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Waste Management Challenges Threats and
Opportunities Rajeev Pratap Singh Digital Instant
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Author(s): Rajeev Pratap Singh, Abhijit Sarkar
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 WASTE AND WASTE MANAGEMENT

WASTE MANAGEMENT
CHALLENGES, THREATS
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 WASTE AND WASTE MANAGEMENT

WASTE MANAGEMENT
CHALLENGES, THREATS
AND OPPORTUNITIES

RAJEEV PRATAP SINGH

AND
ABHIJIT SARKAR
EDITORS

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Dedicated to Our Parents
 CONTENTS

Preface ix
Chapter 1 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana:
Challenges, Threats and Opportunities 1
K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey
Chapter 2 Environmental Applications of Enzymes 37
Koula Doukani
Chapter 3 Resource Management: An Indian Earthworm‘s Eye
View for Composting Organic Wastes 55
Sultan Ahmed Ismail
Chapter 4 Management of Agricultural Wastes Using Microbial Agents 65
Shubhransu Nayak and Arup Kumar Mukherjee
Chapter 5 Sewage Fed Aquaculture: A Viable Proposition for Fish
Production through Nutrients Recovery and Water
Conservation, in Effect of Abating Aquatic Pollution 93
R. N. Mandal, P. P. Chakrabarti and P. Jayasankar
Chapter 6 Waste to Energy Technology 115
R. N. Singh and Shaishav Sharma
Chapter 7 Urban Solid Waste Management Processes, Implications,
Threats and Opportunities: An Overview on Related Issues
and Mitigation Measures 159
Monojit Chakraborty, Chhemendra Sharma
and Jitendra Pandey
Chapter 8 Sustainable Approach to Waste Management -
Vermicomposting Technology 183
Renuka Gupta and V. K. Garg
Chapter 9 Sustainable Utilization of Oil Palm Wastes:
Opportunities and Challenges 217
Asha Embrandiri, Shlrene Quaik, Praveen Rupani,
Vaibhav Srivastava and Pooja Singh
viii Contents

Chapter 10 Vermiculture Technology for Recycling of Solid

Wastes and Wastewater by Earthworms into Valuable
Resources for THEIR Reuse in Agriculture
(ORGANIC FARMING) While Saving
Water and Fertilizer 233
Rajiv K. Sinha, Nirmal K. Misra, Pancham K. Singh
Ashok Ghosh, Upendra Patel, Jainendra Kumar,
George Hahn, Brijal K. Soni and Mandar Prabhune
Chapter 11 e-Waste: Science, Society, Management 257
Anirban Biswas and Saroni Biswas
Index 269
 PREFACE

Over the last couple of decades, rapid urbanization, unplanned industrialization, and
rising population jointly created several issues worldwide, particularly in developing and
underdeveloped countries. One such issue that requires urgent attention is the ever-increasing
waste problem which has become exasperation for regional and local governments and an
issue of both national and international importance. Waste in any form and character are the
byproduct of anthropogenic activities. To move forward towards a cleaner and greener future,
we need to deduce sustainable technologies- to reduce, reuse and recycle our waste. This
book brings important information and views on new developments of waste management
technologies, especially from developing and underdeveloped countries. In this volume there
are contributions of experts from different countries. Each one of them shows interesting
research outputs on waste management technologies which are both economical and eco-
friendly; and if applied properly, then can lead us towards a ‗zero-waste‘ world.
Chapter 1 - Developing countries are saddled with widespread pollution from poorly
managed organic waste due to several factors including technical, budgetary and
infrastructural deficits to manage these wastes. Yet, the waste burden in these countries is
anticipated to double by the next decade, if nothing appreciable is done. The implication for
public health and the environment is enormous as poor waste management practices may
cause an outbreak of communicable diseases, pollute surface and ground waters, and cause
flooding and other environmental problems. The organic fraction of the waste stream in
Ghana is huge and this offers the greatest opportunity to recycle products such as compost
and biochar that can be used for horticultural and landscaping purposes to generate some
revenue to manage these facilities. This chapter reviews the dynamics of solid wastes
generation, and its management in Ghana, and analyzes the opportunities, challenges and
threats of managing organic wastes and other fractions, from policy, technological and
institutional perspectives. The lessons drawn are of importance to other developing countries
in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Chapter 2 - Enzyme operations fit into the traditional two chemical and biological
treatment systems because they involve chemical reactions founded on the actions of the
organic catalysts. Various enzymes from plants and micro-organisms have been reported to
play significant roles in many waste applications. Before the full potential of enzymes can be
achieved, a few significant issues remain to be solved (settled). These include: the
development of enzyme sources in amounts that are necessary for industrial scale at a low
cost; the demonstration of the feasibility (possibility) of enzymes under conditions
x Rajeev Pratap Singh and Abhijit Sarkar

encountered in the sewage efficient treatment; the wastewater characterization of the reaction
products and assessment of their impact on downstream processes or on the environment
within they are released and finally the identification approaches for solid residues
evacuation, among others.
Chapter 3 - Technology has undoubtedly provided copious advantages, but
simultaneously has also generated large quantities of waste which is discarded in the name of
garbage. Not only industrial waste but even domestic waste is today just disposed and not
handled. Most cities do not even have landfills as they just fill up the land. The per capita
generation of solid waste for urban areas is about 0.55 kg/person per day and about 0.4 - 0.45
kg/per person per day for people living in rural areas (these values may vary depending on
different types of survey activities). Most of the waste generally is dumped and burnt. The
―NIMBY‖ (Not In My Back Yard) process is often prevalent. In India an active ―group‖ of
people try their best to salvage what they can for recycling from the dump sites. As waste is
not segregated, most of the material that is salvaged from the dump site has already lost its
quality. Today the world is moving towards Zero Waste Management. There are cases where
countries are starting to adopt Zero Waste Goals as policy measures. The best way to handle
the 80% of organics generated at the household level is to compost it. Composting is a
controlled oxidative process that involves a heterogeneous organic substrate in the solid state,
evolved by passing through a thermophilic phase leading to the production of CO2, water,
minerals and stabilized organic matter called compost.
Chapter 4 - Agricultural wastes are among the causes of environmental pollution which
also shorten the fallow period, which reduces the time for aerobic degradation of the crop
residue. The common practice to overcome the accumulation of undecomposed crop residue
is open burning of straw and stubbles which has been also used traditionally to sanitize
agricultural fields against pests and diseases. Due to environmental concerns, thermal straw
management is now being reconsidered in many regions of the world and has been widely
banned in China and India. Biological degradation, for both economic and ecological reasons,
has become an increasingly popular alternative for the treatment of agricultural, industrial,
organic as well as toxic waste. Agriculture wastes recycling can bring tremendous benefits to
agriculture and land management in long run. In addition there are the benefits of a cleaner
environment, a healthier habitat and an intelligent use of all available recyclable resources
without condemning them as wastes.
Chapter 5 - In the context of freshwater scarcity, technological intervention is essentially
required for recycling of wastewater, though a formulation of well planned strategies. Sewage
fed aquaculture is one such strategy established to be a reliable system with proven
techniques by which used water is reused. In this system, sewage is treated by the technique
known as ‗Bio-remediation‘ through application of macrophyes. This is a unique method
through which a suitable amount of nutrients is recovered from sewage water and then
utilized under controlled manner with the purpose of fish production through fertilization of
pond water. The nutrient load contained in raw sewage water could, otherwise, be wasted.
That 1.0 L of sewage water is utilized to estimate of producing 0.309 g of fish biomass
through nutrient recovery as much as 0.05 g in form of N and P is an effective procedure,
apart from 0.99 L of water restoration. Utilization of such bio-remedied water requires
specific technology in promoting fish culture, including pond preparation, species selection,
maintenance of species ratio, stocking density, farming method and harvest. In India,
intervention of proper technological support revealed the fish production achieved up to 5250
 Preface xi

kg ha-1 yr-1, which has been better yield than that in feed based culture practice. However, fish
reared in a sewage fed system is a concern to many with regard to its safe consumption
because of the contaminant load contained in sewage water. The amount of contaminants that
cause aquatic pollution can be reduced through ‗Biological treatment‘ to the extent by which
it is to be suitable for its use in aquaculture systems. Besides, the traverse of the long distance
of raw sewage from its origin to culture ponds via stabilized pond leads to reduce the amount
of contaminants, including heavy metals and microbial load. Also, sewage concentration
made less than 50% becomes weakened to be the least toxic or to have no toxic effect on
organisms and in turn be suitable for fish rearing. In the context of global warming, using
sewage water through technological intervention is a unique approach which needs to be
encouraged.
Chapter 6 - Solid waste management in cities is an integral part of urban and environment
management. Municipal solid waste management, like most of other infrastructural services
has come under great stress. In the low priority areas, solid waste management was never
taken up seriously by public, concerned agencies or authorities but now the piled up waste is
threatening our health and environment. The waste management technology is capable of
maintaining both environmental and energy concerns because it has dual benefits of pollution
control as well as energy production. Waste incineration is defined as the combustion of solid
and liquid waste in controlled combustion facilities. It is one of the waste treatment processes
that involve the combustion of organic substances contained in waste materials. Incineration
converts the waste into ash, flue gas and heat. The ash is mostly formed by the inorganic
constituents of the waste, and may take the form of solid lumps or particulates carried by the
flue gas. The flue gases must be cleaned before they are dispersed into the atmosphere. The
heat generated by incineration can be used to generate electric power.
Chapter 7 - Most of the cities in India show inefficiencies in environmentally sound and
sustainable waste management. An audit on the performance of waste management
undertaken by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India in 2007 revealed that
there are no states that have completed comprehensive data about waste volumes and
composition. As stated, priority of reducing, recycling and reusing waste have been largely
ignored while municipalities focus instead on disposal. The formal waste management system
in most of the cities is started from households and ends up in landfills where all type of
waste (mixed household, commercial, institutional etc.) either has been collected from door to
door by waste collector from municipality or thrown away into designated dustbin by the
households. From there the waste is collected by municipality persons and dumped into the
landfill. Besides formal management, informal management system is usual scenario for
thriving of informal recycling economy in large cities in India.
Chapter 8 - Solid waste disposal and management is a challenge for scientists,
municipalities and governmental agencies all over the world. Various solid waste
management methods are available but all methods have their own benefits and limitations.
So scientists are continuously working for the development of ecologically sustainable and
economically cheaper strategies. In yesteryears several new biological approaches for solid
waste management have been developed including biomethanation, bioremediation, microbial
enzyme solutions, vermicomposting, composting etc. In this chapter, a review of
vermicomposting process, different process variables, suitable earthworm species, effective
waste management and potential application of the product to the plants is presented.
xii Rajeev Pratap Singh and Abhijit Sarkar

Chapter 9 - Rapid increase in population has led to increased demand for food and
shelter, putting immense pressure on various natural resources for their needs. Consequently,
it has been producing huge amounts of solid waste materials. This is one of the major global
challenges for us in the present. The substantial increase in demand for oil and fats in the
global market has led to rapid growth of palm oil industry in South East Asian countries like
Indonesia and Malaysia. In Malaysia, palm oil mill waste contributes the highest fraction of
total industrial solid wastes. Although there are many issues and challenges associated with
palm oil industry like environmental pollution, deforestation, biodiversity loss, and social
conflicts etc., it also provides various opportunities in terms of products obtained from palm
oil mill waste. Keep in mind the present situation and the current chapter was planned with
the objective to overlook the issues, opportunities and challenges associated with palm oil
industry/oil palm waste in South East Asia with major emphasis on Malaysia.
Chapter 10 - A revolution is unfolding in studies about earthworms (Sir Charles Darwin‘s
‗unheralded soldiers of mankind‘) for biological recycling of all human wastes (solid wastes
and wastewater) and using the recycled products and resources generated (vermicompost,
treated nutritive water & earthworms biomass) to promote sustainable agriculture (organic
farming) without agro-chemicals. The conventional methods of solid waste management by
disposal in ‗engineered landfills‘, wastewater treatment by treatment plants with sludge
generation (biohazard) and their disposal in secured landfills are all highly expensive and also
affect the environment by emitting huge pollutants and greenhouse gases inducing global
warming. Construction of engineered landfills incurs 20-25 million US dollars upfront before
the first load of waste is dumped. Landfill emits toxic trace gases like ‗xylene‘, ‗toluene‘ and
powerful greenhouse gases like methane (CH4) and nitrous oxides (N2O). STPs also emit CH4
and N2O. Molecule to molecule methane is 22 times and nitrous oxides is 312 times more
powerful than carbon dioxide. In 2005, landfill disposal of MSW contributed 17 million tons
CO2-e (equivalent) of GHG in Australia, equivalent to the emissions from 4 million cars or
2.6% of the national GHG emissions.
Chapter 11 - The modern age is considered as the ‗digital age‘; and it is constantly
generating wastages; especially the electronic waste (e-waste). The e-waste is a matter of
concern and the problem is worldwide. The more we are technologically advanced; there will
be more and more e-waste generation. The problem related to e-waste lies in its properties
and nature, because these are sometimes silent killers. There are some crucial issues related to
e-waste generation and management and of course related to handling. E-waste export
remains a dirty little secret of the high-tech revolution.

Rajeev Pratap Singh, PhD Abhijit Sarkar, PhD

Assistant Professor Assistant Professor
Institute of Environment and Department of Botany
Sustainable Development Raiganj Surendranath Mahavidyalaya
Banaras Hindu University, Sudarshanpur, Raiganj-733 134
Varanasi-221005, India Dist - Uttar Dinajpur, West Bengal, India
Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected]
In: Waste Management ISBN: 978-1-63482-150-6
Editors: Rajeev Pratap Singh and Abhijit Sarkar © 2015 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

RECYCLING OF AGRICULTURAL AND MUNICIPAL

SOLID WASTES IN GHANA: CHALLENGES,
THREATS AND OPPORTUNITIES

K. G. Ofosu-Budu1, , J. N. Hogarh2 and N. Adamtey 3

1
Forest and Horticultural Crops Research Centre, School of Agriculture,
University of Ghana, Legon Accra, Ghana
2
Department of Environmental Science, College of Science,
Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana
3
formerly at Biotechnology and Nuclear Agriculture Research Institute of Ghana Atomic
Energy Commission, Accra, Ghana

ABSTRACT
Developing countries are saddled with widespread pollution from poorly managed
organic waste due to several factors including technical, budgetary and infrastructural
deficit to manage these wastes. Yet, the waste burden in these countries is anticipated to
double by the next decade, if nothing appreciable is done. The implication for public
health and the environment is enormous as poor waste management practices may cause
an outbreak of communicable diseases, pollute surface and ground waters, and cause
flooding and other environmental problems. The organic fraction of the waste stream in
Ghana is huge and this offers the greatest opportunity to recycle to products such as
compost and biochar that can be used for horticultural and landscaping purposes to
generate some revenue to manage these facilities. This chapter reviewed the dynamics of
solid wastes generation, and its management in Ghana, and analyzed the opportunities,
challenges and threats of managing organic wastes and other fractions, from policy,
technological and institutional perspectives. The lessons drawn are of importance to other
developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Keywords: Agricultural waste, municipal waste, recycle, reuse, Sub-Saharan Africa


Email of Corresponding author: obuduster@gmail. com
2 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

1. INTRODUCTION
Solid Waste Management encompasses a set of activities that ensures that discarded
materials are collected, source separated, stored, transported, processed and treated, such that
useful components can be captured and reused or recycled, while residues are appropriately
disposed of. Solid wastes may be broadly grouped into two major categories – municipal
solid wastes (which may include wastes from households, the community and industries) and
agricultural solid wastes (which include residues following harvesting and agro-industrial
processing). In terms of importance to the national economy, health and sanitation, the
management of municipal solid waste is far more important than that of agricultural solid
waste.
Municipal solid waste management (MSWM) is a major responsibility of local
governments, typically consuming between 20% and 50% of municipal budgets in developing
countries (Fiafor, 2010). It is a complex task which ideally depends as much upon
organization and cooperation between households, communities, private enterprises and
municipal authorities. This is because the sustainability of municipal waste management
system depends on the selection and application of appropriate technical solutions for waste
collection, transfer, recycling and disposal. In Ghana, waste management is inadequate: a
significant portion of the population does not have access to a waste collection service and
only a fraction of the generated waste is actually collected and processed. With increasing
waste generation due to increasing population density, agro-processing, improved lifestyles
and poor citizen education on waste management and environmental sanitation issues among
others, there is a pressing need, perhaps now than ever before, to improve on the waste
management situation.
First and foremost, waste management is an essential task which has important
consequences for public health and well-being, the quality and sustainability of the urban
environment and the efficiency and productivity of the urban economy (Schubeler, 1996;
Boadi and Kuitunen, 2003; Fobil et al., 2008). Secondly, the cities need to be kept clean and
attractive for the strategic reason of accomplishing government policy of attracting tourists
and foreign investments into the country to facilitate economic growth. Thirdly, closing the
nutrient loop through recycling of the organic fraction of the waste stream into compost
and/or biochar and its application in agriculture will help develop market for the sustainable
use of the products and generate revenue for the maintenance of the compost and/or the value
addition facility, improve on the soil fertility and reduce the use of inorganic fertilizer
application. This will result in significant financial savings whilst cleaning and improving on
environmental sanitation.
The municipal solid waste characteristics and quantity is a function of the agricultural
and industrial production of the nation, lifestyle and living standards of the residents in the
region. Generally, the solid waste generated in the developing countries is different in
composition and quantity from that of the industrialized countries. Studies in Ghana revealed
that 60–70% of the municipal solid waste is organic (Carboo et al., 2006; Fobil et al., 2002;
Hogarh et al., 2008). Typical waste characteristics of the developing nations include (1) high
waste densities, (2) high moisture contents, (3) large organic fraction, (4) cities with sweeping
as well as open ground storage characterized by large amount of dust and dirt.
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 3

2. SOLID WASTE GENERATION IN GHANA

2.1. Municipal Solid Waste

Based on an estimated national population of 20 million and an average daily waste

production per capita of 0.45kg, Ghana generates annually about 3.3 million tonnes of solid
waste (EPA, 2002). For instance, Accra with an estimated population of 3 million and a
floating population of nearly 300 thousand generates about 1,500 tonnes of solid waste/day
(EPA, 2002). Approximately 1,800 metric tonnes of waste was reportedly generated daily in
Accra in 2005 (AMA, 2005; Table 1). In 2009, around 2000 metric tonnes/day was generated
in Accra (AMA, 2009), while the daily tonnage in 2010 and 2011 were approximately 2700
and 3000 metric tonnes, respectively (Zoomlion Company Limited, personal communication).
The amount of municipal solid waste generated nationally in Ghana, categorized by region, is
presented in Table 2. Clearly, the greatest amount of waste was generated in the Greater
Accra Region, which hosts Accra, the national capital. This is followed by the Ashanti
Region, which also hosts Kumasi, the second biggest city in Ghana. Altogether,
approximately 10756 and 12017 metric tonnes of waste were generated in Ghana in 2010 and
2011, respectively (Table 2). Given the anticipated population increases in the near future,
and urbanization, determining solutions for solid waste management in Accra and the major
cities in Ghana has become an extremely critical issue. The subject is especially critical in
low-income areas, which are particularly susceptible to the negative effects of poorly
managed municipal solid wastes (http://mci.ei.columbia.edu/files/2013/03/Accra-MCI-solid-
waste-report-FINAL-DRAFT-2010.pdf).
The cost involved in the collection, transportation and final disposal of these wastes is
huge and very alarming. It reportedly costs the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) ¢ 2.5
billion (approximately US$ 250000 at the time) a month to clean up the city; plastic wastes
constituted about 50 percent of that waste (Baitie, 2007). In Kumasi, the Kumasi Metropolitan
Assembly (KMA) spent about 20 percent of its budget on solid waste management, although
its cost recovery was only 5 percent of the expenditure (Obiri-Opare and Post, 2002).
The percentage of organic material in the waste stream in urban areas however has
declined between 1994 and 2002 (Figure 1). While the percentage of organic waste in the
waste stream declined from 85% to 60%, the contents of plastic and paper, as well as those
categorized as ―others‖ increased. The composition of glass and metals did not vary much
over the period. This shows that the waste stream composition is quite dynamic over time in
Ghana. This could be due to changing lifestyles that would affect waste stream composition
(Fobil and Hogarh, 2006). The use of plastics and paper packaging has changed the organic
waste composition from about 85% in 1994 to about 60% in 2002. Nevertheless, 60% of
waste fraction being organic is still high.
The relatively increased contents of plastic and paper in the waste stream is an
opportunity for these materials to be properly captured and recycled. The increase in content
of other wastes (miscellaneous) from 3% to 13% in nearly a decade suggests that the waste
stream is becoming more heterogeneous in Ghana (Figure 1). Waste management policies in
Ghana must therefore continuously evolve to reflect these dynamics for development of
appropriate management practices.
4 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

Table 1. Waste generation and service coverage in the five large cities in Ghana

City Population Daily waste Average daily Average daily

generation collection collection
(tonne) coverage(tonne) coverage (%)
Accra 3,500,000 1,800 1200 67
Kumasi 1,300,000 1,000 700 70
Tema 500,000 250 200 80
Tamale 310,000 180 85 47
Sekondi- 300,000 250 165 66
Takoradi
Source: AMA, 2005.

Table 2. Daily amount of waste generated in Ghana in 2010 and 2011

Region Daily amount of waste Daily amount of waste

generated in 2010 (tonnes) generated in 2011 (tonnes)
Greater Accra 2761. 4 3087
Ashanti 2350. 6 2631. 1
Western 558. 1 554. 8
Central 1063. 1 1274. 7
Volta 568. 7 576. 1
Eastern 1210. 4 1491. 1
BrongAhafo 1412. 3 1411. 4
Northern 332. 7 474. 6
Upper West 256. 1 255. 9
Upper East 242. 4 260. 5
Total 10755. 9 12017. 3
Source: Zoomlion Company Limited.

Figure 1. Municipal solid waste composition in Ghana. Adopted from Asomani-Boateng (1994) and
Fobil et al. (2002).
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 5

2.2. Agricultural/Agro-Industrial Solid Waste

The agricultural sector employed over half of the population on formal and informal basis
and accounted for approximately 21% of GDP in 2013 (Ghana Statistical Service, 2013). It is
an important economic activity in Ghana and generates considerable amount of solid wastes.
This sector is characterized by a large number of dispersed small-scale producers, employing
manual cultivation techniques, and dependent on rainfed with little or no purchased inputs
(Duku et al., 2011) and a few large agricultural estates, mainly for the oil palm, rubber and
rice industries. The livestock sector is also characterized by mainly small to medium sized
poultry houses, cattle ranches that are dispersed in the northern and coastal regions. The agro-
industrial wastes/residues that are produced in large quantities and concentrated near the area
of production or processing include sawdust, empty fruit bunches (EFB), palm oil mill
effluent (POME), mesocarpfibre (MF) (generated during palm oil processing), palm kernel
cake (PKC) and rice husk. The EFB has a high moisture content of approximately 55-65%,
high silica content and form 25% of the total palm fruit bunch. It is composed of 45-50%
cellulose and about equal amounts (25-35%) of hemicellulose and lignin (Deraman, 1983).
Together, EFB and POME form the largest by-products of palm oil processing. For most
mills, POME and EFB are still considered as unwanted waste mainly because of their storage,
transport, distribution and treatment costs. Other major residues generated from harvesting
and processing of cereals (maize and sorghum such as maize/corn straw and cob, and
sorghum straw and rice husk.
Based on annual production of approximately 3,135,000 tonnes of fresh oil palm fruit
bunches (calculation based on an average yield of 11 tonnes per hectare) (Toledano et al.,
2004), an estimated 721,000 tonnes of empty palm bunch is released into the environment
yearly. Similarly, based on annual production of approximately 400,000 tonnes of cocoa
beans (Ofosu-Budu et al., 2001), an estimated amount of 550,750 tonnes of dry cocoa husk is
produced yearly. The wood industry churned out 2,001,466 m3 of sawdust in 1987 from only
8 major locations, in Ghana (Ofosu-Budu et al., 2001). The amount of poultry droppings and
cow dung released to the environment is equally quite significant although data is not easily
available, however, poultry population has been increasing steadily, with current population
of over 18 million (Ghana Statistics Service, 2002). It is estimated that total cattle wet and dry
manure produced in the country in 2008 were 22.8 million and 2.9 million tonnes,
respectively (Duku et al., 2011).

3. CHALLENGES TO SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT IN GHANA

In most cities of developing countries, waste management is inadequate, in spite of
allocation of substantial amounts of their budgets to this sector (Fiafor, 2010). This is because
a significant portion of the population does not have access to a waste collection service and
only a fraction of the generated waste is actually collected (Schubeler, 1996, Oteng-Ababio,
2014). Most often than not, the cost of managing the waste is far higher than the resources
income/revenue generation or the funds that has been allocated for its management.
6 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

3.1. Lack of Adequate Human Resources, Logistics, Accurate Database

Managing waste is a complex task that requires changes in consumption and waste
production patterns, appropriate technology, organizational capacity, and co-operation among
a wide range of stakeholders (Zarate et al., 2008). Proper management of solid waste requires
that the managers know the amount and composition of waste that is being generated. This is
because every manager should know exactly what material he is dealing with and the
quantities he is managing. The solid waste management system in major cities and towns in
Ghana is constrained by a lack of competent personnel with the requisite technical expertise
for solid waste planning, logistics, operation and monitoring, and landfill design and
operation. Many of the workers, particularly among the small-scale firms, have little or no
training in waste management. For an effective and efficient solid waste management system,
there is the need for the waste stream to be characterized by their sources, types, generation
rates and composition. Accurate data on solid waste will enable effective monitoring,
controlling existing waste systems, and also help in making regulatory, financial and
institutional decisions. Unfortunately, the solid waste management system in Ghana,
especially in the major cities, does not have such accurate database. The lack of accurate data
on solid waste generation and characteristics impedes any sustainable waste management
programmes for the cities and towns. This could partly explain why the authorities, have often
failed in the selection of appropriate technology for solid waste management. The use of
compactor trucks, for instance, reflects a lack of knowledge of the characteristics of the
wastes generated in the city. Considering the fact that organic matter forms the bulk of the
solid waste in the city, compaction may tend to squeeze leachate out of the waste and pose
possible health threats. Also, compactor trucks are not suitable for the small, untarred,
inaccessible roads in many parts of the city.

3.2. Lack of Proper City Layout and Good Road Network

The lack of comprehensive land use planning in Accra and other major cities in Ghana
have resulted in the cities reeling under indiscipline, haphazardness, and the lack of an
adequate and well maintained infrastructure in the urban, and industrial development
processes. The absence of properly laid down streets and too narrow, and untarred roads,
particularly, in slums, make it difficult for waste collection vehicles to reach some parts of the
major towns and cities. Also, uncontrolled expansion has resulted in an increase in the
average travel distance to be covered by collection vehicles and additional cost to waste
management.
The coverage of waste collection in Ghana is far from adequate. Presently, no city in
Ghana enjoys 100% coverage of waste collection (Table 1). Among the major cities, Tema
recorded the highest coverage of 80%, presumably because Tema is relatively well planned
and residents have averagely higher income and most homes subscribe to the services of
waste collection companies. In smaller cities like Tamale, less than 50% coverage has been
reported (Table 1).
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 7

3.3. Challenges of Waste Collection

The mode of municipal waste collection in Ghana differs considerably and is dependent
on the locality and income levels. In high income communities, households engage the
services of waste collection companies. In low income communities where people cannot
afford to contract the services of waste collection companies, individuals carry their wastes to
designated communal waste collection points (waste transfer stations). Waste collection in
middle income communities is a mix of household and communal collection. On a
nationwide scale, only 4.8% of households were reportedly served by household waste
collection (Ghana Housing and Population Census, 2000). This result is due to the fact that
the rural communities and the urban poor, who constitute a large proportion of the population,
are unable to access household waste collection. As a result, about 7.9% of the Ghanaian
population burned household refuse, while 57.6% send their refuse to communal sites and
refuse dumps (Ghana Housing and Population Census, 2000). The remaining 26% of
households dumped their refuse at unapproved locations including open spaces, gutters and
drains, and at the embankment of rivers, lakes and wetlands (Figure 2).

Figure 2. Solid wastes thrown into open drainage in Accra, Ghana.

Waste collection and transport were previously handled entirely by the Metropolitan,
Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs). However, several operational challenges
necessitated the invitation of the private sector in the municipal solid waste management, and
that eventually led to the adoption of a public-private partnership (PPP) for waste collection
and transport in Ghana. Presently, the collection and transport of municipal solid wastes
MSW in Ghana is outsourced to private entities, while the MMDAs play a supervisory role.
Under this arrangement, different waste management companies are assigned to operate in
specific zones within the metropolis of the major cities.
8 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

In spite of this initiative, a sizeable quantity of MSW is left uncollected in the major
cities in Ghana (Table 1), and this has led to a situation where there is indiscriminate disposal
of waste in surface drains, canals and streams, creating unsanitary and unsightly environments
in many parts of the cities and municipalities. The environment is still overwhelmed with
indiscriminate and irresponsible dumping of waste in street corners, in between houses, in
gutters, drains and water ways.

3.4. Lack of Containers and Irregular Waste Collection Days

Urban residents are still faced with inadequate containers and/or equipment for storing
and transporting solid waste, lack of definite schedule for collecting waste from storage to
disposal point. Waste collectors may show up every week, every three weeks or after one
month; such erratic waste collection program leads to an overflow of garbage at storage
points. Lousy transportation system where the garbage been conveyed in trucks are left
uncovered and end up falling off the trucks and littering the very street they are trying to keep
clean. The private sector participation has not led to any significant improvement in MSW
management due to constraints, including lack of financial, technical, logistics, and
enforcement of bye-laws and human resources.

3.5. Technological Challenges

Most of the technology employed in solid waste management in Ghana has been largely
adopted from the industrialized countries, without much or any local adaptation. In view of
the fact that proper MSW management involves several factors such as solid waste type,
social perceptions and attitudes, financial obligations and income levels of residents, it is
important to develop, adapt and introduce local content to the solid waste management
technology in the country. Waste management solutions in one region might not necessarily
be appropriate elsewhere. The wholesale adoption of waste management technology has
brought technical and financial problems associated with such industrialized technology that
are exerting much pressure on the limited budget for the waste management system. The
technical expertise for the maintenance of this advanced technology is limited in the country.
As a result, facilities and vehicles often break down and this often temporarily halts services
to parts of the cities.
The adoption of advanced and foreign waste technologies often requires heavy capital
investment and skilled engineers to manage such facilities. In 1979 when Ghana decided to
adopt a large-scale centralized composting facility (the Teshie-Nungua Composting Plant),
the facility did not last a decade because it was beset with major technical breakdowns,
particularly mechanical and electrical failures such that it never operated at full capacity after
an initial breakdown in 1986. The lack of local technical expertise at the time hindered the
fixing of the problem. Part of the technological challenges related to the design of this
facility. The design was such that the compost was produced from unsegregated waste. The
feedstock for production consisted of degradable organic material mixed with plastics, metals
and other non-degradable materials. The non-degradable fractions were removed only after
composting by passing the compost product through an automated mechanical sieve (a
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 9

separating device) (Figures 3 and 4). This sieve broke down frequently because of increased
content of non-degradable materials. At the time the plant was designed, organic waste
constituted about 80 – 90% of the solid waste stream in Accra, but no allowance was made
for such changes in the feedstock with time.

Figure 3. Un-sieved compost full of foreign materials such as plastics and metals.

Figure 4. Decommissioned composting plant at Teshie-Nungua showing the system that was applied to
convey and sieve mixed-waste compost.

As lifestyle changed with improved income levels, the contribution of plastics, tins, cans
and bottles increased in the waste stream, such that organic fraction was reduced to averagely
65%, and the automated separating device become less effective and operated at much
reduced efficiency. The frequent failure of the separating device meant that sometimes
compost production proceeded without removing non-degradable materials from the compost
product. This reduced markedly the aesthetics and quality of the product, to the extent that
sometimes farmers rejected applying the compost.
10 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

Many of the existing mixed MSW composting facilities have an over-simplified design
that focuses primarily on the production aspects of composting and inadequately addresses
factors crucial to producing a high-quality and marketable product. For example, many
facilities have limited capabilities to separate compostable materials from the non-
compostable fraction before the composting process is begun. Because the quality of the end
product is determined by the type of feedstock, inadequate separation of materials can
negatively affect compost quality.
The failure to control the quality of the compost directly impacts on its marketability. As
a result, market development has not kept pace with compost production, which in turn has
led to under-capitalized projects. Odors associated with storing organics before composting
and during composting pose a significant challenge for many facilities. The inability to
adequately deal with potential or existing odor problems has contributed to agitation and
confrontations between authorities and residents.

3.6. Financial Constraints

There is a fundamental problem of how the MMDAs can generate adequate enough
money to pay for the collection and transport of solid waste in the cities. In spite of allocating
between 20-50% of their revenue to waste management (Fiafor, 2010), the authorities still
face huge financial challenges in managing MSW.
It has been advocated that a way forward would be to apply an economic tool by
integrating the polluter pays principle (PPPe) into waste management in Ghana, such that
people or consumers are made to pay for the disposal cost of managing the waste that they
generate. The PPPe is a useful waste management tool, which when properly applied, would
work. It generates sustainable funds for waste management whilst it creates economic
incentives for waste minimization or source reduction.

3.7. Public-Private Partnership and Operational Difficulties

Operationalizing PPP in the waste sector in Ghana has reportedly improved waste
collection and transport by about 25% and transformed the coverage of waste collection in the
capital city of Accra to 67% (Table 1). The private waste haulers though have brought a lot of
sanity into waste collection and transport in Ghana, are still confronted with challenges that
limit their performance. There have been several situations where the MMDAs have defaulted
in payment for close to two years. Consequently, many of the waste hauling companies are
unable to meet their recurrent expenditure for solid waste collection. Other options in
generating sustainable income to subsidize the management of MSW, such as adding value to
the compost, which are often of low quality, to meet specific markets, or use as feedstock for
community biogas development, should be explored.
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 11

3.8. Lack of Adequate Education and Community Involvement

Several attempts have been and continue to be directed at addressing the management of
the organic waste fraction, but without much success. This could be partly due to the lack of
cooperation from residents, as a result of inadequate engagement; education and involvement
of the population in the management of waste as a collective effort, the adoption of
technologies developed in the industrialized countries without much adaptation to suit the
local conditions and training of personnel.
Waste management practices require substantial public education efforts because they
usually require some changes in the public‘s waste generation and management behavior. For
example, new source-separated programs require residents to change the way they sort
discarded materials. Compliance to various waste management programs requires substantial
public education, and willingness on the part of the public to change individual attitudes. This
is a major area of concern in waste management in Ghana, as it has been difficult to change
old attitudes for pursuance of new waste management paradigms. Perhaps a way forward is to
teach the principles, practices and importance of sanitation and waste management in all
educational levels. For instance, source separation of solid waste could be included in school
curricula and taught right from primary schools, such that children are introduced to this
simple but powerful waste management concept during the early years of childhood
development. It thus, becomes more practicable for children to carry the habit of source
separation of solid waste into adulthood and practice it in their homes and places of work.
People are either ignorant or just won't bother with waste matters. A consistent educational
programme in the media and enforcement of bye-laws will remind people of their bad habits
and keep them in line. Clean cities giving rise to healthier productive populations.
The level of community education and commitment in waste management as a shared
responsibility between town and city authorities and residents is virtually non-existent. Most
residents in these communities think that they are paying for a service, which they should
enjoy at all cost, albeit at a low fee and are less educated about their responsibilities to
promote safer and sanitized environment.

3.9. Dumping of Unsegregated Waste to Dumpsites/Landfills

Another major difficulty in solid waste management in Ghana is that virtually everything
is landfilled in crude dumpsite, which usually consists of very deep depression at old quarry
sites. As waste is not segregated at source, it is often difficult to capture various recyclable
materials. Therefore waste materials such as organics, plastics, metals, paper and clothing are
all dumped together and often burnt at the dumpsite. This practice shortens the lifespan of the
landfill and also generates methane and leachates that impacts negatively on the environment,
because of the high organic matter component and the environmental conditions that
promotes anaerobic decomposition. There is the need to educate and seek the cooperation and
involvement of the community about the need and importance of source separation in MSW
management.
12 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

3.10. Lack of Adequate Sanitary Landfill Sites

The final disposal practices in almost all communities in Ghana include crude open
dumping, controlled dumping (without any environmental impact assessment) and
uncontrolled open burning. Open dumps are characterized by the lack of engineering
measures, no leachate management, no consideration of landfill gas management, and few, if
any, operational measures such as registration of users, control of the number of ―tipping
fronts‖ or compaction of waste (Zerbock, 2003). Presently, there are only two engineered
landfills in Ghana, one in Kumasi and the other in Tamale. Regrettably, the capital city, Accra
with the highest amount of waste generation, has no sanitary engineered landfill; often refuse
are disposed of in abandoned quarry pits and large dumpsites. Currently, the selection of
landfills is without regard to nearness of water bodies, and other factors, including specific
characteristics of the subsoil, ground water conditions, topography, prevailing winds and the
adjacent patterns of settlement and land-use.
In developing countries, open dumpsites are the most common method of disposing of
waste (World Bank 2012). The single major determinant factor in locating dumping sites is
access to collection vehicles rather than ecological or public health considerations. Lack of
financial and human resources coupled with the absence of enabling policies, make it
impossible to operate and maintain disposal sites at minimum sanitary standards. Because of
the poor management of final waste disposal sites in Ghana, land owners and residents are
unwilling to provide land for landfill projects and this could be a primarily factor to explain
why Accra is without an engineered sanitary landfill. An attempt to construct a landfill at
Kwabenya, a suburb in Accra, was met with fierce resistance from the community and the
project was subsequently cancelled.

3.11. Lack of Proper Policies and Enforcement

3.11.1. Compost Plants and Source Separation

As part of the overall waste management policy, compost plants are to be developed and
managed as part of all categories of final disposal sites. The target is to compost 50% of
biodegradable organic fraction of the municipal refuse that will be source separated
(NESSAP, 2010). Although the strategy sought to build several mechanized and manual
composting plants across the country in Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies
(MMDAs), not much has been achieved so far. Since the rolling out of this policy, only one
compost plant has been established, under the public-private partnership arrangement.
The MMDAs supported by the Ghana Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) are also
encouraged to facilitate primary separation of municipal solid wastes at household,
community and public levels. Source separation is a vital component to any composting
strategy, as part of the overall strategy in waste management. It helps to capture the organic
fraction of waste to produce high quality compost. The 2010 National Environmental
Sanitation Strategy and Action Plan (NESSAP, 2010) proposed a gradual integration of
source separation at progressive rates of 20% by 2013, 25% by 2015, 70% by 2025 and 90%
by 2035. Unfortunately, for many years, source separation has not been enforced as part of
Ghana‘s waste management strategy. The target for 2013 has not been achieved at present
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 13

and it is unlikely the 2015 target would be met. Source-separated programs require residents
to change the way they sort discarded materials as well as separating out household hazardous
wastes. The inability of municipal authorities to provide adequate education to the public
could be a factor in the non-compliance of the source separated program. The education
program on source-separation should provide the public on the objective, factual information
about the importance of the program and the anticipated results and its overall importance to
the sanitation issues and well-being of the society. Most importantly, the effect of the source-
separated program on the product quality after recycling and its effect on the market value,
and role in revenue generation should be stressed. The revenue generated could be used to
subsidize the over-all program and reduce waste taxes that the consumers may pay. Weak
enforcement of environmental regulations - which allows local authorities to flout
environmental regulations without any sanctions - has all contributed to compound the
problem.

3.12.2. Compost Quality

The role of composting the organic fraction of the MSW as a strategy in MSW
management is widely acknowledged by the government. Composting and agriculture
generally are considered to be a natural fit. Increasing environmental constraints on the
disposal of municipal and agricultural solid waste and a growing understanding of the
agronomic benefits of compost utilization suggest that composting is an obvious win-win
solution for farmers. However, for composting to continue its growth as a waste management
alternative it will be necessary to develop a clear understanding of the economic implications
of managing solid waste with composting and of using compost in agricultural and
horticultural applications. As an emerging market, the quality issues on compost should be
addressed and enforced vigorously. The country is yet to set out a policy on standards for
compost quality, in terms of nutrient content and most importantly regarding permissible
levels of pathogens and vectors for use in horticulture. It is important to address this policy
issue since the type of feedstock affects the quality of the compost, its application and use in
horticulture and societal acceptance. These parameters among other determining factors could
vary from country to country. Currently, the compost quality standards of the developed
nations are used for local assessment. However, not much effort has been given to the quality,
uses and development of markets for the products.
The current policy on composting of organic waste in Ghana appears targeted at only
MSW and silent on agricultural waste. The policy should also cover all biodegradable waste
materials and active effort should be made to capture this fraction of waste at all levels of
socio-economic engagements.

4. THREAT OF IMPROPER MANAGEMENT OF MSW

TO ENVIRONMENT

4.1. Environmental Pollution and Human Health Threats

The potential threats of waste management in Ghana mostly concern environmental

contamination and risk of exposure to various environmental hazards. The organic fraction
14 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

constitute about 60% of the waste stream in Ghana and largely biodegradable. The high
organic content of solid waste in Ghana has peculiar environmental health challenges if not
managed properly.
First of all, the organic fraction of the waste decomposes very fast under the prevailing
hot tropical environment generating obnoxious gases (methane, nitrous oxides) that pollute
the atmosphere. Secondly, the contamination of water bodies-leading to spread of water-
borne diseases, health hazards from the stench emanating from uncollected and decaying
garbage, air contamination, garbage-chocked drains and gutters, the plastic waste menace,
and irresponsible disposal of refuse in communities are some of the threats to the livelihood
and health of the population and challenges to the authorities who are supposed to manage the
waste. Thirdly, the organic portion of the solid waste stream serves as sites for disease
causing vectors, parasites and rodents, where they can feed and reproduce.

4.2. Open Dumpsites

The use of open dumpsites and non-engineered landfills as final disposal points of waste
is a major source of environmental contamination. Open dumpsites and non-engineered
sanitary landfills contaminates the air, soil and nearby water resources. Dumping of mixed
waste occurs alongside open burning, grazing of stray animals and pollution of surface and
groundwater by hazardous substances such as leachate and gas (UNEP, 2011). Dumpsites
have been found to emit or produce toxic chemicals such persistent organic pollutants (POPs)
(Essumang et al., 2009; Hogarh et al., 2012; Takahashi et al., 2013) and heavy metals
(Agyarko et al., 2010; Osei et al., 2011; Feldt et al., 2014; Itai et al., 2014) and also linked to
many harmful health effects, including skin and eye infections, respiratory problems, vector-
borne diseases such as diarrhoea, dysentery, typhoid, hepatitis, cholera, malaria and yellow
fever, high blood lead levels and exposure to heavy-metal poisoning (UNEP, 2011). For
instance, soils at waste dumpsites are heavily laden with heavy metals (Agyarko et al., 2010;
Itai et al., 2014). In instances where soils from abandoned dumpsites have been applied in
vegetable cultivations, significant uptake of toxic metals was reported (Odai et al., 2008).
The inability of city authorities to collect and properly dispose of the solid waste that
result in significant quantity being left uncollected is a major threat to the environment. This
results in choking of gutters, and is a major contributing factor to the seasonal and annual
floods in Accra and the outbreak of waste-related diseases such as cholera and dysentery.

4.3. E-Waste

An emerging area of concern regarding the scavenging of metal waste in Ghana is the
informal recycling of electronic waste (e-waste). Much of the e-wastes in Ghana are collected
by individuals and sent to an informal e-waste recycling site at Agbogbloshie, a suburb of
Accra. The process of recovering valuable metals such as copper and aluminum from the e-
waste consists of open burning of the e-wastes and melting off the PVC coating of metal
wires. Accompanying these processes are thick fumes potentially hazardous to humans and
the environment (Hogarh et al., 2012). Thus, for the opportunity in e-waste recycling to be
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 15

harnessed, there must be a departure from the present methods of informal recycling
activities.

4.4. Pathogens at Open Dumpsites

Open dumpsites are also a haven to disease causing organisms. They provide a conducive
environment where vectors of malaria, cholera, typhoid and many other diseases thrive.
Disease carrying rodents may also invade open dumpsites and later transfer pathogens to the
domestic environment. The other issue with open dumpsites is that scavengers flood these
sites in search for plastics and metals to be sold to recycling facilities. They undertake this
activity without any protective gear and at the peril of their health (Figure 3).

Figure 5. Scavenging at an open dumpsite in Ghana.

4.5 Open Uncontrolled Burning of Waste

According to a survey conducted in 2000, about 7.9% of the population burned

household refuse (Ghana Housing and Population Census, 2000). Such uncontrolled open
burning of waste causes the release of many toxicants including carbon monoxide, persistent
organic pollutants (such dioxins, furans, polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), polychlorinated
naphthalenes (PCNs), polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs)), heavy metals and a suite of
many other chemicals into the environment (Hogarh et al., 2012; Takahashi et al., 2013; Feldt
et al., 2014; Itai et al., 2014). In addition, soils at waste dumpsites are heavily laden with
heavy metals (Agyarko et al., 2010; Itai et al., 2014).
In instances where soils from abandoned dumpsites have been used for vegetable
cultivations, significant uptake of toxic metals has been reported (Odai et al., 2008). Because
16 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

waste is constantly burnt at open dumpsites, those living nearby are exposed to the smoke and
toxic fumes emanating from the sites.
This activity exposes nearby residents to greater risk from acute respiratory infections,
and also affected the value of residential properties in the vicinity of dumpsites/non-
engineered landfills, since people are unwilling to stay close to such facilities (Owusu et al.,
2014).

5. THREAT OF IMPROPER MANAGEMENT OF AGRICULTURAL/

AGRO-INDUSTRIAL SOLID WASTE TO ENVIRONMENT
5.1. Crop Residues

Together, EFB and POME form the largest by-products of palm oil processing. For most
mills, POME and EFB are still considered as unwanted waste mainly because of their storage,
transport, distribution and treatment costs.
The high transportation and distribution costs, long degradation time (up to one year),
water pollution by the rest oil (about 1.25%) and its attractiveness for beetles (Ofosu-Budu
2006) have been a number of challenges facing the management of the EFB that are hardly
solved. Improper handling of harvested blackpod infected cocoa pod husk could serve as
source of inoculum for the reinfection of healthy pods during rains (Gregory
and Maddison, 1981).
Sawdust also contains germination inhibiting substances i.e., phytotoxic organic
metabolites (Zucconi et al., 1981; Garcia et al. 1992; Marambe and Ando, 1992; Ayuso et al.,
1996) which might affect crop production if used directly without processing. Some
phytotoxic metabolites are acted upon by microbes during composting thereby inactivating
them or reducing their concentration (Garcia et al. 1992; Ayuso et al. 1996).

5.2. Animal Waste

Poultry droppings contain pathogens and eggs of parasites that could pose serious health
hazards to human population. The use of manures provides an important outlet for the reuse
and recycle of byproducts generated by the animal industry. Manure may contain antibiotics
and naturally occurring steroidal hormones that may pose a threat to the environment, such as
the endocrine disrupting chemicals.

6. OPPORTUNITIES TO RECYCLE SOLID WASTES IN GHANA

Ultimately, waste management presents an opportunity, not only to avoid the detrimental
impacts associated with waste, but also to recover resources, realize environmental, economic
and social benefits and to take a step on the road to a sustainable future. Decision makers,
responsible for planning and policy making, need to be well informed in order to develop
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 17

integrated waste-management strategies adapted to the needs of citizens (Guerrero et al.,

2013).
Several opportunities exist that shows that agricultural and municipal solid waste
generated can be recycled to generate revenue to supplement the cost of waste management.
These include recycling, composting, biochar, and biogas generation. Duku et al. (2011) has
reviewed comprehensively the potentials of using biomass for biochar production in Ghana.

6.1. Diversion of Organics from Landfills

The greatest opportunity for developing countries to reduce the volume of waste in the
waste stream rests on their ability to divert the organic and other recyclable fractions away
from landfills. The reduction of waste to the landfill can be done through source separation
into organic and others, reuse of some of these waste (e.g., bottles) thereby reducing the
quantity of waste to the landfills. This practice will eventually prolong the lifespan of the
landfills.

6.2. Scavenging Activity

Waste scavengers play a critical role in the recycling of plastic and metal wastes in
Ghana (Figure 5). Plastic wastes presently constitute about 10% of the waste stream in Ghana
(Fobil and Hogarh, 2006) and is likely to increase. The National Plastic Manufacturers
Association offers services of collecting and buying plastic waste materials for re-sale to
recycling industries. This has created opportunities for itinerant waste buyers who trek from
house to house to buy plastic waste, or scavengers who pick plastic wastes from dumpsites
and sell for profit. There is a high demand for recycled plastic material in Ghana.
Unfortunately, data on the quantities of plastic materials recycled in Ghana have not been
established due to poor record keeping. One such potential market is Blow Plast Industry
Limited, which recycles plastic waste. It has installed a facility with a daily capacity to
process 24 tonnes but currently process only 7 tonnes (Oteng-Ababio, 2010).
Scavengers also look out for ferrous metals that are sold to local metal fabricators and the
metal industries in Ghana. Significant quantities of these metal wastes were exported to China
and other Asian markets, prompting the Steel Manufacturers Association of Ghana (SMAG)
to lead a public campaign for a complete ban of the export of metal scraps, as a result of
shortfalls on the local metal market. Metals, particularly, aluminum, are recovered and sold to
small-scale recyclers who use them to produce valuable items, such as lamps, cooking pots,
and washing pans. The export of scrap metals is presently banned in Ghana, with the hope
that scavengers would be compelled to offer scavenged metals to feed the local metal
industry.

6.3. E-Waste Recycling

An emerging area of concern regarding the scavenging of metal waste in Ghana is the
informal recycling of electronic waste (e-waste). It is estimated that about 215,000 tons of
18 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

electrical and electronic equipment were imported into Ghana in 2009, with as much as 70%
being used items and destined to soon become e-waste (Amoyaw, 2011). Much of the e-
wastes in Ghana are collected by individuals and sent to an informal e-waste recycling site at
Agbogbloshie, a suburb of Accra. Valuable metals such as copper and aluminum are
recovered from the e-waste by crude methods at this site.

6.4. Recycling of Agricultural Waste

Traditionally, most of the agricultural residues generated in the country are scarcely
utilized. Except for the wastes that are generated and localized near processing sites,
collection and utilization for either bioenergy or biochar production could be difficult due to
technical constraints, ecosystem functions and other uses. Agricultural solid wastes including
sugar cane (bargasse), corn cobs, and coconut shells are used to smoke fish in open ovens, in
low income fishing communities. Similarly, oil palm empty fruit bunch is used as fuel to boil
palm fruits during processing, or used as mulching agents in oil palm nurseries and
plantations (Ofosu-Budu, 2006). The collection and use of these wastes provides employment
for people who collect them for sale to fish smokers. There is currently no reliable
information on the percentage that is utilized and for what purpose.

7. COMPOSTING OF MUNICIPAL SOLID WASTES IN GHANA

Considering the huge fraction of organic material in MSW (about 60%) and the fact that
waste biomass is almost entirely decomposable, composting and technologies that utilizes
organic wastes are technically ideal to manage these categories of wastes in Ghana.
Composting process is an environmentally sound and beneficial means of recycling organic
materials, not a means of waste disposal. Composting is the biological decomposition of
biodegradable organic material under controlled conditions to a state sufficiently stable for
nuisance-free storage and handling for safe use in land application (Diaz et al., 1994).
Composting and co-composting are two commonly used terms. Composting is a broader term
that includes co-composting. While composting refers to the decomposition of any organic
material (also referred to as ―feedstocks‖), co-composting is the composting of two or more
feedstocks with different characteristics.
Composting is carried out by successive microbial populations that break down organic
materials into carbon dioxide, water, minerals, and stabilized organic matter. Carbon dioxide
and water are released into the atmosphere, while minerals and organic matter are converted
into a potentially reusable soil-like material called compost. The loss of water and carbon
dioxide typically reduces the volume of remaining material by 25% to 60% (Tchobanoglous
et al., 1993).
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 19

7.1. Composting Technologies

There are two basic composting technologies: windrow-based and in-vessel technologies.
The windrow-based type is popular in Ghana. In the windrow-based technology, organic
waste is brought to a central open-air facility and formed into windrows (heaps) with heights
ranging from 1 m to 1.5 m. The windrows are turned periodically to facilitate aeration,
maintain a stable temperature and rate of decomposition. Water is added to maintain suitable
moisture content, usually around 60%. After the desired level of decomposition is reached
and curation is achieved, the composted product is ready for assembly and distribution to end-
users.

7.1.1. Backyard/Residential Composting

Backyard or residential composting is practiced in a few homes in the major cities. One
common feature of homes that practice backyard composting is that they have large
compounds and are located in the affluent suburbs of the city. The residents are engaged in
the composting mostly for domestic horticultural purposes. Household composting is a simple
way to manage domestic refuse that is generated in the kitchen and garden, effectively
reduces waste quantities for collection and transportation to landfills. The composting unit
consists of simple wooden receptacles, with variable sizes into which all compostable organic
wastes generated at home are channeled.

7.1.2. Decentralized Community Composting

Decentralized composting is normally practiced at a community scale and provides small

groups a way to compost at a relatively low cost. The feedstock is different from household
composting in that it is more varied and exposed to contaminations, especially from plastics
that are usually used for packaging of goods sold at the market places and other different non-
compostable materials from both household and commercial sources. Between the late 1990s
to early 2000s, the Asiedu-Keteke Sub-metropolitan Assembly in Accra undertook a mini-
composting project, which exemplified decentralized community composting. The project
involved the pooling of mixed solid wastes from households, commercial establishments and
institutions in the Asiedu-Keteke area for composting. The mixed waste was heaped in the
open for about three (3) to six (6) months with regular turning. There was no clear cut
parameters for maturity determination and compost quality and this accounted for the varied
periods at which the composts were harvested. There was no facility to separate the mixed
waste stream into organic and other fractions before composting. After composting however,
a screen was used to sieve the compost to remove contaminants such as broken bottles,
plastics and rubber remnants, metals and many others. The compost was then bagged and
offered for sale. The lack of appropriate technology to ensure high quality compost and
effective marketing strategy affected the financial sustainability of the project that led to its
premature closure.
20 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

Figure 6. (a) Un-sieved, (b) sieved composts and (c) manually operated sieving device applied
previously in the community-based composting at Asiedu-Keteke in Accra, Ghana.

7.1.3. Centralized Large-Scale Composting

Centralized composting involves the use of large-scale, mechanized composting plant

that normally demands a substantial level of financial investment. Solid wastes that are used
for large-scale composting are gathered from a wider area and could be mixtures of refuse
from all over a city or town. Centralized-large scale composting has the advantage of
generating between 10 tonnes to more than 500 tonnes of compost per day; however it is very
expensive to maintain (Hoornweg et al., 2000). Since centralized composting is on a larger
scale, environmental, social and technical considerations are approached carefully, within
appropriate jurisdictions for siting, designing, operations, maintenance and environmental
compliance for waste delivery.
The first centralized large-scale composting plant in Ghana was established at Teshie-
Nungua in Accra in 1979. Mixed refuse were brought to the site in tipper trucks from
different areas in the Accra metropolis. The refuse were then heaped into windrows for at
least three months. The composts were presumed mature when it turned black and humus-
like, which takes between three and six months. The windrows were turned occasionally with
heavy-duty trucks. Sewage sludge was also added occasionally to the compost heap, as a form
of co-composting process to increase the content of nutrients such as nitrogen and
phosphorus. The mature compost was conveyed to a magnetic separating device and a sieve,
which together separated all foreign materials (metals, plastics, bottles, etc.) from the compost
(Figures 3 and 4). It was then ready to be sold, either in bags or delivered in large quantities
by tipper trucks to end-users.
The Teshie-Nungua composting plant was eventually decommissioned in 2011, having
virtually degenerated into a mountain of solid waste dump from the 2000s. The collapse of
the Teshie-Nungua composting plant seriously affected the management of organic waste in
Accra. In 2012, under a public-private partnership (PPP) arrangement, Zoomlion Company
Limited, a local waste management company in Ghana established a modern facility for waste
sorting and composting in Accra. This facility has a capacity to process 300 tonnes of waste
in an eight-hour shift. Zoomlion company is suffering from the same compost quality and
marketing problems experienced by its predecessors, as a result of factors including
unsegregated mixed waste stream as source of feedstock.
The metropolitan authorities have defaulted in payments for services rendered by the
company regarding the collection and transport of waste, which has hindered waste transport
to the composting facility and operations at the site. Clearly, large scale composting of
municipal solid waste in Ghana has a lot of challenges. Community composting may be more
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 21

suitable for developing countries like Ghana, since it does not involve hauling the waste over
long distances.

8. MANAGING AGRICULTURAL/AGRO-INDUSTRIAL WASTES

8.1. Composting

The agricultural and agro-industrial residues, if managed properly like through

composting, can be beneficial to agriculture, since these contain important plant nutrients
such as nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, magnesium and other nutrients (Adamtey, 2005;
Mahimairaja,1993). Composting is the most suitable option among the wastes management
strategies with economic and environmental profits since this process reduces the bulk
volume of organic materials, eliminates the risk of spreading of pathogens, weed seeds or
parasites associated with direct land application of manure and leads to final stabilized
products, which can improve and sustain soil fertility. During composting the biological heat
produced can reach a temperature of about 65°C, which is sufficient to inactivate most
pathogenic bacteria, viruses and helminthic ova (Sterrett et al., 1983; Polprasert, 1996) that
otherwise could infect the workers. Therefore the composted products can be safely disposed
of on land, or used as fertilizers for plant growth.
The Forest and Horticultural Crops Research Centre (FOHCREC) of the University of
Ghana at Kade has been involved in the co-composting of agricultural/agro-industrial wastes,
notably EFB, poultry dropping, cow dung, rice straw, citrus waste, sawdust and palm oil mill
effluent (POME) (Ofosu-Budu and Adamtey, 2002; Hogarh et al., 2008; Ofosu-Budu et al.,
2010; Adamtey, 2005; Ivy, 2014). A collaborative effort between FOHCREC and Benso Oil
Palm Plantation has led to the large scale production and utilization of compost produced
from EFB and POME (Figure 7). Fruit wastes, mainly citrus wastes, has been successfully
processed to a high quality compost suitable for plant growth, after co-composting with
poultry dropping, rock phosphate, EFB and sawdust (Ofosu-Budu, unpublished). The
phospho-compost produced was evaluated using maize as the test crop and a high
phosphorous relative agronomic efficiency was reported (Ivy, 2014).
Despite the growing popularity of composting in Ghana, several significant challenges in
developing and operating successful composting programmes exist. These include the
following: developing markets and new end uses, inadequate or non-existing standards for
finished composts, inadequate design data for composting facilities, lack of experienced
designers, vendors, and technical staff available to many municipalities, problems with odors,
problems controlling contaminants, inadequate understanding of the scientific basis of
composting and inadequate financial planning ( O‘Leary and Walsh, 1995).
22 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

Figure 7. Large scale production of compost from empty fruit bunches (EFB) and palm oil mill effluent
(POME) at the Benso Oil Palm Plantation in the Western region in Ghana.

8.2. Black Soldier Fly (BSF) Composting Technology

One of the limitations of open windrow compost technology is the long period it takes to
mature. On the average, a minimum of three months is required for the compost to attain
maturity. The importance of reducing the composting period to save time, money and space
cannot be over-emphasized. The use of larvae of the black soldier fly (BSF, Hermetia
illucens) in degrading organic material such as poultry manure, pig manure shows promising
results and has the potential for use in composting municipal solid waste in respect to volume
reduction of the waste and faster attainment of compost maturity. In addition, the emerging
insect biomass is ideal as animal feed (Sheppard et al., 2002; Newton et al., 2005; Ogunji et
al., 2007; Stamer et al., 2007). Once hatched, the larvae start to feed on the waste, such as
rotting fruits and vegetables, animal manure and human excreta, kitchen waste, spoiled feed,
and manure, which are the major constituents of MSW, and achieving a dry mass volume
waste reduction of ~55% (Sheppard, 1983; Newton et al., 1995; Myers et al., 2008). While
occupying the organic waste, the larvae aerate and dry it, thus, reducing odors. The larvae
also modifies the manure, potentially reducing harmful bacteria (Erickson et al., 2004). The
resulting larvae-manure is high in nutrients and energy and could be used as soil amendment
or further in biogas-plants to produce biogas (Newton et al. 2005). Larvae of the black soldier
fly, Hermetia illucens (Diptera: Stratiomyidae), may therefore be used in low and middle-
income countries to transform organic waste into valuable animal feedstuff and compost in
the form of their last larval stage, the prepupae.
The use of black soldier fly larvae therefore has a great potential in organic waste
management, in the degrading of the organic fraction of municipal solid waste, especially
market and food waste. However, certain limitations could exist, especially regarding the
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 23

presence of heavy metals and plastics in the feedstock, and potential pathogen management
which could negatively influence the growth and life history traits of the fly population and
can accumulate in the prepupae. These and other challenges are been addressed, by scientists
in Ghana (University of Ghana, Biotechnology and Nuclear Agricultural Research Institute)
and FiBL, Switzerland through an on-going collaborative efforts to develop guidelines in the
use of BSF larvae in degrading the MSW from urban markets.

8.3. Biochar Production

Biochar production from organic waste such as agricultural crop residues, forestry
residues, wood wastes, animal manure and organic fraction of municipal solid wastes, is a
useful process for recycling organic wastes (Duku et al., 2011; Galgani, 2012). Biochar is a
form of charcoal produced when biomass is subjected to the thermochemical process of
pyrolysis, which proceeds at low oxygen condition. The mineral ash constitutes 1–20% by
weight, and are composed of nitrogen (N), phosphorus (P), potassium (K), silicon (Si),
calcium (Ca), cadmium (Cd), mercury (Hg) and arsenic (As) (Duku et al., 2011). Biochar has
very high carbon content, and serves as a sink for carbon when added to the soil. Application
of biochar to soil improves soil nutrient retention capacity, increase soil pH of acidic soils,
and improves on the water holding capacity. Therefore biochar production could achieve
large agricultural and climatic benefits in Ghana where farmers cannot afford to pay high
prices for soil amendments. The use of biochar as a carbon sink is significant because it
reduces the potential of greenhouse gas emissions, particularly nitrous oxide (N2O) and
methane (CH4) release (Duku et al., 2011). Galgani (2012) undertook a project in Northern
Ghana and investigated composting, biogas and biochar production in the context of carbon
markets and concluded that pyrolysis for biochar production could generate much more
carbon revenues per unit of waste treated than composting and anaerobic digestion. Results
from modelling of the pyrolysis of rice husks from the Tamale rice mill showed that carbon
for about 1.5 t CO2 eq per ton of rice husks charred could be sequestered (Galgani, 2012).
Other organic residues with high lignin content that are potential feedstock for biochar
production include sawdust, empty fruit bunch, rice straw, maize stubble and cobs. Despite
the emerging importance of biochar for soil fertility improvement and as a carbon sink, its
production has been based on advanced technologies that are expensive (Duku et al., 2011). A
simple but effective and sustainable biochar production technique has been developed at the
University of Ghana, FOHCREC in Ghana (Figure 6). In its crude form, the equipment
consists of a barrel with both lids at the ends removed. The lower 40 cm part of the barrel is
perforated to make a hole with diameter of 3-4 cm.
The inner part of the barrel is filled with wood which will be used to generate heat that
will burn the feedstock. The feedstock (rice husk) is applied to cover the holes on the barrel
wall. Fire is ignited to the inner side with the wood, and the feedstock is turned once in a
while, such that the partially burned feedstock is turn outside gradually until, all the feedstock
is partially burnt. The burnt feedstock under reduced aeration is cooled down with water.
Temperature generated in the barrel could reach over 400°C when monitored. Research
should be pursued to generate information on the locally improved ways of pyrolysis of
available biomass, and the agronomic quality of biochar from different feedstocks, in
different soils and for different crops, as this technology will quickly become profitable. The
24 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

availability of such information will go a long way in finding a sustainable way in organic
waste management, especially for farmers in Ghana who cannot afford the increasing cost of
inorganic fertilizers.

Figure 8. Monitoring of temperature in a biochar production in Ghana (local method).

8.4. Biogas Production

Biogas is a clean and renewable form of energy that is produced through anaerobic
digestion of organic waste. It can be produced from manure, sewage sludge, biodegradable
fraction of municipal solid waste and various agricultural wastes. The biogas comprises
primarily of methane and carbon dioxide. Arthur et al. (2011) reviewed the potential of biogas
production in Ghana, and traced the historical antecedents of biogas plants in the country. The
first biogas demonstration plants in Ghana were established between 1986 and 1987 near
cattle ranches, with the aim of utilizing the cattle manure for energy production. Subsequent
to that, the Ministry of Energy established the first major comprehensive biogas
demonstration project in Ghana (the Integrated Rural Energy and Environmental Project) in
1990 at Apollonia, a village located some 46 km from Accra. The project utilized 10
hydraulic dome digesters, each of capacity 50 m3. Both animal manure and human excreta
were applied to generate 12.5 kW power for street and home lighting and cooking at
Apollonia. The slurry by-product was then used for agriculture. The project was largely
successful as it reduced a potential consumption of diesel by about 66% (Mensah, 2000).
Other agricultural solid and liquid wastes such as citrus fruit waste, POME, sugar cane waste
(bargasse) could be used as feedstock for biogas production for the rural communities. This
could reduce the cost for electricity to the rural consumer and save electricity for
manufacturing industries in the cities and urban centres.
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 25

9. ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH RISKS ASSOCIATED

WITH CONTAMINATED FEEDSTOCK FOR COMPOSTING

It must also be emphasized that waste management methods such as composting may be
associated with some environmental health risks. For instance, the compost could contain
contaminants such as heavy metals, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs),
polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) and organochlorine pesticides (OCPs), depending on the
feedstock and the composting process. Heavy metals in compost usually are intrusions from
contaminated materials in the compost feedstock, especially when the compost is prepared
from mixed MSW. Compost produced from source separated organic waste has reduced
content of heavy metals compared to those from un-segregated waste (Hogarh et al., 2008).
Studies conducted in Ghana suggest that agricultural waste compost produced from mixtures
of cocoa husk, chicken droppings and rice straw or saw dust contained less than 0.01 mg/kg
of lead (Pb) and cadmium (Cd) (Hogarh et al., 2008). In the same study, it was realized that
the contents of Pb and Cd in compost produced at household level were low, but Pb content
of mixed MSW composts exceeded the Australian compost quality standard of 150 mg/kg
(Environment Australia, 2003).
Persistent organic pollutants (POPs) such as PCBs are reportedly concentrated with
composting. About 30% increase in low-chlorinated PCBs occurred during composting
(Brändli et al., 2007). Composting of green waste generated relatively greater content of
PCBs in the compost product (Brändli et al., 2005). It was presumed that concentration of the
POPs might have increased with composting because of the reduction in composting volume.
On the other hand, the concentration of PAHs seems to decrease with composting (Amir et
al., 2005; Brändli et al., 2007). Hence, composting has been applied as a bioremediation
process for treating particularly contamination from PAHs in soil and sewage sludge
(Crawford et al., 1993; Cajthaml et al., 2002; Sayara et al., 2011).
Composts derived from crop residues and other agricultural wastes often contain
relatively increased content of some pesticide residues. Among the categories of pesticides,
organophosphates and carbamates were rarely detected upon composting of crop residue
feedstock (Büyüksönmez et al., 2000). There are however conflicting reports on the behavior
of OCP residues during composting. Büyüksönmez et al. (2000) suggested that OCPs were
resistant to degradation during composting. Later findings however suggest the contrary and
that OCPs may be degraded to some extent in a composting medium (Barker and Bryson,
2002; Hellström et al., 2011). Thus, although these recalcitrant pollutants could get into a
composting medium via the feedstock, the composting process may double up as a
bioremediation process that degrades these pollutants.

10. BUILDING NEW CAPACITIES AND STRATEGIES FOR

WASTE MANAGEMENT IN GHANA
10.1. Tertiary Institution and Capacity Building to Manage MSW

The first university dedicated to the training of sanitation and waste management
professionals in Ghana and West Africa has been officially opened in Ghana. Kwame
26 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST)–Africa Institute of Sanitation and

Waste Management is a collaboration between Zoomlion Ghana Limited, a waste
management company, and the KNUST.
The Institute has begun diploma and certificate programmes in Sanitation Management
and Environmental Sciences. The institution has since admitted students for the various
programmes. The establishment of this institution will go a long way in developing
homegrown technologies to manage MSW and also train the needed manpower to design
homegrown solutions to address the challenge of municipal solid wastes management in
Ghana.

10.2. Value Addition

In an attempt to address common challenges facing West African countries in waste

management, experts from Ghana, Nigeria, Cote d'Ivoire and Senegal met at a waste
management conference in Accra, Ghana in May, 2012. The aim of the conference was to
develop a comprehensive plan that will help tackle challenges associated with solid waste
management in the Western African countries. A consortium that will promote integrated
solid waste management (ISWM) systems was to be established. The major priority of the
consortium is to empower stakeholders participating in the waste management chain through
the enforcement of legal framework and open transfer of knowledge and technology among
the West African countries. Waste is regarded both as a negative and as a useful material
providing a potential source of income to the unemployed under the ISWM system. The
system involves the primary collection and recycling at community level while improving the
health and environmental conditions of community dwellers.
The economic value in recycled products such as compost should be projected and
appropriate markets identified when considering any waste recycling program. Producing a
marketable product like compost and recovering revenues by selling the compost is usually a
challenge in Ghana. Composting projects should be viewed as a commercial production
process instead of purely an environmental process. Selling compost on the open market is
essential to sustaining a composting program, but this would require that the compost meet
high quality standards. In this regard, the type of feedstock for composting is critical, as it
plays an important role in determining the final quality of the compost product. Municipal
solid wastes (MSW) composts without source separation generally have low quality
compared to agricultural waste composts (Hogarh et al., 2008). Adamtey et al. (2009) have
improved the nutrient quality of low quality grade composts processed from MSW through
and/or co-composting with dewatered human faecal sludge and inorganic nitrogen
enrichment.

CONCLUSION
This study provided a quick review of waste management in Ghana with a greater focus
on organic waste recycling and other recycling opportunities. The percentage of organic
waste in the municipal solid waste stream in Ghana declined from 85% to 60% between 1994
 Recycling of Agricultural and Municipal Solid Wastes in Ghana 27

and 2002. In the same period, the contents of plastic and paper, as well as those categorized as
―others‖ increased. Notably, the ―other‖ wastes, which could also be described as
miscellaneous increased from 3% to 13% in almost a decade. This portends increased
heterogeneity of the waste stream and calls for waste policy and strategy reforms to reflect
these dynamics. Composting, biochar and biogas production were identified as the major
opportunities available to managing the huge organic waste fraction in the waste stream in
Ghana. With respect to the composting of municipal solid wastes, decentralized community
composting appears more sustainable than large scale centralized composting. There are also
opportunities for the recycling of plastic wastes. This review further identified that waste
management in Ghana is beset with a myriad of challenges, which were categorized as policy,
communal, technological and financial challenges.
The potential threats of waste management in Ghana mostly concern environmental
contamination and risk of exposure to various environmental hazards. The major threats relate
to the use of open dumpsites and non-engineered landfills as final disposal points of waste.
These disposal sites contaminate the air, soil and nearby water resources, and are health
threats to nearby residents and scavengers who visit these sites to collect recyclable items.
Overall, there is great potential to harness materials in the waste stream in Ghana for various
recycling ventures. This will help to divert useful materials from dumpsites and landfills in
Ghana. It would however require overcoming specific policy, communal, technological and
fiscal barriers identified in this review. Centralized composting has also been viewed as a
potential intervention. In order to assess the viability and appropriateness of these large-scale
and high technology projects, a number of considerations must first be evaluated, prior to
planning and implementation. Decisions regarding the selection of waste management
systems need to be determined based on the proposed system‘s appropriateness within
specific localities, with all location-specific social, political and economic factors
thoughtfully assessed and factored into the decision-making process. For instance, local
capacity, potential stakeholders (i.e., Local communities, private-sector enterprises,
government agencies), the physical layout of the city, municipal budgets and access to capital,
and local waste characterization must also be determined (Oteng-Ababio, 2009).
The solid waste management system in Ghana, especially the major cities, is constrained
by a lack of competent personnel with the requisite technical expertise for solid waste
planning, operation and monitoring, and landfill design and operation. Many of the workers,
particularly among the small-scale firms, have little or no training in waste management. For
an effective and efficient solid waste management system, there is the need for the waste
stream to be characterised by their sources, types, generation rates and composition. Accurate
data on solid waste will enable effective monitoring, controlling existing waste systems, and
also help in making regulatory, financial and institutional decisions. Unfortunately, the solid
waste management system in Accra, does not have any database. Much of the available
available data are based on estimates, which are in many cases unreliable. The lack of
accurate data on solid waste generation and characteristics impedes any sustainable waste
management programmes for the city.
The waste collection, transfer, separation, recycling and/or disposal activities of informal
waste workers constitute economically valuable services. Informal waste workers work,
normally, on a ―self-employed‖ basis or as informally organized groups; in some cases they
may be hired directly by households and/or neighbourhood groups. In general, however, the
marginalized and unstable social and economic circumstances of informal waste workers
28 K. G. Ofosu-Budu, J. N. Hogarh and N. Adamtey

make it quite difficult to integrate their contribution into the MSWM system. As an initial
step, informal workers require organizational and technical support to promote their social
rehabilitation and alleviate the unacceptable socio-economic conditions in which they live
and work. Through the formation of co-operative societies or micro-enterprises, it is often
possible to considerably increase the job stability and earnings of informal sector workers,
and to enhance the effectiveness of their contribution to waste management.
Informal wastes collectors including waste pickers, waste recyclers, scavengers and waste
carriers must be fully integrated into the waste management stream in order to realise the
benefits of their contributions to environmental management in the city. Strategies for waste
management in Ghana, must involve the active participation of those affected by solid
waste problems, as well as those who control policies and implementation instruments, and
those who possess relevant information and expertise. Involving communities in decision
making will create communities‘ self-confidence for mobilising efforts and local resources
for environmental management particularly in low income areas.
Also, more efforts must be directed at upgrading municipal solid waste management
infrastructure and services. This must include the provision of adequate facilities for waste
management and requiring users to pay for the full cost of the service in order to enhance the
efficiency and coverage of service delivery).

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Discovering Diverse Content Through
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 CHAPTER X
INSPECTION. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF
ARRIVING IMMIGRANTS

The immigrant first comes under the official control of the United
States government when he arrives at the port of destination. There
are a number of seaports on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts
designated by the Bureau as ports of entry for immigrants. Entry at
any other ports is illegal. The facilities for the inspection and care of
immigrants differ in extent in the different ports with the demands
placed upon them, but the general line of procedure is the same in
all. As New York has the most elaborate and complete immigrant
station in the country and receives three quarters or more of all the
immigrants, it may be taken as typical of the fullest development of
our inspection system.
A ship arriving in New York is first subject to examination by the
quarantine officials. Then the immigrants are turned over to the
officers of the Immigration Bureau. All aliens entering a port of the
United States are subject to the immigration law, and have to submit
to inspection. First or second class passage does not, contrary to a
common impression, secure immunity. Cabin passengers are given a
preliminary inspection by the officials on board the vessel, and if
they are plainly admissible, they are allowed to land without further
formality. If there is any question as to their eligibility, they are taken
to Ellis Island, and subjected to a closer examination. While there,
they have to put up with the same accommodations as are accorded
to steerage passengers. During three months of the spring of 1910
twenty-five hundred cabin passengers were thus taken over to Ellis
Island, and the commissioner in charge at that port was led to
recommend that better facilities be provided for this class of
immigrants.[144] This recommendation was repeated in 1912.
The steerage passengers are loaded on to barges, rented by the
steamship companies, and transferred to the immigrant station. This
is located on Ellis Island, a group of small islands in the harbor, not
far from the Statue of Liberty. It consists of two main parts, on one of
which is located the main building, containing offices, sleeping
rooms, restaurant, inspection rooms, ticket offices, etc.; on the other
are the hospitals, etc. This temporary disembarkment does not
constitute a legal landing; the immigrants are still nominally on
shipboard, and the transportation companies are responsible for
their support until they are legally landed.
After landing on the Island, the immigrants pass through a
detailed process of examination, during which all the facts required
by the statutes are ascertained and recorded, as far as possible. This
examination consists of three main parts. The first is the medical
examination made by officers of the United States Public Health and
Marine Hospital Service. These inspect the immigrants for all
physical weaknesses or diseases which make them liable to
exclusion. The next stage is the examination by an inspector who
asks the long list of questions required by the law, in order to
determine whether the alien is, for any nonphysical reason,
inadmissible. If the immigrant appears to be “clearly and beyond a
doubt” entitled to admission, he passes on to the discharging
quarters, where he is turned over to the agents of the appropriate
transportation company, or to a “missionary,” or is set free to take
his way to the city by the ferry.
If any alien is not clearly entitled to admission, he must appear
before a board of special inquiry, which goes into his case more
deliberately and thoroughly, in order to determine whether he is
legally admissible. Appeal from the decision of these boards, in cases
provided for by the statutes, may be made either by the alien or by a
dissenting member of the board. Such appeal goes through the
Commissioner and the Commissioner General of Immigration to the
Secretary of Commerce and Labor, whose decision is final.
Many aliens must of necessity be detained on the Island, either
during investigation, or, in case they are excluded, while awaiting
their return to the country from which they came. The feeding of
these aliens, along with certain other services, is intrusted to
“privilege holders,” selected carefully by government authority.
The volume of business transacted on Ellis Island each year is
immense. There are in all about six hundred and ten officials,
including ninety-five medical officers and hospital attendants,
engaged in administering the law at this station. The force of
interpreters is probably the largest in the world, gathered under a
single roof. At other immigrant stations the course of procedure
follows the same general lines, though the amount of business is very
much less.[145]
This is obviously one of the most difficult and delicate of all the
branches of government service. Questions involving the breaking up
of families, the annihilation of long-cherished plans, and a host of
other intimate human relations, even of life and death itself, present
themselves in a steady stream before the inspectors. Every instinct of
humanity argues on the side of leniency to the ignorant, stolid,
abused, and deceived immigrant. On the other hand, the inspector
knows that he is placed as a guardian of the safety and welfare of his
country. He is charged with the execution of an intricate and iron-
bound set of laws and regulations, into which his personal feelings
and inclinations must not be allowed to enter. Any lapse into too
great leniency is a betrayal of his trust. One who has not actually
reviewed the cases can have no conception of the intricacy of the
problems which are constantly brought up for decision.
Is it surprising that the casual and tender-hearted visitor who
leans over the balcony railing or strolls through the passages,
blissfully ignorant of the laws and of the meaning of the whole
procedure, should think that he detects instances of brutality and
hard-heartedness? To him, the immigrants are a crowd of poor but
ambitious foreigners, who have left all for the sake of sharing in the
glories of American life, and are now being ruthlessly and
inconsiderately turned back at the very door by a lot of cruel and
indifferent officials. He writes a letter to his home paper, telling of
the “Brutality at Ellis Island.” Even worse than these ignorant and
sentimental critics are those clever and malicious writers who,
inspired by the transportation companies or other selfish interests,
paint distorted, misleading, and exaggerated pictures of affairs on
Ellis Island, and to serve their own ends strive to bring into disrepute
government officials who are conscientiously doing their best to
perform a most difficult public duty.[146]
It would not be safe to say that there never has been any brutality
on Ellis Island, or that there is none now. Investigators of some
reputation have given specific instances.[147] It would be almost
beyond the realm of possibility that in so large a number of officials,
coming in daily contact with thousands of immigrants, there should
be none who were careless, irritable, impatient, or vicious. How
much of maltreatment there may be depends very largely upon the
character and competency of the commissioner in charge. The point
is, that no one is qualified to pass an opinion upon the treatment of
immigrants, except a thoroughly trained investigator, equipped with
a full knowledge of the laws and regulations, and an unbiased mind.
One thing in particular which impresses the dilettante observer is
the haste with which proceedings are conducted, and the physical
force which is frequently employed to push an immigrant in one
direction, or hold him back from another. It must be admitted that
both of these exist—and they are necessary. During the year 1907 five
thousand was fixed as the maximum number of immigrants who
could be examined at Ellis Island in one day;[148] yet during the
spring of that year more than fifteen thousand immigrants arrived at
the port of New York in a single day. It is evident that under such
conditions haste becomes a necessity.
The work has to be done with the equipment provided, and greater
hardship may sometimes be caused by delay than by haste. As to the
physical handling of immigrants, this is necessitated by the need for
haste, combined with the condition of the immigrants. We have seen
that the conditions of the voyage are not calculated to land the
immigrant in an alert and clear-headed state. The bustle, confusion,
rush, and size of Ellis Island complete the work, and leave the
average alien in a state of stupor and bewilderment. He is in no
condition to understand or appreciate a carefully worded explanation
of what he must do, or why he must do it, even if the inspector had
time to give it. The one suggestion which is immediately
comprehensible to him is a pull or a push; if this is not administered
with actual violence, there is no unkindness in it. An amusing
illustration of the dazed state in which the average immigrant goes
through the inspection is furnished by a story told by one of the
officials on the Island. It is related that President Roosevelt once
visited the Island, in company with other distinguished citizens. He
wished to observe the effect of a gift of money on an immigrant
woman, and fearing to be recognized, handed a five-dollar gold piece
to another member of the party, requesting him to hand it to the first
woman with a child in her arms who passed along the line. It was
done. The woman took the coin, slipped it into her dress, and passed
on, without even raising her eyes or giving the slightest indication
that the incident had made any different impression on her than any
of the regular steps in the inspection. It would be a remarkable man,
indeed, who could deal with a steady stream of foreigners, stolid and
unresponsive to begin with and reduced to such a pitch of stupor, day
after day, without occasionally losing his patience.
The information collected at the port of entry is sufficient, when
compiled and tabulated, to give a very complete and detailed picture
of the character of the arriving immigrants, in so far as that can be
statistically portrayed. The reports of the Commissioner General
contain an elaborate set of tables, which are the principal source of
accurate information on the subject. In the following pages these
tables will be summarized, with the intent of bringing out the most
important facts which condition the immigration problem in this
country. Data from other reliable sources will be added as occasion
requires.
During the period 1820 to 1912 a total of 29,611,052 immigrants
have entered the United States. Of these, the Germans have made up
a larger proportion than any other single race, amounting in all to
5,400,899 persons from the German Empire. Until very recently the
Irish have stood second; but as far as can be determined from the
figures the Italians and natives of Austria-Hungary have now passed
them. There have been, in the period mentioned, 3,511,730
immigrants from Austria-Hungary, 3,426,070 immigrants from
Italy, including Sicily and Sardinia, and 3,069,625 from Ireland. But
if the 1,945,812 immigrants from the United Kingdom not specified
could be properly assigned, it would probably appear that Ireland
could still lay claim to second place. The other most important
sources, with their respective contributions, are as follows: Russian
Empire, 2,680,525; England, 2,264,284; British North American
possessions, 1,322,085; Sweden, 1,095,940.[149] When it is considered
how recent is the origin of the immigration from Italy, Russia, and
Austria-Hungary, the significance of these figures becomes apparent.
The figures for a single recent year show very different proportions.
Thus in the year 1907, 28.2 per cent of the total European
immigration came from Austria-Hungary, 23.8 per cent from Italy,
[150]
and 21.6 per cent from the Russian Empire, while only 3.2 per
cent came from the German Empire, 1.7 per cent from Sweden, 2.9
per cent from Ireland, and 4.7 per cent from England.[151] What the
ultimate effect of this sweeping change in nationality will be it is
impossible to predict with any certainty; it is one of the greatest of all
the problems connected with immigration, and can better be
discussed in another connection. Suffice it to say for the present, that
it has put an entirely new face on the question of the assimilation of
the immigrant in this country.
In regard to the sex of the immigrants, the males have always had
the predominance. During the period from 1820 to 1910, 63.8 per
cent of the immigrants were males, and 36.2 per cent females.[152]
This is what might naturally be expected. The first emigration from a
region is almost always an emigration of men. They have the
necessary hardihood and daring to a greater extent than women, and
are better fitted by nature for the work of pioneering. After the
current of emigration becomes well established, women are found
joining in. Early emigrants send for their families, young men send
for their sweethearts, and even some single women venture to go to a
country where there are friends and relatives. But in the majority of
cases the number of males continues to exceed that of females. In the
long run, there will be a greater proportion of men than of women,
because of the natural differences of the sexes. In this respect,
however, there has also been a change in recent years. The
proportion of males is considerably larger among the new
immigrants than among the old. In the decade 1820–1830, when
immigration was still in its beginning, there was a large proportion of
males, amounting to 70 per cent of the total. In the decades of the
forties and fifties, however, the proportion of males fell to 59.5 per
cent and 58 per cent, respectively. But in the decade ending 1910,
69.8 per cent of all the immigrants were males. There is a general
tendency for the proportion of males to rise in a year of large
immigration, and fall as immigration diminishes. This can be traced
with a remarkable degree of regularity throughout the modern
period. It is well exemplified in the last six years. In the year 1907,
when the total immigration reached its highest record, the
proportion of males also reached the highest point since 1830, 72.4
per cent. After the crisis of that year the total immigration fell off
decidedly, and in 1908 the proportion of males was only 64.8 per
cent. In the next year the percentage of males rose to 69.2, while the
total immigration decreased slightly; but since the net gain by
immigration increased in that year,[153] this is not a serious exception
to the rule. In 1910 the total immigration again showed a marked
increase, and the percentage of males rose to 70.7.[154] In 1911 there
was another marked decline in immigration and the percentage of
males fell to 64.9, while a further slight decline in 1912 was
accompanied by a fall in the percentage of males to 63.2.[155] This
phenomenon is undoubtedly accounted for by the fact that the men
come in more direct response to the economic demands of this
country than the women, and hence respond to economic
fluctuations more readily. Many of the female immigrants come to
join men who have established themselves on a footing of fair
prosperity in this country, and are able to have them come even in a
year of hard times.
An examination of the sex distribution of some of the leading races
shows how thoroughly characteristic of the new immigration this
excess of males is. The following table shows the percentages of the
two sexes of certain chosen races for the eleven-year period 1899 to
1909:
SEX DISTRIBUTION OF IMMIGRANTS OF SPECIFIED RACES, BY PER CENTS, 1899 TO 1909
Per Cent
Race or People
Male Female
Bulgarian, Servian, Montenegrin 96.0 4.0
Croatian and Slovenian 85.1 14.9
English 61.7 38.3
German 59.4 40.6
Greek 95.4 4.6
Hebrew 56.7 43.3
Irish 47.2 52.8
Italian, north 78.4 21.6
Italian, south 78.6 21.4
Lithuanian 71.1 28.9
Magyar 72.7 27.3
Polish 69.2 30.8
Ruthenian 74.0 26.0
Scandinavian 61.3 38.7
Slovak 70.3 29.7
Comparing the entire old immigration for the period specified with
the entire new immigration (European only), we find that of the
former 58.5 per cent were male and 41.5 per cent female; of the latter
73 per cent were male, and 27 per cent female.[156] It is evident that
the new immigration is in no sense an immigration of families, but of
men, either single men, or married men who have left their wives on
the other side. This is due in part to the very fact that it is a new
immigration, partly to the fact that it is, to such a large degree,
temporary or provisional. An immigrant who expects to return to his
native land after a few years in America is more likely to leave his
wife behind him than one who bids farewell to his old home forever.
The typical old immigrant, when he has secured his competency,
sends for his wife to come and join him; the typical new immigrant,
under the same circumstances, in many cases returns to his native
land to spend the remainder of his days in the enjoyment of his
accumulated wealth. The only exception to this rule is that furnished
by the Hebrews, among whom the sexes are nearly equally
distributed. This is one of the many respects in which they stand
apart from the rest of the new immigration. The only race in which
the female immigrants exceed the males is the Irish, and this has
been the case only within recent years. During the years of the great
Irish immigration the males predominated.
 The matter of sex is one of the greatest importance to the United
States. It is one thing to have foreign families coming here to cast in
their lots with this nation permanently; it is quite another to have
large groups of males coming over, either with the expectation of
returning ultimately to their native land, or of living in this country
without family connections, for an indefinite number of years. Such
groups form an unnatural element in our population, and alter the
problem of assimilation very considerably. They are willing to work
for a lower wage than if they were trying to support families in this
country, and are not nearly so likely to be brought into touch with the
molding forces of American life as are foreign family groups. Their
habits of life, as will appear later,[157] are abnormal, and tend to result
in depreciated morals and physique. Many of the most unfortunate
conditions surrounding the present immigration situation may be
traced to this great preponderance of males.
The one thing that can be said in favor of this state of affairs is that
such a group of immigrants furnishes a larger number of workers
than one more evenly distributed between the sexes. This is an
argument which will appeal to many; but to many others, who have
the best welfare of the country at heart, it will appear wholly
inadequate to offset the serious disadvantages which result from the
situation. The Immigration Commission expresses its opinion that,
in the effort to reduce the oversupply of unskilled labor in this
country by restricting immigration, special discrimination should be
made against men unaccompanied by wives or children.[158]
In regard to the age of immigrants the most striking fact is that the
great bulk of them are in the middle age groups. In the year 1912 the
distribution of the total immigration among the different age groups
was as follows: under fourteen years, 13.6 per cent; fourteen to forty-
four years, 80.9 per cent; forty-five years and over, 5.5 per cent. In
the total population of the United States the respective percentages
in these groups are about 30, 51, and 19. There is only a slight
difference in this respect between the new and the old immigration.
Of the total European immigration for the years 1899 to 1909, the
old immigration had 12.8 per cent in the first age group, 80.4 per
cent in the second, and 6.8 per cent in the third; the new
immigration had 12.2 per cent in the first, 83.5 per cent in the
second, and 4.3 per cent in the third.[159] There is, however, a very
marked difference between the races. This will be brought out by the
following table, which shows the age distribution of certain selected
races, for the year 1910:
DISTRIBUTION OF IMMIGRANTS OF SPECIFIED RACES AMONG THE AGE GROUPS, BY PER
CENTS, 1910
Age, Per Cent
Race or People
Under 14 Years 14 to 44 Years 45 Years and Over
Croatian and Slovenian 4.7 91.0 3.3
German 17.0 75.9 7.1
Greek 2.6 96.0 1.4
Hebrew 25.9 67.9 6.2
Irish 7.4 88.3 4.3
Italian, south 10.4 83.5 6.1
Polish 7.6 89.7 2.7
Here, again, the Hebrews appear as an exception to the general
rule as regards the new immigration and, in this case, as regards the
total immigration.
The showing in regard to age substantiates the observation already
made that our modern immigration is in no sense an immigration of
families. This, too, affects the chances for assimilation very
considerably. As regards the economic efficiency of the immigrants,
the age distribution, added to the sex distribution, marks them as a
selected group. When it is further considered that the physically and
mentally feeble, and those who are unlikely to be able to earn their
own living are weeded out in the process of inspection, it appears
that those who look upon the immigrant as nothing more than a
source of cheap labor have much reason to be pleased with the
quality of our immigration. The productive power of a group of
immigrants averages very much higher than a corresponding number
of persons taken from the general population of the race from which
they come.
Herein lies perhaps the greatest and most popular argument for
immigration. It is claimed that without our foreign laboring force it
would have been impossible to develop the resources of the country
so rapidly and completely as they have been developed, and that if
the supply were cut off now, it would seriously cripple the entire
industry of the country. It is certainly true that under the present
organization of industry in this country, production in many lines
depends to a very important degree upon foreign labor. How much of
truth there is in the deduction that without the immigrants this
country would be much farther back in the industrial race than it is
to-day, will be considered in another connection.[160]
There are many citizens of the United States, however, who look
upon the immigrant as something more than a mere productive
machine. To them the proof of his economic efficiency is not
sufficient. They wish to know something of his adaptability to
assimilation into the American life, and of his probable contribution
to the ethnic type of the United States. To such as these, there are a
number of further conditions which must be considered, and which
are of at least equal significance in determining the final effects of
immigration upon this country.
Prominent among these is the intellectual quality of the
immigrant. This is naturally a very difficult thing to measure. Beyond
actual feeble-mindedness, the only test of intellectual capacity which
has received wide application is the literacy—or, as it is more
frequently expressed, the illiteracy—test. This concerns the ability to
read and write, and is given a great deal of weight by many students
of the subject. It is not, however, necessarily an indication of
intellectual capacity, but rather of education. The inability to read or
write may be due to lack of early opportunity, rather than to inferior
mental caliber. Nevertheless, the matter of literacy has received
sufficient attention, and is in fact of sufficient importance, so that it
is desirable to have the facts in this respect before us.
Two forms of illiteracy are recognized by the immigration
authorities, inability to either read or write, and inability to write
coupled with ability to read. The latter class is a very small one, and
for all practical purposes those who are spoken of as illiterates are
those who can neither read nor write. For the period of 1899–1909
the average illiteracy of all European immigrants fourteen years of
age or over was 26.6 per cent. There is a marked difference between
the old and new immigrants in this respect. Of the former class,
during the period mentioned, only 2.7 per cent of the immigrants
fourteen years of age or over was illiterate; of the latter class, 35.6
per cent. The same difference is brought out by the following table,
showing the illiteracy of certain specified races:
 PERCENTAGE OF ILLITERACY[161] OF IMMIGRANTS OF THE SPECIFIED RACES, 14
YEARS OF AGE OR OVER, FOR THE YEARS 1899 TO 1909[162]

Race or People Per Cent

Scandinavian 0.4
English 1.1
Irish 2.7
German 5.1
Italian, north 11.8
Magyar 11.4
Hebrew 25.7
Greek 27.0
Roumanian 34.7
Polish 35.4
Croatian and Slovenian 36.4
Italian, south 54.2
Portuguese 68.2

161. Those who can neither read nor write.

162. Rept. Imm. Com., Emig. Cond. in Eur., Abs., p. 17.
Where there is such a marked difference between races as is
exhibited in the foregoing table, it seems fair to assume that there is
a corresponding difference in the intellectual condition of the
respective peoples—if not in their potential capacity, at least in the
actual mental equipment of the immigrants themselves.[163] In fact, it
is quite customary to take the degree of illiteracy as a reasonable
index of the desirability of a given stream of immigration. There
seems to be considerable basis for this idea, for it appears probable
that an immigrant who has had the ability and the opportunity to
secure, in his home land, such a degree of education as is indicated
by the ability to read and write, is better equipped for adapting
himself to life in a new country than one who has not. On the other
hand, there is considerable testimony to the effect that the
immigrants who have the hardest time to get along in this country
are those who have a moderate degree of education, bookkeepers,
mediocre musicians, clerks, etc. They are either unable or unwilling
to do the menial work which their less educated countrymen
perform, and are not able to compete with persons trained in this
country in the occupations which they followed at home. There are
relatively few of the occupations into which the typical immigrant of
to-day goes, and for which he is encouraged to come to this country,
in which the ability to read and write adds to the efficiency of the
worker to any considerable degree. It is possible that the ability to
read and write may hasten the process of assimilation somewhat; it is
questionable whether it adds appreciably to the economic fitness of
the immigrant for life in this country.
The question of literacy as a test of immigrants has received a large
amount of attention recently through its inclusion in the proposed
immigration bill which barely failed of becoming a law early in the
year 1913. This bill was the result of the investigations of the
Immigration Commission, and embodied several of the
recommendations of that body. The one upon which most of the
opposition was centered was a clause providing a reading test for
adult aliens. There were certain exceptions to the rule, however, so
that in its actual application the exclusion would have been limited
almost wholly to adult males. The bill passed both houses of
Congress, but was vetoed by the President, after a careful and judicial
consideration. The Senate promptly passed the bill over the veto, but
a similar action in the House failed by the narrow margin of half a
dozen votes.
The agitation for a literacy test rests upon two main groups of
arguments. The first class includes the efforts to show that literacy,
in itself, is a desirable qualification for citizenship, economically,
socially, and politically. The second group rests on the belief that the
total number of immigrants ought to be cut down, and that a literacy
test is a good way to accomplish the result. It is not unlikely that this
latter set of opinions predominated over the former in the minds of
the adherents of the proposed measure, though it was not necessarily
expressed openly. And there is much to be said in favor of the literacy
test from this point of view. In the first place, it is a perfectly definite
and comprehensible test, which could be applied by the immigrant to
himself before he left his native village. In the second place, it is a
test which any normal alien could prepare himself to meet if he were
willing to make the effort. It does not seem too much to require of
one who wishes to become a member of the American body politic,
that he take the pains to equip himself with the rudiments of an
education before presenting himself. Finally, as Miss Claghorn has
pointed out,[164] it is a test which would react favorably upon the
immigrant himself. It is impossible to tell, as noted above, just how
much value attaches to literacy in the effort of the alien to maintain
himself in this country. Yet without doubt there is some advantage.
And perhaps there would be even more in the strengthening of
character and purpose which would result from the effort to attain it.
A glance at the preceding table will show which of the immigrant
races, as the immigration stream is now constituted, would be most
affected by such a test. But it is not at all impossible that the passage
of a literacy test by this government would have the effect of
materially stimulating the progress of education in some of the more
backward countries of Europe.
This tendency to illiteracy on the part of immigrants is apparently
well overcome in the second generation, for among the employees in
manufacturing studied by the Immigration Commission the
percentage of illiteracy was lower among the native-born
descendants of foreign fathers than among the native-born of native
fathers.[165]
In the year 1910 information was collected for the first time in
regard to the conjugal condition of immigrants. The figures on this
point are summarized in the following table, which gives the
percentages of each sex, in the different age groups, who are in the
different classifications as to conjugal condition.
CONJUGAL CONDITION OF IMMIGRANTS, 1910
PERCENTAGES
Sex 14 to 44 Years[166] 45 Years and Over
Single Married Widowed Divorced Single Married Widowed Divorced
Male 55.3 44.2 0.5 [167] 5.2 86.8 7.9 [167]

Female 57.7 39.9 2.3 [167] 6.6 52.8 40.5 0.1

166. All the immigrants under 14 were single, with the exception of one
female.
167. Less than one tenth of 1 per cent.
This table furnishes further verification of the fact that our present
immigration is in no sense an immigration of families. More than
half of all the immigrants fourteen years of age or over, of both sexes,
are single. This affects the problem of assimilation very deeply. One
of the greatest forces for Americanization in immigrant families is
the growing children. Where these are absent, the adults have much
less contact with assimilating influences. If there was a large degree
of intermarriage between these single immigrants and native
Americans, the aspect of the case would be very different; but thus
far, this is not the case.
Much has been said and written about the absolute economic gain
to this country through immigration. It is pointed out that each year
an army of able-bodied laborers, in the prime of life, is added to our
working force. To the expense of their rearing we have contributed
nothing; they come to us as a free gift from the nations of Europe.
Various efforts have been made to estimate the actual cash value of
these alien laborers. Professor Mayo-Smith enumerates three
different ways of attacking the problem. The first is by estimating the
cost of bringing up the immigrant, up to the time of his arrival in the
United States. The second is by estimating his value as if he were a
slave. The third is by estimating the amount of wealth he will
contribute to the community before he dies, minus the cost of his
maintenance—in other words, his net earnings.[168]
The lack of uniformity in the results obtained by different methods
and by different investigators gives weight to the opinion that it is,
after all, a rather fruitless undertaking. To estimate the monetary
value of a man seems to be, as yet, too much for economic science.
There is one economic contribution, however, which the
immigrants make to this country which is capable of fairly accurate
measurement. This is the amount of money which they bring with
them when they come. For many years immigrants have been
compelled to show the amount of money in their possession, and this
information has been recorded, and incorporated in the annual
reports. Up to 1904, immigrants were divided into those showing less
than $30 and those showing that amount or more. In that year this
dividing line was raised to $50. The total amount of money shown is
also given. Thus it is possible to estimate the average amount of
money shown by the immigrants of different races, and also to
ascertain what proportion of them showed above or below the
specified amount. Unfortunately for the conclusiveness of the
statistics, immigrants very commonly do not show all the money in
their possession, but only so much as they think is necessary to
secure their admission. So the total amount of money shown does
not represent the total amount brought in; all that can be positively
stated is that at least so much was brought in.
In 1909 the total amount of money shown was $17,331,828; in
1910, $28,197,745; in 1911, $29,411,488; and in 1912, $30,353,721.
The average per capita showings of the European immigrants for the
period 1905 to 1909 was as follows:[169]
Average per Capita
Class
Based on Total Coming Based on Total Showing
Old immigration $39.90 $55.20
New immigration 15.83 20.99

Total $22.47 $30.14

Those not showing money were for the most part children and
other dependents. This shows how baseless is the impression, quite
prevalent among Americans and aliens alike, that a certain specified
amount of money is necessary to secure admission to this country.
Thirty dollars or fifty dollars are the amounts commonly mentioned.
But since the average based on the total number showing money is
barely over thirty dollars, it is plain that there must be a large
number showing less than thirty dollars. In fact, some races, as, for
instance, the Polish, Lithuanians, and south Italians, have an average
of from twenty to twenty-five dollars for all showing money. There is
no monetary requirement for admission to the United States. While
the possession of a certain amount of money is considered to add to
the probability of an immigrant being able to support himself
without becoming a public charge, a sturdy laborer with ten dollars
in his pocket is more likely to secure admission than a decrepit old
man with a good-sized bank account.
Against these large amounts of money brought in by immigrants,
which represent a net gain to the total wealth of the country, must be
set off the enormous amounts of money annually sent abroad by
alien residents of the United States. Various efforts have been made
to estimate these sums. The best is probably that of the Immigration
Commission which sets the figure at a total of $275,000,000 for the
year 1907, which was a prosperous year.[170]
 The following table gives the distribution of immigrants among the
different classes of occupations.

OCCUPATION OF EUROPEAN IMMIGRANTS FOR THE YEARS 1898 TO 1909,

PERCENTAGES[171]

Occupation Per Cent

Professional 1.0
Skilled laborers 15.2
Farm laborers 15.7
Farmers 1.0
Common laborers 27.8
Servants 10.8
Miscellaneous 2.1
No occupation[172] 26.4

171. Ibid., Emig. Cond. in Eur., Abs., p. 15.

172. Including women and children.
These figures are taken from the statements of the immigrants
themselves, and represent, in so far as they are correct, the economic
position of the immigrant in the country from which he came. They
are not a reliable indication of the occupation into which he goes in
this country.
It is evident that the great majority of the immigrants belong in
general to the unskilled labor class. This is the class of labor for
which there is a special demand in this country, and for which the
immigrants are desired. At the same time, as Professor Commons
has pointed out,[173] there is also a considerable demand for skilled
artisans in this country, as the peculiar conditions of American
industry prevent the training of a sufficient number of all-round
mechanics at home. This demand is also met from European sources.
There is a great difference in this respect between the different races.
[174]
For instance, 29.8 per cent of the English immigrants were
skilled laborers, 37.9 per cent of the Scotch, and 35.2 per cent of the
Welsh, while only 4.7 per cent of the Croatians and Slovenians, 2.7
per cent of the Roumanians, 1.8 per cent of the Ruthenians, and 3.5
per cent of the Slovaks belonged to that class, during the period
mentioned. The highest proportion of professional is shown by the
French, with 6.2 per cent. In general, the old immigration has a
larger proportion in the professional and skilled groups than the
new, and this difference would be much more marked if the Hebrews
were excepted, as they again furnish a marked exception to the
general rule of the new immigration, with 36.7 per cent in the skilled
labor group.
Thus far, the facts which have been brought out all have to do with
the condition of the immigrants upon their arrival. They furnish a
sort of a composite picture of the raw material. This is about as far as
the regular statistics go. After the immigrants have left the port of
arrival, the Bureau furnishes practically no information about them
until they leave the country again, except an occasional special
report, and, in recent years, figures concerning naturalization. This is
typical of the general attitude which characterizes the entire
immigration system and legislation, and rests on the assumption that
if sufficient care is exercised in the selection of immigrants, all will
thenceforth be well, and no attention need be paid to them after they
are in the country. The final piece of information furnished in the
reports is the alleged destination of the immigrants. This is of course
somewhat uncertain, but in so far as it is conclusive it furnishes a
preliminary clew to the distribution of our alien residents throughout
the country.
The significance of the figures regarding destination, or intended
future residence, may best be brought out by showing the
percentages destined to the different territorial divisions of the
United States. In 1910 these were as follows:
 PER CENT OF TOTAL IMMIGRATION DESTINED TO EACH OF THE SPECIFIED
DIVISIONS, 1910

Division Per Cent

North Atlantic 62.3

South Atlantic 2.5
North Central 26.1
South Central 2.3
Western 6.1

Total 99.3[175]

175. Balance to Alaska, Hawaii, Philippine Islands, and Porto Rico.

The fact that in a typical year 88.4 per cent of the total
immigration gave their intended future residence as the North
Atlantic or North Central divisions, introduces us to some of the
peculiarities of the distribution of immigrants in the United States,
which will be further considered later.
Before closing our consideration of arriving immigrants it will be
well to glance briefly at those who arrive, but are not admitted—in
other words, the debarred. We have seen that the law has grown
more and more stringent in its conditions for admission, and each
new statute has tended to raise the standard. These laws have had a
powerful influence in improving the character of the applicants for
admission, and with the coöperation of the transportation companies
have operated to check the emigration of the manifestly undesirable
to an ever greater extent. Yet there are every year considerable
numbers of would-be immigrants who have to be turned back at the
portals of the United States. The lot of these unfortunates is
undeniably a hard one, and they are the objects of much well-
deserved sympathy. Everything possible ought to be done to limit the
number of inadmissible aliens who are allowed to present themselves
at the immigrant stations of this country. The farther back on the
road they can be stopped, the better will the interests of humanity be
served. At the same time, pity for the rejected alien ought not to be
allowed to express itself in unreasonable and unwarranted attacks
upon our system of admission, and the officials who administer it, as
is sometimes done.[176]
The statistics of debarments may be indicative of the character of
the applicants, of the stringency of the laws and the faithfulness of
their enforcement, or of the care of the transportation companies in
prosecuting their examination on the other side. It is impossible to
tell from the figures themselves which of these factors account for the
different fluctuations. It is undoubtedly true that there has been, in
general, a steady improvement in the care with which immigrants are
selected. If, next year, a million immigrants of the same general
character as prevailed sixty years ago should present themselves at
our gates, the proportion of refusals would soar tremendously. The
following table gives the proportion of debarments to admissions
since 1892.
PROPORTION OF ALIENS DEBARRED, EXPRESSED IN PERCENTAGES OF IMMIGRANTS
ADMITTED, 1892–1912
Year 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898
Per cent .37 .24 .49 .94 .62 .70 1.32
Year 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905
Per cent 1.22 .95 .72 .76 1.02 .98 1.15
Year 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912
Per cent 1.12 1.02 1.18 1.09 2.33 2.54 1.92
In the years 1892 to 1912, 169,132 aliens were refused admission to
the United States. Of these, 58.2 per cent were debarred on the
grounds of pauperism or likelihood of becoming a public charge, 15.8
per cent were afflicted with loathsome or dangerous contagious
diseases, and 12.7 per cent were contract laborers. These three
leading causes account for 86.7 per cent of all the debarments. The
other classes of debarred aliens specified in the reports are as
follows: idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded, epileptics, insane,
tuberculosis (non-contagious), professional beggars, mental or
physical defects likely to affect ability to earn a living, accompanying
aliens, under sixteen years of age unaccompanied by parent, assisted
aliens, criminals, polygamists, anarchists, prostitutes, etc., aliens
who procure prostitutes, etc., under passport provision, Section 1,
under provisions Chinese exclusion act, supported by proceeds of
prostitution.
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