u3
u3
Matthijs Kalmijn
To cite this article: Matthijs Kalmijn (2024) Discrepancies in parents’ perceptions of adult
children’s well-being: evidence from mother–father–child triads, Journal of Family Studies, 30:5,
838-860, DOI: 10.1080/13229400.2024.2335493
Introduction
Many studies have examined to what extent parents agree on their children’s well-being
and psychological problems (Duhig et al., 2000). Most of this research applies to young
children and examines psychological problems as measured by scales for depression,
anxiety, and internalizing and externalizing problems. The research is mainly clinical
and motivated by the goal to improve the quality of the psychological assessment of chil-
dren for researchers and clinicians. The current contribution shifts the focus from young
children to adult children, a case for which parental discrepancies have been studied
CONTACT Matthijs Kalmijn [email protected] Lange Houtstraat 19, 2511 CV The Hague, Netherlands
© 2024 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License
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medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. The terms on which
this article has been published allow the posting of the Accepted Manuscript in a repository by the author(s) or with their consent.
JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 839
much less often (Achenbach et al., 2005). Comparing reports of mothers and fathers of
the same adult child does not have immediate clinical relevance but is important for
several substantive reasons.
First, when children are adults and live independently, they are free to decide how
much information they share with their parents and they do not always have incentives
to disclose their feelings. Moreover, due to the absence of day-to-day contact, it is more
difficult for parents to obtain accurate knowledge of their children than when children
live at home. Knowledge of one’s adult child depends on communication with the
child and this varies with the amount of contact and the strength of parents’ relationships
with adult children (Dykstra et al., 2006). Moreover, uncertainty on the part of parents
has increased as a result of the rise in separation and repartnering. These trends imply
that parents’ experiences are often heterogeneous within families, with sharp differences
in contact, closeness, and support exchange between mothers and fathers (Seltzer &
Bianchi, 2013). As a result, there is more room for discrepancies in separated families
(Brocker et al., 2023; Pelton & Forehand, 2001) and there is a wider variety of parent
types per adult child, with stepparents potentially knowing less about their children
than biological parents (Ganong & Coleman, 2017; Thomson, 2014).
Second, parents’ perceptions of adult children’s well-being can have consequences.
Accurate perceptions are important in that they are conditions for the degree to which
parents provide practical, emotional, and financial support to adult children (Finger-
man et al., 2015; Henretta et al., 2018). When parents are aware of the problems of
their adult children and in agreement with each other about their evaluations, it is
more likely that they will provide the necessary support to them. Both too much
and too little support to a child may be perceived as problematic in the relationship
(Silverstein et al., 1996). Discrepancies in parents’ evaluations may also have impli-
cations for the parents’ own relationship. Many studies have focused on differences
between partners in their evaluations of their relationship and have pointed to the
negative effects of such differences on communication and marital satisfaction
(Kenny & Acitelli, 2001). Similar effects may occur when parents disagree about
their children. Different perceptions of parents regarding their children’s well-being
may lead to confusion and miscommunication in the relationship. Concerns about
children’s emotional problems are a source of stress in the parents’ relationship and
under such conditions, discrepancies between parents’ perceptions can be an
additional strain (Zemp et al., 2017).
Disagreements between informants have been linked to various processes and charac-
teristics, including informants’ own well-being, their social and psychological character-
istics, and the context in which they observe others (Berg-Nielsen et al., 2012; Brocker
et al., 2023; De Los Reyes et al., 2008; De Los Reyes & Kazdin, 2005; Lohaus et al.,
2020). The current study applies existing hypotheses to the case of parents and adult chil-
dren and tests hypotheses by analyzing unique register-based survey data in which mul-
tiple parents and their adult children aged 25–45 participated. In studying the sources of
parental discrepancies, structural equation models are developed in which characteristics
of mothers, fathers, and adult children are combined to assess differences in parents’ per-
ceptions of the adult child. The data contain an oversample of separated parents and step-
parents, thereby also allowing us to explore how family complexity and parental
discrepancies are related, a topic about which little is known yet.
840 M. KALMIJN
children. In a sample of first graders, Mulvaney et al. (2007) showed that a parent’s level
of anxiety was negatively associated with that parent’s rating of the child after taking into
account the ratings of the other parent and a teacher. In a sample of parents with alcohol
problems, Kelley et al. (2017) showed that parent ratings of children’s internalizing pro-
blems, after controlling for the other parent’s ratings, were associated with that parent’s
depressive symptoms. Similar findings for parental differences were obtained when ana-
lyzing teenage children that allowed for including ratings by the child to assess discrepan-
cies (Gartstein et al., 2009; Treutler & Epkins, 2003). Effects were more evident for
mothers’ than fathers’ psychological symptoms (Treutler & Epkins, 2003). Most tests
of the hypothesis have focused on children living at home, not on adult children.
A competing hypothesis is that bias stems not so much from the informant but from
the relationship the informant has with the child. This notion is derived from more
general ideas about situational specificity in informant discrepancies (Achenbach et al.,
1987). For example, studies of teachers and parents have argued that children behave
differently in school than at home and that this is partly responsible for the fact that tea-
chers are more critical than parents about children’s internalizing and externalizing pro-
blems (Berg-Nielsen et al., 2012). Applying this idea to two parents of the same child, one
can argue that parents differ in the relationship they have with their adult children. One
parent may feel closer to a child than the other or have more frequent and pleasant
contact. Especially in separated families, studies have shown that parents differ, with
the father often having a more negative relationship with the child than the mother
(Albertini & Garriga, 2011; Becker & Hank, 2022; King et al., 2004). Moreover, there
is evidence that a separation increases interparental differences in contact and closeness
compared to married parents (Kalmijn, 2016).
A closer and more harmonious relationship with a child may lead to a more positive
view of the child’s well-being for two reasons (De Los Reyes & Kazdin, 2006; Lohaus
et al., 2020). First, a good relationship may cause the parent to be more satisfied with
the child, which may be projected into a more positive feeling about the child’s well-
being. Conversely, a poor relationship with the child may be erroneously attributed to
the child’s individual problems. Second, in a good relationship, the more positive
aspects of the child’s life may become more salient, leading to a more positive view of
the child’s well-being.
Evidence for the hypothesis of relational specificity has come mainly from how parents
evaluate younger children and is limited to parent–child differences in reports about
well-being (De Los Reyes & Kazdin, 2006; Lohaus et al., 2020). In this design, only
one relationship can be used to test the hypothesis (i.e. the parent–child relationship).
Comparing informants of the same child yields a stronger design since two relationships
are involved (i.e. the mother–child relationship and the father–child relationship). It can
then be assessed if there is an association between differences between informants in their
relationship with the same child and differences in their perceptions of the child’s well-
being. A study of four-year-olds showed that teachers reported more problem behaviours
of the child than the parent when the teacher experienced conflict with the child (Berg-
Nielsen et al., 2012). In an analysis of children 10–12 years of age, Treutler and Epkins
(2003) found that mothers reported fewer internalizing problems than fathers when
mothers spent more time with the child.
842 M. KALMIJN
For the two hypotheses, the causal direction is to some extent ambiguous. For
example, there is evidence that parents’ well-being is affected by the problems children
experience in their lives and the corresponding degree of well-being of the child (Greenfi-
eld & Marks, 2006; Kalmijn & De Graaf, 2012; Offer, 2020). These ‘linked lives’ effects on
well-being have been found for both younger and adult children. A similar problem
emerges for the effects of the parent–child relationship. Studies have found that
emotional problems in children negatively affect the parent–child relationship, especially
in separated families (Hawkins et al., 2007). These reverse causal effects may lead to spur-
ious effects of parent well-being and relationship quality on their perceptions of chil-
dren’s well-being. After all, in this scenario, child well-being is a common cause: it
affects parents’ well-being/relationships as well as parents’ perceptions of child well-
being.
To minimize the risk such confounding effects, it is important to measure bias
as directly as possible. Direct measures of bias are often not available but there are pos-
sibilities to use reference points external to the informant. By focusing on adult children,
as done in this contribution, children’s own assessments of their well-being can serve
as reliable reference point to measure bias. When there is an association between
parents’ well-being and their perceptions of children’s well-being, holding constant chil-
dren’s self-reported well-being, this can be seen as stronger, albeit not conclusive, evi-
dence for a distortion effect. A similar reasoning applies to the hypothesis of relational
specificity.
Design
Anchors and alters were approached independently so that there are anchors without
alters in the data and alters without anchors. Moreover, the anchor was not always
JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 843
identified in the alter questionnaire since the data collections were not linked; parents
reported about a (randomly chosen) subset of their (step)children. Finally, not all
anchors have more than one parent in the data and the design requires at least one
pair of them. To construct the data, we selected anchors for whom two
connected parents of the opposite sex participated. Subsequently, we constructed, for
each anchor, pairs of alters who reported about the anchor: (a) the biological mother
and father (married or separated), (b) the biological mother and the stepfather, and
(c) the biological father and the stepmother. After these selections, we have data on
1,440 alter (parent) pairs and these reported about 1,239 unique (adult child) anchors.
Note that an anchor can appear in two or even three parent pairs in the case of separation
and stepfamily formation. This is corrected by using robust standard errors.
Using the 1,440 mother-father–child triads, we estimated structural equation models
to compare parents while adding self-reported information from children. The self-
reported measures of anchor children’s well-being were more elaborate than the proxy
reports of parents. Self-reports of adult children are assumed to be more accurate than
parent reports and therefore conceptualized as causally prior to parents’ reports of chil-
dren’s well-being. Moreover, we assume that parents influence each other’s perceptions
of the child, for example, via communication and discussions about their child. These
considerations lead to a non-recursive causal model, as presented in Figure 1.
We modelled maternal reports of adult child well-being as a function of child well-
being and child traits (parameters Bm), the paternal reports of child well-being (par-
ameters Cm), the mother’s relationship with the child (parameters Dm), and the
Figure 1. Structural equation model for parents’ perceptions of adult children’s well-being and adult
children’s self-reported well-being.
844 M. KALMIJN
mother’s own well-being (Em). A similar model was estimated for paternal reports of
child well-being (parameters Bf, Cf, Df, and Ef). The model was able to identify the reci-
procal effects of parents’ reports since each parent’s report depended exclusively on the
parent’s own characteristics (i.e. the relationship with the child and a set of individual
parent control variables). We also estimated a ‘crossing effects’ model where effects of
mother’s well-being and mother’s relationship with the child on father’s perceptions
were added, as well as the opposite effects (i.e. of father’s well-being and father’s relation-
ship with the child on mother’s perceptions).
The paths from maternal to paternal perceptions and vice versa were constrained to be
equal and reflected the influence of parents on each other’s perceptions (Cf = Cm).
Including the bidirectional effect in the model is important since it prevents the effect
of one parent’s perception on the other’s from being overestimated, as it would have
been in separate regression models. In other words, the estimated model corrects for
simultaneity bias (Wooldridge, 2020).
Substantively, the model assessed to what extent a parent’s perception was more posi-
tive or negative than expected based on how the other parent saw the child and how the
children reported about themselves. This setup provides a robust test of the hypotheses
since it captures parental differences while holding constant how adult children actually
felt. In the crossing effects model, the interpretation is that differences in parents’
relationships with the child are associated with differences in parents’ perceptions of
the child, again controlling for the child’s own well-being reports.
Parent well-being was measured using three items from the Satisfaction with Life Scale
of Diener and colleagues (Diener et al., 1985). Response options ranged from 1 = com-
pletely agree to 5 = completely disagree. The scale was created based on the mean of
the three items. The scale’s reliability was α = .86. The parent–child relationship was
assessed based on research on intergenerational solidarity and adult parent–child
relations (Dykstra et al., 2006; King, 2006; Roberts & Bengtson, 1990; Silverstein et al.,
2010). Contact was measured by asking about the frequency of face-to-face and telephone
contact with the child, using seven categories. Closeness was measured by asking the
parent how close they felt to the child, using five categories ranging from 1 = not close
at all, to 5 = very close. Conflict was assessed by parents’ reports about the frequency
of conflict and tension in the relationship (using four categories). Contact, closeness,
and conflict were coded into percentile scores and included as linear variables. We
added a single-item measure of the extent of symmetry in the relationship. Parents
were asked to describe the balance in their relationship to the child using five categories:
(1) parent gives more, (2) parent gives a little bit more, (3) equal, (4) child gives a little bit
846 M. KALMIJN
more, and (5) child gives more. The variable was coded as 1 = parent gives more, 2 =
parent gives a little bit more, 3 = symmetry or child gives more. Theoretically, the situ-
ation in which the parent perceives to give more was believed to be the most relevant.
Moreover, only a few parents reported that the child gave more in the relationship
(1.3%).
Findings
Before analyzing directional differences between parents, we document the level of cor-
respondence between them, using all parent pairs in the data. Correlations between
parents’ perceptions of the child’s well-being were r = 0.65 for married parents,
r = 0.42 for separated parents, and r = 0.64 for parent-stepparent combinations. These
correlations are substantial – except for separated parents – but also leave room for ana-
lyzing discrepancies. In Figure 2, the absolute differences between parents are presented,
showing that despite agreement for a substantial number of parents, there were also clear
JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 847
differences. Again, there were greater differences between separated parents than
between married parents. Interestingly, no overall gender difference was found. The
difference in the average well-being ratings between (step)fathers and (step)mothers
(‘within children’) was not significant (t = −.38, p = .65).
mutual effects of parents’ perceptions on each other. We first address the depression dis-
tortion hypothesis (hypothesis 1). There were positive effects of parents’ life satisfaction
on how they rated their adult children after controlling for the other parent’s rating and
the child variables. The effect was significant for mothers and smaller and insignificant
for fathers. The BIC for a gender-constrained model was 76025 and this was only slightly
worse than the original model with a BIC of 76023 (i.e., a higher BIC indicates a poorer
fit). Nonetheless, there was a substantial difference in the magnitude of the two effects:
the effect of life satisfaction for fathers was less than half of that of mothers. In the
bottom panel of the table, we present the results of the crossing effects model. In this
model the effect of mother’s life satisfaction was still statistically significant. The effect
of father’s life satisfaction was slightly stronger and now statistically significant, although
again considerably weaker than it was for mothers. We conclude that there is confir-
mation for hypothesis 1, but primarily for mothers.
To test the relational specificity hypothesis (hypothesis 2), we looked at the
relationship traits of the parents. In line with the hypothesis, we found significant
effects of closeness, conflict, and symmetry. Parents were more positive about the
child’s well-being compared to the other parent when they felt closer to the child,
had less conflict, and regarded the relationship as more symmetrical. These effects
JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 849
Table 3. Structural equation models for parents’ perceptions of anchor children’s well-being.
Main model
Mothers’ perception child wellbeing Fathers’ perception child wellbeing
Stepmother1 −.003 Stepfather1 .041
(−.05) (.81)
Separated mother 1
.089∼ Separated father 1
.112*
(1.86) (2.38)
Father perception child wellbeing .210** Mother perception child wellbeing .210**
(14.56) (14.56)
Mother life satisfaction .088** Father life satisfaction .040
(3.25) (1.58)
Mother-child closeness .804** Father-child closeness .874**
(8.18) (10.67)
Mother-child conflict −.334** Father-child conflict −.146∼
(−3.62) (−1.71)
Mother-child symmetry .252** Father-child symmetry .276**
(2.62) (2.96)
Age mother −.000 Age father .005
(−.05) (1.05)
Education mother −.096* Education father −.057
(−2.05) (−1.33)
Migrant background mother .215** Migrant background father −.019
(3.13) (−.25)
Anchor variables included Anchor variables included
Observations 1440
BIC 76023
Chi-2 (versus saturated) 26.0 p = .099
Chi-2 (versus baseline) 1803.2 p < .001
Crossing model
Mothers’ perception child wellbeing Fathers’ perception child wellbeing
Stepmother1 −.001 Stepfather1 .046
(−.02) (.90)
1 ∼ 1
Separated mother .084 Separated father .095*
(1.73) (1.98)
Father perception child wellbeing .210** Mother perception child wellbeing .210**
(14.29) (14.29)
Mother life satisfaction .090** Father life satisfaction .054*
(3.20) (2.00)
Mother-child closeness .815** Father-child closeness .895**
(7.95) (10.50)
Mother-child conflict −.325** Father-child conflict −.071
(−3.21) (−.80)
Mother-child symmetry .222* Father-child symmetry .252**
(2.23) (2.62)
Age mother −.000 Age father .004
(−.05) (.90)
Education mother −.096* Education father −.051
(−2.04) (−1.18)
Migrant background mother .216** Migrant background father −.019
(3.17) (−.25)
Anchor variables included Anchor variables included
Observations 1440
BIC 76074
Chi-2 (versus saturated) 12.2 p = .275
Chi-2 (versus baseline) 1803.2 p < .001
Note: OKiN 2017 merged anchor-alter data. Anchor child characteristics from Table 2 included. FIML used for missing
values. Coefficients and t-values. See text for explanation of crossing model.
1
Reference is married parent.
∼
p < 0.10, * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01
850 M. KALMIJN
were controlled for the effects of the other parent and the child. Although the effects
were somewhat different for mothers and fathers, overall, there was little evidence for
gender differences. Constraining the effects of the relationship variables to be equal
across the models for mothers and fathers improved the fit (the BIC declined from
76023 to 76011), showing that the evidence applied to both genders. The crossing
effects model, presented in the bottom of Table 3, yielded roughly the same confir-
mation of hypothesis 2.
We also observed a strong and significant effect of the parents’ perceptions on each
other (b = .210). Important to note is that these effects are net of the effects of the
child variables. Without the child variables, the mutual effect of parents’ perceptions
was b = .315. Hence, about a third of the association between parents was due to
common and underlying characteristics of the child. That there was a remaining effect
suggests that there was a tendency of parents to align their evaluations of the child.
We explored whether these mutual effects differed depending on the direction of the
effect. When allowing the effects to differ between mothers and fathers, we found an
effect of .206 from the father’s on the mother’s perception and .213 from the mother’s
on the father’s perceptions, a trivial difference. The model’s fit was also poorer (BIC =
76037 versus 76023) when allowing the effects to differ, providing support for the equal-
ity constraint.
Table 4. OLS regression for anchor child effects on parents’ perceptions by type of parent couple.
Married Married Separated Separated
mothers fathers mothers fathers Stepmothers Stepfathers
Child age −.011 −.010 −.009 −.013 .004 −.009
(−1.52) (−1.27) (−1.13) (−1.62) (.29) (−.90)
Daughter versus son −.025 −.046 .113 −.111 −.060 .089
(−.34) (−.60) (1.58) (−1.54) (−.55) (.97)
Child life satisfaction .350** .279** .229** .040 .071 .205*
(5.45) (4.16) (3.50) (.61) (.70) (2.47)
Child depressive −.142 −.308** −.463** −.396** −.417** −.298*
symptoms
(−1.32) (−2.90) (−4.75) (−4.23) (−3.04) (−2.29)
Child loneliness −.054∼ −.033 −.004 −.010 .010 −.000
(−1.84) (−1.09) (−.15) (−.35) (.23) (−.01)
Child self-rated .291** .151* .237** .208** .297** .292**
health
(5.05) (2.54) (4.23) (3.59) (3.22) (3.99)
Child income .009 .049 .046 .042 .036 .059
(.26) (1.35) (1.45) (1.33) (.73) (1.41)
Child employed .448** .288* .382** .387** .662** .338*
(3.07) (1.97) (3.02) (3.18) (3.72) (2.04)
Child number of .035 .056 .065* .030 −.011 .041
sports
(1.06) (1.64) (2.02) (.94) (−.24) (1.03)
Child cultural .016 .054∼ .046 .069* .027 .038
activities
(.57) (1.82) (1.60) (2.49) (.64) (1.04)
Child has partner .235* .561** .382** .499** .527** .473**
(2.35) (5.34) (4.10) (5.82) (3.86) (3.65)
Child ever separated .039 −.070 −.117 −.003 .019 −.005
(.53) (−.92) (−1.49) (−.04) (.16) (−.05)
Child has children .079 .032 −.066 .010 −.064 −.075
(.87) (.33) (−.74) (.11) (−.47) (−.66)
Child home owner .177∼ .135 .214* .070 .211 .127
(1.80) (1.34) (2.38) (.79) (1.52) (1.04)
Constant −2.835** −2.058** −1.926** −1.084* −2.551** −2.476**
(−5.65) (−4.01) (−3.93) (−2.14) (−3.33) (−3.97)
Observations 507 482 620 541 306 408
Adjusted R 2 .313 .332 .334 .267 .302 .271
Note: OKiN 2017 merged anchor-alter data.
∼
p < 0.10, * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01
the differences were small in magnitude. The effects were b = .095 for married mothers, b
= .070 for separated mothers, b = .102 for mothers in stepfather families, and b = .116 for
stepmothers. The tests reveal no significant differences in the life satisfaction effects
between types of mothers. For fathers, the effect of life satisfaction was not significant
in any type of couple, confirming that the evidence for the hypothesis was weak for
fathers. The tests were insignificant for the differences between types of fathers in the
effect of life satisfaction.
The hypothesis of relational specificity was confirmed again in the subgroup analysis.
For the perceptions of mothers, there were a few differences, with closeness to the child
being less important for separated mothers than for married mothers. This difference was
statistically significant. For the effects of the other relationship characteristics, there were
small differences in magnitude and tests for differences were insignificant. For fathers,
there were more differences. Conflict was important for married fathers and not for sep-
arated fathers and this difference was significant. Closeness, on the other hand, was
important for fathers in all types of couples. Interestingly, symmetry was only important
852
Table 5. Structural equation models for parents’ perceptions of children’s well-being by type of parent couple.
M. KALMIJN
Parents’ perception child wellbeing (Y) (a) Married families (b) Separated families (c) Stepfather families (d) Stepmother families
Married Married Separated Separated Biological Biological
mothers fathers mothers fathers mother Stepfather father Stepmother
Other parent perception .222** .222** .114** .114** .231** .231** .254** .254**
(8.10) (8.10) (4.26) (4.26) (8.63) (8.63) (9.53) (9.53)
Parent life satisfaction .095* .063 .070 .020 .102* −.009 .080 .116∼
(2.35) (1.54) (1.36) (.39) (2.21) (−.18) (1.52) (1.95)
Parent-child closeness .917** .933** .368∼ 1.058** .751** .852** .634** 1.103**
(6.05) (6.02) (1.72) (6.54) (4.19) (5.47) (4.24) (6.50)
Parent-child conflict −.318* −.302* −.234 .168 −.377* −.174 −.091 −.466*
(−2.28) (−2.12) (−1.22) (.90) (−2.20) (−1.01) (−.57) (−2.16)
Parent-child symmetry .281∼ .163 .319 .588** .233 .229 .196 .126
(1.92) (1.02) (1.61) (3.19) (1.43) (1.23) (1.14) (.57)
Age parent −.007 .002 .015 .000 −.008 .010 −.010 .005
(−.75) (.23) (1.00) (.04) (−.71) (1.63) (−1.18) (.86)
Education parent −.062 .008 −.198* −.136 −.160∼ −.085 −.054 .068
(−.78) (.11) (−2.11) (−1.63) (−1.69) (−1.06) (−.66) (.74)
Migrant background parent .195∼ −.132 .391* −.151 .259* .310* −.099 .175
(1.77) (−.95) (2.17) (−1.02) (2.27) (2.33) (−.70) (1.26)
Observations (pairs) 438 284 410 308
Chi-2 (versus saturated) 24.6 p = .04 14.7 p = .40 16.8 p = .27 13.9 p = .45
Chi-2 (versus baseline) 660.4 p < .01 306.8 p < .01 536.4 p < .01 442.4 p < .01
BIC 21235 15436 21717 16616
Wald Chi-2 tests for differences in effects between
types Married versus separated Married versus stepparent
Mothers Fathers Mothers Fathers
Parent life satisfaction 0.15 0.44 0.08 1.29
Parent-child closeness 4.40* 0.32 0.67 0.13
Parent-child conflict 0.13 4.01* 0.34 0.33
Parent-child symmetry 0.02 3.04∼ 0.34 0.07
Note: OKiN 2017 merged anchor-alter data. Anchor children’s characteristics from Table 2 included. FIML used for missing values.
∼
p < 0.10, * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01
JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 853
for separated fathers and this was significant when compared to married fathers. Since
separated fathers often have less contact with their children than they prefer (Kalmijn,
2022), the issue of (a)symmetry is likely to be more salient in this group. Despite these
differences, in all groups of parents there were significant effects of relationship charac-
teristics, in line with the hypothesis.
is a step forward to eliminating spurious effects, longitudinal data are still needed to esti-
mate true causal effects.
A shift was made in this paper from childhood, which most research is concerned
about, to adulthood, which has been studied more rarely. The case of adult children is
important for several reasons. A substantive reason is that there is more uncertainty
about children’s well-being when they are adults and live independently. Parents
remain concerned about their children’s well-being long after they leave home (Milkie
et al., 2008), so this uncertainty is an important issue in families. Moreover, making
good inferences about well-being in adulthood is important for providing children
with the right amount of emotional, social, and practical support. Especially in the
case of separation and repartnering, there is considerable variation in what parents
know about their children. A methodological advantage is that in adulthood, reports
of children about their own well-being may be a more mature and more valid reference
point for comparisons than reports of younger children (Richters, 1992; van der Toorn
et al., 2010). This allowed us to estimate models in which elaborate (direct and indirect)
measures of children’s well-being predicted parents’ perceptions.
The present study made a number of additional contributions to past research. Many
previous studies on discrepancies were based on young children and on small, often
select samples. The current paper analyzed a large probability sample with data from
three independent sources, thereby strengthening the evidence, both in terms of the
amount of agreement (descriptive evidence) and hypotheses about the origins of dis-
agreement (explanatory evidence). A second contribution is that only a few studies
have so far tested the role of the relationship with the child for bias in parents’ percep-
tions (Lohaus et al., 2020). Moreover, these earlier studies primarily measured aspects of
communication, acceptance, and time spent with the child and did not compare relation-
ships across parents (e.g. Treutler & Epkins, 2003). Our evidence strengthens the con-
clusions from these earlier studies using a broader set of relationship traits in a triadic
design where parents’ relationships with their children are compared.
The study used a large oversample of separated parents, thereby enabling an analysis
of how parents differ in their perceptions of the child when they are no longer together.
The degree of correspondence of parents was shown to be substantially smaller in separ-
ated couples than in married couples, and the mutual influence parents have on each
other’s perceptions, after controlling for children’s characteristics, was smaller. These
findings point to another yet undocumented effect of separation on families. Not only
does parental separation lead to changes in well-being and heterogeneity in parent–
child relationships, but parental separation also changes the way family members per-
ceive the same ‘others’. This finding echoes psychological research on divorce which
has suggested that there are substantial discrepancies in separated parents’ perceptions
of the causes and consequences of their divorce (Gray & Cohen Siver, 1990; Mikelson,
2008). Or to put it differently, the family provides a context in which perceptions are
aligned. Without that context, or with that context broken, people’s perceptions of the
same stimuli may begin to diverge.
Gender differences appeared to be small. Mothers and fathers did not differ in their
mean ratings of the child and the determinants of their ratings were broadly similar.
However, some evidence was present for stronger effects of well-being for mothers,
especially in separated families. One previous study also found a gender difference
JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 855
among married parents, with stronger evidence for depression distortion for mothers’
than fathers’ psychological symptoms in the case of younger children (Treutler &
Epkins, 2003). Still. the total correlation between all child-reported traits and parents’
perceptions of well-being was the same for mothers and fathers, showing that there
was no gender difference in how well parents can ‘predict’ how their children are doing.
We close with a number of limitations of the study and prospects for further study.
First, the study was done in one country and one historical context. The Netherlands
is a relatively normal example of a European country that has experienced the Second
Demographic Transition (Lesthaeghe, 2014). Adult intergenerational relations are rela-
tively strong but in a normative sense, the country can be situated at the individualized
pole of the individualism-familialism continuum (Hank, 2007; Reher, 1998). It remains
to be seen to what extent the current findings also apply to other, more familialistic con-
texts or to countries with higher levels of divorce such as the US and Australia. Second,
our study was cross-sectional, reducing opportunities to examine changes in well-being,
relationships, and perceptions. Obviously, such a design would lead to stronger causal
inferences but it is difficult to collect panel data among complete triads, let alone data
on triads over longer periods of time where there is sufficient change in well-being.
Third, our main outcome variables referred to general levels of well-being and not to psy-
chopathology. Measures such as depression, anxiety, and other more serious mental
health issues were not present, at least not from a parents’ perspective. Studies on
younger children often include such measures and it would be important to also study
these for adult children.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Funding
The survey was conducted as part of a larger project on Family Complexity funded by the Euro-
pean Research Council under the Horizon 2020 program [grant no 669334]. The OKiN was devel-
oped, designed and executed by a collaborative team of researchers from the University of
Amsterdam (UvA) and Statistics Netherlands (CBS). The data are available at DANS-KNAW ,
the national data archive of the Netherlands.
Ethical clearance
Ethical clearance was provided by the Ethical Advisory Board of the University of
Amsterdam and the European Research Council. The ERC provided the funding for col-
lecting the data. The data can be used for free and are available in the public domain at
the Dutch scientific data archive DANS-EASY (https://easy.dans.knaw.nl/ui/home).
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JOURNAL OF FAMILY STUDIES 859
860
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14)
1. Life satisfaction (K) 1.000
M. KALMIJN
2. CESD (K) −0.548 1.000
3. Loneliness (K) −0.432 0.587 1.000
4. Self-rated health (K) 0.354 −0.355 −0.174 1.000
5. Perceived well-being (M) 0.422 −0.407 −0.309 0.345 1.000
6. Closeness (M) 0.068 −0.051 −0.098 −0.033 0.300 1.000
7. Conflict (M) −0.166 0.130 0.163 −0.097 −0.259 −0.145 1.000
8. Symmetry (M) 0.150 −0.136 −0.083 0.063 0.217 0.163 −0.297 1.000
9. Life satisfaction (M) 0.105 −0.049 −0.075 0.073 0.145 0.063 −0.122 0.028 1.000
10. Perceived well-being (F) 0.390 −0.383 −0.295 0.320 0.606 0.139 −0.217 0.179 0.056 1.000
11. Closeness (F) 0.110 −0.087 −0.111 −0.020 0.175 0.287 −0.080 0.149 0.087 0.326 1.000
12. Conflict (F) −0.152 0.104 0.112 −0.057 −0.166 −0.075 0.377 −0.139 −0.062 −0.193 −0.200 1.000
13. Symmetry (F) 0.126 −0.108 −0.066 0.022 0.159 0.103 −0.139 0.306 −0.020 0.183 0.145 −0.207 1.000
14. Life satisfaction (F) 0.105 −0.049 −0.075 0.073 0.145 0.063 −0.122 0.028 1.000 0.056 0.087 −0.062 −0.020 1.000
Note: K is anchor child, M is alter (step)mother, F is alter (step)father. N = 1,440.