extension report
extension report
BRIEF FACTS OF THE CASE Article 370 was incorporated into the Constitution on
October 27, 1949, as part of Part XXI, "Temporary, Transitional, and Special Provisions." It
was initially supposed to be a transitional clause that would only be in place while the State
of J&K's constitution was being created and adopted. But on January 25, 1957, the State's
constituent assembly disbanded itself without recommending either the repeal or modification
of Article 370, therefore it's unclear how the clause stands now. Article 370(3) barred the
Indian parliament from changing the law without the J&K Constituent Assembly's consent.
The State's Constituent Assembly was, however, disbanded in 1957, as was already
mentioned. Therefore, the Constitution (Application to Jammu & Kashmir) Order, 2019 was
published on August 5, 2019, which began the two-step process of revoking J&K's special
status. The State having been under Presidential Rule since December 2018 made it easier to
put these measures into action. First, the CO 272 order, also known as the Constitution
(Application to Jammu & Kashmir) Order, 2019, was passed. The Constitution (Application
to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 1954 was replaced by this order, which stated that J&K
would be subject to all the terms of the Indian Constitution. Additionally, it changed Article
367 of the Constitution. The CO 272 ruling added a clause to Article 367 since Article 370
could only be changed on the advice of the J&K Constituent Assembly.
The Central Government then took the next action. By a vote of 351 to 72, the Lok Sabha
approved a Statutory Resolution that called for the repeal of Article 370, and the Rajya Sabha
also approved it. Based on the legislative resolution approved by the Parliament, President
Ram Nath Kovind issued a notification (CO 273) on August 6, 2019, announcing that all of
Article 370's terms will become ineffective as of that date. This effectively eliminated Jammu
& Kashmir's unique status. Invoking Article 32 of the Constitution, Advocate ML Sharma
filed a Supreme Court petition on the same day as the President's notification, launching a
legal challenge to the Constitution (Application to Jammu & Kashmir) Order, 2019. Actor
Tehseen Poonawalla and Jammu and Kashmir-based attorney Advocate Shakir Shabir later
added petitions opposing the same ruling to their respective filings. In the days that followed,
a flurry of petitions protesting the repeal of Article 370 came from a variety of sources,
including lawyers, National Conference leaders, ex-bureaucrats, military people, and
politicians, among others. These petitions expressed disapproval of a number of J&K-related
issues, including restrictions on free speech, the imprisonment of political figures, challenges
to the valley's lockdown, internet outages, and more
The petitioner's legal representatives emphasized the special nature of J&K's relationship
with India, which was reflected in the Indian constitutional framework. In this regard, the
petitioners gave the court a history of J&K's admission to India and the subsequent creation
of the J&K Constitution. The Maharaja of J&K was not required to cede his internal
sovereignty to the Dominion of India upon acceding because he never signed a merger
agreement with India, despite the fact that the idea of sovereignty has two components—
internal and external—to it. Therefore, according to the Instrument of Accession (IoA), the
Union had the authority to establish legislation relating to foreign policy, communication, and
defence, but the Maharaja maintained internal sovereignty over J&K.
The Union presented its arguments by stating and replying to the contentions of the
petitioners regarding invalidity of Presidential Rule in J&K. The Union stated that since there
was no legislative assembly in J&K since 1957, therefore Presidential Rule was enforced.
The Union further stated that the misuse of Article 356 was impermissible. In reference to
this, it was stated that a constituent assembly was an unrestricted political entity created
specifically to draught a Constitution. A legislative assembly, on the other hand, was chosen
by the general populace and was rigidly limited by the Constitution. As a result, under the
terms of the current constitution, the Indian parliament could not transform into a Constituent
Assembly.