What S in A Name The Case For Study of Religions
What S in A Name The Case For Study of Religions
Steven J. Sutcliffe
To cite this article: Steven J. Sutcliffe (2020) ‘What’s in a name?’: the case for ‘Study of
Religions’, Religion, 50:1, 129-136, DOI: 10.1080/0048721X.2019.1685181
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/0048721X.2019.1685181
ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
This article makes the case for adopting ‘Study of Religions’ as a Poststructuralism; post-
single common disciplinary name for cross-cultural, comparative 1960s; discipline; paradigm;
and theoretical studies of ‘religion/s’. I argue that the grammatical religious studies; study of
religions
and substantive format of this name adequately addresses
disciplinary requirements and resolves a longstanding debate in
the field. It also supplies a distinctive, recognizable international
brand. While poststructuralist and deconstructionist work in the
field has been stimulating, it has not fostered positive disciplinary
identification. Adoption of a single name will promote centripetal
drive and theoretical coherence which is where the most effective
work in the Study of Religions has been done since the 1960s –
and continues.
here is that their relentless deconstruction has had the effect of sawing at the institutional
branch on which the field is perched. The most radical example is Fitzgerald’s argument
for the dissolution of Religious Studies into Cultural Studies (Fitzgerald 2000, 10, 19–20).
If you accept this, the logical conclusion is to quit the field.3
Across roughly the same period the field has had to deal with two additional pressures.
The first is the return of unresolved religion-church-state relationships in many of the geo-
polities in which the field has been strong, such as Western Europe and North America
(Wiegers 2002, Part One), as well as in the emerging landscapes of post-Soviet Eastern
Europe (Bubik and Hoffmann 2015). Both contexts supply examples of a newly
confident ‘public religion’ which has re-entered discussions on the relationship between
state institutions, including publicly-funded education, and religious organizations, who
may increasingly co-operate on common causes in the face of a secular civil society.4
The influence of these and related issues on a non-normative, scientific study of religion
may be discerned both in the sometimes fuzzy views expressed by undergraduate students
and in the expectations of research funders in relation to the requirement to contribute to
what in the UK is known as KEI: ‘knowledge exchange and impact’.
The second pressure on the study of religion, if cognitivist analysis is plausible, arises
from the possibility that there is an evolved human proclivity to overestimate agency
and to detect hidden purpose and telos in our environments. If this is so – and consider-
ably more cross-cultural data is required to test the hypothesis – it may make (religious)
accounts of meaning and design more palatable than the neo-Darwinian synthesis and
possibly ‘easier’ to grasp (McCauley 2011), both in the classroom and in everyday life.
On top of the poststructuralist critique of disciplinarity ‘internal’ to the field, these
‘external’ societal factors may reinforce emic and other normative understandings. This
combination potentially delivers a double whammy in classroom teaching and appli-
cations for research funding predicated upon a different model of studying religion.
Caught in this crossfire, it is encouraging that some audiences still want the kind of analy-
sis upheld by the International Association for the History of Religions (IAHR).5 However,
I would argue that overall the effect of this ‘internal/external dialectic’ (Sutcliffe 2009, 370)
has been to undercut disciplinary confidence. The field is increasingly represented as a
methodologically inclusive arena with more-or-less unrestricted input and porous bound-
aries. But an ‘open house’ on interdisciplinarity – itself increasingly a banal invocation –
can allow subtly normative, confessional and theological positions to circulate in new
guises. Insofar as this happens, the field becomes repositioned as a kind of marketplace
of ‘views’, ‘approaches’ and ‘conversations’ rather than a centripetally-oriented theoretical
and disciplinary enterprise. As a result, the societal and environmental conditions for the
production of religion as a set of human practices may less often come to form the theor-
etical object of research or the subject matter of teaching. And analytical focus may grav-
itate to an ever-finer granularity in eliciting and parsing emic interpretations and
normative understandings.
3
As Pye (1994, 53) points out: ‘Why be concerned about admission figures and research funding in “religious studies” if the
subject has no backbone anyway?’
4
For example, see the complexities of the UK situation between 1997 and 2010 discussed in Beckford (2010).
5
‘The IAHR seeks to promote the activities of all scholars … contributing to the historical, social, and comparative study of
religion. As such, the IAHR is the preeminent international forum for the critical, analytical and cross-cultural study of
religion, past and present. The IAHR is not a forum for confessional, apologetical, or other similar concerns’ https://
www.iahrweb.org/about.php (accessed 20 October 2019).
RELIGION 131
The possibility of a ‘flight’ to ‘one specific religious tradition’ is in one sense a function of
the increasing specialization underpinned by digitization in the quarter century since Pye’s
critique. But Pye questions whether ‘single tradition tradition’ enterprises such as Buddhist
Studies, Islamic Studies or Christian Studies (for example) conducted solely on the basis of
internal hermeneutical analysis conform to the IAHR mandate. In fact, his metaphor
draws attention to the possibility of an enterprise appropriating ‘the flag’ of ‘Religious
Studies’ entirely strategically.
Paradigm or field?
Notwithstanding the value of the deconstructionists’ wake-up/re-set call, I would argue
that the most effective iterations of the field as an intellectual and pedagogical site have
emerged when theories and methods have been developed within a ‘paradigm’, broadly
speaking. Arguably the most productive in the post-1960s period, especially in Anglo-
phone circles, has been phenomenology of religion: for example, in the version popular-
ized by Ninian Smart which combined vertical analysis of the ‘dimensions of religion’ with
horizontal description of a taxonomy of ‘world religions’ or ‘worldviews’ (Cox 2006, 159–
167). Since the early 1990s a new paradigm, the cognitive study of religion, has emerged. It
has shown a strong appetite for theorizing across the ‘two cultures’ of Geisteswissenschaft
and Naturwissenschaft, thus addressing challenges of interdisciplinarity seriously rather
than merely rhetorically (Sutcliffe 2008). However, its interaction with another recent
emerging paradigm – discursive study (Taira 2013) – has so far been modest. These para-
digms may ultimately be incommensurable but their existence is at least a sign of disciplin-
ary intent.
To ‘recapture the flag’6 – that is, to focus and nourish the disciplinary debate – I argue
that we should now adopt a single common name and brand that will be internationally
recognizable. Three brief caveats are required. First, I write from a UK context in which
‘Religious Studies’ has faced particular methodological obstacles since the early 1990s
through its incorporation within the hybrid rubric ‘Theology and Religious Studies’
(TRS). Second, I focus on nomenclature in English.7 Third, I refer only to the post-
1960s period because this is when the field achieved its recognizable profile.
To clarify what we are doing we need to know what to call it: this in a nutshell is what
‘what’s in a name’ means. Notwithstanding their internal debates, the name of modern
disciplines like sociology, anthropology, history, linguistics and philosophy have been
6
As a warning to the field from the practice of a new religion, Esalen Institute co-founder Dick Price (1930–1985) considered
that ‘to the extent that it lived up to its central insistence that “No one captures the flag”, [Esalen] had an uncanny ability
to become just about anything to anyone’ (Kripal 2008, 496).
7
Clearly there is important material in other languages which should be heard and rehearsed: nevertheless an Anglophone
focus is defendable on account of the lingua franca of IAHR and the globalization of English.
132 S. J. SUTCLIFFE
relatively stable. In comparison, in the post-1960s period alone, our departments have
veered between calling themselves Comparative Religion, History of Religions, Religious
Studies, Science of Religion, Studies in Religion, Study of Religion (singular) and Study
of Religions (plural). Although certain titles/translations predominate – ‘Religionswis-
senschaft’ or ‘Religious Studies’ is used in two-thirds (n = 70; Melvær and Stausberg
2013, 7) – as many as eight or nine names are in regular use.8
As with proliferation of names, so with content. In North America, Benson (1987, 91),
writing in the first edition of the Encyclopedia of Religion, noted that ‘the religious studies
curriculum has become, increasingly, a crazy quilt of courses encompassing many disci-
plines, eras, regions, languages, and methods of inquiry’. Morris (2010, 330), writing in
New Zealand, found Religious Studies to be ‘huge, complex and coreless’. Long (1995,
15), sympathetic to hermeneutical plurality, nevertheless admitted that the field could
be considered ‘a confused patchwork of potpourri, a jabberwocky of loose ends and bad
fits’. From Kuhnian philosophy of science, Ryba (2009, 361) described the field as a ‘post-
critical witches brew’ characterized by an idiosyncratic and heterogeneous ‘viewiness’. ‘So
disordered is religious studies’, Ryba argued, ‘that it should be considered pre-scientific
(perhaps like Alchemy)’ (Ryba 2009, 361). Similarly Segal argues that ‘not only are
there concurrent … would-be paradigms, but they never engage each other. At most,
there are skirmishes between entrenched camps’ (Segal 2009, 353).
The disciplinary impact of this overarching ‘viewiness’ (Ryba) is summarized by Alles
in the second edition of the Encyclopedia of Religion: ‘there is still very little by way of a
universally acknowledged theoretical or methodological canon’. Alles deduces, positively,
that ‘the field admits a considerable amount of creativity’, but notes that, as a result, his
own entry ‘will inevitably be idiosyncratic, reflecting regional and personal preferences
at least as much as any greater unity’ (Alles 2005, 8765). Alles is troubled by the question
of whether the study of religion is ‘an academic discipline, united in the application of a
specific method, or … an unruly, polymethodic field, including any and every academic
pursuit that somehow treats religious data?’ (Alles 2005, 8765). Pye previously rec-
ommended dealing with this tension through patient commitment to ‘discipline identifi-
cation’ on the practical grounds that ‘many recruits to Religious Studies programs are
trained in one or more [pre-existing disciplines] … and not necessarily in the study of reli-
gion’ (Pye 1991, 42). However, since the early 1990s the combination of growth in digi-
tized data, ever-finer specialization, and poststructuralist centrifugality have
dramatically increased pressure on ‘discipline identification’.
‘What’s in a name?’
The question of disciplinary name has been constant since the early days of IAHR. The
first article of its periodical Numen contains an impassioned rumination by president
Raffaele Pettazoni who points out that, just as the first issue of the earlier German
journal Archiv für Religionswissenschaft (1898–1942) opened with the question ‘was ist
Religionswissenschaft?’, so must he begin in 1954 with the same question: ‘qu’est-ce
8
Sometimes multiple designations are deployed in the same institution: for example, the web pages of Leiden University
used three different designations across their programme, track and course names: Religious Studies, Comparative Reli-
gion, and Study of Religion respectively (Melvær and Stausberg 2013, 35, fn. 7).
RELIGION 133
que la science des religions?’ Whatever progress there may have been in the fifty years
between these two inaugural editions of major European journals, continues Pettazoni:
Il faut avouer que des divergences considérables subsistent encore parmi ses représentants,
qu’il s’agisse soit de la manière générale de la concevoir, soit de la méthode à suivre, soit
encore du nom a lui donner. (Pettazoni 1954, 1)
It must be admitted that considerable differences remain among its representatives, whether
in the general way of conceiving [the discipline], or in the method to be followed, or even in
the name to be given to it [my translation].
9
the 2016 reprint appears as the first item in Part 1 of that volume, appropriately enough entitled ‘What’s in a Name?’ My
title acknowledges this usage. The question itself is asked rhetorically by Juliet in Act 2 Scene 2 of William Shakespeare’s
Romeo and Juliet as she soliloquises on the problem that Romeo is a member of a rival family.
10
Adopting ‘religions’ [plural] also address the concern expressed by Wiebe and Martin ([2014] 2016, 13) that a name such
as the ‘International Association for the Study of Religion [singular]’ is ‘too inclusivist’ and ‘could well be seen as an invita-
tion to philosophers, theologians and other of similar bent’.
134 S. J. SUTCLIFFE
Religions’ does not easily generate a proper noun for the practitioner: compare the suc-
cinct ‘I am a sociologist’ with the slightly awkward ‘I work in the study of religions’ or
the banal ‘I am a student of religions’. But awkwardness can be the price of articulating
specificity, and a neologism has to take root sometime.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes on contributor
Dr Steven J. Sutcliffe is Senior Lecturer in the Study of Religion in the School of Divinity, University
of Edinburgh.
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