimm set
out to do, that he revised this first volume and introduced the systematic analysis of
consonantal shifts, now known as ‘Grimm’s Laws’ (cf. below, p. 260).
Rask and Grimm were to prove rivals rather than collaborators, however, and much
of this was a national Danish-German rivalry. It was announced as early as 1812, when
a young Grimm reviewed Rask’s Icelandic/Old-Norse grammar of 1811. The following
remarkable passage is worth quoting in full:

Each individuality is sacred, also in language; it is to be

hoped that even the smallest, least-regarded dialect (which
certainly will harbour unobtrusive advantages over the great-
est and most prestigious languages) be left to itself, its own
nature, without coercion. The value of Danish is beyond
question: that important language which, by virtue of its
outstanding output, commands the respect of ourselves as
much as of its own speakers. It is praiseworthy in the Danish
people that they resist the open intrusion of German words
and phrases; yet it would be foolish to believe that a million
and a half people (all of Scandinavia numbers no more than 5
million) can close themselves off against the irresistible influ-
ence of a language, spoken by 32 million and closely related,
which great minds have now set alight for ages to come; or to
believe that an awareness of this overpowering superiority
should count, in Denmark, as something dishonourable.
German culture and literature holds sway in no ignoble fash-
ion: in Lower Saxony and in Austria it is appreciated by peo-
ple who nonetheless cherish their local dialect (with which,
by the way, we do not wish to compare Danish). The best
minds of Denmark have seen rightly and acted wisely: they
know that they belong to German literature as much as it
belongs to them.

Grimm then proceeds to vindicate German authors as being superior to the Danish
ones, and concludes:

This effusion concerning our language and literature may

seem to some overly long and ill-mannered, I nevertheless
considered it just and necessary. It must have pained every
German to see, even in recent days, from a recent public de-
cree of the Danish government that in the German-speaking
lands under its rule the German language is to be gradually
discouraged, repressed even. Is it not reasonable, O thou
German, that the language, which in the cradle thou hast

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 33. Seating arrangement at the Frankfurt Nationalversammlung.

drunk in from the sweet murmurings of thy mother, together

with her milk, should be dear and precious to thee?!* 188

As an old man, Grimm (like Arndt) was to stick to his attitudes of the 1810s. The
relationship with Rask had from an early moment gone sour over the irreconcilable
national loyalties of both scholars; and in German-Danish relations generally, the
question of Schleswig-Holstein, already alluded to in the fragment quoted above, was
to remain a vexed and contentious issue. The Danish government deployed policies of
cultural centralization as did other European states at the time, and wished to curb the
ancient heteronomy of Holstein (which was only linked to Denmark in a personal
union, and also formed part of the German Confederation). Danish centralization
measures were much resented among German speakers in Holstein and elsewhere in
Germany, Arndt and Grimm taking the lead. Things came to a head when in 1844 the
Estates of Holstein declared the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein independent of the
Danish Crown; Denmark retorted by placing the wayward province under direct, cen-
tral rule (1846-1848), which in turn provoked the first Danish-Prussian War (1848-
1850).189
The events of the 1840s were spurred on to no small extent by a nationalist
groundswell in German public opinion. It was here that Arndt and Grimm played

* The concluding rhetorical question is paraphrased from Justus Georg Schottelius (1612-1676),
an early legal scholar, grammarian and lexicographer, who sought to purify the German language; a
figure who obviously appealed to Grimm during the period of Napoleonic domination. Grimm later
included the quotation in his Deutsches Wörterbuch (s.v. Gesäusel).

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 prominent roles. This can be gauged from their stance in the portentous Nationalver-
sammlung of 1848; the Frankfurt Parliament in which scholars and men of learning,
like Dahlmann, Arndt and Grimm played such a prominent role. It was in this Natio-
nalversammlung that Arndt was acclaimed in a spontaneous vote of thanks for his
patriotic verse; it was in this Nationalversammlung that Grimm was given a seat all of
his own, directly opposite the Speaker, in the central aisle between the Right and the
Left, symbolizing his transcendent importance for the nation-at-large.
In the Nationalversammlung’s deliberations, both Arndt and Grimm spoke repeat-
edly on the German right to support and indeed embrace the German people under
foreign rule. Grimm went as far as to propose a motion that war should be declared on
the kingdom of Denmark until all rights to Schleswig and Holstein were ceded to
Germany. What makes this intervention truly remarkable is Grimm’s historical justifi-
cation. He declares, in the course of his speech, that he believes in a long-term histor-
ical grounding for national policies, and refers to painstaking research undertaken by
him as to the antiquity of the lands in question. In the course of these somewhat
breathless and rambling remarks, Grimm proffers the usual mixture of linguistic and
antiquarian-ethnographic arguments, the usual confusion as to his chosen ethnic
names and categories, and the direct transmutation from tribal antiquity and historical
memory into territorial claims:

I have immersed myself for a long time in research concern-

ing the history of those northern regions, and I have come to
conclusions which are in part very different from what was
accepted until now. [...] according to my research, the Jutes,
which until now have been considered the indigenous inha-
bitants of the northern half of the peninsula, these Jutes were
also an originally Germanic tribe – to the extent that we are
in a position to oppose Germanic tribes and Scandinavian
ones. But what memories does the history of that northern
region evoke! From there, even before the Christian year-
count, did those two peoples swarm out who filled the
mighty Romans with insurmountable fears, the Kimbrians
and Teutons, who carry the same name as we do. Should that
not be a cause for just pride? Truly, other nations would not
tolerate even a sod to be taken off the dwelling-place of their
renowned ancestors.190

Not even a sod from the land of our renowned ancestors... that is the irredentism,
based, not on present-day population data, but on historical memories, which drives
Serbian claims to Kosovo and Zionist claims to all of Eretz Israel. Land has been in-
vested with deeply ingrained collective-historical memories and therefore, no matter
what demographic changes have occurred in the meantime, continues to ‘belong’,
both in a moral and in a geopolitical sense, to the present-day descendants of the
erstwhile inhabitants: as an inheritance.

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 Readers will also have noted the equivocation between ‘Germanic’ and ‘Scandina-
vian’, which are, yet are not, seen as distinct categories. As a result the Danish inhabi-
tants of Jutland are lifted out of the Scandinavian, Nordic category, and included in
the ‘German(ic)’ one, even though Grimm admits at the same time that ‘Scandina-
vian’ and ‘Germanic’ are as distinct as the left-hand and right-hand-side of a glass of
water. And the ‘research’ that underpins this remarkable, and (according to Grimm)
new scientific insight? The claim is portentous; Grimm, after all, spoke as the greatest
philological scholar of his generation, respected far and wide throughout Europe, the
man who had discovered ‘Grimm’s laws’ and who had opened the treasure-house of
the Fairy Tales, with literally dozens of honorary doctorates, academy memberships
and book dedications to his name. Surely a claim to scientific proof as to the radically
German nature, not only of Schleswig-Holstein, but of the entire peninsula of Jut-
land, from such a source, counted for much. Grimm does not deliver any substantia-
tion for this claim in his parliamentary harangue; but we find the background worked
out more fully in a book that appeared in the selfsame year 1848: the Geschichte der
deutschen Sprache. The surprisingly small rabbit that Grimm pulls out of his irredentist
hat consists of a dialect feature in Jutland Danish (the article being placed before, not
after the noun) which he considers a sign of Saxon/German (as opposed to Danish/
Scandinavian) roots.
This book shows the Grimm of 1848 to be essentially the same fatherland-loving
Grimm of his 1830 inaugural lecture at Göttingen, and of the 1812 review of Rask. It
surveys the various dialects and variants of the German complex, aligning each dialect
with an ancient tribe and linking, consistently, ethnic and linguistic categories.
Grimm not only surveys the dialects of German in the narrow (High-German) sense
(Franks, Hessians, Saxons etc.) but also of ‘neighbouring and deep-down related na-
tions’ (die sprachen der uns benachbarten und urverwandten völker). It is here that he
political intentions become obvious. As he himself phrases it in his dedication to Ger-
vinus: ‘This is, for one who can read from its contents the tasks and dangers facing our
fatherland, a thoroughly political book.’ Grimm sees warnings in history: ‘Lorraine,
Alsace, Switzerland, Belgium and Holland have been alienated from our realm,
though [and here he makes a tell-tale reservation:] one does not wish to say: irrevocably
so.’ Here as elsewhere, Grimm testifies to a desire to see these abandoned regions
return to the German fold – much in the spirit of Arndt. And the same goes for Den-
mark:

Much as recent quarrels between Danes and Swedes have

awakened the slumbering sense of their close relationship, so
too our current tiff with the Scandinavians will give way to a
fraternal bond, as required insistently by the community of
languages. If a grand association [between Germany and
Scandinavia] be given internal divisions, should the proble-
matic peninsula [Jutland, JL] not be given wholly to the con-
tinent, as demanded by history, nature and position? How
could the Jutes not return to their ancient attachment to the
Angles and Saxons, the Danes [of the islands, JL] to that of

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 the Goths [of southern Sweden, JL]? Once Germany has
been given its new form, Denmark cannot possibly continue
to exist it is present form.191

Elsewhere in the book, Grimm returns to this historical necessity:

Not only among the nations themselves, also in the languages

they speak there is an unavoidable gravitation towards central
points. The desire for a unification of all tribes, now so vi-
vidly awakened, will not cease. I consider it probable, and
also wholesome for all ‘German’ peoples, that in the next
centuries the Dutch people will move over to the High Ger-
man language, and the Danes will move over to Swedish. I
believe that this process has been set in motion by the separa-
tion of Belgium from Holland and that of Norway from
Denmark.* It stands to reason that a Dutchman will rather
become German than French, and a Dane rather Swedish
than German. Moreover, the language of the mountains and
uplands deserves to conquer that of the low-lying plane.192

The relation between cultural and political nationalism is complex but fundamental.
In some measure, poetry and learning provided a reservoir of propaganda and rhetoric
for politicians. In some measure, also, poets and artists (like Körner or Arndt) were
actively motivated by nationalist fervour in their choice of topics, and actively at-
tempted either to influence public opinion or the spheres of political decision-making.
But crucially, also, the field of knowledge production and of cultural reflection, led by
a professionalizing class of academic scholars whose prestige was growing year by year,
made assumptions about the territoriality of culture thinkable, explicit; turned them
from abstract speculations into a deliberate and explicit set of theses and models, and
thus made them available for political instrumentalization; in many cases, deliberately
so. Nineteenth-century philologists stood with one leg in the field of literature and
learning, with another in the arena of politics and its emerging institutions. They
were in large measure the go-betweens, the transmitting agents, from one sphere to
the other.

* In 1830, Belgium had seceded from the Netherlands (as established in 1815). Denmark had lost
its ancient province of Norway to Sweden in 1815 as a part of post-Napoleonic border adjustments.
(In the same process, Sweden had lost its ancient Finnish province to Russia.)

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 The Nationalization of Culture

Ritual, symbols, public space, material culture

The world of learning shared what by the mid-century had become an all-pervasive
dominance, in all sectors of public life, of nationalist commitment. Love of the father-
land, the celebration of one’s nation, was proclaimed and practised everywhere as a
fundamental precept in public morality.
In its rituals and ceremonies, the state itself cultivated a nostalgic pomp and circum-
stance, which in some cases dated back to the feudal-cum-religious protocol of the
pious Middle Ages, and which in other cases was patently contrived – with many in-
between shades. The papacy in the Vatican was particularly tenacious in its mainte-
nance of ancient forms and rites (which need not surprise us, since that is what
churches are for), and in the course of the nineteenth century became more and more
stringently opposed to all forms of ‘modern error’; in this opposition against moder-
nity, and in particular against the formation of nation-states based on the idea of self-
determination, the Popes fostered devotional movements across Europe, including the
Marian cult which involved the noteworthy apparitions at Lourdes.*
As we have noted, the Restoration King Charles X, in France, actually reinstated the
medieval ritual of being anointed at Rheims Cathedral, and he performed the old,
quasi-magical rite of touching scrofula patients in the belief that the King’s touch
could heal this disease. Authentic though these rituals were, they looked odd and
anachronistic in the nineteenth-century context.
In many other cases, public ceremony was retrieved from a limbo of semi-oblivion,
or even created out of nothing like a fictional ‘might-have-been’. The visit of King
George IV to his Scottish capital of Edinburgh in 1822 (already briefly referred to,
p. 134) is a good case in point.193 Under the stage management of Walter Scott, the
occasion was used for a celebration of Highland Scottishness and its reconciliation
with the modern British monarchy. Tartans, kilt and bagpipes, which had dropped
out of fashion and in any case only belonged to the remote moors and glens of the
Highlands, now inundated Edinburgh society; leading families were told that, if they
wanted to join the social razzmatazz, they ought to retrieve their clannish roots and
colours as soon as possible (these were provided by tartan manufacturers in case none
were known). All this marked the definitive adoption of Highland local colour as
representing the true Scottish identity, and also marked the beginning of a new love

* The papacy opposed nationalism, which (in its Italian manifestation) formed a direct threat to
the pope’s power over Rome and the Papal States. This led to some tensions in those states where
Catholicism formed a popular basis for nationalist agitation, e.g. in Poland, Croatia and Ireland.
Notwithstanding, the traditionalist, devotional campaigns of the papacy resemble a nationalist
movement in their appeal to grass root loyalty and their cultivation of a group identity with the help
of idealist and historicist rhetoric. Cf. generally Chadwick 1998.

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 affair between the British monarchy and the Scottish highlands; and it was, on the
whole, spurious and artificial, owing more to Scott’s Romantic-historical poetic vision
that to real precedent. Political life came to imitate Romantic-nationalist art.
By the end of the century, this self-dramatization of political ritual in terms of
nostalgic traditional kitsch was prevalent all over Europe. What had been feudal cus-
tom was recycled as populist pageantry. When Holland’s Queen Wilhelmina came of
age in 1898, she was given a gold-painted carriage by the city of Amsterdam. It was
wholly in a retro-historicist eighteenth-century design (at a time when automobiles
were already becoming available), and accordingly was driven by coachmen and ser-
vants in fake eighteenth-century dress, complete with three-cornered hats. It is still
used in this travestied counterchronological manner when the monarch opens the
annual session of Parliament.194
At the same time, the dynastic trappings of the ancient ruling houses of Europe
were themselves becoming ‘national’, less and less linked to the person or the house-
hold of the monarch and more generally symbolizing the nation-state of which the
monarch formed the crown. Statues and public monuments had originally been put
up to celebrate royal glories; in the course of the nineteenth century they became
increasingly ‘national’ rather than dynastic.195 Thus, the triumphal arch* on the Place
St. Denis had been erected to the gloire of Louis XIV; the one on the Étoile, of Napo-
leonic vintage, celebrated the armed feats of the nation-at-large, something which was
made all the more obvious in the twentieth century when ashes from an unknown
soldier were enshrined under it. Flags (having originally been above all military and
naval signals, or heraldic displays of a commander†) became the badge of national
sovereignty, and from the French Revolution onwards a tricolour design usually sig-
nalled a democratic or republican ideal. Likewise, national anthems became, in the
course of the nineteenth century, precisely that. In the late eighteenth century, songs
in praise of a monarchical figurehead had been used to express and heighten patriotic
fervour – thus in the cases of the Dutch Wilhelmus, the English ‘God Save the King’
and the Austrian Gott beschütze Franz den Kaiser. From the Marseillaise onwards, topi-
cal anthems celebrating liberty, independence or nationality became, first informally
and later increasingly formally, the official statement of a nation’s presence at a public
gathering. German national anthems included, in the course of the nineteenth cen-
tury, Arndt’s Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland, Schneckenburger’s Die Wacht am Rhein,

* The prototype is, of course, from Roman antiquity: the two outstanding examples are the tri-
umphal arches of Titus and Constantine on the Roman Forum. Pre-1789 monuments fell back on
Roman prototypes (the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius, commemorative columns) or else on
religious monumentalization (e.g. saints’ statues). A certain amount of Egyptian ‘sampling’ (obelisks,
pyramids) crept into the European monumental style in the course of the seventeenth and eight-
eenth centuries.
† Traditionally, captured flags were (like field guns) highly prized military trophies, often dis-
played in important churches (e.g. the Invalides in Paris, or many English cathedrals) or in govern-
ment buildings (the meeting hall of the Dutch Estates General). A vestige of their old function is
kept alive in the British tradition of Trooping the Colour.

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 the Prussian-dynastic Heil Dir im Siegeskranz, finally settling on Hoffmann von Fall-
ersleben’s Lied der Deutschen.
Almost all national anthems in Europe are of nineteenth-century vintage; many of
them originated as pieces of patriotic verse that, set to music, acquired wide popular-
ity. The oldest national anthem in Europe is the Dutch one, dating back to a song in
defence of the leader of the insurrection against Spain, William the Silent; but it only
gradually acquired the status of national anthem in the course of the nineteenth and
early twentieth century, ousting as such a specially composed hymn from the 1810s,
Hendrik Tollens’s ‘In Whose Veins Netherlandic Blood Flows’. Interestingly, the
Dutch monarch Beatrix (a distant and collateral descendant of William the Silent) in
2004 briefly attempted to restore the dynastic nature of the Wilhelmus by ordering
that it should only be used as the national anthem in the presence of herself or some
other representative of the royal household. The general outcry was such that this brief
attempt was swiftly retracted: the anthem was obviously felt to be a national, rather
than a dynastic heirloom.
Along with flag and national anthem, other symbols of national identity emerged
with the modernization of the nation-state. The system of national banks as it crystal-
lized in Europe, and the increasingly successful use of banknotes rather than coins,
brought a national iconography into everyone’s pocket or handbag – quite literally so.
Whereas coins (now minted by national banks, and legal tender only in their country
of origin) continued an older design involving relief-portraits of monarchs in profile,
or else a heraldic device, banknotes swiftly became the carriers, not just of royal por-
traits, but of ‘national’ scenes, landscapes and buildings, or of portraits of Great Fig-
ures from the nation’s cultural history. The same national-iconographic use can be
encountered on postage stamps; all of this forming an insidious, hardly noticed but
omnipresent form of ‘banal nationalism’.196
In the field of painting and sculpture, themes from national history had become
dominant, celebrating the glories and glorifying the tragedies from the nation’s annals.
The public spaces of the mid-century were suffused by this visual rendition of the
national past: on the walls of public buildings in commissioned historical paintings
and murals; on the streets in the form of statues and national monuments; and in the
very city-scapes by the great vogue for a national-historicist architecture that gave qua-
si-Gothic or quasi-Renaissance form to new buildings, and carefully restored old, de-
crepit buildings to their ancient glory – or even to an overblown exaggeration of what
that ancient glory was fondly imagined to have been.197 Following individual initia-
tives towards ‘restoration’ in the early century (The Marienburg in Prussia, the St.
Denis chapel near Paris), the mid-century moved into overdrive when it came to culti-
vating the traditional heritage of the national public space. The Romantic poet
Prosper Mérimée had been placed in a position to survey all ancient buildings in
France and drew up a ‘hit list’ for what became a monument protection and restora-
tion campaign. Foremost in this was the celebrated architect Viollet-le-Duc, whose
name is linked to the restoration of the church at Vézelay, of Notre Dame and of the
Sainte-Chapelle in Paris, of the entire city works of Carcassonne, and who may be
considered almost single-handedly responsible for much of the ‘medieval’ architecture
that has reached us by way of the nineteenth century.198 His neo-Gothic taste would

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 34. Budapest Parliament (on Hungarian banknote)

embellish rather than diminish the quaint style of the crumbling originals; that neo-
gothicism is even more pronounced in his Dutch adept Cuypers, or in the leading
Victorian architect Pugin. And where the medieval original was lacking as such, the
modern architect could easily supply a simulacrum. The National Museum (Rijksmu-
seum) in Amsterdam, the Houses of Parliament in Westminster and in Budapest, olde-
worlde though they appear, are in fact nineteenth-century designs, as ‘authentic’ as the
Castle of Sleeping Beauty in Disneyland. Indeed, that Disney-castle has been cloned
from another nineteenth-century quasi-medieval counterfeit, Bavaria’s Neuschwan-
stein. Another such counterfeit is Balmoral Castle, Scottish home of the British mon-
archs. It is striking that this historicist retro-architecture was used most lavishly for
those buildings which were considered to have a public function (national museums,
universities and academies, main railway stations, government buildings, royal resi-
dences), and which were therefore most obviously anchored in a post-Napoleonic
modernity and most in need of a (spurious) historicist legitimation.
The most outstanding example of gothicism redivivus is doubtless Cologne Cathe-
dral.199 Abandoned and left unfinished in the fifteenth century, it had for centuries
stood as an incomplete hulk on the city skyline, dominated by an inert and aban-
doned builders’ crane. In the fervently nationalist climate of the nineteenth century,
it was decided that this sign of German medieval greatness on the Rhine (again the
geopolitical note creeps in), a counterpart to the cathedral of French-dominated Stras-
bourg, should be restored, and indeed finished. Under Prussian sponsorship, but with
much jealously obtruded support from Bavaria, a completion of Cologne Cathedral
was undertaken from the mid-1840s onwards. The work was finally completed in
1880. Symbolically, the great bells that were hung in its towers were cast from the
French field guns captured in the 1870-1871 war, and to its rear the old/new cathedral
was linked to the eastern bank of the Rhine by a new steel-girder railway bridge,
dominated by a monument to the Emperor and the victory over France.
The public spaces in Europe from the mid-nineteenth century onwards were domi-
nated by an incessant barrage of national self-historicization: old buildings restored
and maintained, new buildings in old style, and monuments recalling the past on

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 squares and eye-catching locations. Even the names of the public spaces became a
lexicon for national history: new streets and boulevards (and railway or metro stations)
were named, old street and squares were re-named, to honour national heroes or key
events. The cities thematized into everyday living space that national history which
everywhere was placed on the school curriculum.200

The nineteenth century also witnesses the rise of museums dedicated to enshrining the
nation’s heirlooms.201 Their roots lie in the private collections of rich connoisseurs
from the early modern period onwards. Originally dedicated, without much system-
atization, to whatever was rare or unusual (the so-called Wunderkammer), such collec-
tions came to include, not only exotic collectibles, but also fine manuscripts, books
and paintings. Foremost among these collectors were, of course, the reigning princes
of Europe; their private collections form the backbone of almost every National Li-
brary and National Museum in existence today. Not that these collections were so very
‘private’ as the modern use of that term may suggest: even in the eighteenth century, it
was accepted and normal for visitors – even strangers, travellers passing through on
their journey – to ask permission to view paintings in a private collection, and in
eighteenth-century Saxony a special day in the week was set aside for the general pub-
lic to come and view the Elector’s gallery.
In the course of the nineteenth century, these collections of manuscripts, paintings
and rare items began to drift from private to public ownership. This may be traced
back, as so many other things, to the events surrounding the French Revolution and
the Napoleonic Empire. French troops had pillaged the private collections of the
princes whom they had driven away, and much of this was taken to Paris, where the
Louvre was the great receptacle of it all. After the fall of Napoleon, many princes made
a point of requesting the return of their artworks, which, in the process, became mat-
ters of international diplomacy. The Pope, for instance, sent the sculptor Canova to
Paris to obtain the return of the classical statuary looted from the Vatican; Jacob
Grimm was sent to obtain the return of the manuscripts of the Hessian court library.
The collection in what is now the Mauritshuis in The Hague, a former collection of
the stadholder, was likewise retrieved from a Parisian sojourn. In the following dec-
ades, control and maintenance were entrusted to public bodies, and access became as
regulated and public as we know it nowadays, by means of standard opening hours
and the sale of tickets. In the same process, museums obtained the added function of
demonstrating nationality. The original collections had been nationally a-specific
(much as one can still find a Vermeer or an El Greco in any important museum any-
where in the world); but in the long, slow process of collection reorganization that
started after 1800, a national-gravitational pull made itself felt. National museums and
libraries felt a special interest in acquiring, keeping, or re-acquiring, specimens of na-
tional importance. (Most countries, today, have legal provision against the exportation
of antiquities considered to be of national importance.)
The return of the Palatinate book collection and of the Codex Manesse to Heidel-
berg is a case in point. Originally, this had been the private library of the Count
Palatine on the Rhine; it had been purloined as war booty in the seventeenth century,
most of it ending up in the Vatican Library, and its chief jewel, the great collection of

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 medieval courtly poetry known as the Codex Manesse, ending up in the Royal Library
in Paris. Wilhelm von Humboldt negotiated for the return of the Vatican holdings in
the 1810s; and after a century of agitation, the German government managed to ac-
quire, through an intermediary, the Codex Manesse in 1880, ensuring its return to
Heidelberg. Meanwhile, however, the Heidelberg repository was no longer a Count’s
private collection, but the city’s university library – a tell-tale transition from private to
public ownership. A similar ‘nationalization’ pattern in the transition from private to
public can be seen in the case of the Stowe Manuscripts; originally the property of the
Duke of Buckingham, the collection eventually ended up in the British Museum, but
its rich fund of Gaelic manuscripts was given to the Royal Irish Academy. The more
important historical manuscripts came to be edited, either by learned associations (the
Royal Irish Academy spawned a few of such edition-oriented associations), or, in the
case of material of ‘national’ historical importance, in state-sponsored source editions.
Flagship among these is, of course, the huge Monumenta Germaniae Historica; in
France, a special state institute for the technique of document editing was founded in
1821, the august Ecole des Chartes. All this signalled the official (‘national’, state-en-
dorsed) importance of historical material, and provided a professional career for many
philologists, historians and men of learning who would previously have pursued their
interests only as a hobby. Practically all great historians and philologists of the nine-
teenth century have somewhere on their CV an appointment as librarian or archivist.

The museumization of artefacts and artworks shows the same trend as that of the
libraries and archives. The curios and collectibles of erstwhile Wunderkammer become
museums of antiquities and ethnography, containing, not only antique heirlooms and
materials looted from the colonies, but also archeological remains gaining increasing
importance for the light they shed on the nation’s early, unwritten history. Such mu-
seums (the National Museum of Ireland is a good case in point) acquire their materials
from private collections, are placed under public administration (in this case, the core
collection was formed by the Royal Irish Academy) and become ‘national’ in a double
sense: in that, in addition to their scholarly function, they are open to (and indeed
maintained for the educational benefit of) the public-at-large, and in that they show-
case specifically those materials which throw light on the nation’s antiquity. In the
realm of painting, ‘national galleries’ and museums obtain that status for a similar
combination of reasons; the best example here being probably the Dutch Rijksmu-
seum, which has its proudest collection in the ‘national’ school, the Flemish and Dutch
masters, and which is housed in a building that, in historicist neo-Renaissance style,
displays itself as a shrine to the artistic and learned accomplishments of the Dutch
nation, with commemorative names and displays on its outside walls. Fittingly, the
Rijksmuseum is located in one of those late-nineteenth-century city developments
where all the streets are themselves named after the poets, painters and admirals of the
Dutch Golden Age.202

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 Elite and popular in ‘national’ culture

Thus far I have only surveyed the cultivation of highly-valorized practices and artefacts
among the elite section of the nation-state. However, ‘high’ culture by itself tends to
be cosmopolitan. Monteverdi and Handel belong to concert halls all the world over;
Caravaggio and Rembrandt are not tethered to their country of origin, nor can classi-
cal ballet be understood only in a proper national setting. The nationalization of cul-
ture inevitably involves, therefore, a return to roots – not only historical roots, but also
social ones. The case of the ‘national schools’ of musical composition illustrates this
point.203 To be sure, all composers from the European metropolitan centres follow
the classical mode of European music, in their choice of instrumentation, and basic
available features of diatonic melody, harmonization and time signature. Any listener
who enjoys De Falla can enjoy Borodin: for all their Spanish or Russian local colour
these composers share a classical-western paradigm that sets them apart from Arabic or
Japanese music or from Indian raga.
But within the Europe-wide framework of the metropolitan tradition, composers
did begin to turn to ‘national’ models, beginning with Weber in Germany, Glinka in
Russia and Smetana in Bohemia. It was later (towards the end of the nineteenth and in
the beginning of the twentieth century) to lead to the emergence of ‘national’ schools
of composition everywhere in Europe, from Vaughan Williams in Britain to Sibelius
in Finland and from De Falla in Spain to Kalomiris in Greece, or even Komitas Varta-
pet in Armenia, and Uzeyir Hajibeyov in Azerbaijan. Music, like all fields of culture,
‘went national’.
Various gestures are involved in the complex phenomenon of ‘national music’. [1]
Nationality in opera can be thematized by the libretto or topic, such as Wagner’s Ring
des Nibelungen cycle or Verdi’s Les vêpres siciliennes. In some cases the assertion of
national liberty can be generic: Verdi’s Nabucco and Rossini’ Guglielmo Tell (after
Schiller) were seen as national rallying calls even among nations to whom the specific
(Jewish/Swiss) theme did not directly apply; [2] Choral music was often set to verse on
patriotic themes, especially in the genre of the National Anthem (which rose, pre-
cisely, in the post-Marseillaise decades of Romantic Nationalism); [3] instrumental
music often, by means of its title or ‘programmatic’ allusions, signalled its national
commitment (e.g. Smetana’s Má Vlast, ‘My country’; Grieg’s Peer Gynt suite); [4] the
use of motifs or stylistic gestures, mostly from a popular or folk repertoire, had a
nationalizing function, e.g. the use of the verbunkos rhythm in Hungarian music.*

* Drawing on folk themes and styles means that there was a substantial overlap between the fields
of classical composition and ethnomusicology, e.g. in Percy Grainger, Ralph Vaughan Williams and
Béla Bartók. Other overlaps between musical nationalism and adjacent cultural fields are in the field
of poetry and occasional verse (the lyrics of many a patriotic hymn), theatre (the rising tide of
national theatres often drew on operettas and vaudevilles), newly established cultural institutions
like conservatoires, and cultural criticism. Even visual arts played into this multimedially entangled
trend, witness the set designs and costume designs of artists like Viktor Vasnetsov and Nikolai Roer-
ich for Rimsky-Korsakov’s fairy-tale operas and Stravinsky’s Rite of Spring.

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 It was the multimedia spectacle of grand opera that became the most powerful na-
tion-building instrument from the field of music. Often on national themes, they
glorified nationality, supported the growth of national consciousness in places like
Hungary and Italy, and indeed it was one such opera that in fact kicked off a national
revolt: Auber’s La muette de Portici. This now-forgotten work contained an aria begin-
ning with the line ‘Amour sacré de la patrie’ (itself, as pointed out above, an echo from
one of the stanzas of the Marseillaise), and in itself was nothing more than a piece of
the hackneyed, all-pervasive piety that protestations of national love of the fatherland
had become. However, in the politically charged atmosphere of the city of Brussels
where the opera was performed in 1830, the aria sparked off anti-Dutch riots, even-
tually broadening out into the Belgian secession from the Netherlands. Not only in its
stylistic register, then, did music ‘go national’, but also is its close links with nationalist
discourse and verbal rhetoric.
The foremost assertion of nationality in music was by drawing on local, non-classi-
cal traditions; this fashion started around the mid-nineteenth century and flourished
well beyond the Romantic period into the twentieth, the latest and perhaps greatest
example being Béla Bartók (1881-1945). Ralph Vaughan Williams (1872-1958) uses the
harmonies and stately measures of English plainchant alongside the modal register of
English folksong; Manuel de Falla (1876-1946) invokes flamencos, fandangos and
other forms of popular Spanish music. This alerts us to the fact that the notion of
‘nationality’ involves two dovetailing principles: [1] it deliberately sets out to distin-
guish itself from the general classic-cosmopolitan norm and [2] it uses, for that pur-
pose, elements from the nation’s non-classical popular (folk) music.
The nationalist ‘cultivation of culture’ always involved a deliberate turning towards
the demotic, popular roots of the nation. While ‘high’ culture was transnational, the
true identity of the nation was found, so it was felt, among the common folk – not, to
be sure, the uprooted and pauperized masses in the inner cities (although Michelet,
Hugo and Dickens did describe, with a fond sense of identification, the urban poor in
their history-books and novels) but particularly the rustic peasantry: people who, in
the countryside, has largely been bypassed by the modernization trends of the past
decades, and who were nostalgically imagined to maintain, informally and without
being aware of it, the old traditions and ancient customs and practices of the nations.
To be sure, this view is to a large extent a romantic idyll, a matter of stereotyping.
As such, it is linked to that great sense of loss and nostalgia which followed in the
wake of historical change and modernization. The countryside with its peasantry was
seen, not as a part of modern society, but as a surviving timeless community. Fa-
mously schematized as a fundamental opposition by the late-nineteenth-century so-
ciologist Ferdinand Tönnies in his classic Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (1881), society
(Gesellschaft) was seen as large-scale, anonymous, with social contacts mediatized and
with social control entrusted to an apparatus of officials. It afforded great social mobi-
lity and dynamism, and great liberty of movement and action to the individual, but at
the cost of solitude and harsh indifference. The community (Gemeinschaft), by con-
trast, was seen as small-scale, tightly integrated, with direct face-to-face social contacts
and direct, communal social control. It afforded little or no social mobility, perpetu-
ated ancient, ingrained social divisions, hemming the individual into a preordained

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 position; this being mitigated, however, by a high degree of mutual solidarity and
support.
In this view, the Gemeinschaft was a leftover from the premodern, pre-urban past,
now being overtaken by the modernity of urban, industrialized society. The entire
nineteenth century (and the twentieth as well) constantly felt that the traditions of
the ancient countryside were on the verge of disappearing, swept aside by the tide of
history and modernity;204 as a result, the countryside and its Gemeinschaft and its
closeness to nature were nostalgically and idyllically invoked throughout the century
everywhere in Europe. An entire register and genre of writing, that of the rustic novel,
is dedicated to it. It began in the aftermath of Romanticism and has continued una-
bated in popularity to this very day. In France, George Sand’s La Mare au diable has
led, by way of Gabriel Chevallier’s Clochemerle, to the novels by Marcel Pagnol (L’eau
des collines, which in turn has become iconic in the filmed version). In England, the
opposition society-community is played out in the seminal novella by George Eliot,
Silas Marner. Thomas Hardy’s evocation of an English countryside, sombre as it was,
led to its glorification by the so-called ‘Georgian’ poets, the films of Powell and Press-
burger, and even recent novels like Graham Swift’s Waterland. In Germany, the genre
of the Dorfgeschichte or Dorfsidylle starts with the novella Die Judenbuche by Annette
von Droste-Hülshoff, leads to a huge lower-middle-brow activity in Heimat-fiction
and cinema in the mid-twentieth-century, recently transformed in Edgar Reitz’s film
cycles entitled Heimat.
The best case in point is a passage in Tolstoy’s great War and Peace (1865-69).* It is
centred around aristocratic circles in the capital and their purgatorial experience of the
Napoleonic invasion of 1812, and consistently sees the redemption in these trials as
coming from the plain Russian peasantry. The quiet, pious suffering of the old soldier
Karatayev (‘the very personification of all that was Russian’), which finally redeems the
soul-torn Pierre Bezukhov, is one example. There is also a formative experience in the
countryside for the young noblewoman Natasha Rostov. She has had a thoroughly
cosmopolitan-French, aristocratic upbringing in the city, and has avidly learned the
dances of the court balls and the drawing room. At one point, however, she finds
herself, after a sleigh-ride on a country holiday, in the company of rustics who sing
traditional songs and dance traditional dances. And this, in Tolstoy’s sentimental ide-
alism, speaks directly to Natasha’s Russian blood, to some atavistic, genetically inher-
ited familiarity with the national culture that no foreign-style education has been able
to stifle:

* The Russian title is more evocative: Vaina i mir, where mir (the name also of a space station
from the last days of the USSR) has, not only the primary meaning ‘peace’, but also the subliminal
meanings ‘the world’ and ‘a traditional village community’ – this entire range of meanings collapsing
into a composite semantic effect of a peacefully ordered ‘small world’, and how it was broken by
Napoleon’s war. The Heimat-style notion of the ‘small world’ – the village as a microcosm of larger
moral and political relations – is a nostalgic favourite, used explicitly by the Italian humorist
Giovannino Guareschi for his Don Camillo stories.

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 The hearts of Nikolai and Natasha thrilled in rhythm with
the steady beat, thrilled with the sober gaiety of the song [...]
‘Lovely, lovely! Go on, Uncle, go on!’ cried Natasha as soon
as he came to a stop. Jumping up from her place she hugged
and kissed him. ‘Oh Nikolai, Nikolai!’ she said, turning to
her brother as though words failed to describe the wonder of
it all. [...]
‘Uncle’ rose, and it was as though there were two men in
him, one of whom smiled a grave smile at the merry fellow,
while the merry fellow struck a naïve, formal pose prepara-
tory to a folk-dance.
‘Now then, niece!’ he exclaimed, waving to Natasha the hand
that had just struck a chord.
Natasha flung off the shawl that had been wrapped around
her, ran forward facing ‘Uncle’, and setting her arms akimbo
made a motion with her shoulders and waited.
Where, how and when could this young countess, who had
had a French émigrée for governess, have imbibed from the
Russian air she breathed the spirit of that dance? Where had
she picked up that manner which the pas de châle, one might
have supposed, would have effaced long ago? But the spirit
and the movements were the very ones – inimitable, un-
teachable, Russian – which ‘Uncle’ had expected of her. [...]
Her performance was so perfect, so absolutely perfect, that
Anisya Fiodorovna, who had at once handed her the kerchief
she needed for the dance, had tears in her eyes, though she
laughed as she watched the slender, graceful countess, reared
in silks and velvets, in another world than hers, who was yet
able to understand all that was in Anisya and in Anisya’s
father and mother and aunt, and in every Russian man and
woman.205

Rustic popular culture is canonized into the very essence and bedrock of the national
identity. This is a trope that governs all of Europe in the course of the century. That
century had, after all, been heralded by Herder’s celebration of the spontaneous grace
of popular verse and folksong, had begun in music with the new genre of the Lied, had
seen the cultivation of simple ballad-forms by Romantics from Goethe to Words-
worth, and was dominated in its early years by the massively influential folksong col-
lections of Arnim and Brentano (Des Knaben Wunderhorn, 1806) followed by the even
more influential folktale collections of the Brothers Grimm. The new scholarly disci-
pline of folklore studies flourished in the wake of these romantic interests: tales, pro-
verbs, ballads were collected everywhere, from Russia (Afanasev) to Sicily (Pitrè) and
Norway (Asbjørnsen and Moe). Festivals, rituals, superstitions and customs were in-
ventorized in a sort of ethnography-turned-inward; traditional dress, farmhouse archi-
tecture, dialects and folk dances; all this became a search for the cultural mainspring of

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 35. Volendam fisherman as Dutch prototype
(from P.J. Meertens & Anne de Vries, De Nederlandse volkskarakters, 1938)

the nation, old, primeval, untainted by foreign or modern admixture, by exchange or

by cosmopolitization. In the simple, rustic manners of the humble folk, the purest
echoes of the nation’s primitive culture might yet be discerned. ‘Representative’ rustics
henceforth became the symbolic representatives of the nation’s true identity – witness
the case of Volendam in Holland.206 The first folk museums opened towards the end
of the century, to salvage and display the remains of a countryside Gemeinschaft
doomed to oblivion but indispensable for the nation’s self-image. In nationalist revival
movements, a return to folkways and an idealized solidarity between the primeval
peasantry and the latter-day nationalist activist dominated; for example, in Ireland,
where urban language revivalists would make regular excursions to the countryside in
order to hear Gaelic still spoken by native speakers and to regenerate themselves in a
well of pure nationality undefiled by that English influence from which they wished to
cleanse themselves. Such countryside excursions are discussed, with some authorial
irony, in James Joyce’s story ‘The Dead’, and their attitudes (a curious combination
of primitivist exoticism and nationalist self-identification) are reflected in a contempo-
rary press report:

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 No greater treat can be in store for the Gaedhilgeoir [Gaelic
language revivalist, JL], than to travel from Galway west
through Bearna, Spiddal, and Cashla to Connemara, to hear
the Gaelic growing in volume and richness as he proceeds, till
at last the English language is as unknown as it was in the
days of Maev [a mythical queen, JL]. [...] it would be difficult
to find a finer race of Irish-speaking men and women than
these peasants of Iar-Connaught [...] We have seen old men
with fine characteristic features who could recite Ossianic
tales and the poems of Raftery and Wallace by the hour, full
at the same time, of ready wit and good, practical sense, liv-
ing amid those stony wastes and confronting their daily diffi-
culties with firm and determined eyes, and treading the
ground that bore them with the self-confidence born of suc-
cessful struggle. [...] Brown-faced, weather-beaten women
who would carry a hundred-weight of oats home on their
shoulders, and give you a kindly smile in passing. Young wo-
men of queenly build and fine oval features, the most beauti-
ful, they say, in Ireland, and indeed in the wide world. Young
men and boys with laughing eyes, full of youthful vigour and
enterprise [...] Families of twelve or fifteen, all with beautiful
teeth and exuberant health, joined in the closest bonds of
affection – such is this Western Race, with its Gaelic speech
and its boundless possibilities.207

The national self-image and its articulation in literature and learning

What we see in operation here is the political instrumentalization of an idealized na-

tional self-image. That self-image had been retrieved from ancient sources, updated
and perpetuated in new cultural practices, and used propagandistically in public space
to proclaim the nation’s identity and presence. The most important fields where this
process occurred were, of course, those of literature and learning. The evocation of a
national-popular culture whose traditions link the present with the past is to a large
extent also a projection on the part of literati and folklorists; we have encountered the
names, famous in literature, of the Grimms, Walter Scott and Tolstoy.
Nationally minded literature in the nineteenth century brought together a variety
of source traditions and genres. One of these was the popular, orally transmitted verse
and narrative of premodern communities – the sort of folktale and folk ballad inven-
toried by the likes of Herder, Grimm, Afanasev and Asbjørnsen/Moe. It was realized
that the oral traditions of even illiterate societies could be of great moral and poetical
richness. Thus the Romantic taste for oral literature led to the collection of material,
precisely, from marginal peripheries in Europe – and these were precisely the periph-
eries which in the course of the nineteenth century made a bid for national autono-
mies. Norway, where Asbjørnsen and Moe worked, is a case in point; we have also

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 come across the role of literature-collecting in the case of emerging Finnish national-
ism; but nowhere was the salvage of folk literature as politically important as on the
Balkans. Songs from Greek klephts (mountain-dwelling outlaws defying the Ottoman
regime) were popular among West-European philhellenes, foremost among them
Werner von Haxthausen (an associate of Arnim/Brentano and of the Grimm brothers)
and the Frenchman Claude Fauriel, who brought out a hugely influential collection of
Chants populaires de la Grèce moderne in 1824 – the year that Byron died in the Greek
war of independence.
No less important was a collection brought out by a Serbian who had fled to Vien-
na in 1810 following a failed insurrection, Vuk Stefanović Karadžić (1787-1864). He was
befriended and tutored by the scholar and librarian Jernej Kopitar, himself Slovene by
birth. Under Kopitar’s guidance and influence, Vuk became the Jacob Grimm of Ser-
bia.208 He published a Serb grammar, reformed the Serbian language and alphabet,
and presented his nation’s culture to the European literary world by publishing its oral
epic poetry. This collection, speedily brought to the attention of Grimm, circulated
through Europe, not only in Slavic and Pan-Slavic circles, but also in German and
French translation, providing Romantic literati everywhere with a veritable modern
example of epic greatness couched in stark, straightforward, popular language. Soon,
Serb oral epic began to be seen as having a type of proto-Homeric quality, something
which demonstrated a collective heroic imagination on the cusp of developing an epic
literary presence. The view of such oral balladry as being ‘epic in an embryonic stage’
raised its literary prestige, and matched the aspiration of the people in question as
being a ‘nation in an embryonic stage’, a people on the cusp of taking its place among
the European nations. Thus, for cultures without an established literary tradition, the
possession of a proto-epic oral tradition was a powerful trump card in their bid for
national status. It is for this reason that in some cases, balladry collected in folklore-
style fieldwork was subsequently arranged or manipulated to give it an epic cohesion;
thus in the case of the Finnish Kalevala and the Estonian Kalevipoeg.
Following Grimm’s celebration of Vuk and of the Kalevala, the notion became
widespread that in order to be a nation, one had to show both a separate, independent
language and a foundational epic. Much as the classical literatures had Homer and
Virgil, Italian had Dante, England had Shakespeare and Portugal Camões, so every
nation needed its foundational epic. Where none was found, collections of ancient
balladry could have the same function: in the Serbian, Finnish and Estonian cases,
but also in the so-called Dainos of Lithuania and Latvia, or in the Breton balladry
edited as Barzaz Breiz in the 1830s.209
In other cases, modern foundational epics were manufactured either in verse or in
prose. Latvia saw the publication of a long epic poem called Lāčplēsis or ‘The Bear-
Slayer’ in 1888; written by Andrejs Pumpurs, it may originally have been intended as a
manipulated sample of ‘authentic’ balladry, but it was eventually published, with
greater honesty, as an original composition. Its national-foundational importance for
the emergence of a Latvian self-consciousness was none the less for all that.210 The
same may be said of the importance of Taras Shevchenko’s poetry and balladry for the
emergence of Ukrainian nationalism.211 It invoked the native, national-Ukrainian tra-
ditions of Cossacks, hetman-leaders and wandering beggar-poets, but in the form of

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 36. Vuk Karadžić (on Yugoslav banknote)

original poetic compositions rather than as the folk specimens collected by Vuk or the
Macedonian Miladinov brothers. In Slovenia, again, a deliberate attempt to create a
national epic poem was Prešeren’s Baptism on the Savica, written in the 1830s in folk
metre on a collective theme from medieval Slovene history (the victory of Christianity
over native Slavic paganism).212
In such cases, we see the tradition of oral folk poetry meet, and merge with, the
classical genre of the epic. In the course of the nineteenth century the genre of the
‘national epic’ came to be seen as the reflection of the moment when a nation, through
a collective-heroic experience remembered in literary form, took its place on the stage
of world history. The term Nationalepos was used by the Grimms as early as 1810 for
the German Nibelungenlied, which (as we have seen) was first published for a modern
audience in 1807 and on which Wagner was eventually to base his opera cycle Der Ring
des Nibelungen.213
The roots of the nation were, after all, not only celebrated in the epic dramas,
poems and novels of romantically minded authors – a veritable deluge of manuscripts
was coming to light, many of them genuine and some of them forged, containing texts
with early-medieval material. Most of the early medieval ‘foundational texts’ of Europe
were, in fact, rediscovered after centuries of oblivion by scholars of the Grimm genera-
tion, and presented to an awed national readership as the mainspring of the nation’s
literature. The Nibelungenlied in Germany; Beowulf for England (first published in
1815); the Chanson de Roland for France (first published in 1836); Karel ende Elegast,
the Reinaert story, and the Servatius legend for Dutch (first published in 1824, 1836
and 1858 respectively): all those texts which we now unquestioningly place in the very
first opening chapters of the respective literary histories, as dating from the early dawn
of the nation’s literary presence, were in fact, after centuries of oblivion, let loose upon
the reading public in the days of Walter Scott and Jacob Grimm.214
A historicist ‘return to the national sources’ involved, accordingly, a great linguistic
and textual inventory project. Philologists edited early literary texts, often with the
added historical bonus that these illustrated the manners and customs of the nation’s
ancestors. Legal scholars everywhere in Europe undertook a publication of ancient

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 jurisprudential sources, and in the process exerted much influence on medieval stu-
dies; and historians, too, were given the important task of retrieving the nation’s his-
torical sources from their manuscripts holdings and publishing them in systematic
printed form. We have noted the foundation of the great project of the Monumenta
Germaniae Historica, the edition of manuscript sources concerning Charlemagne’s
Empire; Britain followed suit with a historical source edition known as the Rolls Series,
and similar endeavours were undertaken in many European countries. These were
seen as affairs of state, under state supervision, and indeed this was necessary because
such projects were huge and monumental indeed, too large to be undertaken by in-
dividuals, covering hundreds of large printed volumes published over a time-span cov-
ering many, many decades.
A side effect of all these textual retrievals was the rise of the great national diction-
ary. The great dictionaries of the European languages were by and large undertaken in
the national climate of the nineteenth century. Earlier models reach back, by way of
the English and French dictionaries of Dr Johnson and the Académie française, to the
true European point of origin: the 1583 Italian vocabolario edited by the Accademia
della Crusca of the city of Florence. This Renaissance prototype of dictionaries was
impelled towards a new (fifth), comprehensive edition during the Napoleonic occupa-
tion, in 1811; and when the first volume finally appeared, in 1863, it was dedicated to
the new Italian king, Vittorio Emmanuele, and carried a preface full of the resounding
rhetoric of risorgimento nationalism.215 Large, comprehensive dictionaries on a histor-
ical-philological basis were undertaken all over nineteenth-century Europe: the Neth-
erlands, England (what was to become known as the Oxford English Dictionary) and
Russia (the work of the lexicographer Dal’); but the flagship of them all was, of course,
the Deutsches Wörterbuch of the Grimm Brothers. Its logo carried the image of an angel
holding, on a scroll, the opening line of the Gospel of St. John: ‘Im Anfang war das
Wort’ (‘In the beginning was the word’). This encapsulated the deeply held belief that
language was at the very root of human identity, individual and collective, and gave
this philological-anthropological axiom a Biblical aura. The angelic figure was, for all
that, wreathed in oak leaves – symbolic of Germany.216
The Grimms’ Dictionary became the repository of the entire linguistic stock-in-
trade of German identity. Its volume on the letter ‘K’ made clear that the German
language was to be cleaned of the Latin ‘C’ (even Jacob Grimm’s name was changed
to Jakob; much as the names of the cities of Cöln (Cologne), Coblenz and Cassel
became Köln, Koblenz and Kassel). The effeminate Latinity of the C was replaced by
the rough-hewn Teutonic masculinity of the K.* As a dictionary, the enterprise was to
run for more than a century; its final, 32nd volume appeared in 1960. Similar in scope
and girth were the Dutch and English spin-offs. Such lexicographical enterprises (and
they were pursued all around Europe, on a correspondingly smaller scale, for the smal-

* Similar Teutonic language politics affected England. The Latinate term ‘preface’ spawned,
among Germanically minded writers, the alternative word ‘foreword’ (first used in 1842). The study
of popular culture wanted to avoid the Latinate words ‘popular’ and ‘culture’, and as a result devised
the neologism ‘folklore’ (first used in 1846).

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 37. Vignette on title page of Grimms’ German dictionary

ler languages) helped to unify spelling, were used to purify the language of foreign
(and, as such, resented) intrusions and to spread a unified standard form among all its
speakers.217
What form this standard should take was not in all cases clear. The relation between
standard and dialect variants was sometimes contested, principles of spelling led in
almost all countries to heated debate, and even the choice of letter-type (cf. below,
p. 275) was a politically charged issue. Denmark was driven by anti-German feelings
to abandon its old reliance on the gothic-style ‘Fraktur’-letter and change over to the
Roman type; Romanian similarly switched from Cyrillic to Roman when it wanted to
demonstrate its close linguistic relation with the Romance languages of Western
Europe; and in Turkey, the modernizing programme of Atatürk involved the abolition
of the Arabic script that had been standard in Ottoman days. In the cases of non-
standardized subaltern languages, a curious dilemma played itself out time and again.
In choosing a standard to revive and propagate, was one to use the literary language of
olden days, pure and prestigious, but now old-fashioned and obsolete; or was one to
use the contemporary spoken language of the people, widespread and often-encoun-
tered, but often irregular, restricted to the lower classes and shot through with foreign
loanwords? The first and most fundamental of such debates took place in Greece,
where a battle raged between those who advocated a purified, classical Greek (kathar-
evousa) and those who endorsed the popular speech of the common people (demo-
tic).218 So, too, in Ireland, where the revival of Gaelic had to choose between the old,
complex, literary language and ‘the speech of the people’ (caint na ndaoine); and in
Catalan, the choice has taken the almost Coca-Cola-style form of an opposition be-
tween ‘Catalan Classic’ and ‘Catalan Lite’. The problem (or something like it) was
never resolved in Norway, where to this day two standards of Norwegian compete
with each other.
Such debates straddled the spheres of linguistics and the common interests of the
public-at-large, and were among the issues that turned linguists and philologists into

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 men of public importance. But not only did their academic activities shade over into
the realm of public affairs – they also inspired, and often participated, in the literary
field. Many of the philologists and historians of the Romantic generation also tried
their hand at literary genres like drama and the novel. National drama harked back to
the classical and classicist tragedy, usually commemorating the acts of an individual
protagonist rather than a collective-heroic moment. In the seventeenth and eighteenth
century, historical characters celebrated in literature included the Cid (Corneille),
Mohammed (Voltaire) and Cato (Addison). In the course of the Patriotic eighteenth
century, the choice of heroes became gradually more oriented towards the register of
the ‘champion of the nation’s liberty’: from Henry Brooke’s play Gustavus Vasa (1739;
on the hero who made Sweden independent from Danish rule and founded the Swed-
ish royal dynasty) to Schiller’s play Wilhelm Tell (1804). In a parallel trend, dramas
began to look for their themes, not to an international canon of Great Men from
classical antiquity or world history, but specifically to material from the nation’s own
past. A lodestar was Shakespeare, who had treated English history, particularly the
medieval dynastic wars as described in Holinshed’s Chronicles. From Goethe (Götz
von Berlichingen, 1773) onwards, we see attempts to found a ‘national drama’ on the
theatrical re-working of national mythical or historical material. Such initiatives reach
from Copenhagen, where sagas and heroic ballads were turned into theatre by Oeh-
lenschläger, to Serbia, where a hero from the medieval battle of Kosovo, Miloš Obilić,
was made the protagonist of a play. That 1828 play, by Jovan Serija Popović, had taken
the topic from an 1823 history-book, and it marks the beginning of the intense histori-
cist preoccupation of Serbia with Kosovo. Kosovo obtained mythical status in Serb
national consciousness as the site of that great medieval battle when Serbia, tragically
and heroically alone among nations, was defeated in attempting to defend the Chris-
tian territories against the rising power of the Ottoman Empire. Much as the First
World War poet Rupert Brooke wrote:

If I should die, think only this of me:

There is some corner in a foreign field
That is forever England

– so too Kosovo was claimed as being forever Serbia, notwithstanding a large propor-
tion of Albanians in the territory’s subsequent population.
But the epic celebration of ancient battles and defining moments in the nation’s
history was not limited to the classical genre of the tragedy. A new genre proved far
more suited to express this epic romanticism, and that was the novel; and here, once
again, we encounter the towering figure of Sir Walter Scott.
As a genre, the novel was caught between the sensationalist fiction of the ‘romance’
(example: Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein) and the demure realism of the novel-proper
(example: Jane Austen’s Emma). Scott brought the two poles together by creating a
psychologically realistic, plausible story with the colour and incident of a violent his-
torical setting – which, in turn, he scrupulously documented from available archival
sources.219 Before he created the historical novel, Scott had already drawn on the
adventurous local colour of historical settings in his romantic verse ballads; and he

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 was, as I have pointed out, an antiquary/historian of considerable reputation. It was,
however, as the father of the historical novel that Scott reached his greatest and most
lasting fame, with Europe-wide bestsellers and classics such as Waverley, The Heart of
Midlothian, Ivanhoe, Quentin Durward and many others.
Scott’s historical novels describe, each of them, moments of crisis and discord in the
nation’s history, as witnessed through the eyes of a Romantic protagonist, and usually
leading to a harmonious reconciliation. In setting out this plotline at repeated points
through Scottish and British history, Scott narrates the past as an ongoing process of
conflict-resolution and gradual, step-by-step national integration. The narratives prob-
ably appealed most because they addressed moments of the collective past in which at
least his primary audience felt personally interested, and also because he brought this
past to life by providing countless small details on ordinary, daily life in those distant
days.
Scott’s novels were widely copied as a genre throughout Europe, becoming the most
outstanding and appealing way of approaching the past in literature. Usually based on
fairly solid historical documentation, to which the novelist would explicitly refer in the
course of his book, it gave the reader a sense of reality and plausibility as well as
entertainment. The format was used even in America, where Fenimore Cooper out-
lined his Leatherstocking novels (most famously among them The Last of the Mohi-
cans, 1826) as a Walter Scott-style reflection on late colonial history. In Russia, Pushkin
used the materials he had used for his historical study of the Pugachev Rebellion for
his Captain’s Daughter (1836). Scott’s influence is still felt in Tolstoy’s War and Peace,
likewise a narrative of national regeneration after a crisis, focussed through the private
fate of likeable, ingénu protagonists.
In many countries, the genre of the historical novel offers one of the first attempts
to chart the national past in a romantic narrative. An outstanding case in point is The
Lion of Flanders (De Leeuw van Vlaenderen) by Hendrik Conscience (1838), which
thematizes the resistance of the Flemish cities against French feudal oppression. The
book culminates in the celebration of a 1302 battle (largely forgotten until then),
whose commemoration has, since it was immortalized in this novel, developed into
the national feast day of Flanders.220 In all these repercussions of Scott, a national
intent and impact is obvious.*
National-historical narratives swirled through the public sphere, all over Europe,
and in great and relentless density. Historians like Michelet wrote ‘national’ histories,
competing with Scott for the attention of readers and using Romantic effects like
melodramatic narrative and shrill oppositions between the Good (national heroes) the
Bad (foreign oppressors) and the Ugly (traitors).221 Such Romantic historians became
nation-builders in most European countries, not least in Central and Eastern
Europe.222 Their histories were often accompanied by novels on the same theme: the
Portuguese Alexandre Herculano not only wrote extensive Michelet-style histories of

* Nineteenth-century historical novels generally address the writer’s ‘own’ national history, but
there is a sub-genre thematizing the history of early Christianity: Chateaubriand’s Les martyrs (1809)
to Bulwer-Lytton’s The Last Days of Pompeii (1834) and Sienkiewicz’s Quo Vadis (1896).

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 Portugal, but also Walter Scott-style historical novels set in the Middle Ages. Novels
themselves were turned into theatre plays, or provided the basis for opera libretti.
Historical scenes were celebrated in paintings and monuments. All of society, the
entire public sphere was immersed neck-deep in a nonstop multimedia cult of na-
tional self-articulation and self-celebration.

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 Ethnic Nationalism and Racism

Language and race

Is there something like a ‘racial memory’ in Natasha Rostov, who can perform a Rus-
sian folk dance without ever having been taught the steps? Tolstoy almost seems to
imply as much. In the literature of the nineteenth century, the plain people are the
guardians of the authentic cultural heritage of the nation, passing it on informally
from generation to generation, in settings that are as intimate, as physical as the suck-
ling of infants by their mothers and the acquisition of the native language in that most
intimate of circumstances. We repeatedly encounter, in the nineteenth century, narra-
tive themes where national continuity is presented as some demotic-popular inheri-
tance, persisting unnoticed below the level of the governing elite.
This is a Romantic continuation of the ‘democratic primitivism’ we have traced in a
previous chapter. While aristocrats were celebrating their unmixed ‘blue blood’, demo-
crats countered by taking pride in their descent from the nation’s tribal ancestors. This
is already noticeable in a ‘dig’ that Sieyès took, in Qu’est-ce le Tiers État? against those
aristocrats who claimed that they owned France by virtue of their descent from the
Frankish conquerors. Sieyès countered: ‘Sons of the Gauls and the Romans! Why
don’t we send these self-proclaimed heirs of the Franks back to the forests of Franco-
nia? Our blood is worth as much as theirs.’ From that moment onwards, there was a
tendency to see the ‘Franks’ as the importers of aristocratic privilege, whereas the true,
democratic traditions of France were the secret possession of the Gaulish-descended
bedrock of the population, oppressed by church and nobility, but organized in com-
munes and finally vindicated in the French Revolution.223 That biological vision was
already present in a early generation of post-Revolution Romantic historians, such as
the Thierry brothers and Jules Michelet;224 in 1829 the ethnographer W.F. Edwards
even tried to put these historical theses to the test by trying to assess, through cranial
measurement, which parts of the French population had Gaulish ancestry.
The ‘Gaulish myth’ (affectionately mocked nowadays in the comic strips of Astérix
le Gaulois) became dominant in the mid-nineteenth century, specifically with the
monomaniac historian Henri Martin, who saw in every admirable aspect of French
history the persistence of the true democratic spirit of the ancient Gauls. His ethnic-
populist view of French history was popularized in the hugely popular thrillers by the
mid-century novelist Eugène Sue, e.g. Le juif errant and Les mystères du peuple. Like
The Da Vinci Code of their day (which they anticipate in many respects), these con-
spiracy-theory novels traced century-long plots and understandings running under-
neath the surface of history-as-we-know-it, usually involving a transgenerational strug-
gle between the forces of oppression (the church, the nobility) and a filiation of
proletarian heroes of liberty. In Les mystères du peuple, the heroes (representing the
true French nation-at-large) are a proletarian family with Breton-Gaulish roots, which

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 38. Les mystères du peuple: leering Frankish lord importuning Gaulish maiden

has kept, over the centuries, the records of their oppression at the hands of the ruthless
powers of church and state, and the messianic promise of future liberation. These
records of oppression usually involve the (pictorially illustrated) sexual exploitation
and torture of young, beautiful, victimized women. Sue pornographically indulges in
the scenes of oppression he sets out to denounce.
To see history as a battlefield, even in modern times, of inimical national bloodlines
was a vision made popular, above all, by (again!) Walter Scott. Scott’s Ivanhoe re-acti-
vated the old English political myth of the ‘Norman yoke’ when he described the
cultural and linguistic apartheid of medieval England. Under a feudal, French-speak-
ing oppression at the hands of the Norman-French aristocracy, Scott evoked the per-
sistence of a dogged, native Englishness in the persons of the oppressed Saxons. Scott
uses the narrative scheme to offer, once again, interesting facts from cultural history.
As one of the characters observes, the native Saxon-Germanic names for animals and
cattle have, under Norman rule, been restricted to the vocabulary of the farm: ox,
swine, sheep and calf. As soon as these animals are turned into the meat that graces
the nobles’ tables, their names turn French: ox becomes beef (boeuf), swine becomes
pork (porc), sheep becomes mutton (mouton), calf becomes veal (veau).

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 GERMANIC ROMANCE
German English French
Saxon underclass Norman elite
(farm animal) (meat dish)
Schwein swine pork porc
Ochse ox beef boeuf
Kalb calf veal veau
Schaf sheep mutton mouton

It was with such facts and insights that Scott delighted his readers. Meanwhile, his
view of an English medieval history dominated by tribal conflict became something
of a formula for historians. Thierry used it for his Histoire de la conquête de l’Angleterre
par les Normands, and Kervyn de Lettenhove, a Belgian adept of Thierry’s, saw Flem-
ish history as a transgenerational battle between freedom-loving, oppressed Flemings
and haughty, French conquerors – a formula which in the politics of nineteenth-cen-
tury Belgium, riddled with Flemish grievances about the supremacy of French
throughout the state, was nothing short of explosive.*
What is striking in Scott’s vignette is also the link between language and racial
descent. The two are so closely intertwined that it goes almost without saying; appar-
ently the strong link between linguistic and racial entity was not a monopoly of Ger-
man philologists like Arndt and Grimm, but had already affected Scott by 1820.
Just how strongly felt the ethnic status of language was, may be judged from a
passage from 1806 by the renowned scholar Wilhelm von Humboldt:

Most of the circumstances that accompany the life of a na-

tion (residence, climate, religion, political constitution, man-
ners and customs) can be, as it were, separated from it, and
one can, even in the case of intense exchange, separate out
what influence they have exerted and undergone. But one
aspect is of a wholly different order, and that is language. It is
the breath, the very soul of the nation, appearing everywhere

* It was radicalized when the novelist Hendrik Conscience, himself an old Walter Scott follower,
expounded a theory (in his novel ‘The Carles of Flanders’, De Kerels van Vlaanderen, 1871) that
rebellious ‘Churls’ or ‘Carles’ (kerels) mentioned in mediaeval sources were in fact an ethnic tribe,
related to the Saxons, and that class conflict in medieval Flanders was in fact a racial, tribal war. This
in turn inspired a young student, Albrecht Rodenbach (who died at the age of 24, before he could
reach a more sober or mature stance) to pen some vehement and radical verse promising a re-emer-
gence of the old Carle ideals. That verse entered into the rhetoric of the more extreme wings of
Flemish nationalism. Leerssen 2006a; Van Houtte 1898; Van Houtte 1934.

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 in tandem with it, and (whether it be considered as some-
thing that has exerted, or else undergone, historical influ-
ences) setting the limits of what can be known about it.225

Language is more than a communication tool, it is the very substance of a nation’s

identity. It determines how a nation articulates its presence in the world, it is the
carrier that determines the outline of the nation’s moral existence; it may be called the
nation’s moral DNA, its ‘operating system’.226
This may help to explain Grimm’s equation between language and ethnicity. In his
view, the Germanic races had at one pointed swarmed out to occupy all of Europe;
some of these, like the Anglo-Saxons, had maintained their language even in the newly
settled territories, but others had not. The Ostrogoths and Longobards who settled in
Italy; the Visigoths who settled in Spain; the Franks and Burgundians who settled in
Gaul: all these had abandoned their original Germanic tongue and had adopted the
Roman (vulgar Latin) of their new homeland, eventually becoming speakers of Italian,
Spanish, French. For Grimm (who had deep mistrust of the French, and of Europe’s
Catholic southern countries in general), this was to the highest degree sinful, a fall
from grace; he went as far as calling it a ‘self-forgetfulness’ (Selbvergessenheit), and even
a form of degeneration (Entartung).
That last choice of word is fateful. The present-day reader may recognize in it the
Nazi denunciation of modern art as ‘degenerate’ (entartete Kunst); in its root sense it
means, not just ‘dropped to an increasingly low and despicable level’, but ‘dropped
away from its proper genus’, its proper category. To adopt a language other than the
native one means to abandon one’s roots and real identity, and thereby to sink to a
lower life form.
Do I read too much into Grimm’s use of an incidental word? I do not think so.
Grimm, as a philologist, was always strongly aware of the root meaning of the words
he used, and although he is altogether innocent of the phraseology of the Third Reich,
he did testify to a sense that it is despicable and corrupt to compromise racial and
linguistic purity. He felt, for instance, that Jews had no role to play in the philological
cultivation of the German language.227
In any case, the link between race and language was not just Grimm’s, it prevailed
everywhere in Europe by the mid-century. Cranial measurement was the scientific
flavour of the day: it involved measuring the relative height, width and depth of skulls,
the resulting ratio giving an index that was used to classify people anthropologically.
Scholars were deeply interested in the racial, tribal past of Europe and of humanity at
large; some of them would look at physical features (cranial index, skin colour, etc.),
others would look at language. The two were considered complementary; language
and race were two sides of the same coin. In trying to trace the roots and descent of
the human race, a ‘family tree’ model was used to schematize degrees of similarity and
difference; this genealogical classification of diversity made use of racial and linguistic
data indiscriminately. The Welsh antiquary Samuel Prichard,228 author of a Physical
History of Man (1813) attempted to trace The Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations (1831)
by moving with equal ease in the fields of anthropology and linguistics. Another adept
of the new learning, Nicholas Wiseman, tellingly spoke of ‘philological and physiog-

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 nomical ethnography’ as ‘sister sciences’229 – that is to say that the ethnographical
study of the descent of human races could be studied complementarily on the basis of
linguistic (philological) evidence or on the basis of physical features (physiognomy). In
the decades between Grimm and Darwin, family trees and genealogical models would
be drawn up both for the relationship between different languages and between differ-
ent animal species.230
Indeed, one German scholar, the prominent August Schleicher,* did precisely that:
he set up, on the basis of Grimm-style comparative linguistics, a family tree of lan-
guages which was very close indeed to the model of Darwin. Much as in the animal
kingdom, the vertebrate animals would see successive branchings of fishes, amphi-
bians, reptiles, mammals and birds (these then subdividing into genera and species,
such as rodents and canines: rats and rabbits, foxes and wolves), so the Indo-European
languages were viewed as a tree with Indo-Iranian, Slavic, Germanic and other
branches forming out of a common trunk at various stages, and subdividing into finer
boughs (languages) and twigs (dialects). Family trees (or, in the technical parlance, a
‘phylogenetic model’) became the one-size-fits-all mode for viewing the world and its
complexities.
Later that century, prominent philologists became embarrassed by the popular link
between racial ethnography and comparative linguistics. One of them pointed out:

To me an ethnologist who speaks of the Aryan race, Aryan

blood, Aryan eyes and hair, is as great a sinner as a linguist
who speaks of a dolichocephalic dictionary or a brachycepha-
lic grammar.† It is worse than a Babylonian confusion of ton-
gues – it is downright theft. We have made our own termi-
nology for the classification of languages; let ethnologists
make their own for the classification of skulls, and hair, and
blood.231

But in reality, that confusion was something that the linguists and philologists had
wilfully caused, and indulged in, themselves; it was the straightforward consequence
of a mode of thought that was at the heart of the ‘phylogenetic’ way of looking at
humanity and at the world. For one thing, linguistics used the names of countries and
regions to refer to specific languages (English, Spanish, Danish, Polish...) but blithely
used the names of races to refer to language families (Germanic, Slavic, Celtic, Semi-
tic; and even, as a parallel to the word ‘Indo-European’, the portentous name of

* Schleicher himself (1821-1868) is known for his dictum ‘language is the audible form of thought;
thinking is the silent form of language’ (Sprache ist lautes denken, Denken ist lautloses Sprechen). He
was a specialist in Lithuanian (indeed, he was among the first to draw attention to that language’s
scientific importance) and in the Slavic languages, but lost his chair at Prague University in 1857,
after Czech students there had militated at his German arrogance (Bynon 2001; Lefmann 1870).
† ‘Dolichocephalic’ and ‘brachycephalic’ are terms from cranial measurement, i.e. from physical
anthropology, referring to the relative width, height and depth of a skull-shape.

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 ‘Aryan’*). It was not that people had begun to confuse the scientific terminology of
language and of race; scientists had systematically brought linguistic and racial voca-
bulary together into a single anthropological category. A case in point is the scholar
Robert Gordon Latham, who worked both in the ethnological and in the philological
field. Alongside his publications of the history of the English language and literature
he wrote works such as The Natural History of the Varieties of Man (1850), The Ethnol-
ogy of Europe (1852) and The Nationalities of Europe (1863).

The impact of physical anthropology

That anthropological study of linguistic-cum-racial diversity moved, accordingly,

from a cultural definition of nationality (language and shared traditions, customs and
historical memories) towards a genetic-biological, racial one: the nation was defined,
in this view, by shared descent, a common inheritance passed along a physical blood-
line. To be sure, we have seen that the term and the idea of ‘nation’ had always been
ambiguous between the registers of culture and race, from Biblical sources and the
Middle Ages onwards; but the ‘life sciences’ of the nineteenth century were beginning
to develop a type of biological determinism of a new order. We can trace that develop-
ment by taking, as a sample case, the line from Lavater to Lombroso.232 The Swiss
clergyman Johann Caspar Lavater (1741-1801) had, in typical late-eighteenth-century
fashion, attempted to give a characterological systematization of facial traits. We still
speak of ‘sensuous lips’, or a ‘strong/weak chin’: certain features of the face have a
traditional prejudice attached to them as to the character of the person in question.
This old superstition of the ‘face as the mirror of the soul’ was classified and system-
atized by Lavater; in particular, he drew attention to the fact that the line from nose-
bridge to chin, in the classical ideal of beauty, ought to be as perpendicular as possible;
the more it receded, the more it made the bearer’s profile resemble, not a Greek god,
but an ape or a ‘fishface’.
Lavaterian physiognomy was, of course, Eurocentric and led, as we shall see, to a
pictorial register of denigration: vilification (often racist) would henceforth draw on
the pictorial stereotypes of a heavy eyebrow, small close-set eyes, a gorilla-style (‘prog-
nathous’) lower jaw, long upper lip and small snub nose. Even so, it should be borne
in mind that Lavater did not intend this. He wrote as a sentimental, pietist protestant
and as a philanthropically minded Patriot; and he asserted that in all its variations, all
human faces were still, as the Bible had phrased it, in the image of their Maker.

* Aryan is a word from the Indo-Iranian languages referring to the tribes that settled in the Indian
subcontinent, bringing their Indo-European languages with them (Benveniste 1969). The word be-
came popular from c. 1840 onwards as a linguistic-cum-racial appellation, particularly in Britain with
its imperial-Indian connections, and spread from there to Germany (where is became a fundamental
concept in Hitlerite racist thought.) We continue to see such odd confusions between geographical
and racial names e.g. in the appellation ‘Caucasian’ (common in the US) for ‘someone of white-
European descent’ – echoing the typology (based on a combination of linguistics and cranial mea-
surement) by Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (1752-1840). Cf. also Demoule 2014.

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 Such pious reservations were wholly forgotten when, a century later, the criminal
psychiatrist Cesare Lombroso attempted to give a typology of ‘the criminal type’. He
studied photographs of detainees and the skulls of executed convicts, and came up
with a facial index indicating, from physical features, the criminal proclivities within.
Behaviour was increasingly explained from physical type, much as the ‘character’ of
certain dogs is considered to be a typical feature of their ‘race’: friendly labradors and
aggressive pitbulls. Science was reducing human culture to the brute facts of nature.
And the same line of ‘scientific’ thinking was applied to European nations and to races.
Lombroso himself published a disquisition on L’uomo bianco e l’uomo di colore in 1871.
Everywhere in Europe, long-standing racist stereotypes were now solemnly rehearsed
as if they were ‘scientifically proven facts’.
Philology, Grimm-style, from its early days had always shown an ambition to be-
come a type of national anthropology. Grimm himself could look to any type of data
(language, folktales, legal sources, medieval epics, proverbs) to conduct something
called Germanistik, which, for him, meant the scientific study of what gave the German
race its culture and identity.233 His interests moved at times very close to something
that Carl Gustav Jung would later refer to as a ‘collective racial subconscious’. Much as
language programmed a nation’s worldview, so its spiritual life was expressed in its
literature and its manners and customs; conversely, the study of language, literature,
manners and customs was mainly intended to gain an insight into the nation’s soul.
Later successors were to spell out this national-psychological ‘hidden agenda’ at the
root of Grimm-style philology. The ultimate generator of cultural difference was the
‘national character’ or ‘race soul’, so it was believed, and people set out to elucidate
these slippery concepts from their cultural traces. National psychology was launched
by Moritz Lazarus and Heymann Steinthal, who founded, in 1860, a Review for Na-
tional Psychology and Linguistics (Zeitschrift für Völkersychologie und Sprachwis-
senschaft – a tell-tale title). Wilhelm Wundt, for his part, likewise extended linguistics
into the realm of national characterology in his massive and influential ten-volume
Völkerpsychologie (1900-1920), which, according to its subtitle, pretended to be ‘an in-
vestigation of the developmental laws of language, myth and morals’ (eine Untersu-
chung der Entwicklungsgesetze von Sprache, Mythus und Sitte).
Modern readers, when turning to such publications, will immediately realize that
they contain nothing but farragos of prejudice, stereotype and ethnocentrism, presented
in pseudo-scientific vocabulary: men like Lombroso are the forerunners of the ‘mad
scientists’ often caricatured in Hollywood movies and spoofs, but lugubriously real in
the cases of certain Nazi doctors. It can only be through lack of familiarity with the
actual substance of these nineteenth-century would-be-scientists that they are still cred-
ited nowadays as founding fathers of social or experimental psychology and anthropol-
ogy; they are, rather, the initial myth-mongers that had to be exorcised before anthro-
pology and social psychology could move to a properly scientific modus operandi.*

* On nineteenth-century anthropology: Stocking 1987. The process of decontaminating the idea

of culture from racial essentialism has been arduous and has not everywhere been successful. Pace
Kalmar 1987, the influence of Lazarus and Steinthal on Franz Boas, and (through Boas) on American

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 The nineteenth-century ‘anthropology of cultural diversity’ was dominated by one
fundamental question: was there, in humanity, such a thing as a common origin at all?
Traditionally, the Bible had taught the story of a single point of origin: the nuclear
family of Adam and Eve, and again the nuclear family of Noah and his three sons,
from which all of humanity had fanned out. Accordingly, those scholars who had had
a theological connection or training would tend to emphasize that all diversity was
ultimately a historically grown diversification of a common stock, and that all races,
no matter how different, still reflected their common creation in God’s image. Repre-
sentatives of this ‘monogenist’ line of thought included erudite clergymen like Herder
or Lavater, and many British scholars such as Prichard (in England, the position of the
Anglican church in the world of learning and in the universities was strong.) However,
this common-human view of a single origin was difficult to reconcile with the deeply
felt sense that some races were superior to others, as much as humans are superior to
animals. Europeans went so far in their sense of racial superiority that they refused to
acknowledge family ties with ‘inferior’ fellow-humans. As early as 1789, the antiquary
John Pinkerton stated:

It is a self-evident proposition that the Author of nature, as

he formed great varieties in the same species of plants, and of
animals, so he also gave various races of men as inhabitants of
several countries: a Tartar, a Negro, an American, &c. &c.,
differ as much from a German, as a bull-dog, or lap-dog, or a
shepherd’s cur, from a pointer. The differences are radical,
and such as no climate or chance would produce; and it may
be expected that as science advances, able writers will give us
a complete system of the many different races of man.234

As the Biblical account of the origin of nations and languages was eroded and sup-
planted by the Grimm-Darwinian model, the old monogenism was likewise replaced
by a ‘polygenist’ view, which would stress the radical differences between the human
races rather than their common origin or features. In particular, polygenism was a
scientific rationalization for European, white ethnocentrism and racism.
What became especially pronounced in a polygenist ideology of ethnic authenticity
and purity, was the abhorrence of interracial exchange: mixture and hybridity. We
have seen a cult of German authenticity and unmixedness in the thought of Fichte
and Grimm; with them, it is still largely a celebration of the fact that Germans main-
tained their ancient institutions and language – in short, their culture. But in the
ethnographically minded climate of the 1830s and 1840 the abhorrence of decadence,

anthropology in general, has been less than felicitous. Boas’s notion of culture does, in fact, appear as
a watered-down euphemism for what in the nineteenth century had been more bluntly called Volks-
geist. A tendency towards ethnic essentialism and determinism has continued to bedevil experimental
psychology and mid-twentieth-century anthropology alike.

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 Entartung and loss-of-identity became also a physical one, involving, not culture or
language, but bloodlines and physical (racial) descent.
The great architect of this European cult of racial purity was a French nobleman,
Count Arthur de Gobineau (1816-1882).235 Despite his noble parentage, he had his
private share of social and ethnic anxieties: his parents’ marriage was dysfunctional;
his mother led an errant life with a lover, a child out of wedlock, and occasional felo-
nies; and his mother’s mother had been a Caribbean créole (which, though in French
usage it could refer merely to someone’s colonially-based birth, still carried a connota-
tion of mixed racial descent). Gobineau compensated for all this by his reactionary
political stance and his obsession with the aristocratic glorification of ‘pure descent’,
of unmixed ‘blue blood’ – which involved also a horror of the mésalliance or ‘improper
marriage’ whereby the descendant of a noble bloodline would betray that inheritance
by marrying a social inferior. Gobineau’s thought may be seen as an application of
such aristocratic exclusiveness to racial/ethnic categories. His Essai sur l’inégalité des
races humaines (1853-1855) takes it as a given that among and between the various hu-
man societies (the word ‘race’ is already an unquestioned, quasi-anthropological cate-
gory) there are various levels of achievement and nobility, and that some are ‘higher’
than others. Gobineau’s main argument is, that in this situation, the very worst thing
to happen for a society is ‘miscegenation’ or racial mixture. This will lead to a physical
degeneracy where the higher achievements of the one race are tainted and corrupted
by the lower features of the other.*
Human intolerance often tends to fixate on instances where clear-cut categories are
blurred or crossed: social upstarts (between classes); homosexuals (between the sexes);
and indeed people of mixed racial origin, ‘half-bloods’. In nineteenth-century racial
thought, this last aspect becomes all-dominant. Miscegenation, so it is believed, will
lead to degeneracy. Not only is this seen as a moral betrayal (as with Grimm’s linguistic
Entartung), it is also magnified into a biological threat. If humanity is the end result of
a Darwinian evolution, then degeneracy is the potential threat that such evolution can
be reversed, that later generations will revert to the brutish and inferior standards of
bygone ages of lower races. A particular phobia was that of atavism, ‘relapsing to the
primitive stage of development of one’s distant ancestors’. The inner ape, or Nean-
derthal-style caveman, is still latently present within the modern gentleman, as the
case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde (in Stevenson’s classic parable) shows. In many novels
of the later nineteenth century, the figure of the dégénéré is a stock character: the last
product of a refined family, who is genetically burdened and prone to weakness, to
sexual perversion and other forms of immorality.236
Even Down syndrome was originally seen as a form of atavism. People afflicted with
this chromosomal disorder have limited intelligence and physically they are often char-

* As Pinkerton’s reference to dogs indicates, another source tradition for Gobineau’s thought may
have been the tradition of breeding animals, and especially the thoroughbreeding of horses. Systema-
tic breeding of horses, cattle and dogs had been pursued since the seventeenth century, and had led
to a discourse linking physical appearance, ‘character’ and purity of descent. Cf. Schmölders 1995 and
1998.

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 acterized by a fold in the eyelid. It is for this reason that the physician who first diag-
nosed the condition as such, Dr John Langdon Down (after whom it is now named)
named it ‘Mongolism’. The fold in the eyelid reminded him of a similar feature in the
Mongol races. Down accordingly interpreted this as a sign that the person in question
had reverted back to the low, primitive developmental stage of an older race such as it
still existed in its original form in Asia.237
One of the side effects of the new ideology of racial purity was a freshly increased
intolerance towards Jews. As ‘Semites’ they were considered representatives of an alien
race residing within European society, and as such posing a constant threat to the
racial purity of the nations of Europe and their collective strength. Antisemitism was
nothing new, of course, but in Western Europe it now became rationalized by a quasi-
scientific thought of racism, and it took on the new form of conspiracy theories fed by
a phobic concern for ethnic purity. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion are a good illus-
tration of this.238 Originally formulated as a lurid quasi-fictional speculative plot ele-
ment in a pulp thriller (again, the genre that runs from Eugène Sue to The Da Vinci
Code), it purported to represent a secret Jewish plot to take control of economic and
political affairs worldwide. Its fictional origins were soon forgotten, the text was spread
as if it were a genuine document, and it has remained a key ingredient in paranoid
antisemitic propaganda ever since. But despite its worldwide currency and continuing
use (most recently in Idi Amin’s Uganda and in some Arabic-Islamic states, as well as
certain white-supremacy websites), its origins reflects firmly and clearly the decadence-
obsessed climate of late-nineteenth-century Europe. Antisemitism likewise made itself
felt in the enormous, long-drawn-out scandal that polarized French society from 1894
until 1906 and after, known as the Dreyfus affair. A Jewish officer, Alfred Dreyfus, was
accused (falsely) of espionage and treason, and condemned after a high-publicity trial
– something which in the fervently patriotic climate of the post-1870 years touched a
particularly raw nerve in French public opinion. Those who believed in Dreyfus’s
innocence and denounced a miscarriage of justice had to argue that the truth had
been twisted by the Army authorities – thus placing a Jewish individual in polar oppo-
sition to the representatives of France’s hope for national regeneration. Successive
court cases dragged on for more than a decade, traumatizing and dividing public opi-
nion, and fanning the flame of French antisemitism, which, notwithstanding the ex-
perience of Nazi occupation in the years 1940-1944, has remained strong in the French
extreme right ever since.
Although the cult of racial purity, linked to an increasingly rabid antisemitism,
culminated in the genocidal policies of the Third Reich, it is important to realize that
its roots involve all of Europe, France and Britain no less than Germany itself. Indeed,
German racism may with some justice be said to have been introduced from French
and English sources: ‘Gobinism’ had become popular all over Europe; calls for ‘eu-
genics’ (the biological improvement of the national gene pool by means of selective
procreation) were widespread in many countries; and Britain in particular was in the

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 39. Eugène Delacroix: ‘Liberty leading the people’ (1830)

grip of a racial debate involving the ‘Celtic’ or ‘Germanic’ roots of English culture.*
Following national-ethnographic studies like Robert Knox’s The Races of Men (1850,
with many reprints after 1862) and John Beddoe’s The Races of Britain (1885),239 it was
an Englishman, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, who introduced Gobineau’s theories
of racial purity and the evils of miscegenation into Germany, when he married into
the family of the celebrated composer Richard Wagner. It is through the Wagner circle
that Gobinism was grafted onto the Fichte-style myth of Germanic purity. Chamber-
lain himself wrote a Gobineau-style book on racial purity, Der Mythus des neunzehnten
Jahrhunderts (1899); Wagner wrote essays denouncing Jews as alien and detrimental
parasites in German culture; and all this was strengthened by Austrian thinkers who
felt that the multi-ethnicity of the Habsburg empire was a fatal weakening of its Ger-
man strength.240 It is in these circles that the roots of Hitlerite racism must be sought:
the Nazi policies of the 1930s and early 1940s, including the Nuremberg laws against
interracial marriage and the removal of Jews as foreign vermin from the German body
politic, were the militaristically organized implementation of notions dreamed up by
tweed-clad, upper-middle-class backroom philosophers of the previous generation.

* Eugenics originates with the work of Francis Galton (a nephew of Darwin, knighted in 1909):
Hereditary genius (1869) and Natural inheritance (1889). The mathematician Karl Pearson did much
to propagate Galton’s thought by attempting to prove the Darwinian principle of natural selection
by a mathematical-statistical population analysis (Gould 1981).

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 40. Physiognomy of hate propaganda:
the enemy (Irish, German, bolshevik) as ape-man

Even the actual physical extermination of the Jews was in its origins an application
of Gobineau-style eugenics. The main phobia being that of atavism and decadence, it
was felt that nations and societies ought to be selective in their breeding. Offspring for
‘superior’ individuals was to be encouraged, offspring for ‘inferior’ specimens was to be
counteracted. Such eugenics were not peculiar to Nazi totalitarianism: they became
popular in the United States early on. In Sweden, well into this century, young girls
from a socially undesirable background (or what the authorities chose to consider as
such) were sterilized, without their knowledge or consent. The first victims of catego-
rical sterilization and extermination in Nazi Germany, and the first victims of indus-
trialized gassing in purpose-built gas chambers, were, accordingly, ethnic Germans:
inmates of asylums for lunatics and mentally retarded people. It was only subsequently
that these homicidal procedures, first implemented to weed out undesirable elements
in the German gene-pool, were applied, at an unimaginably larger scale, to the ‘Final
Solution of the Jewish Question’.241
Nazi Germany is no stand-alone singularity: it is, rather, the most extreme out-
growth of patterns that were widespread across Europe. It does, however, represent
the most extreme case of defining a nation as a physical group, a race: that is, after all,
what völkisch means in Nazi parlance (cf. below, p. 247). What all fascists shared was a
profound preoccupation with national purity and homogeneity, a phobic fear of de-
generation and decadence, and a belief that decadence could be counteracted by
strong leadership and a total, military-style obedience to that leadership.

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 Racial discipline

The nationalist ideology shows, over the course of the nineteenth century, a slow,
inexorable shift from the left of the political spectrum towards the right. Pictorially
speaking, nationalism in the 1820s is Delacroix: the artist who showed philhellenic
sympathies in his Chios painting, and democratic-republican ideals in his ‘Liberty
Leading the People’. By the twentieth century, the pictorial expression of nationalism
is in ethnic hate caricatures showing the despised enemy nation as gorilla-style King
Kong monsters: Irish, Germans, Bolsheviks or African-Americans; they all have a bes-
tial barbarism oozing from their ape-like features.242
Many factors contribute to this shift of nationalism to the right. Most fundamen-
tally, nationalism changed in status from an anti-government opposition force to a
propaganda tool wielded by governments to justify state hegemonism; also, national
thought was infected by the discourse of biological determinism, race, the spectre of
‘decadence’ and degeneration, and the new cult of the authoritarian, heroic leader.
The slow emergence of the phobia of degeneration we have traced as a side effect
of the cult of authenticity and purity, from Fichte to Gobineau and onwards. In
post-1871 France, army doctors reported in worried terms that the physical stalwart-
ness of recruits seemed to be on the decline, signalling a fatal physical weakening of
the French population. In Italy, organized crime in Sicily was blamed on the racial
inferiority of the Sicilians. Similar worries cropped up in Britain: the various colonial
wars in southern Africa showed that natives and Boers were surprisingly difficult
opponents of Empire’s armed might; Zulu and Tutsi warriors were celebrated, even
in the colonial-imperialist stories of Henry Rider Haggard (King Solomon’s Mines,
1895) as enviable examples of ‘noble savages’. An officer in the South African service,
Baden Powell, decided to hold up colonial natives as a primitivist role model for the
inner-city boys of England; the Boy Scout movement was the result. Hardiness, a
paramilitary organization, stalwart masculine comradeship, a love of uniforms and
learning how to tie knots: this Victorian survival-gaming was quite obviously in-
tended to regenerate a youth lacking fresh air and exercise, and exposed to the dan-
gers of sex and alcohol.243
The need for regeneration was expressed urgently by two seminal books: Max Nor-
dau’s Degeneration (Entartung, 1892-1893) and Oswald Spengler’s The Decline of the
West (Der Untergang des Abendlandes, 1918-1923). Both authors signalled a weakening
of an old, worldly-wise and decrepit Europe, burdened by its long and increasingly a-
moral history. Fin de siècle Europe seemed to consist of self-styled ‘decadent’ poets
such as Baudelaire, Huysmans, Villiers de l’Isle-Adam (‘Life? I’ve got my servant to do
that for me’) and Aubrey Beardsley; Oscar Wilde’s tale The Picture of Dorian Gray
(1891) contrasted the elegant refinement of dandyism and aestheticism with a hidden
moral corruption; novelists like Eça de Queirós, Thomas Mann and Louis Couperus
traced elite families in decay: Os Maias (1881), Buddenbrooks: Zerfall einer Familie
(1901), De boeken der kleine zielen (1901-1903); the fashion was for occult societies, the
use of drugs and absinthe, and a taste for perverse sexuality (Leopold von Sacher-
Masoch, Venus im Pelz, 1869). As Nordau wrote:

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 The degenerates are not always criminals, prostitutes, anar-
chists and certified lunatics. Often they are writers and ar-
tists. But these show the same spiritual – and often also phy-
sical – traits as their anthropological relatives, who satisfy
their unhealthy urges with the serial-killer’s knife and the ter-
rorist’s dynamite-stick rather than with the pen or paint-
brush.244

Europe was facing a corrupt old age, was becoming a Dirty Old Man. Stevenson’s
parable of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde seemed to have a real-life fulfilment in the bloody
career of Jack the Ripper. Europe would soon, so the worried prediction ran, be over-
taken and overrun by the savages of the colonies, who were less educated but in better
physical shape. Emperor Wilhelm II of Germany had an apocalyptic vision of Europe
facing the onslaught of the ‘Yellow Peril’, which echoed in the later anti-Asian hate
images of Sax Rohmer’s Fu Manchu thrillers and in the ‘Dr. No’ figure of James Bond
fame. What was needed was not an arms race but a campaign of regeneration. Youth
movements like the Boy Scouts were one aspect. Another harked back to the old Turn-
verein tradition of Jahn. Many nationalist movements had sports clubs: the Gaelic
Athletic Organization in Ireland,245 the Czech and Polish Sokol clubs, the mountain-
eering excursionistas in Catalonia. Jewish activists, responding to Nordau’s call to aban-
don their ghetto-inflicted enervation and develop a ‘muscular Jewry’ (Muskeljuden-
tum), organized sports clubs in various cities, naming them after the Maccabees or the
second-century insurgent Simon bar Kokhba. These partly functioned as cover orga-
nizations for nationalist mobilization and paramilitary training, partly they were in-
spired by the thought that national moves to independence also involved the physical
regeneration of a strong, healthy people. The rhetoric of the Irish nationalist William
Smith O’Brien is typical:

The world is a-weary with pessimism. It has lost its inno-

cence. It is losing its faith in most things here or hereafter.
[...] For this poison of moral and intellectual despair which is
creeping through a sad world’s veins, what cheerier antidote
is within reach than the living tide of health, and hope, and
simplicity and hilarity, the breezy objectiveness and stoutness
of muscle, and ardour or emotion which flows full and warm
through the heroic myths of the men of Erin?246

The old Roman motto mens sana in corpore sano (‘a healthy mind in a healthy body’)
seemed to be transmuted into natio sana in republica forte. Robustness was needed,
cold showers and military drill. It was the last permutation of the old Tacitus-style
ideal of manly virtus, with some Spartan overtones. It led to the cult of physical disci-
pline that was a central part of fascist and Nazi movements.247
There is nothing inherently pernicious in giving young kids holidays outdoors and
teaching them how to tie knots and other life skills; on the contrary. What could tip
such regeneration movements from innocent and even wholesome physical exercise

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 into something altogether more sinister was the way its cult of the physical could
mesh, in the years 1920-1940, with militaristic authoritarianism, with a reliance on the
myth of the heroic leader-figure (what in Nazi parlance was called the Führerprinzip).
True regeneration was to be found in totally dedicating oneself to the superior wis-
dom, insight and power of the leader – duce, Führer, caudillo, whatever. This cult of
the heroic leader, who like a Nietzschean Superman sensed his nation’s needs and the
necessities of History, had been prepared by the transcendent philosophy of Hegel,
had been formulated into a programme of moral duty by Thomas Carlyle, and gave
nationalism, from the 1870s onwards, its strong anti-democratic, authoritarian direc-
tion.248 It was felt most strongly in destabilized countries; but a certain anti-demo-
cratic joy of corporatism, duty, uniforms and militaristic organization was also notice-
able in stable states and also in Catholic organizations. Communist organizations also
used the same formula everywhere (and it is remarkable how vulnerable that ideology
proved to personality cults, the veneration of heroic leaders).
All these diverse factors played into the rightward shift of national thought and
nationalism. The Romantic celebration of cultural difference, and the Revolution’s
assertion of popular sovereignty, moved into the authoritarian and corporatist extreme
right of the political spectrum, became the driving force of the massed fanatics led by
Mussolini, Hitler, and their imitators.

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 Versailles* and After
The Great War, the War to End All Wars, was the ruinous culmination of the Euro-
pean ‘Balance of Power’ doctrine. From the days of Louis XIV onwards, and indeed
foreshadowed by the terms of the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia, there had been a ten-
dency for states to form strategic alliances in order to counterbalance the overwhelm-
ing superiority of a mighty neighbour. In the century between 1813 and 1914, a dual
system of two balancing alliances had emerged, that of a Central-European ‘Axis’
bracketed by a French-British-Russian entente. The resulting domino effect, which
inexorably led from the Sarajevo incident to the battles of Tannenberg and Verdun, is
notorious. Also notorious is the huge, industrialized scale of the warfare: this was no
longer a ‘continuation of diplomacy by other means’ (as war had been for Clausewitz),
no longer the backing up of international confrontation by an armed campaign, but a
life-and-death struggle between entire nations. The social, economic and ideological
investment in the Great War was total. Propaganda and jingoism were capable of
penetrating society to a far greater extent than in the previous century, and a frenzy
of national hatred was whipped up from all quarters to make this, morally no less than
in other respects, an almost ‘total war’. German professors and intellectuals issued
proclamations in support of German right, might and superiority; British noble and
royal families like Battenberg and Saxe-Coburg-Gotha were compelled to change their
names to the more patriotically sounding Mountbatten and Windsor. Slogans like
Gott strafe England and Hang the Kaiser suffused the public sphere. The national fana-
ticism of the First and Second World Wars can only compare to the religious fanati-
cism of the Crusades and the Wars of Religion, illustrating once more that nationalism
had taken the place, ideologically and socially, of religion as a mobilizing force.
Even as the military events unfolded, it was obvious that the Great War would mark
a fundamental shift in the European state system. The British entry into the war was
motivated and proclaimed as a defence of Belgium and of small states whose violated
neutrality had been guaranteed internationally. The various nationalities of the
Romanov and Habsburg Empires had by now developed active and ambitious na-
tional emancipation movements, all of which were to use the military deadlock of the
great imperial war to proclaim self-government. As the Tsar’s empire crumbled after
1917, its peripheral dominions in the Polish/Baltic area all seized the opportunity. In
Central and South-Eastern Europe, minority nations in the borderlands of the Austro-

* I use ‘Versailles’ as shorthand for the entire set of arrangements that brought the First World
War to a close. A cessation of hostilities had been agreed in Compiègne in 1918. The Paris Peace
Conference formally brought the war to an end, leading to the Treaties of Versailles (for Germany),
of Saint-Germain (Austria), of Trianon (Hungary), of Neuilly (Bulgaria) and Sèvres (Ottoman Em-
pire); these are often grouped collectively under the name of the Versailles Treaty. A separate arrange-
ment with Russia had been made in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. For the various texts cited here, cf.
(unless otherwise indicated) Treaty 1947 and Martin 1924.

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 Hungarian and Ottoman empires did likewise, hyphenating themselves into Czecho-
Slovak and Serbo-Croat alliances. Again, at the other end of Europe, a symbolic ges-
ture towards a nationalist uprising was staged in Dublin in 1916, suppressed for the
nonce but re-erupting in an insurrectionary campaign in 1919. Even in British war
propaganda, the argument was made that after the war a ‘Europe of Nations’ should
re-establish state divisions on the principle of nationality, thereby removing the ethnic
tensions that had triggered the confrontation on the Balkans.
This late echo of Mazzini-style thought was carried into the highest circles of poli-
tical policy-making as a result of Leon Dominian’s book The Frontiers of Language and
Nationality in Europe. It was rooted in the European tradition of mixing geography,
anthropology and linguistics, and arguing that states should ideally reflect the racial/
linguistic profile of their populations. Published for the American Geographical Asso-
ciation of New York in 1917, it introduced this tradition of ‘ethnic geopolitics’ into a
society that had been dominated by race feeling during the previous decades, and that
was now on the brink of entering the First World War. The introduction by Madison
Grant (author of the notorious The Passing of the Great Race, 1916, a racist classic249)
regretted the ‘prevailing lack of race consciousness in Europe’ and urged the idea that
language was the essential factor in ‘the creation of national union and nationality’.
How ingrained and blatant the habit had become of extrapolating from culture to
geopolitics, may appear from the following excerpt, which also illustrates how Vuk
Karadžić’s romantic-philological folksong-collecting of the 1810s was to have unfore-
seen, enormous political repercussions a century later:

The pjesme [epic ballad, JL] voices Serbia’s national aspira-

tions once more in the storm and stress of new afflictions. Its
accents ring so true, that the geographer, in search of Serbian
boundaries, tries in vain to discover a surer guide to delimita-
tion. From the Adriatic to the Western walls of the Balkan
ranges, from Croatia to Macedonia, the guzlar’s ballad is the
symbol of national solidarity. His tunes live within the heart
and upon the lips of every Serbian. The pjesme may therefore
be fittingly considered the measure and index of a nationality
whose fibre it has stirred. To make Serbian territory coincide
with the regional extension of the pjesme implies the defining
of the Serbian national area. And Serbia is only one among
many countries to which this method of delimitation is ap-
plicable.250

The American success of this book was to reverberate back into European affairs.
When the conclusion of the Great War was negotiated in 1918-1919, the doctrine of
the ‘self-determination of peoples’ became a guiding principle. It formed part of the
American brief for the Paris Peace Conference, Woodrow Wilson’s famous ‘fourteen
points’, many of which involved the principle of nationality and of national self-deter-
mination. Multi-ethnic empires were to be broken up in order to make the establish-

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 41. Guzlar performing: Frontispiece to Karadžić’s collection, 1824 edition.

ment of nation-states possible. Thus point 8 restores Alsace-Lorraine from German to

French control, and 9 through 13 of Wilson’s ‘fourteen points’ read:

9. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected

along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
10. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the
nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be
accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous develop-
ment.
11. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated;
occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure
access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states
to one another determined by friendly counsel along histori-
cally established lines of allegiance and nationality; and inter-
national guarantees of the political and economic indepen-
dence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states
should be entered into.
12. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire
should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nation-
alities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured

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 an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested
opportunity of autonomous development, and the Darda-
nelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the
ships and commerce of all nations under international guar-
antees.
13. An independent Polish state should be erected which
should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Pol-
ish populations, which should be assured a free and secure
access to the sea, and whose political and economic indepen-
dence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by inter-
national covenant.

The principle of national self-determination was to be enshrined thirty years later in

the Charter of the United Nations: Chapter 1, Article 2 stipulates the aim to ‘develop
friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and
self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen
universal peace’.
But what were the nationalities whose right to self-determination was now en-
shrined in international law? Arguably, for Wilson and the American negotiators, the
nationalities were precisely that amalgam of race and language that had been described
by Dominian. We can see Dominian’s book, and its vitriolic denunciation of the Turk-
ish racial character,* quoted by the King-Crane Commission (appointed by Wilson
during the Paris Peace Conference to prepare the settlement of erstwhile Ottoman
dominions). The romantic pipe dream to make political frontiers coincide with cul-
tural-linguistic discontinuities was made official policy. Thus a memoir addressed to
German negotiators in 1919 pointed out:

Every territorial settlement of the Treaty of Peace has been

determined upon after the most careful and laboured consid-
eration of all the religious, racial and linguistic factors in each
particular country. The legitimate hopes of peoples long un-
der alien rule have been heard; and the decisions in each case
have been founded upon the principle, explicitly enunciated
in the same address: that ‘All well-defined national aspirations
shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded
them without introducing new or perpetuating old elements
of discord and antagonism that would be likely in time to
break the peace of Europe and consequently of the world.’251

The most striking aspect of the principle of national self-determination is the partiality
with which it was applied. It was used as a crowbar in order to break up the van-

* It should be kept in mind that the author was Armenian, and wrote his book under the shadow
of the Armenian genocide, knowledge of which was then only just beginning to emerge.

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 quished empires in Central and Eastern Europe, but its application in the West was
not envisaged. Belgium severely prosecuted those who, during the years 1914-1918, had
advocated Flemish emancipation (some of whom had collaborated with the German
occupiers for the purpose); the independence of Ireland was only grudgingly conceded
in subsequent years; regional minority movements in Spain and France got little or no
room for their autonomist ambitions. Even within Eastern and Central Europe the
principle of nationality was only used insofar as it served other purposes. Strategic or
geopolitical considerations (e.g. access to the Danube or to the sea) often overrode the
ethnicity of disputed areas. And in any case, the idea that state borders could reflect
ethnic population patterns was, in Central and Eastern Europe of all places, an impos-
sible chimera. In transferring Transylvania from Hungary to Romania, the only effect
was that the area no longer represented a Romanian minority under Hungarian rule,
but rather a Hungarian minority under Romanian rule – not to mention the other
nationalities, neither Romanian nor Magyar, inhabiting the area. Even in a relatively
straightforward case such as Schleswig-Holstein, with its mixed Danish- or German-
speaking population (and a sprinkling of Frisian), prosperous and socially stable, the
plebiscites that eventually settled the area’s preponderant ethnicity (and hence, the
question as to which state it should belong to) were a vexed affair. Deeper into the
heart of the European continent, many areas, indeed, comported four, five or more
nationalities intermingled socially and geographically: Vojvodina, Bucovina, the Ba-
nat, Ruthenia... to pretend that these could be assigned to one nation-state or another
on the principle of national self-determination was either naive or hypocritical.
The ‘Versailles system’ has often been blamed for the rise of German revanchism in
its Nazi guise. It should also be realized that it created as many ethno-geographic
problem areas as it aimed to resolve. Hitler’s early successes in international affairs
were to a large extent based on the ethno-geopolitical policies that had dominated
‘Versailles’ and that could now be turned into a weapon of nationalist German ag-
grandizement: the Rhineland, union with Austria, the issues of the Sudetenland and
Danzig/Gdańsk.
Nonetheless, ‘Versailles’ laid down the blueprint of the Europe of nation-states of
the twentieth century. To some extent it formed the political enactment of the nation-
alist ideals of many nineteenth-century movements. Countries like Ireland, Iceland,
Finland, the Baltic states, the various South-Slavic states, Albania, Czechia/Slovakia,
and so on: all these either obtained their first independence or achieved their territorial
outline in 1919. Remarkably, after decades of totalitarian submergence from the 1930s
until 1989, many of them (like the Baltic states) reverted after 1989 to the outline that
they had first received in the period 1919-1925. (The great exception being, of course,
Poland, whose territory has shifted westward.) The Versailles system has consistently
provided a mental frame for the European nation-state throughout the twentieth cen-
tury; even the emergence of an independent Ukraine afer 1993 re-enacts a brief interval
of independence, achieved in 1919, and never quite forgotten or abandoned since.
A good many European states date their independence back to nineteenth-century
national movements finally recognized in the years following the First World War.
These states tend to reflect the linguistic/ethnic principle of nationality emphatically
in their political structures and symbolism. The constitutions of such states tend to

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 stipulate, in their preambles or opening articles, that they are based on a cultural iden-
tity as expressed in a national language. A massive repartitioning of Europe’s demo-
graphic space, begun by the Romantics and philologists of Napoleonic times, was
given constitutional embodiment in the Versailles system.

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 Aftermath and Conclusions:
Twentieth-Century Issues

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 Taming National Sovereignty:
Transnationalism and Internationalism

Ernest Renan and the critique of national determinism

The fourteenth of Woodrow Wilson’s ‘fourteen points’ envisaged a system of interna-

tional association in order to guarantee the peaceful coexistence of the self-determin-
ing nationalities now achieving statehood. It stipulated that:

A general association of nations must be formed under speci-

fic covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees
of political independence and territorial integrity to great and
small states alike.

The idea that no nation-state is an island, but that they form part of a system that can
ideally control itself was to lead to the ill-fated League of Nations. It has roots as long
as the history of nationalism itself: it was foreshadowed by Mazzini’s (and Victor
Hugo’s) ideal that the nationalities of Europe, once sovereign, should cluster into a
‘United States of Europe’; and we may even see a forerunner of this notion in Imma-
nuel Kant’s project for an ‘Everlasting Peace’.*
The League of Nations was notoriously unsuccessful in achieving peace and stabi-
lity after Versailles; the system derailed with the rise of the totalitarian states in Europe.
At the same time, its underlying goal was kept alive in other forms of international
association and mutual control such as the United Nations and the European Union.
The need to counteract a chauvinistic, hegemonistic nationalism by limiting the uni-
lateralist sovereignty of the nation-state is an ongoing concern in twentieth-century
Europe, and its immediate origins may be found in one of the most influential and
oft-quoted essays of the last two centuries, Ernest Renan’s Qu’est-ce qu’une nation? of
1882.252
Renan himself (1823-1892) was one of the leading French intellectuals of his day.
Originally trained to become a priest, he had, upon losing his faith, gained fame with
a remarkable life of Christ (Vie de Jésus, 1863), and established himself as an agnostic
intellectual as well as a specialist in the culture and spirituality of the Middle East; his

* Kant had argued that war is only waged if at least one of the belligerents is a despotic state.
Rationally run republics or states (so Kant’s Enlightenment view had it) will settle disputes through
negotiation or other peaceful means. Remarkably, a bird’s-eye view of European wars in the last
centuries seems, by and large, to bear out this tenet: one is hard put to find examples of actual wars
flaring up between two democracies.

239

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 42. Ernest Renan

standing as an Orientalist was high, although he lost his chair at the Collège de France
for a while for political reasons.
Intellectually, Renan was a child of his time. With other intellectuals like Hippolyte
Taine he believed that scientific progress and a scientific mode of thinking would
come to dominate human affairs; and a quasi-ethnographical belief in the racial under-
pinning of culture formed part of that ‘scientific’ outlook. Hippolyte Taine, famously,
believed that literary history could be written on the basis of the underlying para-
meters of race, geographical location and historical context. Renan himself applied
this type of ethnological determinism to the Celtic literature of Brittany, his own
home region, in influential essays such as La littérature des races celtiques (1854).253
Racially deterministic scientism also linked Renan to German scholarship, which he
admired and from which he took inspiration. A crisis in this outlook occurred after the
Franco-Prussian war of 1870-1871, which culminated in the German annexation of
Alsace-Lorraine. That annexation continued, as we have seen, a centuries-old geopoli-
tical tug of war over the region. In the strident German triumphalism of the time,
however, it was also rationalized as the necessary adjustment of political frontiers to
their underlying ethnic patterns. Alsace and Strasbourg were Germanic (so it was ar-

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 gued) in their architecture, their viticulture, their local speech and other ethnographi-
cal factors, and must therefore necessarily form part of the state which incorporated
that Germanic identity.
The argument had been made, resoundingly, by Ernst Moritz Arndt in his ‘The
Rhine, Germany’s stream but not Germany’s frontier’ of 1814. That tract, opposing
French land-grabbing power with the German Kultur of the region, echoed through-
out the German vindications of the Rhineland in the following decades; it was still
invoked explicitly in 1871 when the nationalistic Prussian historian Heinrich von
Treitschke justified the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine in his Was fordern wir von
Frankreich? 253a By 1871, however, France and Germany had switched places as regards
military might and annexationism; and the intellectuals of defeated France accordingly
developed a new counterclaim and rhetoric. They now opposed Prussian land-grab-
bing power, masquerading as Kultur, juxtaposing it with the pro-French civic loyalty
of the local population. In their view (echoed by Renan) Strasbourg, including its
white wine, its half-timbered houses and its German patois, had been French since the
days of Louis XIV; it had been the birthplace of the Marseillaise and of the revolution-
ary general Kléber, as Lorraine had been the birthplace of Jeanne d’Arc; it had, over
the past centuries, become enmeshed in the tapestry of France’s historical weal and
woe, and the annexation was felt by the French (and by most Alsatians) as a brutal
amputation.
Renan’s essay Qu’est-ce qu’une nation? never once mentions Strasbourg, or Alsace-
Lorraine. Its phraseology is that of a courteous, if slightly sarcastic, theoretical disquisi-
tion on the determinants of that complex thing, ‘national identity’; yet Renan takes
issue with a determinism that he qualifies, time and again, as a product of ‘German’
thought (conveniently ignoring how much that thought had also been carried by
Frenchmen like Taine and himself), and taking, at least in his theoretical position, an
anti-German stance. That the practical implications of that stance were anti-German,
too, and that they amounted to a rebuttal of the German claims on Alsace-Lorraine, is
obvious but never explicitly stated. This attempt to generalize beyond the contentious
issue of the day is not just a rhetorical ploy; it does makes Renan’s line of reasoning all
the stronger, lifts the essay out of the context of French-German antagonism and has
ensured its status, well into the twentieth century and beyond. It is one of the key
arguments against the beliefs, so rampantly predominant by the late nineteenth cen-
tury, that culture and identity are determined by descent, and that the state should
incorporate an underlying ethnicity.
Renan opposes two rivalling claims by saying that the wrong one (German) invokes
the people’s ethnic descent, the right one (French) their civic loyalties. This in a man-
ner revived the age-old debate between Montesquieu and Hume as to the ‘natural’ or
‘social’ causes of national identity (above, p. 77), but would over the next decades also
generate a conceptual dualism in nationalism studies: the opposition between ‘civic’
and ‘ethnic’ nationalism – usually with a positive valorization for the former, and a
negative one for the latter, and frequently linking civic nationalism to a French tradi-
tion derived from Rousseau, and ethnic nationalism to a German tradition derived

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 from Fichte.* Renan reviews the various answers to that question which were domi-
nant at the time. To begin with, he rejects the semantic slippage between nation and
race. Against the ideology of racal purity he points out that all of Europe, for the entire
duration of its recorded history, has been a melting pot of tribes crisscrossing the map
and cohabiting in the various corners of the continent. The idea that any modern
individual or nation could be the pure and unmixed offspring of the tribes of anti-
quity, across all the intervening centuries of migration and intermixture, he dismisses
as an implausible fiction. France has emerged from Gauls, Romans and Franks, Eng-
land from Saxons, Normans and Danes; the national bloodlines of Europe are a cock-
tail of different ancestries.
Other historical determinants of nationality are likewise surveyed and dismissed.
Geography (riverbeds and mountain ranges) may influence international traffic, they
do not impose national cohesion. Language spills across various nationalities whilst a
single nation like the Swiss may straddle diverse languages. The same goes for religion.
And the fiscal-administrative rule of a state is not in itself enough to establish a com-
mon identity. Nationality lies, if anywhere, with the people’s own sense of identity,
their self-identification, and no single circumstance can directly determine that collec-
tive attitude (Renan speaks of ‘un principe spirituel, un état d’âme’): nationality is a state
of mind.
It is at this point that Renan formulates his alternative to the determinism which he
attacks. It is, precisely, the will of the people concerned: their choice to identify in one
way rather than another. In an interesting echo of Rousseau’s volonté générale, Renan’s
idea of nationality, of ‘what makes a nation’, is the principle of collective choice; in so
doing, Renan opposes to determinism what we now call ‘voluntarism’. One belongs to
a nation because implicitly or explicitly that is what one chooses to do; the collectivity
of a nation is a mutual sense of belonging and togetherness, which is tacitly affirmed
from day to day in one’s implicit allegiance; the famous phrase Renan uses is that of
‘un plébiscite de tous les jours’, a ‘plebiscite renewed from day to day’. This moral alle-
giance or solidarity is in turn inspired, not by any determining external factor such as
race or geography, but by common interests and shared experiences. Nationality is a
social choice rather than an anthropological category.
Renan’s argument in favour of social choice was to a large extent a tactical, ad hoc
one. The idea of a ‘plebiscite’ is not merely a metaphor for the general will of the
people, it also echoes specific calls to let the status of Alsace-Lorraine be decided, not
by the warring capitals Berlin and Paris, but by the people concerned (and Renan
knew full well that the people concerned would overwhelmingly support a French
rather than a German appurtenance). The decision of national status by plebiscite

* Historically, that derivation is not wholly untrue, but vastly overstated. There are cultural argu-
ments in Rousseau, and anti-aristocratic ones in Arndt; and as we have seen, the history of pseudo-
scientific racism, rooted in France, branched out everywhere across Europe. Even so, the insight that
nationalism can see the nation either as a civic community or as an ethnic one, is valid. The fact that
one can never encounter either in its pure, unmixed form, does not take from that validity and
indeed increases it. Nationalism, as mentioned above (p. 17) can be fruitfully understood as an ideol-
ogy that always conflates, in some shifting proportion, civic and ethnic definitions of the nation.

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 had been tried before, incidentally: the inhabitants of Avignon and the Franche-
Comté had decided in such a way to join France in 1791.254 Similarly, in those dec-
ades, the absorption (enosis) of the Ionian islands and Crete into an expanding Greece
proceeded on the basis of a locally established free choice rather than as a result of
geopolitics enforced from the metropolis. In the subsequent century, the plebiscite
would remain a reliable instrument to settle conflicts in disputed border regions; from
the 1920 Schleswig-Holstein settlement to the 2006 declaration of Montenegrin inde-
pendence fom Serbia.
But, aside from this deliberate political aim, Renan’s notion of plebiscite crucially
formulated the idea that nationality is not a question of identity, but of identification.
As Renan himself clearly saw, this identification is a history-driven process which over
the course of time is subject to historical change. Solidarity can grow on the basis of
shared glories and, more importantly, shared suffering; national unity can only be es-
tablished if the memories of ancient strife and old divisions are allowed to be laid to rest.
Indeed, in an almost prophetical gesture, Renan predicted that the progress of the
historical sciences might unearth old, almost-forgotten intra-national grievances which,
if re-actualized and re-remembered might threaten the moral cohesion of the nation-
state. At the time when Renan wrote this, he was thinking of the blood-stained records
of French history itself: the anti-Cathar and anti-Albigensian crusades of the Middle
Ages; the ruthless suppression of Protestantism from the St. Bartholomew’s Day mas-
sacre to the extirpation of the Camisards in the Cevennes; the memory of the 1790s
Vendée wars. (In fact, some of these events were already feeding into regionalist anti-
French resentment in the Languedoc and in Brittany at the time.) But more generally,
Renan’s observation predicts with remarkable insight the end of the triumphalist mode
of monumental-nationalist history-writing, and the rise of the ‘traumatic paradigm’ in
the twentieth-century collective-historical consciousness. State commemorations have
adopted the mode of mourning into their celebrations: under the Arc de Triomphe now
lie the ashes of the Unknown Soldier, and national monuments now tend to pay respect
to history’s victims rather than to celebrate history’s conquering heroes. The framework
of ‘the nation’ in history-writing and in historical consciousness has receded. Other
groups and aggregates (class, regions, community, gender, race) have come to take ex-
ception to the grand national narratives and claim the right to tell the story of the past
from their subordinate point of view and from their experience – an experience, often,
of marginalization, oppression or persecution.255 Thus the rise of ‘identity politics’,
predicted with so much foresight by Renan as a refusal to let bygones be bygones, a
refusal to sink own’s partial grievances into the general consensus, occured initially as
part of a weakening of the totalizing vision of nationalism.
Most fundamentally, however, the influence of Renan lies in his rebuttal of the
determinist vision of ethnic nationalism. If, by and large in contemporary Europe, the
tenets of ethnic nationalism are viewed with scepticism and suspicion, then credit is
due to the lone voice that was first raised against them during their heyday of the 1880s.

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 Renan’s widening influence

Twentieth-century anti-nationalism, which adopted Renan as its maître à penser, was

motivated by the need to tame bellicose unilateralism. The annexation of Alsace-Lor-
raine by Prussia provoked a number of concerned legal scholars to establish an Institut
de droit international (Ghent, 1873). Its first president was Pasquale Stanislao Mancini
(1817–1888), erstwhile participant in the Italian risorgimento, who as Turin law profes-
sor had given an influential lecture, Della nazionalità come fondamento del diritto delle
genti (‘On the nationality principle as a basis for international law’), outlining a theory
of the nation’s right to self-determination, but in an international, state-binding legal
order. The increasing ferocity of industrialized warfare also provoked a pacifist coun-
ter-stance. The national fanaticism of warfare since Napoleon (already described in
terms of moral denunciation in Tolstoy’s War and Peace) had made one thing clear: if
the nation was everything in public affairs, it was also the Leviathan that waged wars
and destroyed entire generations. Bertha von Suttner’s Die Waffen nieder! of 1889 set a
trend. The fact that Alfred Nobel dedicated part of his estate to the establishment of a
Peace Prize (awarded to the Institut de droit international in 1904 and to Suttner in
1905) consolidated that trend, as did the series of the The Hague Peace Conferences,
undertaken in 1899 on the initiative of Tsar Nicholas II and funded by the American
industrialist and philanthropist Andrew Carnegie.*
Although all this well-meaning elite pacifism failed to stop the carnage of the Bal-
kan Wars and the First World War, those conflicts did demonstrate how urgent the
need had become to limit the nation-states’ power of chauvinist belligerence. In 1914,
many thinkers had welcomed the war as a glorious occasion to rejuvenate and re-her-
oicize Europe; the Irish nationalist Patrick Pearse echoed the sentiments of his genera-
tion all over Europe when he wrote:

The last sixteen months have been the most glorious in the
history of Europe. Heroism has come back to the earth. [...]
the people themselves have gone to battle because to each the
old voice that speaks out of the soil of a nation has spoken
anew. Each fights for the fatherland. [...] It is good for the
world that such things should be done. The old heart of the
earth needed to be warmed with the red wine of the battle-
field. Such august homage was never before offered to God as
this, the homage of millions of lives given gladly for love of
country.256

* In 1907, the Peace Palace in The Hague was built, and today houses the International Court of
Human Rights, set up under the auspices of the United Nations and known nowadays largely for its
Yugoslavia tribunal (Eyffinger 2006). Currently, the attempt to expand the court with an Interna-
tional Criminal Court for the prosecution of war crimes worldwide has notoriously met with resis-
tance from the United States.

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 At the outbreak of the war, and maybe even still in December 1915, when Pearse wrote
this, such a sentiment was still an acceptable rhetorical continuation of nineteenth-
century romantic attitudes, sharpened by the prevailing fear of decadence and degen-
eration; a few years later it had become an obscenity. The horrors of the mud-clogged
trenches, with their barbed wire, their poison gas, their artillery barrages, splintered
forests and endless casualty lists, spread far and wide into society-at-large by new med-
ia such as press and photography.257 Press coverage was followed by artistic represen-
tations of what war could inflict, in the poems of Wilfred Owen, the novels of
Remarque and Hašek, the drawings of Otto Dix. All this cast a pall over the old
Romantic glorification of the military and of warfare. Even at the Paris Peace Confer-
ence, there were those who realized that the settlement of the war should be more
than an exercise in punishing the losers,* and that the root of the problem lay in the
exaggerated national chauvinism that had come to dominate international relations.
The diplomat and scholar Carlile Aylmer Macartney (1895-1979) who had participated
as a young man in the Paris Peace Conference, published his important study Nation
States and National Minorities in 1934, when the delayed flaws of the Versailles system
were becoming painfully obvious in Germany and Central Europe. By that time, too,
internationalism and pacifism had been placed on a new footing by initiatives such as
the aforementioned League of Nations, and the Pan-European Movement of Count
Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi (1894-1972). Although Coudenhove-Kalergi’s movement
was elitist and inefficient, it did catch the imagination of certain politicians, such as
Aristide Briand and Winston Churchill, and may have sown some of the seeds that
were, one World War later, to inspire the initiative towards a deliberately transnational
European Community.258
The attempts of politicians to tie down that destructive giant of the unilateralist
nation-state (much like Lilliputians trussing Gulliver with hundreds of small threads)
eventually culminated in Jean Monnet’s insightful programme to pool the West-Euro-
pean resources of coal and steel internationally. If Europe’s heavy industry were to be
placed under the control of an international community regulating its raw materials,
coal and steel, then unilateral re-armament would be a thing of the past forever. The
European Community of Coal and Steel, thus established in 1952, was to give a firm
basis to the French-German tandem, and later led to the European Economic Com-
munity and the European Union by way of the Treaties of Rome (1958), of Maastricht
(1993), of Amsterdam (1999), and of Nice (2003).

* Who were ‘the losers’ anyway? The Versailles Treaty uses a curious formula in the opening
section of the part dealing with reparations (section VIII, kindly brought to my attention by Wim
Roobol): ‘The Allied and Associated Governments affirm and Germany accepts the responsibility of
Germany and her allies for causing all the loss and damage to which the Allied and Associated
Governments and their nationals have been subjected as a consequence of the war imposed upon
them by the aggression of Germany and her allies.’ Asymmetrically, a set of governments (represent-
ing states and their nationals) is juxtaposed with an abstract and undifferentiated principle called
‘Germany’, which embodies the continuity (and continuing responsibility) between the vanished
Wilhelminian Reich that had started the war in 1914, and the government that signed the treaty in
1919. The standard work on this ‘continuity principle’, Marek 1968, does not address this case.

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 This diplomatic-political initiative was flanked by, and inspired by, a more moral-
intellectual drive, which we can trace back, by various filiations, to Ernest Renan’s
critique of nationalism. One of the disseminators of Renan’s thought was the French
sociologist Marcel Mauss, author of Nation, nationalité, internationalisme (1920); an-
other was the aforementioned Macartney, who participated in a highly influential
British think-tank, the Royal Institute for International Affairs at Oxford, led by the
historian E.H. Carr. Faced with the rise of Hitlerism in the 1930, this institute pro-
duced a seminal analysis of the nationalist ideology, entitled Nationalism, in 1939.
(Carr himself published, in 1945, a brief tract with the hopeful title Nationalism and
After.) Among the collaborators was also a rising young scholar from Prague, the poly-
glot Hans Kohn (1891-1971), who, after he had emigrated to the United States, was to
become an early associate of the Foreign Policy Research Institute and one of the
twentieth century’s greatest historians and analysts of nationalism.* Such anti-totalitar-
ian internationalism eventually found its political expression in another European-
wide organization, the Council of Europe, established in 1949, and dedicated primar-
ily to the defence and European integration of human rights, parliamentary democ-
racy and the rule of law. In addition, the Council of Europe proclaimed its interna-
tionalist roots in its aim to ‘promote awareness of a European identity based on shared
values and cutting across different cultures.’

The recoil from totalitarianism

Obviously, the rejection of determinist ethnic nationalism and national chauvinism

became a matter of urgency after the rise of fascist dictatorships in the mid-century.
Many European countries were affected, from Portugal to Romania. Even in the more
stable states of Northern and Western Europe, fascist movements played a strident and
sometimes prominent role in politics in the 1920s and 1930s. They flourished to a
degree under Nazi aegis when the continental democracies were occupied after Hitler’s
campaigns of 1939-1940.
Although there are differences of degree between the authoritarian corporatism of
falangist and fascist dictatorships on the one hand, and the racial-collective völkisch
ideologies of National Socialism, these extreme right-wing ideologies all shared an ex-

* Born in Prague, Kohn had been active in Zionist student organizations. He received a Doctor
of Law degree from the German University in Prague. In the First World War, he became a prisoner
of war and was interned in Samarkand and Khaborovsk, Krasnoyarsk and Irkutsk in Siberia until
1920. In the following years he lived and worked in Paris, London and Palestine; in 1929 he moved to
the US. Kohn adopted the distinction between civic and ethnic nationalism. Writing as he did in a
historical period dominated by the totalitarian systems of the Third Reich and the USSR, and later
by the Cold War, he aligned the civic-ethnic polarity along a West-East axis. His opposition between
‘Western’ (democratic, civic, rational) and ‘Eastern’ (authoritarian, ethnic, mystical) types of nation-
alism was overly black-and-white and tended to read historical developments finalistically through a
Cold War lens; it is now universally discredited. This does not, however, diminish his enormous
achievements in mapping the discursive record of nationalism’s intellectual history.

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 aggerated belief in the primacy of nationality, overriding all concerns of individual lib-
erty and cultivating a deliberate intolerance of others. The deterministic views of ethnic
nationalism were exaggerated into the various forms of pseudo-science that flourished
under these regimes. The National-Socialist idea of nationality is more or less sui generis
and one had best call it by its own self-styled appellation: that of völkisch. Although
racism is present in almost all fascist movements,259 the völkisch way of seeing the na-
tion as a biological community is in a league of its own. In its view, the history of the
Volk is thoroughly determined, in its larger patterns, by its innate and cultivated tem-
perament and by its purity and collective solidarity, and in its crises, by the willpower
of its leaders and their capacity to understand the patterns and necessities of the his-
torical juncture. Thus, the völkisch historical vision often concentrates on single,
powerful historical figures and their entourage, while there is also a tendency to go
into large geo-anthropological abstractions. Karl Haushofer’s notorious Geopolitik ex-
plained national destinies with the geological and geographical morphological features
of their areas of settlement and their Lebensraum. Similarly, the most typical exponent
of völkisch history-writing, the pursuit of Volksgeschichte, tended towards a historical
geography of national settlements and migrations. The names by which these studies
were called usually involve a purported link between the timeless principle of ethnicity
and the equally a-historical framework of space. Volkstum- and Deutschtumforschung
(the study of ‘nationality’ and ‘Germanness’) hinged on the concepts of Volk and
Raum (landscape-space): Raumforschung, Volks- und Raumgeschichte.260 The overriding
interest was always to celebrate the perennial sameness of the Germanic tribes, from
archaic roots to Hitlerite rebirth: the enduring link between the Germans’ racial line-
age and their land (Blut und Boden). This cult of völkisch identity was an important
contributing factor in the Third Reich’s policy of genocide as an instrument of na-
tional purity and total control.261
Following these bloodbaths, Europeans in the second half of the twentieth century
had to confront Renan’s evocation of a blood-stained, traumatic history with a discon-
certed sense of massive, unremitting barbarism lurking under the appearance of civili-
zation. The Christian Middle Ages had spawned the Crusades and the witch craze; the
rise of modernity had seen the wars of religion and the devastating imperial delusions
of Louis XIV, Napoleon and Wilhelm; Europe’s colonial and imperial expansion in-
volved the huge, centuries-long genocide and ethnocide of slavery and the slave trade;
and at least numerically the death toll of Nazi rule was mirrored in the vast homicidal
track record of Stalinism. In the second half of the twentieth century then, Western
Europe, staggering out of the ruins of the Second World War, faced the dual task of
anti-totalitarianism and the defence of individuals and minorities against the authority
of the state. (In the East, communist rule was to extend the period of totalitarian
tyranny for another half-century.) It is not for nothing that the trans- and interna-
tional organizations set up in the late 1940s all linked the notion of international co-
operation with the principle of respect for human rights.*

* The implicit stipulation of democratic rule can be seen at work in the track record of the EEC
and European Union. Dictatorships like Franco’s Spain and Salazar’s Portugal were excluded from

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 The figure of René Cassin illustrates both the continuity that reaches from pre-1914
reformism to post-1945 internationalism, and (after 1945) the link between human
rights and an international legal order binding individually sovereign states. Marked
by the Dreyfus Affair in his youth, Cassin studied law, took military service in 1914,
and was gravely wounded and invalided in October 1914. As a lawyer and a French
delegate to the League of Nations, he worked with World War I veterans’ associations.
In 1940 he followed de Gaulle to Britain, where he worked on a War Crimes Commis-
sion of what would later become the United Nations. He took a leading role in draft-
ing the UN Declaration of Human Rights (for which he received the 1968 Nobel
Peace Prize), and in 1959 became one of the founding judges on the European Court
of Human Rights, a legal institution of the Council of Europe (which, after its foun-
dation in 1950, had drawn up a European Declaration of Human Rights).261a

membership, and only acceded after their transition to parliamentary democracy. Greek applications
for membership were unacceptable while that country was under the regime of a military junta in
the early 1970s. In 2000, the rise of Jörg Haider’s extreme right-wing FPÖ to government in Austria
(already a member state of the EU) led to the country’s informal isolation in European affairs; and
even the candidacy of Jean-Marie Le Pen in France’s presidential elections of 2002 immediately led
the French media to reflect on France’s total isolation in European affairs should he be elected.
Negotiations with prospective members from post-Communist countries (as well as Turkey) have
again brought the issue of human rights to the front as an implicit but fundamentally important
principle in the EU. The principle came under pressure in the 2010s as a result of government
illiberalism in Hungary and Poland.

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 Postnationalism
The internationalist and anti-totalitarian recoil from national chauvinism dominated
Western Europe throughout the Cold War. Increasingly, European cooperation domi-
nated the agenda; the future lay in a healing of old wounds and international Euro-
pean harmony. What is more, the period 1945-1989 was almost unique in European
history for the stability of its international frontiers. No other half-century can be
found in which the outline of the states and the trajectory of their dividing borders
was so rigidly and unchangingly fixed. For someone who grew up in these immediate
post-war decades, the impression might well be that states had now found their last-
ing, definitive geographical expression and that Europe henceforth was to be a neat
jigsaw puzzle of seamlessly interlocking states, each comprising an unambiguous na-
tionality and territory. Despite some anomalies (a divided Germany and an isolated
Berlin foremost among them), all potential territorial conflicts were resolutely kept in
deep freeze, since any destabilization could trigger a devastating nuclear war between
the two superpowers, the US and the USSR. The time of international rivalry and
territorial conquest, which had ruled the fluctuations of the European map for so
long, seemed over; nationalism, self-denounced as a result of its perverse ideological
excesses of the mid-century, seemed as dead an ideology as the belief in witchcraft.
Even so, some specifically national issues continued to make their presence felt.

Decolonization: Europe’s Loss of Empire

Famously, the twentieth century was the time of de-colonization; the first European
state to be confronted with this process had been Spain, which, following the early-
nineteenth-century campaigns of Simon Bolívar* in Latin America, experienced the
loss of its last overseas colonies in 1898 as a time of national trauma and a point of
recalibration for a sense of Spanish identity. In the course of the following century,
Britain was to lose its empire in India/Pakistan and its colonies and dominions in
Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific; the Netherlands their East Indies (Indonesia)
and Surinam; France its possessions in Indochina and North Africa; Belgium its Con-
go colony; Portugal, Angola and Mozambique. This process of de-colonization has
been extensively studied and may very roughly be explained from two or three key
factors: the drastic weakening of the European states as a result of their internecine
wars, linked to the fact that the superpowers which came to dominate world affairs

* Simon de Bolívar (1783-1830), celebrated throughout Latin America as El libertador, stands at

the beginning of the independence of Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador and Peru; Bolivia has been
named after him. His profile as a national liberation campaigner (astutely exploiting the Napoleon-
inflicted weakness of Spain around 1810) fits that of others who were inspired by an Enlightenment
sense of civic patriotism and liberty: Pasquale Paoli in Corsica, Washington in North America, Kos-
ciuszko in Poland, O’Connell in Ireland, and, as a belated example perhaps, Garibaldi in Italy.

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 after 1945 were themselves averse to colonialism; and the emergence of a modern-
trained elite of local intellectuals who could rally popular discontent behind a realistic
political agenda of self-determination.
For the anticolonial activists, the pursuit of independence constituted a national
agenda, and as a result the decolonization process has been studied as a form of na-
tionalism. It is, however, a moot point whether Sukarno, Gandhi, Nkrumah, Nyerere,
Ho Chi Minh, Senghor, Bourguiba and Ben Bella (to name just a few of the many
independence leaders in Europe’s colonies) can be compared to the likes of Pearse,
Kossuth, Rakovski, Velestinlis or Alecsandri.* European nationalism as it has been
studied here was always the political application of a cultural programme. It involved
the political instrumentalization of a sense of nationality rooted in cultural patterns
and triggered by a programme of cultural consciousness-raising. The twentieth-cen-
tury pursuit of independence in the European colonies started from an agenda of
political justice and economic empowerment, and while we can often see a cultural
policy of sorts (e.g. literacy programmes), these tend to be largely educational and
rarely aimed at the political instrumentalization of cultural identity. Most leaders were
content to draw the boundaries of their emerging stages according to the frontiers
imposed by colonial administrators, surrounding territories including many cultures
and languages, and establishing states often using the colonial language as its official
one (Spanish, Portuguese, English or French). The concept of language-based nation-
ality counted for little; if anything the concept of race was thematized, in the over-
riding binary ‘black versus white’ terms that had defined colonial denigration and
expropriation. Many leaders, moreover, were motivated by ideologies that stood apart
from the European patterns; influential thinkers were Marx, Gramsci and the Carib-
bean-born Frantz Fanon (1925-1961). If European nationalism had been driven by Ro-
mantic idealism, anticolonialism tended to rest its case on the tenets and rhetoric of a
radical liberalism, Marxism, or religions such as Hinduism or Islam.
In all these respects, then, decolonization in the twentieth century represented
something structurally different from European nationalism. Nonetheless, the process
had an impact within Europe as well. ‘Loss of empire’ is frequently associated with the
emergence of nationalism, and loss of empire affected most European countries at
various moments in their history. Indeed, the European enthusiasm of the 1950s–
1970s, when many Western Europeans saw themselves as a middle ground between
the two world powers, the US and the USSR, and driving the formation of the Euro-
pean Union, may well be read as a form of ‘European nationalism’ following the con-
tinent’s fall from the major league of global power. Loss of empire had been a recurring
experience for European states; it had started in the period 1760-1810 with France’s loss
of Quebec, Britain’s loss of its American Colonies, and Spain’s impotence at suppres-
sing the campaigns of Simon Bolívar. It marked the twentieth century from the Span-

* A possible in-between figure is Archbishop Makarios of Cyprus, who in some respects conforms
to patterns of Hellenic, Church-driven, anti-Turkish nationalism, and in other respects conforms to
the pattern of global decolonization (e.g. his participation in the non-aligned movement of Sukarno
and Tito).

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 ish 1898 crisis to the British Suez crisis (1956) and France’s Algerian crisis of 1958. In
each case, the decline of imperial power forced the need to re-imagine the country as a
nation-state. The process started with the Spanish ‘generation of 1898’ (Unamuno,
Ortega y Gasset), and can also be registered in the period 1945-1965 in Britain. Be-
tween the independence of India and Pakistan and the humiliation of the Suez crisis,
Britain underwent a powerful process of national identity-seeking, expressed in the
pageantry of Elizabeth II’s coronation in 1953 (and the proclamation of a self-styled
generation of ‘new Elizabethans’, harking back to the Shakespeares, Raleighs and
Drakes of Elizabeth I’s reign), in the ironic domesticity of John Betjeman’s poetry, in
the introspective preoccupations of the cinema of Powell and Pressburger and the Eal-
ing Studios. What for the colonies themselves was an emancipation, was felt by the
European states as a loss, an amputation, which played into a general sense of disor-
ientation caused by wartime destruction.
In a continent which, after 1945, was weary and wary of nationalism, the post-im-
perial re-imagining of national identity tended to retreat from the political into the
communal and the nostalgic. While the mid-twentieth century has been described
generally as a period of relentless modernity, the time of Sartre and Beckett, there is
yet a history to be written of the no less important wave of popular nostalgia that
formed its counterpart in these decades. One can think of the Heimatfilme (cinematic
‘homeland idylls’) of Adenauer’s Germany; the piccolo mondo in which Giovannino
Guareschi reduced Italy’s political clashes to the level of village brawls between Don
Camillo and Peppone; the Agatha Christie novels and Ealing comedies affectionately
mocking the lovingly invoked sterotypical Englishness of their subject-matter; the wry
evocation of a douce France in Chevallier’s novel Clochemerle (1934; film version, 1948)
and in the semi-bohemian chansons of Georges Brassens. All these cozy manifestations
of middlebrow nostalgia reflect an almost deliberate attempt not to mention the war or
the colonial dismemberment of the former empires. Remarkably, these nationally nos-
talgic productions were internationally popular across Europe: the French film pro-
ductions of the Italian Don Camillo stories were eagerly viewed in Germany and Hol-
land, and everyone, from Lisbon to Lübeck, knew Miss Marple. The German
Heimatfilm was less popular internationally, owing to a general impopularity of things
German, but the formula reached a world audience in the Sissi films and in The Sound
of Music (itself a closely faithful American remake of Die Trapp-Familie, 1956).262
This did not mean that nationalism had evaporated. It had, rather, retreated into
the realm of the banal (to invoke Michael Billig’s famous model). Banal nationalism
refers to the latent presence of national thought: something that is part of the back-
ground noise of the public sphere, unobtrusively subsisting without drawing attention
to itself. The statues, street names and anthems that in the nineteenth century had
been put in place as proclamations of fervent cultural nationalism, had by now be-
come an inert residue in streetscapes and ingrained habits. The nation was no longer
an agenda or an imperative; but it had not been ousted from people’s minds (the way
religion would be driven out by secularization processes in the 1970s, 80s and 90s); it
continued, almost unnoticed, to be available ‘beyond politics’, anecdotally, as a co-
coon, a habit, a comfort zone.

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 In the provinces and peripheries of Western Europe, the nostalgia of the postwar
decades took the form, after 1968, of a new regionalism. Cultural minorities found a
new audience and a new platform with the renewed popularity of folk music and ‘folk
rock’ (the Breton harp player Alan Stivell is a good example of this generational shift
from old-style Breton regionalism into the 1970s), and became linked with a youth
culture that also embraced ecological, anti-militaristic and generally countercultural
issues. Against a free-market, middle-class Europe of enterprises and governments,
stood a ‘Europe of regions’ where people ate wholefood, wore homespuns, advocated
solar energy and celebrated rustic traditions. Paradoxically, rustic nostalgia became a
form of social criticism;263 and in many cases, this social criticism on a regional basis
was grafted onto long-standing cultural differences and cultural movements with nine-
teenth-century culture-nationalistic roots, e.g. in Wales, Brittany, Catalonia, Corsica,
Friesland and elsewhere. Again, in some cases this regionalist activism could confront
state centralism in acts of occasional, minor violence: holiday homes were burned in
anti-tourist campaigns in Wales; clashes over Welsh- or Breton-language media or
education occurred.
Radical anti-hegemonist critiques from emancipating ex-colonies washed back into
Europe in the course of the 1960s, and did affect European national movements. Acti-
vists and militant separatists in Northern Ireland (the IRA) and the Basque Country
(ETA) took inspiration from Civil Rights movements in America and from Liberation
Front nationalism in Vietnam, Cuba and Palestine; as a result they changed, in a gen-
eration shift starting around 1968, their ideology away from romantic-idealist celebra-
tions of their homeland, its culture, its traditions and its yearning for a return to the
Golden Age of prelapsarian independence. The new generation of ETA and IRA mili-
tants were inspired by the likes of Che Guevara and Ho Chi Minh, read Mao and
Marx, and saw their insurgence as an ‘armed struggle’ in which they spearheaded the
people at large. Their military tactics, training and armament were likewise taken from
a common worldwide market of liberation front warriors and insurrectionists.
As the names of ETA and IRA indicate, separatist activism had not died out in
Europe after 1945. In the streets of Bilbao and Belfast, enmity between a repressive
state (Franco’s Spain and unionist Ulster) and a disaffected national minority contin-
ued unabated throughout the postwar decades. The centuries-long conflict between
Greece and Turkey played itself out once more, in Cyprus, where it was overlaid by
the added factor of anti-British decolonization. Nationalism was still around, but in
the provinces and peripheries, and drawing on new discourses and ideologies.
By the end of the 1980s, there were regionalist ‘green’ networks operative across
Europe, and regional politics and particularisms were beginning to be discussed in the
‘postcolonial’ terms of marginalization and centre-periphery imbalance.
This trend towards regionalization profited from a general weakening of the power
of the sovereign state in Europe. As we have seen, European states had united in a
European Community which in its various embodiments (EEC, EC, EU) became
increasingly powerful and siphoned off ever-larger portions of national sovereignty
towards its institutions. The ‘seepage of sovereignty’ proceeded not only in an upwards
direction (towards ‘Brussels’), but also downward, towards the regions and border
zones. One of the side effects of European integration was the increase of regional

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 diversity within the member states, weakened as the autonomy of their own centres
became. Cross-border local and regional cooperation (e.g. between Strasbourg and
Baden-Baden, or between Lyon and Lombardy) became progressively easier as the
borders between France, Germany and Italy lost their incisive and divisive force, and
traffic between these places could afford to bypass the national capitals of Paris, Bonn
and Rome.264 Local Scottish authorities were in a position to mount European lob-
bies for control over ‘their’ North Sea oil reserves, bypassing and at some point wrong-
footing the British Prime Minister Thatcher. Regions grew in strength as a side effect
of European integration and of the weakening of nation-state centralism. Indeed even
during the Cold War years Belgium witnessed the beginnings of an irreversible drift
from a centralized state to a federative structure of different language communities,
Flemish and French-speaking. An administrative frontier was drawn up in 1962, and
the Belgian state has since then consistently ceded more and more powers to its Flem-
ish and Francophone constituent parts.
When the end of the Cold War led to a general thaw in constitutional relations, this
trend towards regionalization gathered speed. Following the death of Franco in 1975,
Spain moved from strict centralism to a high degree of cultural federalism, recognizing
the linguistic and administrative autonomy of regions such as the Basque Country,
Catalonia and Galicia. After 1989, such centrifugal tendencies accelerated. In Britain,
devolution granted linguistic and then political rights to Wales and to Scotland, in-
volving the installation of regional parliaments. In Italy, a populist ‘Northern League’
or Lega Nord began to attack the unitary Italian state in which they saw an economic-
ally and socially mature north hampered down by the poverty and sloth of the south
of the country. (The party’s own politics and rhetoric failed, however, to demonstrate
that alleged northern maturity and superiority which they invoked for themselves.)
At the same time, the Council of Europe has become increasingly proactive in the
matter of intra-state regional and ethnic minorities, going as far as to issue a charter for
the protection of regional and minority languages, which is now ratified by the requi-
site majority of member-states. In short: cultural identity politics have in some form or
other remained on the agenda in Western Europe throughout the second half of the
twentieth century. Reports about the demise of nationalism, heard occasionally in the
1970s and 1980s, were definitely premature – as the events following the end of the
Cold War would demonstrate. Before we turn to that most recent period in the his-
tory of national thought in Europe, we must, however, address one thorny issue. Is the
persistence of regionalism and cultural particularism in the minorities and peripheries
of Europe a countermovement against, or else a vestige of, nationalism?
While the terrorist violence of IRA and ETA subsided, following agreements with
decentralizing states, the signs remained obvious: even within Western Europe, na-
tionalism was still a force to be reckoned with, and the end of the Cold War would
allow for its resurgence on both sides of the Iron Curtain.

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 Neonationalism: After the Cold War
The communist regimes lost their grip on Eastern Europe from 1989 onwards. As the
example of Germany shows (where the retrieval of political liberty was immediately
translated into the reflex towards territorial unification), national thought, in various
gradations of intensity, filled the ideological vacuum. The USSR crumbled into the
nationalities that had already asserted their autonomy between 1900 and 1920: the
Baltic states, Ukraine and even Belarus immediately made use of the weakening of
central rule to set up autonomous governments. The federation of Yugoslavia proved
too weak to survive the death of Tito and of one-party rule, and crumbled into its
constituent nationalities. The process was relatively painless for Slovenia but led to
violent conflict on the frontiers of Serbia, involving gruesome civil war along ethnic
lines in Bosnia-Hercegovina. Serbia, the strongest member of the Yugoslav complex,
used the greatest force in that conflict, but overplayed its hand. It emerged from the
war as a weakened and isolated pariah state, unable to stem the secessionist tendencies
in Kosovo and Montenegro; even the northern, ethnically mixed province of Vojvodi-
na has shown strong tendencies to dissociate itself from Belgrade. Meanwhile, a simi-
lar centrifugal tendency, though much more peacefully resolved, led to the break-up
between the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The ‘hyphenated’ nationalities that had
emerged from nineteenth-century Pan-Slavism (Serbo-Croat, Czecho-Slovak265) fis-
sioned into their component parts.
The European Union made it its policy to support post-Communist regimes with
‘soft diplomacy’ and to foster their fledgling civic structures by embedding these in the
EU framework. The debate whether the EU should broaden its membership or dee-
pen its existing collaboration was answered firmly in favour of the former option. At
the same time, the post-Communist regimes of Central and Eastern Europe sought
not only the economic and civic benefits of EU membership, but also a military pro-
tection against their Russian neighbour and erstwhile hegemon: between 1997 and
2004 Hungary, the Czech Republic, Poland, the Baltic States, Slovenia, Slovakia, Ro-
mania and Bulgaria joined NATO, and Bosnia and Hercegovina, Macedonia, Georgia
and Ukraine have been recognized as aspiring members.
Russia’s response to something it could hardly fail to see as encirclement has been
harsh, and reminiscent of similar overreactions launched by Kaiser Wilhelm II, a lea-
der equally phobic of encirclement. Disaffected minorities in the border states (ethnic
Russians in many cases) have been actively supported, Georgia was invaded in 2008,
Ukraine hit by the 2014 re-annexation of Crimea, followed by the setting up of break-
away regimes in Donetsk/Luhansk and by continuing destabilization campaigns. The
EU is now facing a perturbed and contested eastern border, for which it must partly
blame its own failure to dissociate its soft diplomacy and economic-civic outreach
from a more military eastward expansion of NATO.
Another destabilizing effect of the collapse of communism was that an expanded
European Union had to come to terms with asymmetric historical memories. While
the original EU was based on the ‘never again’ memories of fascism and Nazism, such

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 memories were overlaid in the new member states by a stronger, far more recent mem-
ory of Communist rule. While cultural osmosis has in the decades since 1989 done
much to reacquaint Europe’s two halves with each other – recalling their shared pre-
1914 history, and exchanging, through film, literature and museum displays, each
other’s narratives of the 1918-1989 period – it must be admitted that nationalism in
Western and Eastern Europe has a different place in public memories. While the
post-fascist West, for decades after 1945, had recalled its nationalism as that which had
fueled its dictatorships, the post-Communist East, after 1989, recalled its nationalism
as that which had been oppressed by the dictators.
That does not mean that nationalism is necessarily a stronger and more strident
presence in Eastern Europe than in the West – one need but think of Catalonia,
Flanders and the Italian Lega Nord. But it can be said that the post-Communist cli-
mate has been favourable to a revival of nationalism.
Although Western Europe never underwent the traumatic decades of communist
rule and had a longer tradition of civic stability, nationalism would here, too, make its
mark from the 1990s on. The first sign of this was a growing Euroscepticism, from the
late 1980s onwards. The 1993 Treaty of Maastricht seemed to mark the high tide of
European integrationism, and even in the run-up to it there were signs that the agenda
of federal or confederal integration was losing its momentum. The long rule of Thatch-
erite Toryism in Britain made Euroscepticism a recognizable political stance, located
largely on the right wing of the Conservative Party. Euroscepticism tended to stress the
Atlantic ties with the USA, was supported in particular by the mutual sympathies be-
tween Republican Presidents and the European centre-right;* it also supported, largely
for geopolitical reasons, and not necessarily in order to fortify a separate European
position, EU membership for NATO partners such as Turkey.
Euroscepticism argued, in particular, that European integration might be detrimen-
tal to national sovereignty and national identity. It represented relations with ‘Brussels’
increasingly in ‘us versus them’ terms, and represented the European administration as
an alien, Kafkaesque, overblown bureaucracy threatening traditional and harmonious,
national communities. Instead of a European Union (feared as a ‘superstate’), Euro-
sceptics would prefer to see a loose economic working association of a ‘Europe of
nations’. In other words: resistance against the development of the European integra-
tion process was couched in the rhetoric of nationality and national identity. Integra-
tion gestures such as the establishment of a common currency were in many cases
resisted as an attack on the ‘national’ currency, as a loss of a cherished symbol of
national sovereignty and identity.

* Conversely, Europeanism always carried a certain amount of anti-Americanism with it, ever
since the days when Charles De Gaulle had thought of Europe as a French-dominated power base
alongside the US. Significantly, this anti-American Europeanism was strongest when Republicans
with an aggressive foreign policy occupied the White House (Nixon, Reagan, Bush, Trump), and
relaxed whenever America was led by a mellower or Democratic presidency, especially during the
Clinton / Obama years.

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 To a significant extent, Eurosceptic rhetoric reflected a general, and growing, popu-
list mistrust between citizen and government – a political malaise which has come to
affect intra-national affairs in many Western European countries since ca. 2000, and
of which Eurosceptic feelings in the 1980s and early 1990s were only the first, early
warnings.266 It must also be added that this populism was exploited by political par-
ties trying (like the Thatcherite Tories) to obtain street credibility with the electorate.
Thus, the 2004 European elections in the Netherlands saw all political parties wage
Eurosceptic campaigns (with the exception only of the small social-liberal D66), ask-
ing for votes ‘so as to make a defiantly Dutch voice heard in Brussels’. In an eyebrow-
raising turnaround, those selfsame political parties asked the selfsame electorate the
next year, 2005, to endorse the European draft constitution. The fact that this consti-
tution was so resoundingly rejected marked, then, not only a Euro-weariness among
Dutch voters, but also a credibility problem for the mainstream parties, which was
further illustrated by the rise (and murder) of the populist leader Pim Fortuyn –
much as the long-indulged Euroscepticism of the Conservative Party in Britain trig-
gered, eventually, the establishment of the populist UK Independence Party.
Ironically, by the time the Maastricht Treaty was concluded, the European Union
had already taken steps to exclude, explicitly, national cultures from the integration
process. The ‘cultural paragraph’ in the Maastricht Treaty stipulated this, but even
earlier, a ruling of the European Court had ensured that matters of national cultural
identity were exempt from the integrationist rules and measures of the European
Union.* Even so, ‘Europe’ and ‘national identity’ came, over the 1990s, to be seen
increasingly as contradictory terms, and the ill-fated attempt to have the various Euro-
pean Treaties rearranged into a constitution, to be endorsed by the European electo-
rate, foundered as a result.
National thought, the unwillingness to embed one’s national citizenship into a lar-
ger, European one, here presents itself largely as a form of political agoraphobia: a
preference for the comfortable enclosure of the community and for the domesticity of
one’s own nation-state. However, even within that nation-state, the wide world has
made inroads, and led to the same reflex of populist agoraphobia. The presence of a
large contingent of immigrants, from the 1960s onwards, triggered xenophobic reflexes
throughout Western Europe. An early indication was the strident speech delivered by
the maverick Tory politician Enoch Powell as early as 1968, calling for an end to im-
migration from Britain’s former colonies and Commonwealth partners (Pakistan, the
West Indies) because otherwise ethnic tension would lead to ‘rivers of blood’. Powell
was promptly disciplined and sidelined by his party, but his rhetoric proves, from
hindsight, to have been an early straw in the wind for the direction that xenophobia

* On 28 November 1989, the Court ruled in a conflict between the Republic of Ireland and the
Dutch-born artist and art teacher Anita Groener. Groener found it difficult to obtain tenure in her
teaching post as a result of not having a working knowledge of the Irish-Gaelic language, and argued
that this linguistic requirement was an empty formalism contravening her right as a European citizen
to settle and work in a European member state. The Court found, however, that the requirement, as
part of a national language policy, should not be overruled.

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 was to take thirty years later.* Most European countries saw an influx of non-Eur-
opeans from their African and Asian ex-colonies. In addition, migrant workers from
Turkey, Morocco and elsewhere settled in Northern European countries like Ger-
many, France, Belgium and the Netherlands; and alongside these two migrant
streams, there were asylum seekers from the many dictatorial and tyrannical regimes
of the world, and refugees from war and disaster.
This demographic influx was not easily accommodated. It ran concurrently with,
but should not be confused with, a trend towards ‘globalization’ (which in many cases
meant Americanization). People were on the whole willing to try out the more bene-
volent sides of cultural exchange. Exotic foods, colourful fashions, unusual types of
music and dance: all this was embraced gladly. The actual presence of people led to
increased social tensions and provided also a new flashpoint in the general sense of
civic malaise affecting Western Europe in the 1990s: a rallying point around which
populism and xenophobia crystallized.
The case of Flanders is illustrative in this respect. Flemish politics well into the 1980s
was dominated almost exclusively by Belgium’s communitarian conflict: the uneasy
relations between Belgium’s two halves, Flemish and French-speaking. Although the
major grievances had been settled, remaining issues (the linguistic status of the Brussels
suburbs and of rural villages along the linguistic frontier) continued to irk; even the
matter of the allocation of tax money, road works and traffic fines across the language
border could become a ‘communitarian’ issue. The most strident vindication of Flemish
rights, and denunciations of Walloon greed and iniquity, traditionally came from the
far right. Significantly, however, that far right fixed on a different hate-focus in the
course of the 1990s: immigrant workers, especially from Islamic countries. The right-
wing propaganda of xenophobic denunciation has shifted its attention from French-
speaking Belgian authorities to first- and second-generation Islamic immigrants.
Likewise in France, the Front national of Jean-Marie Le Pen, rooted in a tradition of
extreme Catholic conservatism with corporatist or fascist sympathies, morphed into a
movement against African and Islamic immigrants. Here (as in Holland) the Islamic
headscarf has become a symbolic flashpoint and has accordingly been heavily bur-
dened with contradictory significations: for some, it is the sign of female submission
to a hidebound patriarchal-Islamic traditionalism, also involving other practices such
as arranged marriages and female genital mutilation; for others, it is the proud procla-
mation of a cultural tradition freely embraced and displayed in the teeth of intolerant
assimilationism. Both interpretations can be encountered both within and outside the
Muslim communities now established in Western Europe.267
‘Multiculturalism’, particularly in the social encounter between traditional Islam
and Europe’s established Enlightenment values (the separation of church and state,
freedom of conscience for the individual, the epistemic superiority of critical and
scientific thought over religious belief) is proving a very difficult challenge. In many
instances, it brings out the worst in both camps: those advocating ‘Enlightenment

* The text of Powell’s ‘rivers of blood’ speech has continued to circulate on extremist right-wing
websites like those of Britain’s National Front, where it enjoyed an obviously inspirational status.

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 values’ often do so with remarkable ethnocentric arrogance, while Islamic immigrants
often entrench themselves in an inward-looking, self-righteous intransigence. A mid-
dle ground is difficult to establish; all the more so, since global conflicts focussing
around the Middle East place the European debate under a heavy mortgage.
The failure of Turkey to join the European Union was part of this tangled misalign-
ment between intra-European and global politics. Turkish membership was initially
advocated most explicitly by Atlanticist politicians (including David Cameron in
2010) who sought to maximize the congruence between the European project and the
Western alliance (Turkey being a NATO member), while broadening the Union into a
loose, collaborative rather than integrationist, economic rather than governmental
structure. Europeanists for their part were more reluctant; partly because of the size
and relative feebleness of the Turkish economy, partly because it would mean turning
Syria and Iran into direct neighbour-states; and in good part also because they were
worried by Turkey’s indifferent record on human rights (freedom of the press, the
Kurdish question) and Turkish reluctance to acknowledge the Armenian genocide.*
The temporizing that resulted from these mixed feelings in turn provoked Turkish
impatience; meanwhile, in line with developments elsewhere, a populist and anti-se-
cularist party, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP (founded in 2001) steeply rose to promi-
nence. Under Erdoğan’s increasingly autocratic rule, the human and civil rights record
in Turkey exacerbated rather than assuaged European misgivings, the nadir coming in
the government response to the Taksim Square / Gezi Park protests of 2013 and the
backlash after the failed coup attempt of 2016. By now, the prospect of Turkish EU
membership is as distant as that of a reinstatement of democracy in that country (a
separation of powers, and an independent judiciary safeguarding human and civil
rights).
Another Middle-Eastern challenge to the EU’s international relations revolves
around Israel and its policies towards its occupied territories and its Palestinian inhabi-
tants. Europe, its historical anti-Semitism and the Shoah unforgotten, has become an
uneasy middle ground between support for Israel (shared with the US) and support

* Similar human rights concerns had in earlier decades delayed the accession of then-dictatorships
such as Spain, Portugal, and Greece. A country’s readiness to acknowledge, and disavow, rather than
to deny or downplay, its past transgressions has in effect become an informal but tell-tale signal of its
perceived ‘maturity’ in the last decades. While not formalized as such, it seems that the European
project is predicated on the disavowal of earlier dictatorial terror (and/or colonial terror), and on
shouldering historical guilt as a sign of commitment to expiate it in an internationalist, human
rights-based framework. A demographic-moral shift in this process was the realization in the 1960s
and 1970s, among the post-war generations, that all European countries had had their Nazi sym-
pathizers and collaborators, and that all had to face their complicity or implication in the horrors of
the past – be it the Third Reich, or other dictatorial regimes, or colonialism (cf. also Judt 2005). This
principle of internalized historical guilt seems to have gone unnoticed in Turkish-European relations.
Turkish spokespersons have on the whole been extremely reluctant to take a stance of Vergangenheits-
bewältigung. But the country has not been served well, in its European diplomacy, by the combina-
tion of indignant outrage at the mere word ‘genocide’ and a tendency to blandly qualify the undeni-
able mass murders and persecutions as something regrettable but understandable in the context and
certainly not genocide.

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 43. Dutch racist sticker removed from a public location by the author in 2005.
The cartoon-style ethnic caricatures are pasted from postings on alt-right and white
supremacist websites by an American calling himself ‘A. Wyatt Mann’. The Germanic rune
with crossed swords adds explicit neo-Nazi connotations.

for the dispossessed and disenfranchised Palestinians (also, and most fervently, among
Europe’s Muslim immigrants). At the right-wing end of the political spectrum, Eur-
ope’s anti-Islamicists are firmly supportive of Israel, including its most hawkish poli-
cies, while others occasionally backslide into old-school anti-Jewish sentiment, ranging
from Holocaust denial to dog-whistle denunciations of ‘international financial specu-
lators’ (as in the Fidesz vilification campaign against George Soros). Such visceral anti-
Semitism (cf. p. 244 above) is also encountered in left-wing and Muslim-based cri-
tiques of Zionism and of Israeli government policy. In a further turn of the dialectic
screw, such anti-Semitic overtones can then be picked up by Israel apologists, and
cited, mixed in with reminders of the Shoah, to discredit and impugn all criticism of
that country’s disregard for human rights and international law.
A final recent challenge to the EU’s internationalism resulted from an ongoing in-
flux of immigrants, be they economic work seekers, asylum seekers or war-zone refu-
gees. Assimilation proved problematic for a variety of reasons. Intellectuals who
warned against the dangers of anti-immigrant xenophobia, and propagated the values
of multiculturalism, lost touch with the lower-educated strata of society, who began to
harbour a combined mistrust, not only of the alien presence in their midst, but also of
the prevalence of multiculturalism among the higher-educated. Working-class electo-
rates moved away from the social-democratic parties (dominated as they were by mul-
ticultural and internationalist intellectuals) and towards a new force in the political
landscape: populism. Combining anti-multiculturalist xenophobia and anti-elitism in

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 equal measure, populism not only drained the political middle ground and shifted it
towards the right, it also played into the re-emergence of nationalism in party politics.
In the 1970s, the extreme right-wing parties of Europe were not only marginal in
the political spectrum, they were also demographically marginal, in that they were
composed almost wholly of ex-Nazis and old fascists, who stubbornly clung to their
totalitarian nostalgia rationalized by large doses of Holocaust denial. The NPD in
Germany may count as an example, with a leader like Adolf von Thadden, or figures
such as the Belgian fascist leader Léon Degrelle in his exile in Franco Spain, or the old
widow Rost van Tonningen in Holland: Ewiggestrige, nostalgic for the days of mid-
century fascism. Twenty years later, the demographic constituency of the extreme
right has drawn in a new, young generation of skinheads, bootboys and disaffected
young males. Under the new agenda of anti-Islamic xenophobia these have swelled
the ranks of the aging antisemites, still using the runic symbols, the rhetoric and the
violent racist ethnocentrism of their seniors. The extreme right in Europe, which for
decades looked like a dying-out, spent force, has managed to infect a new generation –
both in Western Europe and in the former communist countries.
The rise of the ‘alt-right’ in the USA fed into this process. On both sides of the
Atlantic, the new nationalism is located on a sliding scale from respectable old-school
conservatives to out-and-out racists of neo-Nazi or Ku Klux Klan vintage.* Many poli-
ticians in this bandwidth are regularly forced to disavow their extreme-right encoun-
ters and sympathies, which they were insufficiently careful to eschew in the first place.
The various representatives of the new nationalism in different countries are expres-
sing mutual moral support: Nigel Farage and Geert Wilders are on friendly terms with
Donald Trump and Pamela Geller, Trump has endorsed Marine Le Pen who has en-
dorsed Lega Nord’s Matteo Salvini. This network is more one of communicative ex-
changes (twitter, blogs, press statements, media events) than institutional. Ironically,
the European Parliament is one of the few transnational institutions where the new
nationalists can actually share a collaborative working ground; but there, too, group
formations have proved volatile and unstable.
The rise of populism can be characterized as nationalism resurging from its ‘banal’
latency in a new form. Nationalism has been an ideology uniquely capable of adapting
itself to shifting social and political situations. This adaptability is such that some
scholars consider nationalism to be, not a political doctrine in its own right, but a
meta-ideology inflecting other doctrines (liberalism, conservatism, socialism) – a so-
called ‘thin-centred ideology’.268 What unmistakably characterizes post-2000 Euro-
pean populism as a new form of nationalism is its core message of anti-cosmopolitan-
ism, and its tell-tale combination of a mistrust of foreigners and a mistrust of elites.

* Within Europe, populism is usually ethnopopulism. While certain eurosceptic workers’ parties
on the left also buy into nationalist gestures (the Socialistische Partij [Socialist Party] in the Nether-
lands, Sinn Fein in Ireland, Podemos in Spain), their role as carriers of nationalism is comparatively
much weaker in Europe than in Latin America or Southern Asia. Greece’s Syriza is an exception.

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 While continuing the longstanding nationalist trend to base political agendas on
cultural Self/Other attitudes, populist nationalism also shows important differences
from older forms of nationalism.
To begin with, the Self/Other distinction has become a floating, unfocused one.
The Self that rejects foreign threats is ‘Western’ or ‘Judeo-Christian’ (i.e. pan-Euro-
pean) when rejecting Islam or non-European immigrants, and narrowly national (i.e.
anti-European) when resisting European integration. And the nation’s Other is not a
neighbouring country but a diffuse presence swirling both inside and outside the
country’s borders. The nation’s Other is an oscillating enemy figure that at one mo-
ment takes the face of a bureaucratic elite with transnational ramifications and entan-
glements, and without proper rootedness in the home country, while at another mo-
ment it takes the face of a swarm of foreigners (usually Islamic, but in the rhetoric of
the moment other foreigners can be cited too) threatening the country’s survival both
from without and within. As such, populism’s Other continues earlier forms of unfo-
cused, generalized apprehension such as the nineteenth-century fear of Jesuits or Jews,
and the twentieth-century fear of Communist infiltrators. These vaguely-defined and
non-territorial ‘sinister forces’ have now been succeeded by militant Islam.*
Secondly, if the nation was made possible by what Benedict Anderson called an
‘Imagined Community’ (a public sphere connected by print media), the new popu-
lism relies on a wholly different media landscape. Instead of professional journalism,
print media and state broadcasters, public opinion is now generated by post-profes-
sional, informalized communication platforms. The process started with the rise of
commercial television stations and free advertisement-funded takeaway news-sheets
targeting commuters (Metro, founded in 1995, is now distributed in 19 countries and
reaches a total of 17 million readers daily). It was accelerated by the rise of social media
and feedback internet (‘web 2.0’): from websites and blogs to Facebook, twitter and
other forms of peer-to-peer opinion-making. The failure of these social media (or
rather: platforms) to regulate their contents and to distinguish between memes and
facts, comments and lies, has combined with their power to mobilize opinion and
malcontent; again, both xenophobia and anti-elitism are very strongly present in these
media.
Thirdly, contemporary populism has shown a remarkable affinity for strongman
political leaders. The first instance in the postwar period (if we set aside figures like
Egypt’s Nasser and Argentina’s Perón) was probably Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi. In his
wake we have seen the rise of the type of politician who, though often mired in scan-
dal, appeals to the people at large though television channels (Berlusconi) or social

* The confessionalization of global politics offers an example of the power of nationalism to

piggyback onto any other doctrine – not just secular ones like liberalism or conservatism, but even
religions. There is, of course, a Wahhabite-Salafist, militant tendency in Islam waging ruthless war
and terrorist campaigns against its Other – ‘the West’. But all major religions, not just Islam, have in
the last century developed a fundamentalist hard-line programme with stridently nationalistic over-
tones. Examples include India (Hindu nationalism), Israel (the political role of some Haredi groups),
and the Christian Right in the US. In Burma/Myanmar, even Buddhism has become a vehicle reli-
gion for xenophobia, as the plight of the country’s Muslim Rohingya shows.

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 media (Trump), where they project an anti-establishment persona. Leaders of populist
movements are often media-charismatic, heedless of the niceties of the separation of
powers, and leading a party structure to which they are not answerable in the tradi-
tional sense. This gives them a certain family resemblance to fascist dictators (Franco,
Horthy, Mussolini). With these, they share a dislike of the constraints that the rule of
law or the observation of international treaties imposes on what they call the country’s
sovereignty; to that extent their policies are certainly anti-democratic. Unlike old-
school fascists, however, they do not follow a militaristic model of discipline and
unity, or the trappings of uniforms and the paraphernalia of mid-twentieth-century
totalitarianism. Those are reserved for the more extreme registers of the alt-right,
which populism will (with greater or lesser degrees of sincerity or fervour) disavow.
Ethnopopulism is not, however, an isolated anomaly in political life; it is the more
salient point of a sliding political scale, and if its manifestations of nationalism are
particularly strident, that does not mean that it has a monopoly on them. Across the
political spectrum, a return to nationalism has become noticeable – if we mean by that
term: a tendency to base state governance on the culture of (what is considered to be)
its constituent nation. It may appear as if ethnopopulism is pulling more mainstream,
long-established parties towards their nationalist end of the spectrum in their competi-
tion for electoral outreach. But it may be equally justified to say that political parties
are communicating vessels, and that a nationalist mindset that affects the one will not
leave the other wholly indifferent. In addition, the nationalisms of the former Com-
munist countries in Central and Eastern Europe, and of Greece and Turkey, are now
entangled with those west of the former Iron Curtain.
A pull to the nationalist right has also affected the mainstream parties in various
countries, and has led to a new propagation of national themes in the public sphere,
such as the televised popular elections of ‘the Greatest German/Englishman/Dutch-
man’,* and widespread calls to re-nationalize the history curriculum taught in schools.
To some extent the revival of nationalism in Western Europe mainstream politics
has been a matter of symbol politics. The Dutch parliament instated the national flag
in its council chamber in 2017, significantly unaccompanied by the flag of the EU (as
would be customary protocol in other situations and in normal EU member states).
Cultural engineering has once again become state policy: countries like the Nether-
lands and Denmark have defined ‘national canons’ of cultural identity and heritage,
intended for pedagogical purposes and as collective cultural rallying points for a popu-

* The event as it took shape in the Dutch media was particularly embarrassing. It involved ques-
tions in the media whether or not Anne Frank qualified as ‘Dutch’ (since her father had been a
refugee from Nazi Germany). Although the question was quickly, and rightly, dismissed as mis-
guided and offensive – it is not the possession of a valid passport that ensures one’s place in a nation’s
history – the disquieting point remains that similar questions were never raised concerning other
non-carriers of a Dutch passport such as William of Orange. In the event, and to the extreme dis-
comfiture of the programme-makers, a populist campaign ensured that the most votes for Greatest
Dutchman of All Times went to the rabble-rousing politician Pim Fortuyn (murdered in 2001 and
godfather of the new ethnocentrist right in The Netherlands). The episode shows that those who
sow the national wind may reap the nationalist storm.

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 lation increasingly diverse in its origins and memories. In the Netherlands, the ela-
boration of such a national canon was extended into a scheme, launched by parlia-
mentary motion, to establish a National History Museum – an initiative heavily redo-
lent of nineteenth-century national-cultural policies, albeit under a more postmodern
curatorship. (The scheme proved unworkable and broke down in acrimony.) But the
trend is not restricted to the ‘banal’ symbolic or merely cultural field. ‘National iden-
tity’ and ‘the homeland’ have been elevated into ministerial responsibility in France
and Germany. France established a ‘Ministère de l’Immigration, de l’Intégration, de
l’Identité nationale et du Développement solidaire’ in 2007, Germany re-tooled its
Interior Ministry to include a remit for ‘Heimat’ in 2018 (following a model applied
at the sub-federal level in the conservative-governed state of Bavaria). The anxieties of
immigration and multiculturalism are at the heart of such initiatives, witness the
patchwork-named remit of the French ministry and the fact that Germany’s Minister
of the Interior and Homeland, the Bavaria-based Horst Seehofer, has gone on record
as declaring Islam an alien presence in Germany with its Christian heritage and char-
acter, and endorsing the anti-immigration measures of the Hungarian Fidesz re-
gime.269
The heritage of nineteenth-century nationalism, which during the totalitarian and
internationalist century after 1918 had retreated into the ‘banal’, which had become the
preserve of nostalgia, consumer culture and tourist memorabilia, has become ‘hot’
again and manifests itself as overt anti-cosmopolitanism and as a firm opposition
against internationalism and multiculturalism. Anti-internationalism both in ethnopo-
pulism and in mainstream party politics in Europe has been fed by a combination of
immigration fears and commodified pop history. Brexit was boosted, not just by post-
Thatcherite hardline conservatism and economic unilateralist deregulation (a desire
for untrammelled state sovereignty and closed borders), but also by soundbite mem-
ories of the Battle of Britain and by Downton Abbey.
One can only point out these recent trends; there are no simple solutions. The
experience of national thought and nationalism over the past two centuries does make
it possible, however, to point out with some confidence that a retrenchment into
monoculturalism, although psychologically understandable, is no long-term social so-
lution; on the contrary. It is also possible, on the basis of a historical understanding of
the present predicament, to identify some issues which Europeans cannot afford to
neglect. The accommodation of new cultural and ethnic traditions in European so-
ciety must be disentangled from the global conflicts in and around the Middle East.
The European state must redefine what it stands for, socially and culturally: how
much adaptation and integrative effort can be reasonably expected from new arrivals,
and how much flexibility is due to the cultural and religious traditions newly estab-
lished on European soil. Most of all, European states must define to which extent they
have a role to play in cultural affairs and cultural conflicts. It may be necessary for
European states to stop being nation-states; maybe the state’s self-imposed mission of
incorporating a ‘national identity’ was not such a bright idea to begin with. National
thought affects, not just the position of the state amidst its neighbours, but also the
position of the state vis-à-vis its own citizens.

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 Beyond the nation-state?
The strongest legacy of nationalism in contemporary political thought is the idea that
the nation-state is something ‘natural’, the obvious, default way of organizing and
dividing societies into states. The idea of the self-determination of peoples appears as
a natural right, and the social solidarity and ease of communication that obtains with-
in cultural communities appears as a logical basis for state cohesion and viability. Cer-
tainly, wherever cultural fault lines hamper communication or solidarity within the
state, its viability might be threatened as a result.
But there are reasons to query, all the same, this acceptance of the nation-state as
the inevitable and natural constitutional default.270 While a cultural community
would indeed appear as an almost-necessary condition for state cohesion, it is not a
sufficient condition: a communal language does not by itself create a language com-
munity. Holland and Flanders, or Ireland and Britain, will not, and would not, easily
coalesce into a single nation-state despite their communal languages.
Also, defining the state on the basis of its ethnocultural constituency will not by
itself guarantee healthy relations within the state. Many, indeed the great majority, of
the European nation-states that emerged out of the ruins of multi-ethnic empires in
1919, slid towards monocultural intolerance and autocratic or despotic regimes: the
interwar years saw authoritarian, non-democratic state structures develop in Poland
under Piłsudski, in Romania under Tătărescu and his successors, in Greece under
Metaxas, in Hungary under Horthy, and in Austria under Dollfuß. Serbia under Mi-
lošević offered a post-1989 analogue, which must raise concerns over recent trends in
countries where ethnopopulist parties are now in government. A belief in the state’s
nationality does not guarantee a commitment to democracy (if we understand democ-
racy to imply the constitutional acceptance of human rights, and of international trea-
ties, overseen by an independent judiciary).
A century after the Paris Peace Treaties, which enshrined the nationality principle in
the European state system, it is timely to reflect, once again, on the relations between
nation and state. What is, fundamentally, a state?
A state is, commonsensically, a fiscal-administrative organization claiming sover-
eignty and a monopoly on legitimate violence. The modern, Western state will derive
its sovereignty and its coercive power from a mandate from its citizens (who, as the
state’s mandating constituency, are usually called the ‘nation’); in its dealings with its
citizens the state will limit its powers by imposing on itself a constitution (as a safe-
guard against arbitrary government); in its dealings with other states the state will curb
its own sovereignty by accepting mutually agreed international treaties.
Within those parameters, some primary functions of the modern state are: to collect
taxes and spend these on policies approved by the taxpayers; and to provide a legal
system to protect its citizens by managing their mutual conflicts. Traditionally, the
state has also maintained or placed under its supervision important infrastructures of
general use, such as an army/navy; roads, water management and vital services; health
care and education; a central bank and monetary currency.

264

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 None of these functions need involve any sense of cultural identity. The state is a
working community of taxpayers controlling how and on what issues their taxes are
spent, and by what laws their social relations are governed. The German philosopher
Jürgen Habermas has argued, to my mind convincingly, that this alone can provide a
sense of solidarity between taxpaying citizens, deriving from a joint stake in the res
publica and a shared sense of purpose in the state’s public sphere (or Öffentlichkeit).
Habermas defines this as Verfassungspatriotismus or ‘constitutional patriotism’. Given
the present climate in which citizens’ moral and cultural allegiances are becoming so
diverse (for that is in part what ‘multiculturalism’ will necessarily entail), it seems that
the idea of Verfassungspatriotismus gains fresh importance and even urgency.271
How does the cultural identity of the state’s citizens (its constituent ‘nation’) relate
to their civic appurtenances? The most noticeable, and indeed formatively fundamen-
tal, manifestation is an adversarial one: that of the experience of war. Charles Tilly’s
famous statement should perhaps be slightly expanded from the original ‘War made
the state and the state made war’ to ‘… the state made war, and war made the nation’.
When the state is at war, antagonism against (and from) the enemy will heighten the
population’s solidarity within the state and their loyalty to it; to the extent that the
enemy is a foreign power, that antagonism will see the state not just as a tax-raising
bureaucracy asserting its interests in an armed conflict, but as a sovereign embodiment
of a nation confronting a foreign foe. The (often military) symbols of the state (flag,
anthem) become symbols of the nation, and the shared experience of war is a powerful
generator of general solidarity and a sense of shared nationality. The experience of war
is prolongated in peacetime by its cultural memories and its commemorations. These
commemorative memory-cultivations stand at odd with the aftermath of civil, intra-
state wars, which provoke a need to forget, and to let bygones be bygones.
In this sense, the national identity of the state is not just coincidentally, but funda-
mentally forged in war; the nationality landscape of Europe can be defined as an
asymmetrically distributed and valorized set of wartime memories; and the European
unification project can be defined as an attempt to manage these wartime memories
and their asymmetries.
The second most powerful cultural presence in the relationship between the state
and its citizens is that of religious identity. Religion antedates the state as an organiza-
tion claiming the loyalty of its adherents, and its command on its adherents’ loyalty
can be more powerful than that of the state.272 While the secularizing Western state
has successfully competed with religion for control over the public sphere, religion
penetrates more deeply into people’s private and personal lives. National and religious
loyalty can be aligned – most successfully so, within Europe, in the Orthodox world
(e.g. Greece and Serbia), and in countries with a Protestant state religion (certain pre-
1914 German states, Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Great Britain). But in all coun-
tries religious divisions have historically proved a major irritant: in the Prussian Rhine-
land and Poland, in the Netherlands, in the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland,
in the Protestant (Hussite or Lutheran) lands under the Habsburg Crown. At present,
the irritant of a mismatch between religious and civic loyalties is most noticeable with
regard to Islam, which has proved a challenge to precariously established church-state

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 compromises in the public sphere, and to the adaptive powers of both parties con-
cerned.
In all these complexities, the retreat of the state from its public functions and tradi-
tional responsibilities is an added complicating factor. This was prompted by the
‘small state’ doctrine of neoliberalism. During the closing decades of the Cold War,
and under the influence of Friedrich von Hayek’s The road to serfdom (1944), economic
freedom (i.e. non-regulation) came to be seen as a prerequisite and safeguard for poli-
tical freedom. Despotic regimes came to be distinguished into ‘authoritarian’ and ‘dic-
tatorial’ variants (the former combining political repression with open access for Wes-
tern business partners and free-trade economics, the latter with a closed, planned
economy; first formulated by Jeane Kirkpatrick in 1979). Deregulation, the non-inter-
ference with market forces, and the doctrine of the ‘small state’ have become an ac-
cepted policy principle in most Western countries, whose financial sovereignty in any
case is now increasingly challenged by the global might of large-scale corporations and
financial institutions, and bound up with credit ratings issued by players in the finan-
cial market. In a wave of privatization, the state has been withdrawing from public
utility regulation (railways, waterworks, postal services, electricity infrastructures and
even prison security) and opening these sectors up to private firms competing in an
international marketplace.
As the ‘state’ element wanes in the nation-state, the ‘nation’ element seems to be
growing. Especially at the conservative (economically deregulatory, internationally en-
trepreneurial) end of the political spectrum, politicians show a tendency to ‘wrap
themselves in the flag’, to project themselves as national patriots. Ironically, then,
national identity politics are rising in tandem with the decline of the state’s economic
sovereignty. The ‘smaller’ the government, the louder its proclamations of the nation’s
greatness.

What, then, of the relations between nation and state in the twenty-first century? If
this survey of national thought in Europe allows for any conclusions to be drawn, I
would offer them along the following, tentative sight lines. They are as much a sum-
mary of the foregoing pages as an attempt to apply them to the present.

On the nation’s place in the state:

– The primary, concrete and practical organization of people as ‘political animals’ is
the state rather than the nation.
– The need to base the state on a national, civic basis was a justified reaction against
inherited or lopsided power, arbitrary government, marginalization and despotism.
– The self-definition of the nation as an ethnic/cultural community is the nation’s
democratic, autonomous right and cannot in principle be disallowed; unless it
should call the very principle of democratic rights into doubt, undermining the
civic foundations by which the nation had been empowered in the first place –
especially the equality of all tax-paying citizens before the law.
– In sum: ethnic nationality is subsidiary to civic nationality.

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 On the nation’s place in history:
– The self-definition of an ethnocultural community is almost by definition histori-
cist, articulating itself in terms of roots, traditions and heritage.
– While that historicism may be, as Renan already argued, a useful rear-view mirror
for the nation-state, it should be as impartial as the state itself should be, and avoid
self-serving narcissism. The nation must remember, and give account of, its crimes
and follies as well as its triumphs and tragedies.
– An ethnocultural self-image of the nation in terms of its past would be one-sided if
it were not counterbalanced by a civic self-image of the nation in terms of its
future.
– Whatever the future holds, it will certainly not be ‘business as usual’, a mere con-
tinuance of the past.

On the nation’s place in the world:

– The self-image of the nation in term of its particular character or mentality encap-
sulates complex and shifting social realities in anecdotal commonplace.
– Such self-characterizations are exceptionalist in their tendency and implicit logic,
asserting that the nation‘s identity is shaped principally by the way it differs from
the rest of humanity. A non-reductive look at one’s identity will be as willing to
spot the similarities with one’s human neighbours as the differences.
– Humans are nothing if not diverse and inconsistent. Nations have exhibited very
different characteristics at different periods of their history, and differences mark
the nation within its bosom: in its constituent regions, age groups, social strata,
and genders, and in its varying encounters with differently-perceived outsiders.
– A non-reductive look at the nation’s identity will see the contradictions and varia-
tions underneath the commonplace characterization.
– In sum: nations are no less diverse, no less mutually entangled, than any individual
human, or humanity at large.

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 Appendices

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 Languages, Alphabets, Dialects and
Language Politics
Our default image of Europe is a modular one, consisting of countries neatly fitting
together like pieces in a jigsaw puzzle, each with its own colour and shape, each fitted
snugly against neighbouring pieces with different colours. The names of states, of
peoples and of languages in most cases are homonyms, which reinforces this neat
modular template: in Germany live the Germans who speak German, in Portugal live
the Portuguese who speak Portuguese, in Denmark live the Danes who speak Danish,
etcetera. Even though everyone realizes that this is a simplification (as becomes imme-
diately obvious from the cases of Britain, Belgium and Switzerland), our knowledge of
the non-congruence between states and language areas is on the whole far less specific
than it should be. Of the European states, only a very few can be considered mono-
lingual: e.g. Iceland and Portugal. Practically all states have different languages and
language areas within their borders.
It is useful, therefore, to outline a linguistic profile of Europe to counterbalance the
overriding and insidiously distortive trend to organize cultural patterns by nation-
state. In the following outline, I do not take into account the languages which have
recently become established in various parts of Europe as a result of post-1945 immi-
gration (Berber, Arabic, Hindi, Sranan Tongo, etc.).

Non-Indo-European languages

Most of the languages of Europe belong to the great ‘Indo-European’ language family.*
Some languages, however, stand apart from that Indo-European group. These include:
– Saami (the language of the Saami of Lapland, in Northern Finland, Sweden and
Norway);
– Finnish and its related neighbour, Estonian;
– Hungarian;
– Turkish (also spoken on Cyprus and by communities in Greece, Bulgaria and Ma-
cedonia);
– Maltese (related to the Arabic dialects of North Africa);
– Basque;
– and Hebrew (the liturgical language of the Jews).

These languages are mutually unrelated, except in the case of Finnish/Estonian and
Hungarian – their mutual relatedness is, however, remote.

* There are also non-European languages belonging to the Indo-European group: e.g. Persian
(Farsi, Iranian) and Hindi.

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 Non-Indo-European languages:
Hebrew*, Basque, Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, Maltese, Saami, Turkish
Separate Indo-European languages:
Albanian, Greek, Latvian, Lithuanian, Roma/Sinti
Celtic Gaulish*
Irish Gaelic, Scots Galic
Indo-European languages

Welsh, Breton
Germanic Danish, Icelandic, Faroese, Norwegian (2 var.), Swedish
English, Frisian, German, Netherlandic (Dutch/Flemish)
smaller/regional variants incl. Luxemburgish, Yiddish
Slavic Church Slavonic*
Belarusian, Russian, Rusyn/Ukrainian
Czech, Polish, Slovak
Bosnian/Croat/Serbian, Bulgarian, Macedonian, Slovene
Romance Latin*
French, Italian (incl. impt. dialect variants), Portuguese,
Romanian, Spanish
Catalan, Corsican, Galego, Occitan/Provençal, Rhaeto-
Romance, Sardinian
numerous smaller regional variants
* extinct or liturgical

Individually separate Indo-European languages

The Indo-European languages of Europe fall, on the whole, into four main branches:
the Celtic, Germanic, Slavic and Romance clusters. However, some Indo-European
languages stand apart from these four main clusters, and take up an individually sepa-
rate position. These are:
– Albanian (also spoken in Northern Greece, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia;
there is also a variant spoken in Southern Italy);
– Greek (also spoken in Cyprus and in various diaspora communities);
– Lithuanian and its related neighbour, Latvian;
– Roma and Sinti (the languages of the Roma or Sinti ‘gypsies’, in diverse variants).

Celtic

The Celtic languages are the remnant of what once was a large group of languages
(including the extinct Gaulish), now spoken on the Atlantic coastlands of North-Wes-
tern Europe. They include:
– Irish Gaelic and its related neighbour Scots Gaelic;

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 – Welsh and its related neighbour Breton.

Germanic

The Germanic languages cover an area from the Swiss and Austrian Alps to the North
Cape and Iceland.They include:
– The Scandinavian or ‘Nordic’ group: Swedish, Danish, Norwegian (in two main
variants*), Icelandic and Faroese;
– The others: English, Frisian, Netherlandic (with a Flemish and a Dutch variant),
German;
– Smaller variants (some of which are uncertainly classed as ‘dialects’ or regional
languages); they include Yiddish (the language of the Ashkenazi Jews of North-
Central Europe), Plattdeutsch (and the adjoining ‘Low Saxon’ dialects of the
north-eastern Netherlands), Luxemburgish (a Franconian dialect now the official
language of Luxembourg).

Slavic

The Slavic languages fall into three main groups; distinctions within these groups are
often open to debate and fluctuation:
– The East-Slavic Group: Russian, Belarusian, Ukrainian (with a Ruthenian or ‘Ru-
syn’ offshoot);
– The West-Slavic group: Polish, Czech and its related neighbour Slovak;
– The South Slavic group: Slovene, Bosnian/Croat/Serbian, Bulgarian and its related
neighbour Macedonian.

The Orthodox speakers of the Slavic languages share an older form of ‘Church Slavo-
nic’ as a liturgical language. The East-Slavic and West-Slavic groups adjoin each other:
Slavic languages are spoken in a continuous territory from Gdańsk to Vladivostok.
The South Slavic languages are located on the Balkan peninsula. They are separated
from the other Slavic-speaking territories by a belt of different, non-Slavic languages
along the Danube from Vienna to the Black Sea: German (in Austria), Hungarian,
Romanian. (Non-Slavic languages on the Balkans also include Turkish, Greek, Alba-
nian, Vlach and Roma.)

Romance

The Romance languages include some major national languages and a large number of
small and not easily distinguished dialects or regional languages, in a great curve reach-

* The variants, previously known as Riksmål and Landsmål and now known as Bokmål and Ny-
norsk, derive ultimately from two separate attempts, undertaken in the mid-nineteenth century, to
give the dialects of Norway a more specifically non-Danish standardization.

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 ing from the English Channel to Gibraltar and the Northern Mediterranean. They
include:
– French;
– Occitan (also known as Provençal);
– Catalan with a Valencian variant;
– Spanish;
– Galego;
– Portuguese;
– Corsican;
– Sardinian;
– Italian (with many important regional differentiations);
– Rhaeto-Romance (the Romance language of some Swiss cantons, with an offshoot
in the Italian alps called Ladin);
– Romanian (an isolated Romance language on the eastern Balkans);
– Vlach (also known as Arumanian, spoken by isolated populations in the Southern
Balkans: Macedonia and Northern Greece);
– and Ladino (the Spanish-derived language of the Mediterranean’s Sephardic Jews).

Latin, the language of ancient Rome from which all the Romance languages derive, is
still in use as a liturgical language in the Roman Catholic church.

The lists above are not exhaustive. Smaller dialects and regional variants exist in their
dozens: Karaim, Sorbic, Walloon, Schwyzerdütsch, Asturian, revived Cornish, Lim-
burgs, etc. etc. A complete survey is given on the Ethnologue website: www.ethnolo-
gue.org.
The languages enumerated here number ca. 55. Some 5-10 of these are in use only
for liturgical purposes, or only among very restricted and dwindling groups of speak-
ers. Of the remainder, ca. 30-35 (depending on the way of counting) are the official or
co-official languages of an independent state. That means that between a third and a
quarter of the European languages are only regionally recognized, or not at all.

Scripts and alphabets

Five main alphabets have been in use in Europe over the last two centuries. Their use
is not distributed according to language but rather a result of church history.
– Arabic, the language and alphabet of the Koran, is used throughout the Islamic
world, also for non-Arabic languages like Iranian, and it was used as the official
Turkish alphabet of the Ottoman Empire (that is to say, also in South-Eastern
Europe) until 1928. In South-Western Europe, the mural inscriptions in the Al-
hambra of Granada still testify to the use of the Arabic script in Moorish Spain.
– The Hebrew alphabet is still used for liturgical purposes, for modern-day revived
Hebrew (the language of Israel), and, during the nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries, for Yiddish.

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 – The Greek alphabet, once the alphabet of ancient Greece and of the Eastern Ro-
man Empire, is still used for the Greek language (official in Greece and Cyprus)
and in the Greek-Orthodox church.
– Slavic Orthodox churches, and the Slavic languages belonging to the Orthodox
world, use the Cyrillic alphabet derived from the Greek by Cyrillus and Metho-
dius.*
– Western Christianity uses the Latin alphabet.

This means that some closely related neighbouring Slavic languages use different al-
phabets, depending on the religion involved. Croat uses the Latin alphabet, the very
closely related Serbian uses Cyrillic. Polish uses Latin, the (not so dissimilar) Belaru-
sian uses Cyrillic. Ukrainian uses Cyrillic, its twin Rusyn uses Latin. Romanian
switched from Cyrillic to Latin when, in the course of the nineteenth century, it chose
to emphasize its Romance language rather than its Orthodox religion.
In the Renaissance, around the time of the invention of print, a classically based
form of the Latin alphabet was reconstituted by Italian humanists, now the standard
western letter (which is why the names of some fonts still employ names like ‘Roman’
or ‘Italic’; illustration 8 furnishes an example). Meanwhile, manuscript variants had
taken hold elsewhere in Western Europe. These remained in use even after the inven-
tion of print, especially in Protestant countries which were unwilling to adopt to the
Italian-humanist style. Thus, in Germany the ‘gothic’ Fraktur remained the standard
letter until the mid-twentieth century;273 that same letter was also used in Denmark
until the mid-nineteenth century. ‘Black letters’ were likewise used for English and
Dutch throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Irish-Gaelic maintained
its own manuscript-derived letter type until the mid-twentieth century. Examples of
these Northern European variants can be found in illustrations 4, 5, 28 and 30.

The historicity of linguistic taxonomy

The Indo-European model of relationships outlined here was unknown until the early
nineteenth century, and only elaborated in a slow process. In the Middle Ages, the
Old Testament story of Noah’s survival of the Deluge, and the list of tribes descended
from his sons Sem, Cham and Japhet (Genesis X-XII) led to the assumption that the
total number of ‘nations’ and languages was 72, and that Hebrew was the central and
oldest of them all.274 Over the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the
comparison of languages (often for purposes of Bible exegesis and Bible translation)
led to the realization that certain languages were more closely related than others;
family resemblances between the Romance languages, or the Germanic ones, were
recognized. Even so, especially during the eighteenth century, the axiomatic centrality

* Glagolitic, a forerunner of Cyrillic, was and still is sporadically in use in the north-western
Balkans. Cyrillic is also used for a number of different languages spoken in parts of the former
Russian Empire (Ossetian, Kyrgyz, Uzbek). Armenian and Georgian have their own alphabets.

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 of Hebrew and the increasing acquaintance with exotic, non-European languages led
to linguistic confusion and speculation.275 A breakthrough came when Sir William
Jones realized that Sanskrit was more closely related to European languages like Greek,
Latin and English than either Hebrew or Turkish. This led to the ‘Indo-European’
model of language relationships, first propounded by Jones and his circle, and subse-
quently by Friedrich Schlegel.276 The development of a comparative method, involv-
ing Rasmus Rask, Jacob Grimm and Franz Bopp, placed comparative linguistics on a
scientific footing; the formulation of ‘Grimm’s Laws’ around 1820 (systematizing con-
sonant shifts marking the branchings between and within language families) was a
triumph of the comparative-historical method, raised linguistics to the status of a pres-
tigious science and made Grimm’s name as one of Europe’s foremost scholars.*
In subsequent decades, between 1820 and 1860, problematic languages like Alba-
nian, Lithuanian and the Celtic languages found their place in this Indo-European
family tree. It is important to realize that this process, which covered the first half of
the nineteenth century, coincided not only with the rise of other comparative modes
of science, but also with the rise of nationalism. On the one hand, it overlaps with the
rise of comparative ethnography; on the other, the great scientific prestige of compara-
tive linguistics added to the prestige of language as the alleged essence of national
identity.277

Languages and dialects: Difference or distinction?

Asturian, Walloon or Limburgish: are these dialect variants of Spanish, French and
Netherlandic, or are they separate languages? This is a vexed question. Among lin-
guists, the consensus is that there are no hard, measurable criteria according to which
a linguistic variant be given the status of ‘dialect’ or of ‘language’. The joke one often
hears is that ‘a language is a dialect with a government and an army’– indicating that
external (political) circumstances rather than intrinsic features determine the linguistic
status of a given variant. As a result, linguists have declared this taxonomical problem

* The Germanic language family split off from, and can be distinguished from, the other Indo-
European languages by a typical shift from initial p and c to f and ch or h. Thus, against Latin pes,
plenus and pater we see German Fuss, voll and Vater (or English foot, full and father), while against
Latin cor, centum and cornu we see German Herz, hundert and Horn (English heart, hundred and
horn). Similarly, German has at a later point branched off from other Germanic languages by shift-
ing from p to pf, and from t to ts: German Apfel, Sumpf, Katze and Hitze stand against apple, swamp,
cat and heat. What is more, this systematization of changes allows us to date them: the word Fuss
must have been part of the German lexicon from very ancient times, the word Pforte must have
entered more recently (otherwise it would have morphed into Forte, along with Fuss) while words
like Professor and Pension, unaffected by any of these changes, obviously only became part of the
German language after all such sound-shifts had played themselves out. For the impact in linguistic
science of this method, cf. Davies 1998, 83-97 (‘Historicism, organicism and the scientific model’).

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 ‘out of bounds’, and will make no distinction in principle between dialect difference
and language difference.*
The extent of linguistic difference is hard to measure. We can sense, informally but
with great obviousness, that Danish and Norwegian are closely related, while Breton
and French are very different, but to quantify and measure this distance in objective,
non-impressionistic terms, is extremely difficult. Recently, interesting attempts have
been made to quantify linguistic distance on the basis of statistical methods, but the
methodology used here is still imperfect (it tends to privilege phonetics and pronun-
ciation, over syntax, grammar, and lexical variation). Even so, the results tend to con-
firm and in some measure objectively quantify people’s informal impressions concern-
ing dialect variation and linguistic distance.278
The problem remains that, while some dialect variations are considerable (e.g. be-
tween the German spoken in Lübeck, Berlin, Munich or Bern, or the English spoken
in the working class areas of Glasgow and London) some languages are extremely
closely related (so that they can, with less or more effort, be mutually comprehensi-
ble): Danish and Norwegian, Belorussian and Ukrainian. As a result, there have at
various points in history been shifts of opinion as to whether certain closely related
neighbouring idioms should be seen as different languages or as two dialects of a single
language: Serb and Croat, Bulgarian and Macedonian, Dutch and Flemish.
Outside the technical realm of linguistics, in general everyday usage, a clear distinc-
tion is made between ‘a language’ and ‘a dialect’. Language relates to dialect as country
relates to province or region, or as species relates to race. Differences between lan-
guages are generally considered to be discrete, absolute and codified, whereas dialects
are considered to be shifting variations within a given language. Thus, while linguists
have pointed out that there are no fundamental differences between the classifications
‘dialect’ and ‘language’, people at large tend to make a distinction. The distinction
involves factors that are, indeed, close to the idea of ‘having an army and a govern-
ment’. Among the informal, often non-explicit elements that play into the language/
dialect distinction involve matters such as the following:
A language is the official means of communication of a state. As such, it has wide
currency and an officially regulated standard taught in schools, and an extensive writ-
ten practice. It has a long-standing record in its written form and a body of literature;
it is used for non-trivial topics. A dialect, by contrast, is the non-official means of
communication for a community or region; it has limited currency and is passed on
without educational institutions, in the informal privacy of the home situation. It is
often oral and rarely written, its usage is often limited to homely matters of family and

* All the same, even among linguists one often encounters ingrained attitudes which indicate that
they, too, informally distinguish between dialect variation on the one hand, and language difference
on the other. ‘Creolization’ patterns or the effects of infants’ dual language acquisition, for instance,
are rarely, if ever, studied between dialect variations, and usually between separate languages. Also,
although ‘register shifts’ (when a speaker moves between dialects or sociolects) are not the same as
‘code switching’ (when a speaker changes from using one language to another), it is not really argued
at at what point one shifts into the other.

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 community life. Its history is unrecorded and there is no important literary corpus
written in it.
This distinction obviously raises borderline cases. There are ‘non-official’ languages
which nonetheless have an important historical and literary presence: Provençal or
Frisian; the dialects of certain large cities (Cologne, Vienna, Rome) have become the
carrier of a lively and prestigious city culture. As a result, we see that the distinction is
not absolute, but that it can shift over time. Luxemburgish and Afrikaans were seen as
‘mere’ dialects a century ago and have now the status of ‘a language’. The court lan-
guage of sixteenth-century Scotland (a Scots variant next to the English of England)
was demoted to the status of a mere dialect between 1600 and 1750: the rustic speech
of lower-class characers in Walter Scott novels.
The distinction between dialect and language seems to revolve around to the criter-
ion that languages (as opposed to dialects) are the vehicles of communication of a
public sphere (in Jürgen Habermas’s sense of that term): any form of communication
that is used for non-trivial purposes in situations that are beyond the type of face-to-
face contact which characterizes private or small-scale communitarian settings, can lay
claim to the social status of a language. Thus, while there is no real criterion to pin-
point an objective difference between dialect status and language status, we can cer-
tainly identify a generally accepted criterion governing the social distinction between
the two. For that reason, the attempt to have one’s local idiom raised from the status
of private/communitarian dialect to the public status of language is often a prime
concern of language revival movements and regionalist or national movements.

Language politics across the centuries: Outre-Meuse, medieval and contemporary

I wish to make a final clarification regarding the status of language arguments in poli-
tical thought, and the question to which extent these are part of the nationalist ideol-
ogy or not. It has emerged from the foregoing pages that language concerns were
central to nationalist thought. European nationalism is fundamentally a nineteenth-
century ideology addressing the relations between culture and politics, and wishing to
map the outlines of the modern state onto the territorial pattern of culture – in parti-
cular, language. Yet at the same time, the preoccupation with language and with lin-
guistic rights and purity is also older than its nationalistic investment. There are var-
ious examples of language improvers and language purists from the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, and early declarations of love for one’s native tongue – examples
gratefully quoted by their successors, nineteenth-century linguistic nationalists such as
the German Grimm and the Fleming Jan Frans Willems. Much as ‘love of the father-
land’ is an affect that can be traced back to periods long before the emergence of
nationalism-proper, so too language concerns have a history long antedating the rise
of nationalism. It is all the more important to clarify what remains constant, and what
is variable, in the political use of language arguments before and after the rise of na-
tionalism.
Modern nationalism crucially considers language the very core of ethnicity. That
this should be so is understandable: the German Romantics who were instrumental in

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 shaping and disseminating the ideology also formulated a language philosophy which
saw a nation’s language as the very breath of its moral essence. The Flemish dictum
that ‘the language is the nation entire’ (de tael is gantsch het volk), coined by the poet
Prudens Van Duyse (1804-1859), and used both as a motto and as a name for an influ-
ential association for Flemish cultural emancipation established in 1836, sums up this
all-pervasive attitude. For nineteenth-century nationalists, the badge, hallmark and
indeed the substance of national specificity consisted in the presence of a national
language.
Accordingly, linguistic discrimination is always deeply resented and tends to in-
flame nationalist anger like nothing else. The Flemish Movement for example is and
has been, centrally, a linguistic emancipation movement, fanned at every step by the
marginalization and subordination of Netherlandic in the Belgian state. Among the
most galvanizing moments in that movement’s history are acts of linguistic injustice,
in particular a notorious murder trial (1863) held entirely in French, although the
Flemish defendants, Coucke and Goethals, were ignorant of that language.279 The
resulting miscarriage of justice (the defendants were condemned to death and exe-
cuted, and, as later appeared, innocently so) did much to fan the vehemence of the
Flemish movement. Similar cases are known from the same period from other Euro-
pean minority languages, such as Welsh or Irish Gaelic. Monoglot Welsh- and Irish-
speaking subjects were interrogated and judged by uncomprehending British authori-
ties displaying arrogant linguistic heedlessness, which in turn provoked widespread
and deeply felt indignation and fanned nationalist activism.
We can trace such legal-linguistic concerns back much further than the beginning
of Romantic linguistic philosophy or modern nationalism. The case I want to high-
light comes from the Belgian area; in fact from an area notorious for its linguistic
clashes in the 1970s and 1980s: the area in the city triangle between Maastricht, Liège
and Aachen.
For centuries, this has been a borderland where the Netherlandic, German and
French languages meet. The three cities are and have since Carolingian times been
fixed in their linguistic appurtenance: Netherlandic for Maastricht, Francophone for
Liège, German for Aachen. These cities’ linguistic spheres of influence have waxed and
waned over time, but not by much. In present-day Belgium, the heart of this city
triangle has been contested terrain between Flanders and Wallonia. The Voer area
(Fr. Fourons) was transferred from the French-speaking province of Liège to the Neth-
erlandic-speaking province of Limburg in 1962 as part of a nationwide politico-linguis-
tic arrangement. The local population by and large shares a Limburgish dialect close to
Low-German (also spoken in the adjoining Dutch and German countryside), but is
sharply divided on what they consider their ‘official’ language of choice, philologically
related Netherlandic or sociologically accustomed French. This division, which was
aligned with long-standing political factionalism in the local communities, accordingly
split the population along ‘pro-Flemish’ versus ‘pro-Walloon’ lines of allegiance. This
discord in turn obtained a symbolic value in national politics. As a result, the picar-
esque faction-fights and brawls of these rural villages escalated under nationwide parti-
cipation to bring down the Belgian national government in 1987.280

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 44. Map of pre-modern Outre-Meuse

Remarkably, we notice that an equally touchy sense of linguistic identity and linguis-
tic difference was at work in precisely the same area as long ago as the fourteenth to
sixteenth century. The area in question was at that time a feudal lordship, the county
of Dalhem, which was ruled from Brussels by the dukes of Brabant, and called by
them the ‘Lands across the Meuse’ (Outre-Meuse). Brabant as a duchy was bilingual in
administration, and Outre-Meuse Dalhem as a county was bilingual in population:
the languages were Romance (forerunner of the present-day French, possibly with Wal-
loon dialect colouration) and Diets (forerunner of present-day Netherlandic); the bor-
der between them has shifted little over the centuries. The nearest urban and adminis-
trative centre, the town of Limbourg, kept law books in both languages for the
administration of court hearings in higher appeal.281
In the course of the late Middle Ages and early modern period, we see repeated
attempts from the Brabant authorities in Brussels to rationalize the administrative
structure of this outlying county. The first attempt occurred shortly after the Duchy

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 of Brabant had been taken over by the House of Burgundy between 1396 and 1406.
The new ducal chancery requested (in Latin) that each local village court write down
its customs and legal traditions and forward them to Brussels. (The move was evi-
dently intended to suppress the tendency among the local village courts to lodge high-
er appeal cases with nearby non-Brabant courts such as Aachen.282 )
An interesting pattern emerges from the replies forwarded to Brussels by the local
village courts: they all dutifully record their local customs and by-laws, but in each
case stipulate jealously that they administer law in their own language (as the case
may be, in Romance or Diets). What is more, many replies emphatically tell the Brus-
sels authorities that they expect to conduct their correspondence with the ducal capital
in their own language and will accept no letters or communication in any other lan-
guage.283
Over the next centuries, renewed instances of centralization and regularization call
forth similar reactions. By the seventeenth century, the Brabant authorities have gone
so far as to recognize two separate county courts: one for the Romance-speaking po-
pulation at the town of Dalhem, one for the Diets-speaking population at the county’s
old fiscal centre, ’s-Gravenvoeren (Fouron-le-Comte). And the story does not end
there: when, as a result of the independence of the United Provinces, the county of
Dalhem was to be partitioned between Spanish and Dutch states in the wake of the
Treaty of Westphalia (1648-1662), the ensuing, long-negotiated division turned out to
follow the line of the jurisdiction of these two county courts and, accordingly, of the
linguistic frontier.284
Nor does the case stop even there. We encounter the selfsame sensitivities when, in
the 1790s, the territories, now conquered by the French Republic, were being divided
into the administrative units called départements. The demarcation between the dépar-
tement de l’Ourthe (with Liège for its centre) and the département de la Meuse Inférieure
(with Maastricht for its centre) cut across ancient feudal divisions. In the process,
French-speaking towns like Visé (mid-way between Maastricht and Liège) evinced a
strong preference for Liège. Conversely, the territory of the ancient county of Loon
(Looz), including cities like Hasselt and Tongeren, argued strenuously to be released
from its centuries-old tie with the city of Liège, and to be attached to the Maastricht
département, because (so it was argued) the Netherlandic language united the inhabi-
tants of Hasselt and Tongeren with Maastricht, and rendered them aliens in Liège. In
the event, the wishes of the inhabitants, based on linguistic kinship, were granted.285
The departmental border between the Ourthe and the Lower Meuse was mapped, to
no small extent, onto a linguistic identification. And east of the Meuse, this depart-
mental border became the state frontier between the Netherlands and Belgium in
1830.
That would appear a textbook illustration of nationalism as defined by Ernest Gell-
ner: political borders are being mapped on to cultural (linguistic) ones. Much as an
administrative linguistic frontier was drawn in 1962 to divide the quarrelling Flemish
and Walloon factions in modern day-Belgium, so too a political border drawn up in
1648-1662 and again in 1794 followed a linguistic trajectory – in all these cases involv-
ing the town of Dalhem and the village of ’s-Gravenvoeren. And in each case, and
again in the linguistic clashes of the 1980s, the locals repeatedly, strenuously and sus-

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 piciously informed the distant Brussels authorities that they will only conduct business
in their own language.
However, despite the obvious parallel between this case and Gellner’s definition of
nationalism (the congruence between political and cultural frontiers), the ancient
county of Dalhem squarely fails to fit Gellner’s modernist chronology, and instead
comes to us from the most rustic backwardness of the Outre-Meuse periphery of the
medieval duchy of Brabant.
Does this case disprove Gellnerian modernism? It certainly forces us to reconsider
some of the complexities of cultural history. At the same time, however, I would not
consider the continuity of language assertions as a straightforward confirmation of
primordialism (the theory that nationalism and national feeling predates the nine-
teenth century). We would make a grave error if we see the pre-modern linguistic
assertiveness of the local village courts in the same light as nineteenth- and twentieth-
century national-linguistic activism, as something that was actuated, across the centu-
ries, by the selfsame stance.
As we have seen, nineteenth-century nationalism invokes language as a cardinally
important factor in a self-other distinction, between nations and neighbours, in a
‘horizontal’ dynamic of ‘othering’ and identification across the European cultural land-
scape. This, I believe, is a specifically modern, latter-day usage. It overlays the far old-
er, and persistent, ‘vertical’ dynamics of asserting local or particular rights vis-à-vis a
central authority. There, tensions and distinctions take shape, not across a culturally
diverse landscape, but across a social spectrum of power, privilege, and customary
rights. The fifteenth-century échevins of Cheratte who state that they conduct business
in Romance, and the sixteenth-century village court of Mheer which lets it be known
that its language is Diets, do not oppose each other, but jointly assert their right to local
particularism against the suzerain ducal authorities in Brussels.
This distinction between ‘horizontal’ (geocultural) and ‘vertical’ (socio-political)
language assertion is crucial, and superficial similarities between fifteenth- and twenti-
eth-century data should not blind us to this important difference. The ‘vertical’ asser-
tion of language rights against a distant feudal authority is a matter of local particular-
ism, the defence of customary rights against the threat of arbitrary government and
power arrogation, part and parcel of feudal politics. Its thrust is not towards any no-
tion of autonomy, but rather towards ‘heteronomy’ (the recognition and acceptance of
different cultures and administrative regimes) that characterizes the premodern state.
Such heteronomic assertions of local customary rights fed into revolts against centra-
lizing arrogations of arbitrary feudal power, such as we see in the Low Countries and
Switzerland; as such they are a source tradition of the rise of the modern civic state;
but one source tradition among many, and not to be conflated with modern national-
ism. Heteronomism is, if anything, a forerunner of modern democratic and federalist
thought.
To that extent, the case of Outre-Meuse illustrates the danger of anachronistically
spotting similarities across centuries and of magnifying similarity into sameness. How-
ever, there is also another conclusion to be drawn. The ‘horizontal’, modern-nationa-
listic invocation of language has not abrogated or displaced the older, ‘vertical’ one.
The right to speak one’s own language to one’s government is obviously felt as a

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 natural right in the fifteenth century,* and it continues undiminished in the nine-
teenth century (and indeed the twentieth and twenty-first). Court cases incomprehen-
sible to the defendant would today still cause outrage; the spectre of a European cen-
tral government at Brussels, heedless of the cultures and languages of the European
Union’s various member states, continues to cause apprehension. Under a modern
overlay of ‘horizontal’ (inter-ethnic) language conflict, the older ‘vertical’ assertion (be-
tween speakers and government) is as forceful as ever. There are powerful cultural-
political, identitarian forces at work which can antedate, by centuries, the rise of na-
tionalism in the stricter, modern sense of the term, and which can furnish modern
movements with very ancient ammunition.
By the same token, language activism ought to be carefully distinguished in its
horizontal and vertical dimensions (and their complex interactions). Not all language
arguments and linguistic apprehensions expressed in modern-day Europe are actuated
by nationalism or nationalist xenophobia. In many countries, Euro-scepticism is dri-
ven by a fear that an alien ‘Brussels’ may, in an alien tongue, dominate one’s domestic
affairs. That is not just an example of national-chauvinist, hidebound tunnel vision: it
reflects a centuries-long vindication of the right to speak one’s own language with one’s
own government. It is democratic, not necessarily xenophobic. A sense of linguistic
identity is older than the nationalist ideology; it has become entangled in the discourse
of nationalism but does not form an intrinsic part of it. Crucially important, then, for
a sober and sane analysis of such conflicts, is the distinction whether these are ‘hori-
zontal’, between inimical nations, countries, or antagonistic groups, or ‘vertical’, be-
tween citizens and their authorities.

* It need not surprise us that the county of Flanders and the duchy of Brabant used this insistence
of linguistic rights as a political instrument vis-à-vis Burgundian overlords between 1400 and 1500
(Willemyns 1994); or that Charles V, upon being sworn in as king in the Cortes of his various Spanish
realms, had to pledge himself repeatedly to using the Spanish language.

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 Source References
NB: These references are also meant to indicate ‘suggested further reading’. I have
extensively relied on, without separately noting, general surveys and studies (cf. below,
notes 1-6) and on a number of reference works. Whenever I trace the changing seman-
tics of our cultural and political vocabulary, I have made use of the Oxford English
Dictionary. For biographical background information, I have made use of the Diction-
ary of National Biography and of the old Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. For the details
of historical developments, a very useful reference book was Raymond Pearson’s The
Longman Companion to European Nationalism, 1789-1920 (London: Longman, 1994),
now unfortunately out of print. In my summaries or paraphrases from widely known
and readily-available primary sources (such as Montesquieu’s De l’Esprit des Lois,
Fichte’s Reden an die deutsche Nation and Wordsworth’s Preface to the Lyrical Ballads),
I have dispensed with specific source-references; these have been given only in the case
of literal quotations. The acronym ERNiE refers to the Encyclopedia of Romantic Na-
tionalism in Europe (2 vols.; Amsterdam University Press, 2018; online at ernie.uva.nl),
which has been frequently relied upon.

1. The classic authorities in nationalism studies, mentioned here and in the next pages, are An-
derson 1983, Breuilly 1993, Gellner 1983, Kedourie 1960, Kohn 1946 and 1967, Hobsbawm
1990, Smith 1971, 1986, 1991, 1998. An excellent survey of the history of nationalism studies is
Lawrence 2005. For the debates around Gellner’s work and his ‘modernist’ thesis, see also Hall
1998.
2. In this respect, the approach applied here is an application of the comparatist specialism of
‘imagology’, the study of cross-cultural perceptions and stereotypes as formulated in literature.
For imagology, cf. Dyserinck 1991 and 2015, Beller & Leerssen 2007, and the website imago-
logica.eu.
3. For instance, Agnew 1993 and Bugge 1994 (on Czechia), Alvárez Junco 2001 and Andreu
Muralles 2017 (Spain), Balcells 1991 and Samper 2016 (Catalonia), Boyce 1991 (Ireland), Ci-
tron 1987 (France), Faensen 1980 and Skendi 1967 (Albania), Sampimon 2006 (Bulgaria),
Simonsen 2012 (Faroe Islands), Breuker 2017 (Friesland), Fewster 2006 (Finland), Herzfeld
1986 (Greece), Juaristi 1998 (Basque), Krapauskas 2000 (Lithuania), Lindheim & Luckyj 1996
(Ukraine), Samuel 1989 and 1994-1998 (Britain), Eile 2003 and Walicki 1994 (Poland). In
addition there have, in the wake of Nora 1997, been various projects on the formula of lieux
de mémoire (Feldbæk 1991-92 for Denmark, François & Schulze 2001 for Germany, Isnenghi
1996-97 for Italy). Such studies, though not separately referred to in the following book, have
been very useful and informative and are here gratefully acknowledged.
4. Examples of such macroregional or comparative studies are Kamusella 2008, Alén Garabato
2005, Baycroft & Hewitson 2006, Berding 1994, Cubitt 1998, Eade 1983, Giesen 1991, Loit
1985, Michel 1995, Mitchison 1980, Reiter 1983, Řezník & Sleváková 1997, Teich & Porter
1993. Again, I am deeply indebted to these collections, although there is little occasion to
source-reference them specifically in the following pages.
5. I have taken the definition of a comparative analysis as ‘studying a multinational object from a
supranational perspective’ from Hugo Dyserinck’s programmatic outline of Comparative Lit-
erature: Dyserinck 1991. This approach has so far been most successfully applied in themati-
cally focused studies, e.g. involving art history (Flacke 1998), literary history (Rubulis 1970,

284

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 Cooper 2010, the four-volume History of the Literary Cultures of East-Central Europe, Cornis-
Pope & Neubauer 2004-14); the theatre (Wilmer 2008) and musical theatre (Ther 2006,
2012); music history (White & Murphy 2001), university history (Rüegg 2004), history writ-
ing (Deletant & Hanak 1988, Branch 1999, and the multivolume project Writing the Nation:
National Historiographies and the Making of Nation States in 19th and 20th Century Europe,
coordinated by Stefan Berger (e.g. Berger et al. 2010, 2012, 1015); the history of language re-
forms, language philosophy and linguistics (Auroux et al 2000-01, Caussat et al 1996, Fodor &
Hagège 1983-1994 Schieffelin et al 1998, van der Sijs 1999), the history of racial thought and
tribal origin-myths (Geary 2002, Juaristi 2000, Poliakov 1987), or the role of intellectuals
(Suny & Kennedy 1999). The comparative macroregional study of East-Central Europe has
been pursued very fruitfully at the Central European University in Budapest. Among the
projects conducted under its aegis can be mentioned the multivolume source collection Dis-
courses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe (1770-1945) (Discourses, 2006-14);
the ongoing History of Modern Political Thought in East Central Europe (Trencsényi et al.
2016); also Mishkova 2009.
6. Sperber 1990 and 1996. The epidemiological model of Sperber, describing the geographical
and social spread of ideas and representations is if these are self-replicating units of ‘contagious
behaviour’, was foreshadowed by André Siegfried’s analysis of ideology diffusion, Itinéraires de
contagion: Épidemies et idéologies (posthumously published in 1960). Cf. also Hägerstrand 1967
(kindly brought to my attention by Willibrord Rutten).
7. For the declaration of Arbroath, cf. also Barrow 2003.
8. Generally Hoppenbrouwers 2006 and the sources gathered there. For other reflections on the
idea of nationality in the Middle Ages, see Beumann 1986; Post 1953; Zientara 1986. For the
notion of the realm as a community, cf. S. Reynolds 1983 and 1984.
9. Le Goff 1988, 58. Cf. generally also Thomas 1984 and Yamamoto 2000.
10. Most recently on Moritoen’s Kerelslied: Brinkman 2002 and 2004.
11. Williams 1981, 66 (the original Gaelic on p. 2).
12. The distinction between an ordered, regulated Within and an unruly, wild Outside is already
implied in Heraclitus’s dictum that ‘the people must fight for their law as for their city wall’;
cf. Kahn 1979, 59; also Eijsbouts 1993; Leerssen 1999.
13. Benveniste 1969, 1: 313. Le Goff 1988, however, holds that the word ‘no doubt comes from the
expression silva forestis, a forest under the jurisdiction of a royal tribunal (forum)’, indicating
its separate legal status (52, 110).
14. On the imagining of the forest and of Forest Law, cf. Marienstras 1969. Also, Young 1979.
15. Saunders 1993.
16. Savage 1933.
17. Hoffmann 1983.
18. Generally, Leerssen 1995 and 1996b.
19. Quoted in Giraldus Cambrensis 1978, 144, 146.
20. Hassig 1995; Mason 1990. Also Friedman 1981.
21. Giraldus Cambrensis 1982, 166.
22. Ibid., 162-163.
23. The case for courtliness and classical learning to have been revived in courtly-clerical circles
has been made for continental Europe by Jaeger 1985.
24. For the impact of Giraldus on subsequent representations, see Rambo 1994.
25. Bernheimer 1952, 20. Cf. also White 1978, 150-182 (‘The Forms of Wildness: Archeology of an
Idea’).
26. Generally Ellis 1998a and 1988b, Crawford 1993; Leerssen 1994. Also, Connors 2001. For
slightly later developments, Canny 2001.
27. Richard Stanyhurst, in Holinshed’s Chronicles (1577), quoted and commented Leerssen 1996b,
43. Cf. also Jackson 1973; Lennon 1994.

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 28. Davies 1612, 114-115.
29. 11-13 James I, c.5. Statutes 1786, 1: 441.
30. The standard work, itself a ‘classic’, is Lovejoy & Boas 1935.
31. Caesar 1917, 3 (the original Latin on p. 2).
32. Decharneux 1995; Van der Linden 1930.
33. This is why the old Catholic Encyclopaedia (1909 ed.) sees this council as the beginning of
‘nationalism’; see the entry ‘Constance, Council of’. This 1909 edition of the Catholic Encyclo-
paedia is online at http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/index.html (last updated 6 October
2005; visited 26 June 2006). For the Councils of Constance and Basel this encyclopaedia is as
informative as it is (of course) biased. On early-modern thought in the Empire, Hirschi 2005.
34. Leupen 1998.
35. Borst 1995, vol. III/1: 985; Poliakov 1987; Mörke 1996, 118n.
36. Generally, Clark 1921; L.D. Reynolds 1983, and Reynolds & Wilson 1991. Also the introduc-
tion to Tacitus 1970, 119-125.
37. Tacitus 1970, 157-161.
38. This interdependence of auto-image and hetero-image is one of the fundamental features of
ethnotypes and of national image-formation, well established in the field of imagology; cf.
Dyserinck 1991 and 2002, Leerssen 2000, and the website www.hum.uva.nl/images.
39. Iuvenalis 2004, 234-235.
40. Borst 1995, III:/1: 969-970; Haitsma Mulier 1974.
41. Lehmann 1983. Also Borchardt 1971, Kuehnemund 1953; von See 1994; Unverfehrt 1981; Krebs
2011, Wes 1980. For the context (heralds-at-arms and intellectuals in the Holy Roman Empire,
and an incipient nationalization of the notion of honour): Hirschi 2005.
42. The Loeb edition emends ‘barditum’ (the variant found only in the Vatican MS 4468, in itself
an authoritative one) to ‘barritum’ or ‘baritum’: ‘sunt illis haec quoque carmina, quorum rela-
tu, quem baritum vocant, accendunt animos futuraeque pugnae fortunam ipso cantu augur-
antur’ (cap. 3).
43. von der Dunk 2000, 69.
44. Schöffer 1975; Tilmans 1993; van der Woud 1990.
45. Generally, Kliger 1952. On Alfred the Great, Parker 2007.
46. ‘En 1480, un Français a, à coup sûr, des ancêtres gaulois qu’il ne possédait pas en 1400’:
Pomian 1997, 2265, quoting Beaune 1985.
47. Kelley 1973; Reynolds 1931.
48. Viallaneix & Ehrard 1982; Leerssen 1989; Pomian 1997. For Hotman, see also the contribution
by Dubois in Viallanneix & Ehrard 1982, 19-28.
49. The phrase and concept come, of course, from Fink 1962.
50. On the early history of European borders and their linearization and rationalization: Genicot
1970; Guenée 1997; Nordman 1997.
51. Wolf 1968, 403-404. Generally on Vauban, the excellent biography by Virol 2003.
52. Black 1997, 1-17. Cf also Bagrow 1985; Harley & Woodward 1987; Woodward 1987.
53. Chaytor 1966.
54. Thurville-Petre 1996.
55. ‘El idioma analítico de John Wilkins’, orig. in Otras inquisiciones (1952). Borges 1985, 3: 109-
113. In the original: ‘los animales se dividen en (a) pertenecientes al Emperador, (b) embalsa-
mados, (c) amaestrados, (d) lechones, (e) sirenas, (f) fabulosos, (g) perros sueltos, (h) incluidos
en esta clasificación, (i) que se agitan come locos, (j) innumerables, (k) dibujados con un
pinsél finísimo de pelo de camello, (l) etcétera, (m) que acaban de romper el jarrón, (n) que
de lejos parecen moscas’ (111).
56. Scaliger 1964, lib. III, cap. 17; and cf. Zach 1987. In the original: ‘Asianorum luxus, Africanor-
um perfidia, Europaeorum (hoc enim volo mihi dari) acritas. [...] Montani asperi: Campestres
molliores, desides. [...] Germani fortes, simplices, animarum prodigi, veri amici, verique hos-

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 tes. Suetii, Noruegii, Gruntlandii, Gotti, belluae. Scoti non minus. Angli, perfidi, inflati, feri,
contemptores, irrisores, factiosi, alieni sibiipsis, bellicosi coacti, servi ut ne serviant, Dei cen-
temptores. Galli ad rem attenti, mobiles, leves, humani, hospitales, prodigi, lauti, bellicosi,
hostium contemptores, atque adcirco sui negligentes, imparati, audaces, cedentes labori,
equites omni longe optimi. Hispanis victus asper somi, alienis mensis largi, alacres bibaces,
loquaces, iactrabundi, fastus tartareus, supercilium cerbereum, avaritia immanis, paupertate
fortes, fidei firmitas ex precio, omnibius nationaibus & invidentes & invisi. Una natio illos
superat animi pravitate, magnitudine vincitur, Ligures.’
57. Leerssen 1991.
58. Amossy & Delon 1999; Amossy & Rosen 1982; Zach 1987. Also, Morgan 1986.
59. Genette 1969.
60. La Mesnardière 1972, 122-123; also quoted in Zach 1987, 104.
61. Stanzel 1974a; Stanzel 1974b; Stanzel 1987.
62. Jauß 1999; also Seidel & Pongratz 1971.
63. The following section is deeply indebted to Van Delft 1993.
64. Generally Smeed 1985.
65. López de Abiada 2004, 15.
66. Amidst the sizeable body of commentary on this object, I highlight Stanzel 1997; Stanzel,
Weiler, & Zacharasiewicz 1999.
67. The fundamental work on the topic is Zacharasiewicz 1977.
68. Reynolds 1931.
69. Lord 1975, 626.
70. Mossner 1980.
71. Cf. Leerssen 1987.
72. Shackleton 1962; on Montesquieu’s influence, Romani 1998. By the end of the century, this
‘temperamental’ view of constitutional systems had already become a generally accepted com-
monplace. The Swiss essayist Johann Georg Zimmermann, author of a widely read treatise of
‘National Pride’ (Von dem Nationalstolze) argues that ‘a wild, impetuous and restless person
finds happiness in democracy; a quiet, sage and virtuous person in an aristocracy; and a flex-
ible, ambitious but adaptable spirit is best suited to a monarchy’ (quoted from the 1760 ed. in
Leerssen 1996b, 386). In the original: ‘Ein wilder, ungestümer und unruhiger Kopf findet sich
in der Demokratie glücklich; ein stiller, vernünftiger und tugendhafter Mensch in der Aristo-
cratie; ein biegsamer, ehrgeitziger, aber nach den Umständen sich selbst überwindender Geist,
in der Monarchie’.
73. Hayman 1971. The pivotal texts are Part III, esp. Book XIV (‘Des lois dans le rapport qu’elles
ont avec la nature du climat’) of De l’esprit des lois, in Montesquieu 1964, 613 ff., and Hume’s
essay ‘Of National Characters’, which first appeared in the revised edition of the Moral and
Political Essays of 1748; in Hume 1964, 3: 244 ff.
74. Diderot & D'Alembert 1777, s.v. Caractère and Nation, respectively. In the original: ‘Le ca-
ractère d’une nation consiste dans une certaine disposition habituelle de l’âme, qui est plus
commune chez une nation que chez une autre, quoique cette disposition ne se rencontre pas
dans tous les membres qui composent la nation: ainsi le caractère des François est la légereté,
la gaieté, la sociabilité, l’amour de leurs rois & de la monarchie même, &c.’; ‘Chaque nation a
son caractère particulier: c’est une espèce de proverbe que de dire, léger comme un françois,
jaloux comme un italien, grave comme un espagnol, méchant comme un anglois, fier comme
un écossois, ivrogne comme un allemand, paresseux comme un irlandois, fourbe comme un
grec, &c.’
75. Locke 1960; for the context, generally Harris 1994.
76. Robbins 1959.
77. Generally Troost 2005.

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 78. The following section presents a case already addressed in Leerssen 1988, and is deeply in-
debted to Venturi 1971; Viroli 1995, Goodwin 1979, Robbins 1959; Smith (Jay M.) 2005. The
notion of democratic revolutions takes up the argument of Palmer 1959. References to the
semantic shifts of operative terms all are taken from the OED.
79. A Voyage to Brobdingnag, ch. 7.
80. Venturi 1971, 72.
81. Quoted from Leeb 1973, 78.
82. Generally Goodwin 1979, 106-112. Also Fitzpatrick 1987. Cf. Appiah 1997, 2005, 2006.
83. The amount of literature on Rousseau is vast. For the themes of virtue and democracy devel-
oped here, see Damrosch 2005; Reisert 2003; Trousson 2003.
84. Ozouf 1997.
85. On Sieyès, see generally Bredin 1988. Also Kohn 1967, 27-34.
86. A recent biography is Scurr 2006.
87. Saint-Just, report ‘Sur la police générale de le République’, 15 April 1794; quoted Bredin 1988,
300-301. In the original: ‘Un homme révolutionnaire est inflexible, mais il est sensé, il est
frugal, il est simple, sans afficher le luxe de la fausse modestie; il est l’irréconciliable ennemi
de toute mensonge, de toute indulgence, de toute affectation; comme son but est de voir
triompher la Révolution, il ne la censure jamais, mais il condamne ses ennemis sans l’envelop-
per avec eux; il ne l’outrage point, mais il l’éclaire, et, jaloux de sa pureté, il s’observe quand il
en parle par respect pour elle; il prétend moins être l’égal de l’autorité, qui est la loi, que l’égal
des hommes, et surtout des malheureux.Un homme révolutionnaire est plein d’honneur; il est
policé sans fadeur, mais par franchise, et parce qu’il est en paix avec son propre coeur; il croit
que la groissièreté est une marque de tromperie et de remords, et qu’elle déguise la fausseté
sous l’emportement. Les aristocrates parlent et agissent avec tyrannie: l’homme révolution-
naire est intraitable aux méchants, mais il est sensible; il est si jaloux de la gloire de sa patrie et
de la liberté, qu’il ne fait rien inconsidérément; il court dans les combats, il poursuit les coup-
ables, et défend l’innocene devant les tribunaux; il dit la vérité afin qu’elle instruise, et non pas
afin qu’elle outrage; il sait que pour que la Révolution s’affermisse il faut être aussi bon qu’on
était méchant autrefois; sa probité n’est pas une finesse de l’esprit, mais une qualité du coeur et
une chose bien entendue. Marat était doux dans son ménage; il n’épouvantait que les traîtres:
J.-J. Rousseau était révolutionnaire, et n’était pas insolent sans doute. J’en conclus que
l’homme révolutionnaire est un héros de bon sens et de probité.’
88. Cartledge 2001. Also: Rawson 1969.
89. Cartledge 2002.
90. The idea of an emerging public sphere in these decades follows, of course, Habermas 1990.
91. Genette 1969, 73. In the original: ‘Cette «opinion», réelle ou supposée, c’est assez précisément
ce que l’on nommerait aujourd’hui une idéologie, c'est-à-dire un corps de maximes et de
préjugés qui constitue tout à la fois une vision du monde et un système de valeurs.’
92. I have surveyed the patriotism evinced in a fair number of such sentimental comedies in
Leerssen 1996b, 102-136.
93. Babcock 1931; Halliday 1957. Also Meehan 1975.
94. This is the famous phrase in the final section of the Hamburgische Dramaturgie, mentioning
‘den gutherzigen Einfall, den Deutschen ein Nationaltheater zu verschaffen, weil wir
Deutsche noch keine Nation sind!’ (Lessing 1988, 4: 484).
95. Friedrich Schiller, Die Schaubühne als eine moralische Anstalt betrachtet (lecture read in Mann-
heim, 1784. Schiller 1970, 11-12. In the original: ‘Unmöglich kann ich hier den grossen Einfluss
übergehen, den eine gute stehende Bühne auf den Geist der Nation haben würde. National-
geist eines Volks nenne ich die Ähnlichkeit und Übereinstimmung seiner Meinungen und
Neigungen bei Gegenständen, worüber eine andere Nation anders meint und empfindet.
Nur der Schaubühne ist es möglich, diese Übereinstimmung in einem hohen Grad zu bewir-
ken, weil sie das ganze Gebiet des menschlichen Lebens durchwandert, alle Situationen des

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 Lebens erschöpft und in alle Winkel des Herzens hinunter leuchtet; weil sie alle Stände und
Klassen in sich vereinigt und den gebahntesten Weg zum Verstand und zum Herzen hat. [...]
wenn wir es erlebten, eine Nationalbühne zu haben, so würden wir auch eine Nation. Was
kettete Griechenland so fest aneinander? Was zog das Volk so unwiderstehlich nach seiner
Bühne? – Nichts anders als der vaterländische Inhalt der Stücke, der griechische Geist, das
grosse überwältigende Interesse, des Staats, der besseren Menschheit, das in denselbigen ath-
mete.’ – I have used the word ‘public-mindedness’ to render Schiller’s term vaterländisch,
which roughly corresponds to the term ‘patriotic’ as discussed earlier in this chapter. Schiller’s
argument, too, needs to be safeguarded from retrospective anachronism: it is not yet part of
the genre of ‘calls for a national literature’ such as we see it flourish after the Schlegel brothers,
in the nineteenth century. Vaterländisch in this context has no ethnic-chauvinist overtones
whatsoever, and refers only to a civic-minded interest in the well-being of society at large.
Similarly, the term ‘Nationalgeist’ as used by Schiller should by no means be confused with
later coinages such as Volksgeist; it means ‘public climate, public spirit’. In his Jena lecture on
the legislators of ancient Greece, Schiller praises ancient Sparta for inculcating such a public
spirit and uses terms like vaterländisch and Nationalgeist to describe it, almost celebrating the
ascendancy of the public over the private. ‘All acts [in ancient Sparta] became public acts.
Under the gaze of the nation, youth grew to adulthood and old age declined into senility.
Incessantly, the Spartan looked upon Sparta as Sparta looked upon him. He was witness to
everything, and everything was witness to his life. The desire for fame was given incessant
stimulation, the public spirit [Nationalgeist] continuous nourishment. The idea of the father-
land and of a fatherlandish interest was intertwined with the most intimate life of all its citi-
zens.’
96. See also Isaiah Berlin’s assessment: Berlin 2000.
97. This seminal work of English poetical Romanticism (a collaboration between Wordsworth
and Coleridge) is programmatic in both words of its title. To begin with, it sees the true
function of poetry to be lyrical (rather than dramatic, narrative or otherwise), i.e. to express
emotions and motivated by what Wordsworth in his preface (added to the 1802 edition)
famously called ‘a spontaneous overflow of powerful feeling’. Moreover, the work gravitates
towards the register of balladry, i.e. a simple, homely form, unadorned and of a demure rheto-
rical register, couched in a natural, non-artificial and spontaneous ‘language really used by
men’. In all these respects, Wordsworth stands indebted, unknowingly, to Herder.
98. Herder, Auch eine Philosophie der Geschichte zur Bildung der Menschheit, in Herder 1982, 3: 105.
In the original: ‘Wie elend, als es noch Nationen und Nationalcharakter gab! Was für wech-
selseitiger Hass, Abneigung gegen die Fremden, Festsetzung auf seinen Mittelpunkt, väter-
liche Vorurteile, Hangen an der Erdscholle, an der wir geboren sind und auf der wir verwesen
sollen! Einheimische Denkart, enger Kreis von Ideen, ewige Barbarei! Bei uns sind gottlob alle
Nationalcharaktere ausgelöscht, wir lieben uns alle, oder vielmehr keiner bedarf’s den andern
zu lieben; wir gehen miteinander um, sind einander völlig gleich – gesittet, höflich, glückselig,
haben zwar keinen Vaterland, keine Unsern, für die wir leben, aber sind Menschenfreunde
und Weltbürger. Schon jetzt alle Regenten Europas, bald werden wir alle die französische
Sprache reden! Und denn – Glückseligkeit! – es fängt wieder die Güldne Zeit an, “da hatte
alle Welt einerlei Zunge und Sprache, wird eine Herde und ein Hirte werden!” National-
charaktere, wo seid ihr?’
99. Walder 1948; also, more generally, Hartmann 2001. The secularization of the monasteries led
to an enormous re-inventory of their libraries, which were relocated to the German capitals –
especially Munich, which as a result came to have one of the richest libraries of Europe;
Hacker 2000. Many medieval manuscripts were found in the process, cf. here p. 199.
100. Jolles 1936. On German Romanticism, also Kluckhohn 1961; Ziolkowski 1990 and Verschoor
1928. The links between anti-Revolutionary politics, Romanticism and national thought are
complex. See, generally, Eade 1983.

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 101. There is, as yet, no good, modern scholarly biography of this contradictory and intriguing
figure; nor is there even a proper edition of his works or correspondence. I have traced some
of his activities in Leerssen 2006a. Also, Pundt 1935 and Schäfer & Schawe 1971.
102. Schmidt 1994.
103. Cepl-Kaufmann & Johanning 2003; Pabst 2003.
104. Thus in the first installment of Geist der Zeit (1805). In the original: ‘Ihr also seid das würdige
Volk, ihr, die ihr Europa um seine schönsten Hoffnungen betrogen habt, ihr wollt die Be-
glücker und die Herren anderer sein, die ihr wieder die kriechendsten und elendsten Sklaven
geworden seid?’
105. A good impression is given in Pinkard 2000, which amply demonstrates the formative influ-
ence of Hölderlin on Hegel’s early development. The status of Schiller, not just as a poet and
playwright, but as a thinker and intellectual amidst his contemporaries, comes to the fore in
Herbert Scurla’s 1984 biography of Wilhelm v. Humboldt.
106. Cf also Krügel 1914.
107. Bauer 1908.
108. Kleist 1975, 1: 232-235 and 283-310. In the original: ‘Nur der Franzmann zeigt sich noch / in
dem deutschen Reiche / Bruder, nehmt die Keule doch / Dass er gleichfalls weiche’ and ‘Alles,
was ihr Fuss betreten, / Färbt mit ihren Knochen weiss, / Welchen Rab und Fuchs versch-
mähten, / Gebet ihn den Fischen Preis, / Dämmt den Rhein mit ihren Leichen, / Lasst,
gestäuft von ihrem Bein, / Ihn um Pfalz und Trier weichen / Und ihn dann die Grenze sein! /
Eine Jagdlust, wie wenn Schützen / Auf dem Spur dem Wolfe sitzen! / Schlagt sie tot! Das
Weltgericht / Fragt Euch nach den Gründen nicht!’
109. In addition to the Arminius literature mentioned in note 41 above, cf. also Stephens 1983.
110. Schlegel 1988, 7-8. In the original: ‘Wichtig vor allen Dingen für die ganze fernere Entwick-
elung, ja für das ganze geistige Dasein einer Nation erscheint es auf diesem historischen, die
Völker nach ihrem Wert vergleichenden Standpunkte, daß ein Volk große National-Erinner-
ungen hat, welche sich sch meistens noch in den dunkeln Zeiten seines ersten Ursprungs
verlieren, und welche zu erhalten und zu verherrlichen das vorzüglichste Geschäft der Dicht-
kunst ist. Solche National-Erinnerungen, das herrlichste Erbteil, das ein Volk haben kann,
sind ein Vorzug, der durch nichts anders ersetzt werden kann; und wenn ein Volk dadurch,
daß es eine große Vergangenheit, daß es solche Erinnerungen aus uralter Vorzeit, daß es mit
einem Wort eine Poesie hat, sich selbst in seinem Gefühle erhoben und gleichsam geadelt
findet, so wird es eben dadurch auch in unserm Auge und Urteil auf eine höhere Stufe ge-
stellt.’
111. Schilling 2000.
112. Lange 1954, 260. In the original: ‘Religion, Gebet, Liebe zum Regenten, zum Vaterland, zur
Tugend, sind nichts anderes als Poesie, keine Herzenserhebung ohne poetische Stimmung.
Wer nur nach kalter Berechung handelt, wird ein starrer Egoist. Auf Poesie ist die Sicherheit
der Throne gegründet.’
113. Generally, Bann 1995; Fritzsche 2004.
114. Ozouf 1997.
115. Hanske & Traeger 1992.
116. Aretin 1803. In the original: ‘Nun sind es gerade tausend Jahre, dass Karl der Grosse das
deutsche Kaiserthum gegründet hat. Ich rufe dieses Faktum nicht darum in das Gedächtnis
meiner Leser zurück, um sie auf den erstaunungswürdigen Wechsel der Dinge während dieses
Zeitraumes aufmerksam zu machen, oder um ihre Betrachtungen auf neuere Ereignisse zu
lenken, die eben diesem Kaiserthum nach tausendjähriger Existenz den Umsturz zu drohen
geschienen hatten; – diese und ähnliche Reflexionen überlasse ich den Politikern. – Meine
Absicht ist nur, eine literarische Jubelfeier jener grossen Begebenheit zu halten, und hierzu
giebt mir ein merkwürdiges altdeutsches Manuskript, welches ich in der uralten Abtey Wei-
henstephan bey Freisingen einsehen und benutzen konnte (und das nunmehr mit allen übri-

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 gen literarischen Schätzen der baier. Abteien in die hiesige Bibliothek gewandert ist), eine
erwünschte Gelegenheit.’
117. von der Hagen 1824. In the original: ‘Wie man zu des Tacitus Zeiten die Altrömische Sprache
der Republik wieder hervor zu rufen strebte: so ist auch jetzt, mitten unter den zerreißendsten
Stürmen, in Deutschland die Liebe zu der Sprache und den Werken unserer ehrenfesten Alt-
vordern rege und thätig, und es scheint, als suche man in der Vergangenheit und Dichtung,
was in der Gegenwart schmerzlich untergeht.’ Cf. generally Leerssen 2004a.
118. Ehrismann 1975.
119. Von der Hagen 1824. In the original: ‘in der schmachvollsten Zeit des Vaterlandes eine wahre
Herzstärkung und eine hohe Verheißung der Wiedekehr deutscher Weltherrlichkeit.’
120. Friemel 1990.
121. This section is based on material more amply treated in Leerssen 2004a; Leerssen 2006a.
122. On that term, cf. Leerssen 2006b. Also: Wyss 1979, Jordan 1999 and Küttler, Rüsen, & Schu-
lin 1997.
122a. Burke 1887 (1790).
123. From Scherer’s article on Jacob Grimm in the AdB; in the original: ‘das Sein aus dem Werden
zu begreifen.’ For Grimm’s debt to Savigny, see also Schoof 1953. On Savigny’s career: Denne-
ler 1985 and the sources cited there.
124. Grimm 1864-90, 2: 75-133 (‘Über das finnische Epos’) 75. In the original: ‘Unter den drei
dichtungsarten fällt zu beurtheilen keine schwerer als das epos, denn die lyrische poesie aus
dem menschlichen herzen selbst aufsteigend wendet sich unmittelbar an unser gemüt und
wird aus allen zeiten zu allen verstanden; die dramatische strebt das vergangne in die empfin-
dungsweise, gleichsam sprache der gegenwart umzusetzen und ist, wo ihr das gelingt, in ihrer
wirkung unfehlbar [...] um die epische poesie aber steht es weit anders, in der vergangenheit
geboren reicht sie aus dieser bis zu uns herüber, ohne ihre eigne natur fahren zu lassen, wir
haben, wenn wir sie genieszen wollen, uns in gans geschwundene umstände zu versetzen.’
[capitalization sic].
125. Eliot 1960.
126. Generally, Brown 1979, Chandler 1970 and Rigney 2001.
127. For a good visualization, cf. Moretti 1998.
128. This magically healing power of the ‘Royal Touch’ dates back to primitive-magical notions on
the superhuman charisma of royalty. The practice had fallen out of use in the course of the
eighteenth century. Dr Johnson, as a boy, had been touched by Queen Anne for scrofula,
known as ‘the King’s Evil’. The formula used in France was ‘The King touches you, may God
heal you’. The standard work on supernatural charisma attributed to royals is Bloch 1924;
more work remains to be done on the Romantic-historicist background of its final revival in
the 1820s in France. On Saint-Denis: Beaune 1997.
129. Boockmann 1982; Frühwald 1983; Knapp 1990.
130. Drentje 2006, Van der Wal 1983.
131. Hansen 1976; Hettling & Nolte 1993; Malettke 1992. For a restrained view of the affair of the
‘Göttingen Seven’, see von See 1999.
132. Touchard 1968.
133. Konstantinou 1992; Noe 1994; Spencer 1986.
134. For Ireland: Boyce 1991; Hutchinson 1987; Kee 1972; Leerssen 1996c; MacDonagh 1983. For
the Balkans: Daskalov 2004; Faensen 1980; Jelavich 1983; Lord 1963; Reiter 1983; Todorova
1997.
135. Cf. also Nipperdey 1968.
136. Prebble 2000.
137. Nichols 1996, 41. Generally: Ridoux 2001.
138. On the Marseillaise, composed in Strasbourg in 1792, see Vovelle 1997. The quoted lines in the
original: ‘Allons enfants de la Patrie / Le jour de gloire est arrivé! / Contre nous de la tyrannie /

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 L’étendard sanglant est levé / Entendez-vous dans les campagnes / Mugir ces féroces soldats? /
Ils viennent jusque dans vos bras / Égorger vos fils, vos compagnes! / Aux armes, citoyens,
formez vos bataillons, / Marchons, marchons! Qu'un sang impur abreuve nos sillons! / Que
veut cette horde d’esclaves, / De traîtres, de rois conjurés ? / Pour qui ces ignobles entraves, /
Ces fers dès longtemps préparés? / Français, pour nous, ah ! quel outrage / Quels transports il
doit exciter! / C’est nous qu’on ose méditer / De rendre à l’antique esclavage. / Aux armes,
citoyens, formez vos bataillons, / Marchons, marchons! Qu’un sang impur abreuve nos sil-
lons!’ There are five more stanzas.
139. The standard work on the linguistic policies of the République is de Certeau, Julia, & Revel
1975. The various quoted texts can also be found in the internet: www.languefrancaise.net/
dossiers/. In the original: ‘Nous n’avons plus de provinces, et nous avons encore environ trente
patois qui en rappellent les noms.’ ‘Le fédéralisme et la superstition parlent bas-breton; l’émi-
gration et la haine de la République parlent allemand; la contre-révolution parle l’italien, et le
fanatisme parle le basque. Cassons ces instruments de dommage et d’erreur.’ ‘Mais au moins
on peut uniformer le langage d’une grande nation, de manière que tous les citoyens qui la
composent puissent sans obstacle se communiquer leurs pensées. Cette entreprise, qui ne fut
pleinement exécutée chez aucun peuple, est digne du peuple français, qui centralise toutes les
branches de l’organisation sociale et qui doit être jaloux de consacrer au plutôt, dans une
République une et indivisible, l’usage unique et invariable de la langue de la liberté.’
140. Quoted in Revel 1997, 2924-2925. In the original: ‘Il faut espérer que tôt ou tard la Révolution
amènera le bienfait d’un costume national et que le voyageur, en passant d’un département à
un autre, ne croira plus se trouver chez des peuples différents. A voir les habitants du départe-
ment du Nord, ceux du Finistère auprès de ceux du Bas-Rhin, ceux de la Seine-Inférieure
auprès de ceux du Var, croirait-on que ce fût la même nation?’
141. It was still in full force by the late nineteenth century, witness Eugene Weber’s classic study
Peasants into Frenchmen: Weber 1976.
142. Such influences in political culture are studied nowadays under the heading of ‘cultural trans-
fer’: Espagne 1990; for an example, see Jourdan 2004.
143. The classic study is Knippenberg & de Pater 1988; also, Van der Burg 2007.
144. Roberts 1998; Williams 1980; Williams 1985. Also Jones 1998.
145. Eley & Suny 1996, 7. Generally also Kramer 1983-1994.
146. Gillis 1994.
147. Metternich to Prokesch, 1849; printed in Aus dem nachlasse des Grafen Prokesch-Osten. Brief-
wechsel mit Herrn von Gentz und Fürsten Metternich (Wien, 1881), 2:343. Quoted in Georg
Buchmann, Geflügelte Worte: Der Citatenschatz des deutschen Volkes (19th ed. Berlin 1898), 537-
538, online at http://aronsson.se/buchmann/0572.html. In the original: ‘Ich habe in meiner
Controverse mit Lord Palmerston in den italienischen Fragen im Sommer 1847 den Ausspruch
gefällt, dass der nationale Begriff «Italien» ein geographischer sei, und mein Ausspruch, l’Italie
est un nom géographique, welcher Palmerston giftig ärgerte, hat sich das Bürgerrecht erworben.
Mehr oder weniger – wie dies auf alle Vergleiche passt – gilt derselbe Begriff für das Deutsch-
land, welches bei der Menge in der zweiten Linie der Gefühle und der Strebungen steht,
während es von reinen oder berechnenden Phantasten (also von ehrlichen und kniffigen) auf
die oberste Stelle erhoben wird.’
148. The statement is engraved on a stone in the grounds. In the original: ‘Möchte Walhalla för-
derlich sein der Erstarkung und der Vermehrung Deutschen Sinnes! Möchten alle Deutschen,
welchen Stammes sie auch seien, immer fühlen, dass sie gemeinsames Vaterland haben. Und
jeder trage bei, soviel er vermag, zu dessen Verherrlichung!’
149. Grimm 1864-1890, 5:480, 6:411.
150. Cf. Leerssen 2006a, 97-98.
151. Quoted in Bleuel 1968, 17. In the original: ‘Wer unter uns in Zukunft noch Franzosen und
Deutsche bloß als zwei feindliche Parteien betrachtet, die mit gleichem Rechte hadern, wer

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 noch vernünftelt, daß, wenn er als Franzose geboren wäre, er es ebenso machen würde – wer
noch dieses von einer besseren Vorzeit so (schmählich) entartete, dieses meineidige, gotte-
sleugnerische, raubgierige Volk dem edlen aufopfernden Sinn der Deutschen vergleicht, der
ist ein Franzose neuester Art, wo er auch geboren worden, und verdient in Deutschland als
solcher geachtet zu werden.’
152. In the original: ‘Deutschland, Deutschland über alles, über alles in der Welt, / Wenn es stets
zu Schutz und Trutze brüderlich zusammenhält / Von der Maas bis an die Memel, von der
Etsch bis an den Belt. / Deutschland, Deutschland über alles, über alles in der Welt!’ Gener-
ally on Hoffmann: Andrée 1972; Behr 1999; von Wintzingerode-Knorr 1999. On the Lied der
Deutschen: Grewe 1982.
153. In the original: ‘Einigkeit und Recht und Freiheit für das deutsche Vaterland! / Danach lasst
uns alle streben brüderlich mit Herz und Hand! / Einigkeit und Recht und Freiheit sind des
Glückes Unterpfand; / Blüh im Glanze dieses Glückes, blühe, deutsches Vaterland!’
154. Hampe 1936, 79, quoting the crown prince’s diary for 3 December 1870, looking forward to
‘die Beendigung des fünfundsechzigjährigen Interregnums’.
155. Bruyning 1990. Also, McMenamin 1997.
156. The early, cultural phase of the risorgimento has been comparatively less thoroughly re-
searched than the period after 1848. For a profile of the various historians of the romantic-
nationalist generation, see Bruyning 1995.
157. Kohn 1960; Milojković-Djurić 1994.
158. For Slovak nationalism, see Brock 1976.
159. Haselsteiner 2000; Moritsch 2000; Orton 1978.
160. Mout 1996; Štaif 1997; Zacek 1970. On Czech nationalism, generally, Agnew 1993; Hanak
1988; Vlnas & Hojda 1998.
161. Despatalovic 1975.
162. Chickering 1984; Loock 1969. On the earlier, cultural roots of Greater German thought, see
Leerssen 2006a; Loock 1969.
163. Simons 1980.
164. Wils 1994.
165. Ellis 1993; Constantine 2007.
166. The founding text of this trend was a paranoid tract written anonymously by Cyprien Robert,
who had succeeded Adam Mickiewicz to the chair of Slavic philology at the Collège de
France: Robert 1860.
166a. Hillström 2014.
167. Landau 1981.
168. Generally, Leerssen 1996b; Leerssen 1996c.
169. For O’Connell, MacDonagh 1991.
170. Leerssen 2002a.
171. Hroch 1968; Hroch 1985.
172. Fredericq 1906; NEVB 1998.
173. Sampimon 2006.
174. Lučić 2002.
175. Generally, Kirby 1995; Loit 1985.
176. The complexities are visualized in Magocsi 1995, maps 27a, 30, 32a, 33. Cf. also Teunissen &
Steegh 2003.
177. Kemiläinen 1997; Kemiläinen 1998; Klinge 1980; Klinge 1993; also Fewster 2006.
178. The various oppositions between different types of nationalism derive from Hans Kohn’s
work. An excellent survey of these different analytical schools in nationalism studies is given
by Lawrence 2005. A no less excellent attempt to transcend such binaries (undertaken, signifi-
cantly, on a comparative-European basis) is the recent collection Baycroft & Hewitson 2006,
with the programmatic editors’ introduction on pp. 1-16.

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 179. Ledeen 1977.
180. The megali idea was proposed most strenuously by the influential figure of Ioannis Kolettis
(1773-1847); cf. Clogg 2002, 46-51 and 244-245.
181. M.L. Smith 1998.
182. Markusse 1996.
183. Cf. Simanowski 1998, Leerssen 1993b.
184. Duyzings 2000.
185. Hyde 1994. On Hyde, see Ó Glaisne 1991 and (more in the mode of a-critical adulation)
Dunleavy & Dunleavy 1991.
186. In the original: ‘So weit die deutsche Zunge klingt / Und Gott im Himmel Lieder singt / Das
soll es seyn! / Das, wackrer Deutscher, nenne dein.’ More on Arndt and this song in Leerssen
2006a; on his acclamation in the Frankfurt Nationalversammlung: ibid., 131-132, 212 following
Wigard 1848-1850, 1: 27.
187. Grimm 1864-1890, 7: 557. In the original: ‘Lassen Sie mich mit der einfachen frage anheben:
was ist ein volk? und ebenso einfach antworten: ein volk ist der inbegriff von menschen,
welche dieselbe sprache reden.’ [capitalization sic] This was part of Grimm’s opening speech
as president of the first Congress of Germanisten, held in Frankfurt in 1846 and often seen as a
scholarly warming-up exercise for the 1848 Nationalversammlung. Cf. Fürbeth et al 1999; Net-
zer 2006; Verhandlungen 1847; Verhandlungen 1848.
188. Grimm 1864-1890, 4: 73. In the original: ‘Jede individualität soll heilig gehalten werden, auch
in der sprache; es ist zu wünschen, dasz auch der kleinste, verachteste dialect, weil es gewisz
vor dem gröszten und geehrtesten heimliche vorzüge voraushaben wird, nur sich selbst und
seiner natur überlassen bleibe und keine gewaltsamkeit erdulde. von dem werth einer so be-
deutenden, durch treffliche werke uns, wie den eingeborenen achtbar erscheinenden sprache,
wie die dänische ist, braucht gar keine rede zu sein. daran sind die Dänen untadelhaft, dasz sie
dem offenen eindringen deutscher wörter und phrasen einhalt thun; allein thöricht wäre es,
zu glauben, 1½ millionen menschen (der ganze norden zählt deren nicht fünf) könnten sich
dem unaufhaltsamen zuströmen einer von 32 millionen gesprochenen nah verwandten
sprache, welche die gröszten geister gleichsam für alle zeiten angezündet haben, eigentlich
verschlieszen, so dasz das gefühl dieser übermacht in Dänemark für eine unehre gelten sollte.
die deutsche literatur herscht [sic] auf keine unedle weise, der Niedersachse wie der Österrei-
cher freut sich ihrer und behält dennoch seine mundart lieb und werth, mit denen wir die
dänische übrigens nicht vergleichen. die geistreichsten Dänen haben das rechte empfunden
und gethan, sie wissen, dasz sie der deutschen literatur eben so gehören, als diese ihnen. [...]
diese ergieszung über unsere sprache und literatur, wenn sie einigen zu lang und ungehörig
erscheinen sollte, hat uns gerecht und nothwendig geschienen, es hat jedem Deutschen
schmerzhaft sein müssen, zumal jetzt, aus einer neulich erschienenen, öffentlichen verord-
nung der dänischen regierung zu ersehen, dasz in den ihr untergebenen deutschredenden
ländern die deutsche sprache nach und nach gedrückt und wohl unterdrückt werden soll. «ist
es nicht billig, du Deutscher, dasz die sprache, welche du in der wiege aus dem süszen vor-
geschwätze deiner mutter sammt der milch eingesogen, bei dir lieb und werth gehalten
werde!»’ [capitalization sic]
189. Cf. Demandt 1990.
190. Wigard 1848-1850, 1:289-290. In the original: ‘Ich habe mich seit langer Zeit in genaue Unter-
suchungen eingelassen über die Geschichte jener nördlichen Gegenden, und bin dadurch auf
Ergebnisse gelangt, die von den bisherigen zum Theil vollkommen abweichen. [...] dass nach
meinen Untersuchungen die Jüten, welche jetzt für die Bewohner des nördlichen Theils der
Halbinsel gelten, dass diese Jüten ebensowohl ein ursprünglich germanischer Volksstamm
waren, insofern wir befugt sind, germanische Volksstämme den scandinavischen entgegenzus-
tellen. Aber welche Erinnerungen weckt nicht die Geschichte dieser nördlichen Gegend! Von
dort sind schon vor dem Beginn unserer Zeitrechnung die beiden Völker ausgegangen, welche

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 den mächtigen Römern unüberwindlichen Schrecken einflössten, die Cimbern und Teuto-
nen, die mit uns gleichen Namen führen. Sollte das nicht gerechten Stolz anfachen, und
wahrhaftig! andere Völker würden das nicht dulden, dass von dem Wohnsitze ihrer ruhmvol-
len Vorfahren auch nur eine Scholle breit jemals abgetreten werden dürfe.’
191. Grimm 1880, dedication to Gervinus, dated 11 June 1848. In the original: ‘Und wie aus der
letzten feindschaft zwischen Schweden und Dänen der schlummernde trieb ihres engen ver-
bandes erwacht ist, wird auch unser gegenwärtiger hader mit den Scandinaviern sich umwan-
deln zu brüderlichem bunde zwischen uns und ihnen, welchen der sprache gemeinschaft laut
begehrt. wie sollte dann, wenn der grosze verein sich binnenmarken setzt, die streitige halbin-
sel nich ganz zum festen lande geschlagen werden, was geschichte, natur und lage fordert, wie
sollten nicht die Jüten zum alten anschlusz an Angeln und Sachsen, die Dänen zu dem an den
Gothen wiederkehren? sobald Deutschland sich umgestaltet kann Dänemark unmöglich wie
vorher bestehn.’ [capitalization sic] Generally Storost 1988.
192. Ibid., 580-81. In the original: ‘wie in den völkern selbst thut sich auch in den sprachen, die sie
reden, eine unausweichliche anziehungskraft der schwerpuncte kund, und lebhaft erwachte
sehnsucht nach fester einigung aller sich zugewandten stämme wird nicht nachlassen. einen
übertritt der Niederländer zur hochdeutschen sprache, der Dänen zur schwedischen halte ich
in den nächsten jahrhunderten sowohl für wahrscheinlich, als allen deutschen völkern für
heilsam, und glaube daß ihm durch die Lostrennung Belgiens von Holland, Norwegens von
Dänemark vorgearbeitet wird: es leuchtet ein, daß dem Niederländer lieber sein muß deutsch
als französisch, dem Dänen lieber schwedisch als deutsch zu werden. auch verdient die
sprache der berge und höhen zu siegen über die der flachen ebene.’ [capitalization sic]
193. Prebble 2000. Also Hugh Trevor-Roper’s contribution to Hobsbawm & Ranger 1983, 15-42
(‘The Invention of Tradition: The Highland Tradition of Scotland’).
194. Rössing 1898.
195. Nipperdey 1968; on the earlier history of monuments, see von der Dunk 1997; von der Dunk
1999; Jourdan 1997.
196. That term is, of course, from Billig 1995. For the national iconography on banknotes, see
Helleiner 2003; Pointon 1998, Unwin & Hewitt 2001 and Brion & Moreau 2001.
197. The case of Belgium has been well studied: Ogonovsky-Steffens 1999; Tollebeek & Verschaffel
1999; Tollebeek & Verschaffel 2000; Tollebeek & Verschaffel 2004; Verschaffel 1999. A com-
parative survey: Flacke 1998.
198. Fermigier 1997; Foucart 1997; Mérimée 1971.
199. Borger 1980; Klein 1980; Nipperdey 1986; Zink 1982.
200. On the professionalization and educational instrumentalization of history, see den Boer 1987.
201. Boswell & Evans 1999.
202. Bank 1990; van der Ham 2006.
203. There is as yet no large-scale comparative analysis. An influential early pointer was Dahlhaus
1974; since then, important contributions to the topic in have been made in Samson 2002 and
Taruskin 2005. Taruskin is also the author of the article ‘Nationalism’ in the New Grove Dic-
tionary of Music and Musicians (Grove Music Online, www.grovemusic.com, accessed 1 July
2006). For some of the trends listed here, cf. Lajosi & Stynen 2015, Lajosi 2018, Leerssen 2013,
Neubauer 2017, and the relevant sections of ERNiE at http://show.ernie.uva.nl/music.
204. Cf. Williams 1973.
205. Tolstoy 1957, 1, 603-604. The characterization of Karatayev: 2, 1150.
206. De Jong 1994; De Jong 2001.
207. ‘The West’s Awake’, Celtia, 2 #9 (September 1902), 129-130.
208. There is a great body of research on Karadžić, most of it in Serbian and some in German; a
good English-language biography is Wilson 1970. On Kopitar: Pogačnik 1978, Lukan 1995 and
2000, and most recently, Merchiers 2005.
209. Guiomar 1997; Kokare 1985.

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 210. Pumpurs 1988; Viķe-Freiberga 1985.
211. Lawrynenko 1962; Lindheim & Luckyj 1996; Mijakovs'kyj 1962; Zaitsev 1988.
212. Leerssen 2002b; Paternu 1993.
213. Ehrismann 1975.
214. Leerssen 2004b.
215. Vocabolario 1863-1923; Engler 2000; von Polenz 2000.
216. Kochs 1967.
217. On language purism generally: the many essays collected in van der Sijs 1999.The process of
standardization has been described in the massive collection Fodor & Hagège 1983-1994.
218. Hering 1987. The dilemma is phrased by Fishman 1973 as a choice between ‘language as the
link with the glorious past’ and ‘language as the link with authenticity’.
219. Rigney 2001; Rigney 2004.
220. Gobbers 1990; Tollebeek 1995.
221. Rigney 1990.
222. Deletant & Hanak 1988.
223. Leerssen 1989; Poliakov 1987.
224. Rearick 1974.
225. Latium und Hellas, in Humboldt 1973, 6. In the original: ‘Die meisten das Leben einer Nation
begleitenden Umstände, der Wohnort, das Klima, die Religion, die Staatsverfassung, die Sit-
ten und Gebräuche, lassen sich gewissermassen von ihr trennen, es kann, selbst bei reger
Wechselwirkung noch, was sie an Bildung gaben und empfingen, gewissermassen abgesondert
werden. Allein einer ist von durchaus verschiedener Natur, ist der Odem, die Seele der Nation
selbst, erscheint überall in gleichem Schritte mit ihr, und führt, man mag ihn als wirkend oder
gewirkt ansehen, die Untersuchung nur in einem beständigen Kreise herum – die Sprache.’
Other linguistic writings of Humboldt are collected in Humboldt 1994.
226. Auroux et al 2000-2001; Caussat, Adamski, & Crépon 1996.
227. We can piece this attitude together from Grimm 1864-1890, and the dedications in Grimm
1834 and Grimm 1880 (to Lachmann and Gervinus, respectively). The antisemitic bent is
expressed in a vicious private letter long kept out of the edited correspondence but quoted in
Van Driel & Noordegraaf 1998: 99-100, following Hass-Zumkehr 1995.
228. Cf. Augstein 1997.
229. Wiseman 1866, 34-39.
230. Dayrat 2003.
231. Max Müller as quoted in MacDougall 1982, 121.; cf. also Poliakov 1987, 289-295. There are
many disclaimers in this style, even from the great champion of Darwinism, Julian Huxley;
see ‘Professor Huxley on Political Ethnology’, Anthropological Review, 28 (January 1870), 197-
204. For a sustained analytical survey of the crosscurrents between archaeology, historical
linguistics and ‘race science’, see Demoule 2014.
232. Cf. the classic Gould 1981; also, Agazzi & Beller 1998 and Caroli 1995.
233. Behland 1967; Janota 1980; Schmidt 2000; Sørensen 1999.
234. John Pinkerton, An Enquiry into the History of Scotland Preceding the Reign of Malcolm III.
(1789) vol 2 p. 33. Pinkerton was notorious for his ethnic chauvinism. His specific hypothesis
concerned ‘the inveterate inferiority of the Celtic race. He affirms that the ‘Irish, the Scottish
highlanders, the Welsh, the Bretons, and the Spanish Biscayans’ are the only surviving abor-
igines of Europe, and that their features, history, actions, and manners indicate a fatal moral
and intellectual weakness, rendering them incapable of susceptibility to the higher influences
of civilisation. Throughout the work facts are subordinated to preconceived theories.’ (Com-
ments taken fom the article on Pinkerton in the Dictionary of National Biography). On the
distinction monogenist-polygenist, cf. Gould 1981.
235. Biddiss 1970.
236. Pick 1989.

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 237. Down put this case in a paper entitled ‘Observations on an Ethnic Classification of Idiots’
(1866). Banton 1987, 26 and Gould 1981, 134-135.
238. Ben-Itto 1998.
239. Generally, Stepan 1982.
240. Poliakov 1987, 245-288; for French developments: Winock 1982, Thiesse 1999, 174-179. For
Chamberlain: Field 1981.
241. Browning 2005.
242. Curtis 1997; Keen 1986.
243. France: Weber 1976; Sicily: Dickie 2004; Britain (Rider Haggard to the Boy Scouts move-
ment): Rosenthal 1986.
244. In the original: ‘Die Entarteten sind nicht immer Verbrecher, Prostituierte, Anarchisten und
erklärte Wahnsinige. Sie sind manchmal Schriftsteller und Künstler. Aber diese weisen diesel-
ben geistigen – und meist auch leiblichen – Züge auf wie diejenigen der nämlichen anthro-
pologischen Familie, die ihre ungesunden Triebe mit dem Messer des Meuchelmörders oder
der Patrone des Dynamit-Gesellen statt mit der Feder oder mit dem Pinsel befriedigen.’
245. Mandle 1987.
246. Quoted Leerssen 1996c, 193-195.
247. Mosse 1975; Theleweit 1980.
248. Bentley 1957.
249. On the adoption of Anglo-Saxonist racism in America, see Horsman 1981.
250. Quoted Kedourie 1960, 122-123.
251. Quoted Woolf 1996. The clarification was needed because the German negotiators saw Allied
conditions as an unwarranted sharpening of Wilson’s Fourteen Points.
252. There are many editions. The one used here, Renan 1994, is based on Renan 1948.
253. On Renan’s influence, cf. Leerssen 1996a; McCormack 1985. Taine’s theory of race, milieu,
moment as determinants of a national literature was made in the introduction to his Histoire
de la littérature anglaise of 1864: Espagne & Werner 1994, 461-477 (Michel Espagne, ‘Taine et
la notion de littérature nationale’).
253a. Above, pp. 80 and 188, and Beller & Leerssen 2017. The relevant materials are online at http://
show.ernie.uva.nl/rhine.
254. Kemiläinen 1971.
255. For the notion of a ‘traumatic paradigm’, see Valensi 2000; generally: Berkhofer 1995.
256. Pearse n.d., 216. On Pearse, see Edwards 1977.
257. Winter 1995.
258. Fleury 1998; Oudin 1987; Ziegerhofer-Prettenthaler 2004.
259. Pisanty 2006 presents a case: the Italian fascist review La difesa della razza (‘The Defence of
the Race’).
260. Hettling 2003; Hirsch 2005; von Klimó 2004; Oberkrone 1993. On Haushofer and Geopolitik:
Ebeling 1994, Murphy 1997.
261. From amidst the enormous amount of literature, I mention only Browning 2005.
261a. Winter & Prost 2013
262. On the Heimatfilm generally Höfig 1973.
263. Greverus & Haindl 1983.
264. Generally, Knippenberg & Markusse 1999.
265. Hamm 1987; Short 1996.
266. I argued this in Leerssen 1993a.
267. A refreshingly different perspective is offered by the ethnographer Germaine Tillion: Tillion
1966, brought to my attention by Ieme van der Poel.
268. Freeden 1998.
269. Der Spiegel, 16 March 2018.
270. Roobol 1998.

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 271. Habermas 1990, 1992, 1998, 2001.
272. The Greek government sent the following declaration to Crete (perceived as Islamic) on the
occasion of the 1821 rising: ‘For your houses are besides ours, and you wear the same clothes as
us, and you have the same boldness, and the same gait, and the same language. For all these
reasons you must join us, so that we can all live together like good fellow citizens [...] for deep
down you are not Orientals, or Arabs, you are rather true Cretans and you have Greek blood’:
Detorakis 1994, 262.
273. Hartmann 1999.
274. Borst 1995.
275. Droixhe 1978.
276. Aarsleff 1967.
277. Auroux et al 2000-2001; Bynon 2001; Collinge 2001; Ringmacher 2001; Rousseau 2001;
Schieffelin, Woolard, & Kroskrity 1998; Sherwood 1996; Short 1996, Swiggers & Desmet
1996; Swiggers & Desmet 2000. Also, Caussat, Adamski, & Crépon 1996.
278. Cf. Heeringa 2004.
279. Fredericq 1906, 100. A parallel Irish case were the Maamtrasna murders of 1882.
280. Van Laar 1986.
281. Ceyssens 1929; de Ryckel 1980; Verkooren 1916-1961.
282. On attempts by the Brabant dukes to curb higher appeal to non-Brabant courts, see Nève
1972.
283. The materials are cited in Janssen de Limpens 1977.
284. Haas 1978. The influence of linguistic differences and resulting different local jurisdictions is
cited 262 n. 35.
285. Hardenberg & Nuyens 1946, xiii-xiv.

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 Index

Accademia della Crusca 210 atavism 223-224, 226

Act of Abjuration 53-54, 59, 80, 172 Auber, Daniel-François 203
activism 122, 150n., 172, 177-170, 188, 238-239, Austen, Jane 84, 212
263, 282-283
Addison, Joseph 212 Baden Powell, Robert 227
Adrian IV 36-37 Balmoral Castle 199
Afanas’ev, Alexander 195-197 banal nationalism 198, 151, 260, 263
Alecsandri, Vasile 15, 237 banknotes 16, 172, 198
Alexander the Great 39, 74, 99, 177, 184 Barère, Bertrand 146-147
Alexander III, tsar 187n. Bartók, Béla 202-203, 203 n.
Alfred, king 56 Basel 46, 49, 57-58, 188, 286
allegory 51, 55n., 57, 70, 88, 123, 127 Batavi, Batavian myth 37, 55, 59, 105n.
Alliance française 185, 185n. Baudelaire, Charles 227
Almeida y Garrett, João Baptista 119n. Beardsley, Aubrey 227
Ambiorix 47 Beatrix, queen 198
Amin, Idi 224 Beaumarchais, Pierre Augustin Caron de
Anderson, Benedict 13, 20, 102n., 171, 268 89n.
Anglo-Saxons see Saxons Beckett, Samuel 251
anthropology 36, 68, 70, 73, 75-79, 82-83, Beddoe, John 224
101, 105-6n., 132, 154-155n., 210, 218-223, Beethoven, Ludwig van 122
238, 231, 247 Belgae 44-46, 54, 58
antiquarianism 25, 124, 129, 132, 132n., 142, Bellamy, Jacobus 85n.
169-170, 188, 193 Ben Bella, Ahmed 250
antisemitism 146, 218, 224, 225-226, 258, 259 Benveniste, Emile 27, 220
and see Jews and Zionism Beowulf 209
Appiah, Kwame Anthony 87 Béranger, Pierre Jean de 125, 138-139
architecture 62, 103, 127, 132, 198-199, 205, Berger, Stefan 285
241 Berlin, Isaiah 20, 121
archives 35, 201 and see libraries Berlusconi, Silvio 9, 261
Aretin, Johann Christoph von 128-130, 154 Bible 47, 63, 117, 138, 189, 220, 222, 275
d’Argenson, René-Louis 86n. Billig, Michael 251
aristocracy see nobility Bismarck, Otto von 52, 154, 158, 187
Aristotle 34, 65 Black, Jeremy 62
Armenian genocide 233n., 258 Blommaert, Philippe 148n.
Arminius 47, 50-52, 55, 119, 123 Blumenbach, Johann Friedrich 220n.
Arndt, Ernst Moritz 13n., 115-117, 118-122, 138, Boadicea, queen 47, 55-56
155-156, 158-159, 154, 187-189, 192-195, 217 Boas, Franz 221-222n.
Arnim, Achim von 130, 205, 208 Boccaccio, Giovanni 47
articulation 12, 14, 16, 21, 24, 70, 175-176, Bodin, Jean 73
207, 214 Bolingbroke, H. St.-John, lord 75
Arwidsson, Adolf Ivar 125, 177 Bolívar, Simon de 27, 249 and n., 250
Aryan 219-220 Bopp, Franz 63, 276
Asbjørnsen, Peter Christen 205, 218 borders 26n., 62, 157, 183-185, 234, 249, 239,
Astérix 58, 215 253, 263 and see frontiers
Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal 211 Borges, Jorge Luis 63, 70n.

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 Borodin, Alexander 202 chivalry 35
Bourguiba, Habib 250 Chopin, Frederic 202n.
Boy Scout movement 227 Churchill, Winston S. 142, 232
Brassens, Georges 251 Cicero, M. Tullius 34, 39, 47
Brentano, Clemens 130, 205, 197 city 35, 40, 44, 52, 60, 74, 82, 92-94, 104,
Breuilly, John 21-22, 268 106, 116, 171, 186, 203, 214, 285
Briand, Aristide 245 civic vs. ethnic nationalism 16-17, 20n., 83,
Brooke, Henry 212 169-170, 179, 241-42 and n., 246n.
Brubaker, Rogers 16 Civilis, Iulius 47, 55, 107n.
Brutus 34, 83n. Clausewitz, Karl von 230
Buffon, George Louis Leclerc de 63, 69n. climate 35, 49, 60, 66, 68, 73-74, 76-78, 93,
Bulwer-Lytton, Edward 213n. 97, 117-119, 122, 124, 135-136, 138, 142, 145,
Burckhardt, Jakob 11n. 148, 151, 199, 221, 217, 222
Burke, Edmund 87n., 121, 131 Clinton, William J. 255n.
Bush, George W. 255n. Codex Manesse 201
Byron, George Gordon, lord 118n., 125, 138, Cold War 246, 249, 253
140, 218 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor 119n.
Cologne 114, 199, 210, 278
Caerle ende Elegast; 220 colonialism 236, 41, 43, 88, 103, 169-170, 214,
Caesar, C. Iulius 31, 47, 57 227, 247, 250-251
Calderón de la Barca, Pedro 130 Columbus, Christopher 40
Cameron, David 258 commonplace 73, 75 and see stereotype,
Cambrensis see Giraldus Cambrensis ethnotype
Camões, Luís de 219 Commonwealthmen 80
Canova, Antonio 211 community 13, 20, 24, 29, 33, 85, 94, 102,
Caractacus 47, 55 120-122, 141, 153, 175-176, 194, 203-204,
Carbonari 138, 160 247, 261, 264, 266-267, 277
Carlyle, Thomas 229 Connor, Walker 15,
Carnegie, Andrew 244 Conscience, Hendrik 133, 213, 217n.
Carr, E.H. 246 Cooper, Fenimore 213
Cartledge, Paul 99 Copernicus, Nicolaus 44
Cassin, René 248 Corneille, Pierre 103, 212
Catherine the Great, empress 174 Coudenhove-Kalergi, Richard 245
Catherine de Medici, queen 57-58 Couperus, Louis 227
Catholicism 52, 54, 57-58, 85, 129, 138, 161- courtesy 35, 96
162, 164, 169-171, 176, 185, 218, 229, 257, Cromwell, Oliver 54, 92
274 Cui, César 202n.
Cavour, Camillo Benso de 168-170 ‘cultivation of culture’ 36, 196-213, 203
Ceauşescu, Nicolae 99 customs see manners and customs
Celtis, Conrad 50 Cuypers, Pierre 199
Chamberlain, Houston Stewart 225
Chanson de Roland 199 Dahlmann, Friedrich 138, 155-156, 158, 193
character 22, 36, 48, 59-60, 64-70, 72-78, 89, Dainos 219
108-110, 120, 130, 133-134, 211, 216, 221, 233, Dal’, Vladimir Ivanovich 221
267 D’Annunzio, Gabriele 173
Charlemagne 45-46n., 77, 114, 128 Dante Alighieri 62, 162, 208
Charles V, emperor 50, 53, 170, 283n. Danton, Georges 80
Charles I, king of England 54, 59 Darwin, Charles 63, 148n., 219, 225n.
Charles X, king of France 135, 196 Davies, Sir John 41, 53
Chateaubriand, François René de 214 Davis, Thomas 13n., 125, 170-171, 173
Chevallier, Gabriel 204, 251 D’Azeglio, Massimo 158, 153, 170

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 De Falla, Manuel 202-203 Enlightenment Patriotism 29, 132, 171,
De Quincey, Thomas 119n. 249 n.
decadence 49, 41, 59, 83, 138-139, 222, 224, enosis 184, 243
226-227, 245 and see degeneration Entartung 218, 223, 227
Declaration of Arbroath 33 epic 73, 85, 132-133, 168-169, 198-199, 202
Declaration of Independence 53, 172 Erdoğan, Recep Tayyip 99, 258
Defoe, Daniel 73 essentialism 72, 221-222 n.
De Gaulle, Charles 80n., 153, 248, 255n. Estates General 53, 92, 197
degeneration 218, 226-227, 245 and see deca- ETA 238
dence États généraux 95-97
Degrelle, Léon 260 ethnic nationalism 17, 121, 166, 189, 222-227,
Deken, Agatha 105 241-243, 246-247
Delacroix, Eugène 140-141, 225, 227 ethnicity 20-21, 23-24, 72, 169-170, 184, 186,
democracy 33, 59, 77, 78, 82-84, 97, 99-100, 207, 214, 215-229, 241-243, 246-247
140, 155-157, 183, 248, 258, 264 ethnopopulism 12, 103, 256-257, 259-263
Deutsches Wörterbuch 173, 189, 192, 210 ethnotypes 12, 13, 18, 25, 27-28, 43, 48, 59, 64,
dialects 62, 139, 146-147, 150, 156, 159, 162, 109, 171
165, 177, 185, 188-191, 194, 205, 211, 219, eugenics 225-226
271-274, 276-281 Euroscepticism 255-256, 260, 283
diaspora, diaspora nationalism 172n., 184, excursionistas 217
186 exoticism 33, 36, 38, 101, 109, 119, 206, 257
Dickens, Charles 69, 203
dictionaries 176, 210-211 Fallersleben see Hoffmann von Fallersleben
Diderot, Denis 77 Fanon, Frantz 250
D’Indy, Vincent 202n. Farage, Nigel 260
Dix, Otto 245 fascism 99, 154, 174, 183, 254, 260
Dobrovský, Josef 171 Fauriel, Claude 197
Dollfuß, Engelbert 264 Fawlty Towers 69
Dominian, Leon 231, 233 Feijoo, Benito Jerónimo 72
Down’s Syndrome 223-224 Fichte, Johann Gottlieb 11, 115, 117, 121-122,
Dreyfus, Alfred 224 125-127, 130, 169, 222, 225, 227, 242, 284
Droste-Hülshoff, Annette von 204 filiki eteria 139-140
Dryden, John 84 flags 197, 197n.
Du Bartas, Guillaume 73 folk, folklore, folksongs, folk- and fairytales
dynasticism 45-47, 53, 78-81, 88, 92, 97, 114, 82, 105, 107-109, 127, 130, 138, 169, 188,
135-137, 141, 143, 150, 153-154, 197-198 202-205, 208, 210n., 231
Dyserinck, Hugo 11, 16, 120, 284 forest 35-36, 39-41, 47, 50-51, 123
Fortuyn, Pim 256n.
Eça de Queirós, José Maria 227 Foucault, Michel 64
education 13, 20, 71, 97, 147-148, 150, 153, ‘Fourteen Points’ 231-232, 39
170, 173, 175, 177, 250, 252 Francis II, emperor 114
eisteddfod 184 Franco, Francesco 99, 247n., 252, 253, 260
Elias, Norbert 38n. Frank, Anne 262n.
Eliot, George (Mary Ann Evans) 204 Frankfurt Parliament 92, 117, 155-158, 172,
Eliot T.S. 132 187, 189, 192-193
Elizabeth I, queen 53, 55, 105, 251 Franks 57-59, 154, 189, 194, 204, 207, 229
Elizabeth II, queen 251 Frederick II, king 103
encyclopedia 63, 70, 78 Freud, Sigmund 39n.
Enlightenment 27-29, 74-75, 76-80, 83-84, frontiers 60-62, 78, 159, 179, 185-186, 188n.,
88, 90, 106-108, 118-120, 122, 145-153, 168, 220-222, 231-233, 240, 241, 250, 253-254,
171, 239 n., 249n, 257 257, 266 281, 282 and see borders

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 Galilei, Galileo 44 Hajibeyov, Uzeyir 202
Galton, Sir Francis 213n. Hanseatic League 53
Gandhi, Mohandas K. (Mahatma) 169, 250 Hardy, Thomas 204
Garašanin, Ilija 164, 184 Harrington, James 83n., 92
Garibaldi, Giuseppe 168-170, 183, 249n. Hašek, Jaroslav 245
Gaul, Gauls 34, 44-45, 47, 54, 55-59, 215, 218, Haushofer, Karl 247
242, 272 Haxthausen, Werner von 208
Geist 116-118, 120 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 117-118, 229
Geller, Pamela 260 Helmers, Jan Frederik 132
Gellner, Ernest 20-22, 172, 185, 265, 268 Henry II, king 36-37, 39, 41
Gemeinschaft see community Henry VIII, king 37n., 41, 147
Genette, Gérard 102 Herculano, Alexandre 15, 213
Geneva 52, 57, 74, 90, 92-94 Herder, Johann Gottfried 90, 105-109, 120-
geopolitics 60, 114, 159, 164, 165, 179, 183, 123, 131-133, 143, 162-164, 179, 205, 207,
184, 188, 193, 199, 231, 234, 240, 247, 255 222
George IV, king 142-143, 196 heteronomy 192, 282
George, Stefan 183n. Hippocrates 65n., 73
gerrymandering 185 historical novel 57, 134, 161, 212-213
Gibbon, Edward 83 historicism 34, 122-123, 127, 128-132, 134-135,
Giraldus Cambrensis 36-38, 40, 43, 48, 70, 136, 142, 153, 187, 188, 198-199, 201, 205,
72n. 209, 222, 267
Glinka, Mikhail Ivanovich 202 Hitler, Adolf 98, 114, 129, 220, 225, 229, 234,
Gneisenau, August Neidhart von 126 246, 247
Gobineau, Arthur de 223, 225-227 Ho Chi Minh 250
Goering, Hermann 183n. Hobbes, Thomas 79, 90
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang 80, 90, 105, 107, Hoffmann von Fallersleben, August 138, 156,
108, 113, 117, 123, 153-154, 159, 187, 205, 212 173, 175, 188, 198
Görres, Josef 115-116 Hölderlin, Friedrich 117, 290
Goths, Gothic, neo-Gothic 44-46, 56, 58, 64, Holy Roman Empire 45, 53, 114-114, 121, 127-
80, 132, 189, 195, 198, 218 129, 135, 172, 188
Grainger, Percy 202n. homesickness 120, 154-156
Gramsci, Antonio 250 honour 46, 51, 55, 57, 88, 98, 101, 103, 127,
Grant, Madison 231 129, 170, 200
Grégoire, Henri 146-148, 150 Hooft, Pieter Cornelisz. 55, 105n.
Grieg, Edvard 202n. Horace (Q. Horatius Flaccus) 39, 47
Grimm, Jacob and/or Wilhelm 63, 105, 121- horizontal/vertical 29, 35, 83, 93, 141, 282-283
122, 127, 130-132, 138, 18n., 154-156, 159- Horthy, Miklós 262, 264
160, 164-165, 177, 189-195, 200, 207-211, Hotman, François 57, 59, 63
217-219, 221-223, 276, 278 Hroch, Miroslav 13, 15, 27, 173-4, 186
Groener ruling 243n. Hugo, Victor 160, 203, 239, 227
Grotius, Hugo 55, 79, 90 Huizinga, Johan 11n.
Guareschi, Giovannino 204n., 251 human rights 79, 146, 244, 246-248, 259-259,
Guevara, Ernesto ‘Che’ 125, 252 264
Gutenberg, Johannes 47 Humboldt, Wilhelm von 75, 115, 201, 206,
273, 280
Habermas, Jürgen 102n., 171 Hume, David 74-75, 77, 79, 90
habit 68-70, 149 humours 65, 68
Hagen, Friedrich Heinrich von der 129-130, Hus, Jan 44-45, 50
154 Hutten, Ulrich von 50
Haggard, Henry Rider 36, 227 Huysmans, Joris 227
Haider, Jörg 248n. Hyde, Douglas 172-173, 186

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 idealism 35, 118, 120-121, 134, 156, 163-163, Kopitar, Jernej (Batholomäus) 156n., 162,
204, 250 208
identity politics 243, 234, 253, 266 Körner, Theodor 124-126, 170, 195
Illyrianism 183 Kosciuszko, Tadeusz 249n.
imagology 23, 284, 286 Kosovo 173, 193, 212, 254
IRA 184-185, 238 Kossuth, Lajos 144, 250
irredentism 144, 183-184, 186, 193 Kotzebue, August von 138
Isidore of Seville 46 Kreutzwald, Friedrich 187
ius primae noctis 89n. Kultur vs. civilisation 120, 120n.
ius sanguinis/ius soli 187n. Kulturkampf 52, 250
Ivanhoe 57, 213, 216 Kulturnation/Staatsnation 152-155, 184

Jacobins 84, 99, 131, 169 La Mesnardière, Jules de 66, 70-72, 103
Jabotinsky, Ze’ev 14 Latham, Arthur Gordon 220
Jahn, Friedrich 115-117, 118-122, 126, 138, 155, Lavallée, Joseph 148
228 Lavater, Johann Caspar 106, 220
James I, king 41, 43, 53 Lazarus, Moritz 221
James II, king 56, 59, 79, 81 Le Goff, Jacques 34
Jews 146, 148, 218, 224-226, 228, 261, 271, Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm 148
273, 274 and see antisemitism and Zionism Le Pen, Jean-Marie 248n., 257
John Paul II, pope 164 Le Pen, Marine 260
Johnson, Samuel 87 Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim 104-106, 120, 124
Jones, Sir William 63, 276 Lévi-Strauss, Claude 26n.
Jordanes 46 liberté, égalité, fraternité 84, 97, 146
Joseph II, emperor 51, 149 libraries 27, 47, 63, 96, 128, 131, 177, 200-201
Joyce, James 196 and see archives
Jung, Carl Gustav 221 linguistics 63, 131, 201, 207-208, 210, 220,
Juvenal (D. Iunius Iuvenalis) 48 276-277
Linnaeus, Carl 63
Kafka, Franz 164 Liszt, Franz 202n.
Kalevala 176-178, 198 Livy (T. Livius) 47, 59
Kalevipoeg 178, 198 Locke, John 59, 79-80, 82, 84, 80, 118n.
Kalomiris, Dimitris 192 Lombroso, Cesare 220-221
Kant, Immanuel 75, 109, 152, 239 Lönnrot, Elias 13n., 187-188
Karadžić,Vuk Stefanović 9, 175, 208-209, 231 loss of empire 16, 249-250
Keats, John 119 Louis XIV, king 57, 60, 79-82, 88, 95, 103,
Kedourie, Elie 21 114, 116, 158, 197, 230, 241, 247
Kerelslied 35 Louis XV, king 95, 103, 114
Kervyn de Lettenhove, Joseph 217 Louis XVI, king 89n., 95-97, 135
King-Crane Commission 233 Louis XVIII, king 135, 143
Kipling, Rudyard 36 love of country 83, 87, 24
Kléber, Jean-Baptiste 241 love of the fatherland 83, 109, 125, 151, 155,
Kleist, Heinrich von 51, 122-123, 125 196, 203
Klopstock, Friedrich 51 Ludwig I, king 15, 127, 142, 154
Knox, Robert 225 Luther, Martin 44, 50-52, 55, 62, 119, 138,
Kohn, Hans 20-21, 25, 233, 246n., 268, 277 169, 189
Kolettis, Ioannis 277 Lützow Free Corps 125-126, 138
Kollár, Jan 13n., 172 Lycurgus 83n., 100
Kolokotronis, Theodoros 140
Komitas (Vartapet; Soghomon Soghomonian) Macartney, C.A. 245-246
202 Machiavelli, Niccolò 62

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 Maistre, Joseph de 132 Napoleon, emperor 51, 58, 80, 93, 113-116,
Makarios, archbishop 250n. 119-120, 122, 125, 127-135, 138, 141-142, 169,
Mandeville, Sir John 37 200, 204, 235, 247, 249
Mancini, Pasquale Stanislao 244 national anthem 78, 103, 103n., 116, 156-157,
Mann, Thomas 51, 227 187-188, 197-198
manners and customs 35, 39, 48, 66-67, 69- national character 34, 64, 70, 73, 101, 101n.,
72, 75-76, 101, 109, 122, 203, 205, 209, 217, 120, 130, 134
220, 221 national socialism 207, 210, 218, 221, 224-
Manzoni, Alessandro 171, 202 226, 234, 246-247, 154, 158-260, 262
Mao Zedong 252 Nationalversammlung see Frankfurt Parlia-
maps 34, 37, 42, 60, 62, 70, 72 ment
Marienburg 135-136, 142, 198 nature 34-38, 43-44,77, 90, 109, 118n., 193,
Marseillaise 113, 145, 151, 197, 202, 203, 241 210-211
Martin, Henri 215 Nero, emperor 82
Marx, Karl 118n., 250, 252 Neuschwanstein 199
Mary (Stuart), queen 56, 79 Nibelungenlied 129, 177, 209
Mauss, Marcel 246 Nicholas II, tsar 231
Maximilian I, emperor 60 Nietzsche, Friedrich 183, 229
Mazzini, Giuseppe 13n., 159-161, 179, 239 Nixon, Richard M. 255n.
media 13, 20, 102, 170, 214, 248n., 261-262 Nkrumah, Kwame 250
Megali Idea 184 nobility 36, 47, 60, 62, 82, 97-89, 94, 96-97,
Mérimée, Prosper 198 102, 103, 126, 135, 145, 215, 223
Metaxas, Ioannis 14 Nordau, Max 227, 228
Metternich, Clemens von 136-137, 140-141, ‘Norman yoke’ 56, 216
153-155, 168 north/south 47, 49, 51, 73-74, 75, 105, 240
Michelet, Jules 13n., 203, 213, 215 Numa Pompilius 83n.
Mickiewicz, Adam 125, 277 Nyerere, Julius 250
Miladinov, Dimitar and Konstantin 209
Milošević, Slobodan 264 Obama, Barack 255n.
Mirabeau, Gabriel de 86 O’Brien, William Smith 228
miscegenation 223, 225 O’Connell, Daniel 169-171, 249n.
modernity, modernization 13, 14, 20, 120, O’Donovan, John 174n.
128, 131, 155, 175, 196, 198-199, 204, 234, Oehlenschläger, Adam 132, 212
238, 247, 251 opera 129, 151, 202
Moe, Jørgen Ingvar 205, 207 oral epic 177-178, 197-198 and see folk
Molière (Jean-Baptiste Poquelin) 68 Ortega y Gasset, José 251
Monnet, Jean 245 Ovid (P. Ovidius Naso) 39
monogenism/polygenism 222 Owen, Wilfred 245
Montesquieu, Charles Louis de 59, 75-77, Oxford English Dictionary 29, 31, 69-70, 200,
79-80, 82-92, 118n., 122, 131 268
Monumenta Germaniae Historica 151, 201,
210 Paderewski, Ignacy Jan 15
monuments 51-52, 55-56, 127, 135-137, 197-199 Pagnol, Marcel 194
Moore, Tom 125, 138, 170, 173-174 painting 55, 170, 198
Morgan, Lady (Sidney Owenson) 170 Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis 35
Moses 83n. Palacký, František 172
La muette de Portici 203 Palmerston, Henry John Temple, lord 153
museums 43, 199-201, 206 Panthéon 91, 127
music 107, 169, 198, 203-204, 205, 252, 285 Pan-Celticism 144, 173-174
Mussolini, Benito 99, 161n., 229, 262 Pan-Slavism 144, 171-173, 189
Paoli, Pasquale 249n.

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 papacy 41, 50, 52, 158, 170, 183, 196 public opinion 96, 102, 104, 143, 170-172,
Paris Peace Conference 28, 179, 183, 230-231, 188, 192, 195, 224, 261
233, 245, 264 public spaces 112, 135, 150, 171, 178, 198-200
particularism 72, 147, 252, 253, 282 public sphere 101, 104, 148, 70-171, 175-176,
Patriotism 37, 50-51, 79, 83-87, 100-101, 103, 213, 214, 219, 230, 151, 261, 265, 266, 278
120, 122, 126, 142, 148, 171, 188, 193, 197- Pugin, Nicholas 199
198, 249 Pumpurs, Andrejs 198
Pearse, Patrick 15, 174n., 244-245, 250 Pushkin, Alexander 119n., 134, 213
Pearson, Karl 225n. Putin, Vladimir Vladimirovich 99
Pearson, Raymond 28
peasants, peasantry 35, 94, 168, 169, 171, 176, race 23-24, 88, 171, 172, 207, 215, 207-213,
204-207 215, 218-228, 231, 233, 240, 242, 243, 250
Petőfi, Sandor 125 Racine, Jean 103
Petrie, George 174n. Rakovski, Georgi 250
phases of national movements 13n. 97, 173- Rangavis, Alexandros 134
174, 186 Ranke, Leopold von 132
‘philadelphia’ 84n. Rapin, René 102
philanthropy 84, 88, 106 Rask, Rasmus 190-192, 194
philhellenism 140, 178 Reagan, Ronald 255n.
Philip II, king 53, 60 Rechtsstaat 82
philology 129, 131, 158-159, 162, 173, 175, 177, regionalism 144, 146, 166, 253
187, 189, 195, 201, 199, 201, 206, 208, 210, Reinaert 199
224 Reitz, Edgar 204
phylogenetic model 208 religion 45, 50, 52-53, 57, 67, 71-72, 74, 76,
physiognomy 106, 208-209 91, 126, 148n., 150-151, 169, 185-186, 217,
Piccolomini, Enea Silvio (Pius II) 49 230, 242, 247, 250, 261, 265, 275
Piłsudski, Józef 264 Remarque, Erich Maria 245
Pinkerton, John 222, 222n., 296 Rembrandt van Rijn 55, 202
Pitrè, Giuseppe 205 Renan, Ernest 166., 239-243, 244, 246, 247,
Pius II, pope see Piccolomini 267
Pius IX, pope 151, 170n. Rhine 45, 50-51, 55, 57, 61, 64, 80-86, 113, 115-
Plato 117 116, 122-123, 149, 165, 188, 199-200, 234,
playhouses see theatre 241
Pliny (C. Plinius Caecilius Secundus) 37-38 Richardson, Samuel 89, 105
poetics 65-66, 68-69, 74, 119 Richelieu, Louis de 60
polygenism see monogenism/polygenism Rimsky-Korsakov, Nikolai Andreyevich 202
Pope, Alexander 74 risorgimento 153, 161, 183, 210
Popović, Jovan Serija 212 rituals 82, 135, 196, 205
popular sovereignty 11, 37, 90-94, 98, 143, Robespierre, Maximilien 92, 99-99
145, 148, 218 Rodenbach, Albrecht 217n.
populism see ethnopopulism Roerich, Nikolai Konstantinovich 202
Powell, Enoch 256, 257n. Rohmer, Sax 228
Powell, Michael 204, 251 Rolls Series 210
Prešeren, France 198 Romanticism 14, 35-37, 80, 90, 105, 106, 108-
Pressburger, Emeric 204, 251 109, 113, 115, 117-122, 124-126, 129, 134, 136-
Price, Richard 88 and n. 138, 141-143, 148, 153-161, 164-164, 168, 170,
Price, Thomas (‘Carnhuanac’) 13n. 174, 177, 197-198, 193, 195, 197-198, 202-
Prichard, James Cowles 218, 222 205, 207, 212-13, 218, 231, 222, 233, 235,
primitivism 44-45, 48, 51, 57-58, 74, 83, 89 245, 250, 278-279
printing 44, 50, 62-63, 171 Rome 44-45, 47, 50-52, 55, 57-59, 82-83, 93,
Protocols of the Elders of Zion 224 169-170, 196, 233, 239, 274, 278

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 Roobol, W.H. 23, 2 n., 232n. Sieyès, Emmanuel 94-96, 113, 121, 146, 215
Rossini, Gioacchino 161, 202 Slavic Congress 163
Rost van Tonningen, Florentine 260 Smetana, Bedřich 202, 192n.
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 11, 59, 74, 76, 79, 86, Smith, A.D. 16, 28-32, 176
89-94, 96-100, 109, 118n., 121, 127, 133, 143, Sneedorf, Jens Schielderup 148
169, 179, 241-242 sociability, societies 35, 74, 77, 84-85, 107,
Runeberg, Johan Ludvig 125, 177 138-139, 166n., 170-171, 175
rustic novel 204 Sokol 228
Solinus, C. Iulius 37
Sacher-Masoch, Leopold von 227 Solomós, Dionysos 125
Sade, Donatien Alphonse François de 89 Solon 83
Šafárik, Pavol 163 Soros, George 259
Saint-Just, Louis Léon Antoine de 98 sources, source editions 47, 132, 151, 197-199,
Salazar, António 247n. 210
Salvini, Matteo 260 south see north/south
Sand, George 204 Southey, Robert 119n.
Sands, Bobby 166 sovereignty 11, 21, 22, 45, 53, 62, 92, 97, 100,
Sartre, Jean-Paul 251 109, 110, 121, 129, 161n., 179, 188, 197, 232,
Savigny, Friedrich Carl von 130-131 239, 248, 252, 255, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266
Saxons 54-58, 152, 154, 194, 216-217, 218, 242 and see popular sovereignty
Scaliger, Julius Caesar 64-65 Spalatin, Georg 50
Schelling, Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph 117 Sparta 83, 99-100, 273
Schiller, Friedrich 105-105, 117, 202, 288-290 Spectator 102n.
Schlegel, August Wilhelm 130 Spengler, Oswald 227
Schlegel, Friedrich 115, 122-123, 126-127, 129- Sperber, Dan 34, 269
130, 276 sports 99, 116, 228
Schleicher, August 219 and n. St. Denis 135, 142, 197
Schleiermacher, Friedrich 122, 126 Staatsnation see Kulturnation
Schneckenburger, Max 188, 197 Stalin (Iosif Vissarionovich Dzugashvili) 99
Schottelius, Justus Georg 192n. Stanford, Charles Villiers 202n.
Schubert, Franz 107 statues see monuments
Scott, Sir Walter 57, 119n., 132-133, 135, 142- Stein, Karl vom 116
143, 161-162, 196-197, 207, 209, 212-214, Steinthal, Heymann 221 and n.
216-217, 278 stereotypes 32, 64, 66, 70, 73-75, 78, 118, 120,
sculpture see monuments 220-221, 284
secularization 128 Stevenson, Robert Louis 223, 228
Seehofer, Horst 263 Strasbourg 61, 80n., 82, 158, 188, 199, 240-
self-image 13, 23-24, 48, 53, 59, 120, 162, 170- 241, 253
171, 206-207, 267 Stravinsky, Igor 202
Seneca (L. Annaeus Seneca) 39 style 69n.
Senghor, Léopold Sédar 250 Sue, Eugène 215-216, 224
sentimental comedy 89, 102-103, 105 Sukarno 250 and n.
Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper, lord Suttner, Bertha von 244
84, 102 Swedberg, Jesper 148
Shakespeare, William 68, 103, 118, 130, 208, Swift, Jonathan 84
212, 251 Swift, Graham 204
Shelley, Mary Wollstonecraft 202 Sydney, Algernon 92
Shelley, Percy Bysshe 118, 119n., 138
Shevchenko, Taras 15n., 125 Tacitus, P. Cornelius 46-47, 49, 51, 55-59, 79,
Sibelius, Jean 202 82-83, 91, 122, 129, 228
Sienkiewicz, Henryk 213n. Taine, Hippolyte 240

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 Tătărescu, Gheorghe 264 Villiers de l’Isle-Adam, Auguste de 227
taxonomy 63-64, 72, 78, 190, 275 Viollet-le-Duc, Eugène Emmanuel 198
Tchaikovsky, Pyotr Ilyich 202n. Virgil (P. Virgilius Maro) 44
Tegnér, Esaias 132 virtue 21, 34, 37, 48-49, 51, 55, 59, 82-83, 87-
Tell, Wilhelm 83, 105, 161, 212 89, 98-103, 109, 122, 126, 150-151, 155, 169
temperament 65, 68, 73, 234 virtus 47-48, 57, 59, 98, 116, 228
Teutonic Order 36, 135 Vittorio Emmanuele, king 161, 200
Thatcher, Margaret 99, 253, 255, 256 Völkertafel 72
theatre 81, 102, 104-105, 162, 202-203 völkisch 226, 246-247
Theophrastos 69, 101n. Volksgeist 120, 210 and see Geist
Thierry, Amédée and/or Augustin 215, 217 volonté générale 91, 94, 145, 242
Thiesse, Anne-Marie 13, 16, 34 Voltaire (François Marie Arouet) 74, 77, 90-
Third Reich 218, 224, 26n., 247, 258n. 91, 103, 127, 201
tiers état 94, 96-97, 215 voluntarism 242
Tilly, Charles 265 Vondel, Joost van den 55
Tito, Josip Broz 250n., 254
Toland, John 83n. Wagenaar, Jan 85
Tollens, Hendrik 198 Wagner, Richard 108, 129, 202n., 209, 225
Tolstoy, Lev Nikolaevich 194, 197, 203-204, Walhalla 127-128, 142, 154, 165n.
213, 215, 244 Wartburg 50, 138, 155, 163
Tönnies, Ferdinand 203 Washington, George 249n.
totalitarianism 99-100, 179, 226, 234, 239, Weber, Carl Maria von 202
246-247, 249, 260, 262-263, Weber, Eugene 292
Treitschke, Heinrich von 14 Weber, Max 264
Trump, Donald J. 255n., 260, 262 Wechssler, Eduard 120n.
Turnverein 116, 217 Wilde, Oscar 69, 227
Wilders, Geert 99, 260
Uhland, Ludwig 155 Wilhelm II, emperor 151-53, 228
Unamuno, Miguel de 251 Wilhelmina, queen 197
Willems, Jan Frans 148n., 278
Van Duyse, Prudens 279 William I the Conqueror, king 56
Varus, P. Quinctilius 50 William III of Orange, king/stadholder 56,
Vasa, Gustav 83, 212 79, 81, 83n.
Vasari, Giorgio 46n. William I, king of the Netherlands, 248
Vasnetsov, Viktor Mikhailovich 202 William II, king of the Netherlands 136
Vauban, Sébastien de 60-61, 80 William ‘the Silent’, Prince of Orange, stad-
Vaughan Williams, Ralph 202-203 holder 53-55, 81, 85, 136-137, 198, 262n.
Velestinlis, Rigas 250 William V, stadholder 105
Venelin, Yurii 185 Wilson, Woodrow 231-233, 239
Venice 53, 74, 93, 113, 161, 183 Wiseman, Nicholas cardinal 218
Venturi, Franco 83-84 Wolff, Elizabeth 105
Vercingetorix 47 Wordsworth, William 107, 119n, 205, 284,
Verdi, Giuseppe 161, 183, 202n. 289
Verfassungspatriotismus 265 Wundt, Wilhelm 221
Verlooy, Jan-Baptist 148n.
Versailles 82, 96, 103, 158, 160, 219, 223-234, Yeats, William Butler 183n.
239, 245 Young Italy (and other ‘Young’ movements)
vertical see horizontal/vertical 160
vice 34, 39, 48, 72, 101-102 Yrjö-Koskinen, Yrjö 177
Vico, Giambattista 74-77, 90, 131
Victoria, queen 56n. Zahn, Ernest 70-72

330 NATIONAL THOUGHT IN EUROPE

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 Zimmermann, Johann Georg 87, 287
Zionism 172n., 193, 228, 246n., 259 and see
antisemitism and Jews
Zwier van Haren, Onno 85n.

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