A Concise History of Mathematics For Philosophers - John Stillwell - 2019 - Cambridge University Press - 9781108456234 - Anna's Archive
A Concise History of Mathematics For Philosophers - John Stillwell - 2019 - Cambridge University Press - 9781108456234 - Anna's Archive
A CONCISE HISTORY OF
MATHEMATICS FOR
PHILOSOPHERS
John Stillwell
University of San Francisco
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DOI: 10.1017/9781108610124
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A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
DOI: 10.1017/9781108610124
First published online: June 2019
John Stillwell
University of San Francisco
Author for correspondence: John Stillwell, [email protected]
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Contents
Preface 1
3 Imaginary Numbers 15
8 Formal Systems 51
Bibliography 66
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 1
Preface
Since ancient times, there has been a struggle between mathematics and its
philosophy. As soon as there seems to be a settled view of the nature of mathe-
matics, some new mathematical discovery comes along to disrupt it. Thus, the
Pythagorean view that ‘all is number’ was disrupted by the discovery of irrational
lengths, and the philosophy of mathematics had to expand to include a separate
field of geometry. But this raised the question, Can the geometric view be
reconciled with the numerical view? If so, how? And so it went, for millennia.
In many cases, advances in mathematics changed ideas about mathematics,
by forcing the acceptance of concepts previously thought impossible or para-
doxical. Thus mathematics disrupted philosophy. In the opposite direction,
philosophy kept mathematics honest by pointing out contradictions and sug-
gesting how concepts might be clarified in order to resolve them. Sometimes the
philosopher and the mathematician were one and the same person – such as
Descartes, Leibniz, or Bolzano – so one might almost say that mathematics is an
especially rich and stable branch of philosophy. At any rate, if one is to under-
stand the past and present state of the philosophy of mathematics, one must first
understand mathematics, and its history.
The aim of the present Element is to give a brief introduction to mathematics
and its history, with particular emphasis on events that shook up its philosophy.
If you like, it is a book on ‘mathematics for philosophers’. I try not to take
a particular philosophical position, except to say that I believe that mathematics
guides philosophy, more so than the other way round. As a corollary, I believe
that mathematicians have made important contributions to philosophy, even
when it was not their intention.
Each section begins with a preview of topics to be discussed and ends with
a section highlighting the philosophical questions raised by the mathematics.
The same themes recur from section to section – intuition and logic, meaning
and existence, and the discrete and the continuous – but they evolve under the
influence of new mathematical discoveries.
Experts may be surprised that there is little or no mention of philosophies of
mathematics that were prominent in the twentieth century – platonism, logi-
cism, formalism, nominalism, and intuitionism, for example. This is partly
because I find none of them adequate, but mainly because I hope to look at
the philosophy of mathematics without being influenced by labels. I want to
present as much philosophically instructive mathematics as possible and leave
readers to decide how it should be sorted and labelled in philosophical terms.
My hope is that this Element will equip readers with a ‘mathematical lens’ with
which to view many philosophical issues.
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2 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
discussed in Section 1.4, that set the direction of mathematics for the next 2000
years.
But before the axiomatic path was established, the Pythagorean theo-
rem provoked another important conceptual development: a distinction
between length and number. Legend has it that the philosophy of the
Pythagoreans was ‘all is number’, prompted by the discovery that whole
number ratios govern musical harmony. This philosophy was overturned
when irrational ratios were found in geometry – because of the
Pythagorean theorem.
1.2 Irrationality
The Pythagorean theorem talks about sums of squares – an operation we will
say more about below – but indirectly, it also tells us something about lengths.
In particular, it says that if a triangle has perpendicular sides of length 1, then its
hypotenuse has the length l whose square is 2. Using the modern notation l2 to
denote the square of side l, we have l2 ¼ 12 þ 12 ¼ 2.
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4 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
Now (again using modern notation), suppose that l is rational, in which case
we can suppose that l ¼ m=n, where m and n are whole numbers. We can also
suppose that m and n have no common divisor except 1, since any other
common divisor could be divided out of m and n in advance, without changing
l. Under these conditions we can derive a contradiction by the following series
of implications (these probably go back to the Pythagoreans, but the first known
hint of such a proof is in Aristotle’s Prior Analytics 1.23):
that any number of lengths can be added. Thus lengths behave exactly like
numbers as far as addition is concerned.
The behaviour of products is not so simple. The product of lengths a and b is
not a length but the rectangle with perpendicular sides a and b. And the product
of lengths a, b, and c is the rectangular box with perpendicular sides a, b, and c
(Figure 4).
It is clear from these definitions that ab ¼ ba and aðbcÞ ¼ ðabÞc, and it can
also be seen that aðb þ cÞ ¼ ab þ ac (the latter is actually a special case of
Euclid’s Proposition 1 of Book II of the Elements). Thus, to the extent that sum
and product are defined, lengths satisfy the same laws as positive numbers. The
trouble is that they are defined only to a limited extent, so the algebra of lengths
is crippled. Products of more than three lengths are not admitted, because they
have no geometric counterpart. Likewise, products can be added only when
each is of the same ‘dimension’, that is, a product of the same number of
lengths.
Finally, there is a complicated, though geometrically natural, notion of
equality. It says, for example, that two rectangles R and S are equal if R can
be cut into a finite number of triangles which reassemble to form S. We say more
about Euclid’s theory of equality for rectangles, and other polygons, in the next
section. Remarkably, this theory is perfectly adequate for polygons, because any
two polygons of equal area (in the modern sense) are actually equal in Euclid’s
sense. However, the theory is not adequate for polyhedra, as was shown by
Dehn (1900). Dehn showed that a cube and regular tetrahedron of equal volume
are not equal in Euclid’s sense.
1.4 Axiomatics
The power of the axiomatic method is charmingly described by John Aubrey in
his Brief Lives, speaking of Thomas Hobbes:
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6 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
That, if a straight line falling on two straight lines make the interior angles on the
same side less than two right angles, the two straight lines, if produced indefi-
nitely, meet on that side on which are the angles less than two right angles.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 7
axiomatic method and to subsequent analysis of its scope and limits. We pick up
this story later.
Meaning and existence. Euclid also undercuts what we now consider to be the
axiomatic method by attempting to define primitive concepts such as ‘point’ and
‘line’. He also restricts the concept of ‘number’ essentially to the natural
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8 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
pffiffiffi
numbers and their ratios. The irrationality of 2 is thought to disqualify it from
being a number, but Euclid did not prescribe what the properties of numbers
should be.
I think I have already said somewhere that mathematics is the art of giving the
same name to different things. It is enough that these things, though differing
in matter, should be similar in form, to permit of their being, so to speak, run
in the same mould. When language has been well chosen, one is astonished to
find that all demonstrations made for a known object apply immediately to
many new objects: nothing requires to be changed, not even the terms, since
the names have become the same. (see Poincaré 1952, 34)
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 9
13; 8 → 5; 8 → 5; 3 → 2; 3 → 2; 1 → 1; 1:
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10 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
Proposition 2). Thus the Euclidean algorithm elegantly separates rational from
irrational, by separating termination from non-termination; that is, finite from
infinite.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 11
of the group above it. Thus, if the black triangle has area 1, then the total area of
the triangles is the infinite sum
2 3 4
1 1 1 1
1 þ þ þ þ þ ...:
4 4 4 4
If we set
2 3 4
1 1 1 1
S¼1 þ þ þ þ þ ...;
4 4 4 4
then clearly
2 3 4
1 1 1 1
4S ¼ 4 þ 1 þ þ þ þ þ ...;
4 4 4 4
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12 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
2 3 4
1 1 1 1
þ þ þ þ ...;
4 4 4 4
1 Filling the parabolic segment with infinitely many triangles. We can argue
that the triangles do fill the segment (or ‘exhaust’ it) by showing that any
given point inside the parabola falls inside some triangle. This is a purely
finite, if tedious, argument.
2 Showing that the infinite series
2 3 4
1 1 1 1
1 þ þ þ þ þ . . . has sum 4=3:
4 4 4 4
We see that Sn ‘exhausts’ all numbers < 4=3 by taking arbitrarily large values of
n
n, because 14 then becomes arbitrarily small. And obviously Sn cannot be
> 4=3, so the value that remains, 4/3, is necessarily the sum of the infinite
series.
Thus the area of the parabolic segment (and similarly the volume of the
tetrahedron) can be found by using arbitrary finite sums instead of infinite sums.
This is typical of the way the Greeks avoided actual use of infinity. We will see a
similar ‘avoidance of infinity’ in the next section.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 13
Thus if a < b or a > b, there is a pair m; n that ‘witnesses’ the fact: either
because a < m=n < b or a > m=n > b. But if a ¼ b, there is no single rational
number m=n that witnesses this fact (unless a and b are rational): a equals b only
if all rational numbers less than a are less than b, and conversely. Thus equality
is more elusive than inequality, and irrational lengths are more elusive than
rational lengths.
Because of their suspicion of infinity, the Greeks did not take the step of
saying that an irrational length is determined by the rational lengths on either
side of it, since this determination involves infinitely many rational lengths. In
Section 6 we will see what happened when this step was taken, in the nineteenth
century.
Even the test for inequality raises an interesting philosophical point. Suppose
that 0 < b and hence that 0 < m=n < b for some positive integers m and n. It
follows, multiplying by n, that 0 < m < nb. Thus the theory of proportions
assumes what would later be called the Archimedean axiom or non-existence of
infinitesimals: if b > 0 then some integer multiple nb > 1. This became a hot
issue in the seventeenth century, when mathematicians found it convenient to
assume the existence of infinitesimals; that is, they supposed there were b > 0
such that no integer multiple nb > 1 (see Section 4.3).
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14 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
Intuition and logic. The Greeks tried as far as possible to avoid reasoning about
infinity. The origin of their fear of infinity is not completely clear, though Zeno’s
paradoxes show that the fear was present before Euclid’s time, and that Aristotle
tried to debunk it. The method of exhaustion was the mathematical response to
these philosophical debates: avoid reasoning about infinity by reasoning about
finite (but arbitrary) stages of an infinite process, and argue that they ‘exhaust all
possibilities’ except one – which possibility can therefore be deemed the result
of the infinite process.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 15
Meaning and existence. Thus the method of exhaustion indirectly gives mean-
ing to the result of an infinite process, without commitment to the existence of
actual infinity.
3 Imaginary Numbers
PREVIEW
pffiffiffi
Resistance to treating quantities such as 2 as numbers gradually eroded over
the centuries, possibly because of the rise of algebra in India and the Islamic
world. In India, pBrahmagupta
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi around 600 CE gave essentially the modern
b b2 4ac
solution x ¼ 2a of the quadratic equation ax2 þ bx þ c ¼ 0, and it
became accepted that the square root of a positive number was itself a number.
At the same time, there was reluctance to use negative numbers (though
Brahmagupta accepted them), and the square root of a negative number seemed
nonsensical. Thus when b2 4ac < 0 it seemed natural to say that
ax2 þ bx þ c ¼ 0 had no solution.
Things changed in the sixteenth century when Italian mathematicians dis-
covered the solution of the cubic equation x3 ¼ px þ q in the form
sffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
r ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi sffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
rffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
3 q q2 p3 3 q q2 p3
x¼ þ þ :
2 2 3 2 2 3
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16 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
This formula called not only for acceptance of square roots and cube roots, but
also for square roots of negative numbers – because there are equations for
2 3
which there is an obvious real solution yet q2 p3 < 0.
pffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
For a long time, numbers such as 1 were called impossible, and they are
still called ‘imaginary’. Yet they were accepted in mathematics, at least to prove
results about real numbers, because they were useful and they did not (usually)
lead to contradiction. Eventually, the system of real and imaginary numbers
came to be viewed as natural, both algebraically and geometrically.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 17
the Ars Magna of Cardano (1545). The so-called Cardano formula for the
solution is
sffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
r ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi sffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
rffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
3 q q2 p3 3 q q2 p3
x¼ þ þ : (**)
2 2 3 2 2 3
Mathematicians by this time were willing to accept square and cube roots of
positive numbers, but they balked at square roots of negative numbers. Of
course square roots of negative numbers already occur in the quadratic formula
(*) when b2 < 4ac. But in this case one is free to say that the equation
ax2 þ bx þ c ¼ 0 has no solution.
It was otherwise with the solution (**) of the cubic equation.
To reconcile this expression with the value x ¼ 4, Bombelli (1572) assumed that
pffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
1 obeys the same algebraic rules as ordinary numbers. He kept his calcula-
pffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
tion a secret, but it is easy to reconstruct. Using the modern notation i for 1,
so i2 ¼ 1, one can check that
and therefore
qffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi qffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
3 pffiffiffiffiffiffiffi 3 pffiffiffiffiffiffiffi pffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi p ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2 þ 11 1þ 2 11 1 ¼ 3 2 þ 11iþ 2 11i
3
qffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi qffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
¼ ð2 þ iÞ3 þ ð2 iÞ3
3 3
¼ ð2 þ iÞ þ ð2 iÞ
¼ 4:
As many people have since remarked, it seems as though algebra is smarter than
we are!
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18 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
At any rate, Bombelli’s example, and others like it, eventually convinced
mathematicians that it was safe to use ‘imaginary’ or ‘impossible’ numbers.
pffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
Whatever 1 means, if anything, it seems to behave like an ordinary number
and to give correct results about ordinary numbers.
if we assume eix ¼ cos x þ i sin x (see Section 4.5 for a reason to do this).
This gives new meaning to the sine and cosine functions – as parts of the
imaginary exponential function.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 19
These examples suggest that imaginary numbers should be accepted, if only for
the sake of convenience. However, it is possible to do better than this. We can
give a convincing interpretation of imaginary numbers, which shows them to be
just as ‘real’ as ordinary numbers (and incidentally explains their role in
geometry and trigonometry). More conservatively, one can show how to elim-
inate imaginary numbers, from any argument that uses them, in favour of
ordinary numbers.
Then the pair for the sum ða1 þ ib1 Þ þ ða2 þ ib2 Þ is the sum of the pairs for
a1 þ ib1 and a2 þ ib2 , and the pair for the product is likewise the product of the
pairs. It follows that any statement about sum and product of numbers of the
form a þ ib is equivalent to one about real numbers, for example
Hence any argument involving i can be replaced by one involving real numbers
alone.
Because of this we say that the theory of complex numbers (as the numbers
a þ ib are called) is a conservative extension of the theory of real numbers. It is
‘conservative’ in the sense that any result about real numbers proved with use of
i can be proved without it. Hamilton’s construction shows that it is harmless to
assume that imaginary numbers exist, but at the same time it shows that there is
no need to assume they exist. Anything we can do with them we can do without
them, though perhaps not as easily.
For most mathematicians, what compels belief in the complex numbers is
that they give more than we asked for. It is as though they were always part of
the fabric of mathematics, but at first we noticed only one small thread in the
solution of cubic equations. In fact, i not only gives solutions to cubic equations
but to all polynomial equations. This is the fundamental theorem of algebra that
we will say more about in Section 5.
Moreover, while i cannot lie on the line of real numbers, it makes perfect
sense for it to lie on a perpendicular line of imaginary numbers. All we have to
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20 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
Intuition and logic. The Italian algebraists at first justified the rules of algebra
(as did their Islamic predecessors) by appeal to geometric logic. But Bombelli’s
pffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
calculations with 1 suggested that algebra had an independent logic of its
own.
Discrete and continuous. The Greek belief that only rational numbers were
really numbers gradually eroded under the influence of algebra, which urged
acceptance of square and cube roots, and of trigonometry, which urged accep-
tance of the sine and cosine functions. However, there was not yet a coherent
theory of real numbers – only the belief that they could be modelled by the
points of a line.
a arnþ1
a þ ar þ ar2 þ ar3 þ . . . þ arn ¼ ;
1r
and this finite sum (for a > 0 and jrj < 1) is clearly less than 1ra
but able to
a nþ1
exceed any number less than 1r, since r can be made arbitrarily small by
choosing n sufficiently large.
Therefore, the finite sums ‘exhaust’ all numbers less than 1r a
and so the
a
infinite sum must equal 1r .
When calculus was invented, around 1665, the geometric series was the
starting point for many other results on infinite series. However, before calculus
was invented, remarkable results about infinite series in trigonometry were
discovered in fifteenth-century India. The main contributor to these discoveries
was Madhava (c. 1340–c. 1425) and his methods were largely algebraic. The
starting point was again the geometric series, but new series were also used
ingeniously, notably the series
1k þ 2k þ 3k þ . . . þ nk for k ¼ 1; 2; 3; . . . :
The latter series played a role later taken over by calculus in proving that
x3 x5 x7
tan1 x ¼ x þ þ . . . for 1 < x ≤ 1:
3 5 7
Madhava also discovered the series for the sine and cosine functions:
x3 x5 x7
sinx ¼ x þ þ ...
3! 5! 7!
x2 x4 x6
cosx ¼ 1 þ þ . . . :
2! 4! 6!
The latter series, and the related series for ex, were rediscovered in Europe in the
seventeenth century, and they played an important role in the development of
calculus. The independent discovery of these results in India and Europe was
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 23
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 25
dy ¼ ðx þ dxÞ2 x2 ¼ 2x dx þ ðdxÞ2 ;
so
dy 2x dx þ ðdxÞ2
¼ ¼ 2x þ dx:
dx dx
At this stage one feels free to neglect dx and conclude that the slope of y ¼ x2 for
any value of x is 2x. (In particular, when x ¼ 1 the slope is 2, so the equation of
the tangent at this point is y ¼ 2x 1, as found by conventional algebra in the
previous section.)
Similar calculations with dx and dy easily yield the slope of any algebraic
curve, and hence the tangent, at any point on the curve. In particular, the slope of
y ¼ xn is nxn1 . But this is just a small taste of the magic of infinitesimals. They
also allow the calculation of curved areas, such as the area under a curve
y ¼ f ðxÞ. To do this one views the area as a function AðxÞ of x, taking the region
between a fixed value a and a variable value x, as in Figure 13.
An infinitesimal increase dx in x produces an infinitesimal increase dA in
area, which we can write
dA ¼ f ðxÞdx;
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26 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
since the extra strip dA of area has width dx and height that differs only
infinitesimally from f ðxÞ. (We are again choosing a convenient moment to
neglect infinitesimals.) We conclude, dividing both sides by dx, that
dAðxÞ
¼ f ðxÞ:
dx
In other words, AðxÞ is a function whose graph has slope is f ðxÞ. Thus finding
areas under curves is the inverse problem to finding slopes.
If f ðxÞ is a function we have already found as a slope dy=dx, then we can
conclude that the area function AðxÞ is the same as y, at least within a constant.
For example, if AðxÞ is the area under the parabola y ¼ x2 between 0 and x, then
dA
¼ x2 ;
dx
and we may conclude AðxÞ ¼ 13 x3 , because dy dx ¼ x when y ¼ 3 x , and the
2 1 3
infinitesimal algebra and geometry grew in power, and faith in its correctness
grew stronger, it became a thankless task to rewrite arguments in the rigorous
ancient manner. As early as 1659, Huygens wrote,
Mathematicians will never have enough time to read all the discoveries in
Geometry (a quantity which is increasing from day to day and seems likely in
this scientific age to develop to enormous proportions) if they continue to be
presented in a rigorous form according to the manner of the ancients. (see
Huygens 1659, 337)
x x2 x3
ex ¼ 1 þ þ þ þ ...;
1! 2! 3!
and he and others rediscovered the sine and cosine series that had already been
discovered in India:
x2 x4 x6
cos x ¼ 1 þ þ ...;
2! 4! 6!
x x3 x5 x7
sin x ¼ þ ...:
1! 3! 5! 7!
Replacing x by ix in the series for ex yields the miraculous formula
discovered by Euler (1748). This formula not only allows sine and cosine to be
expressed in terms of exponentials, namely
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28 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
1 1
cos x ¼ ðeix þ eix Þ; sin x ¼ ðeix eix Þ;
2 2i
1 1
cosh x ¼ ðex þ ex Þ; sinh x ¼ ðex ex Þ:
2 2
This analogy may help to explain a wild conjecture of Lambert (1766, §82).
Lambert introduced the hyperbolic functions and was no doubt aware of the
formulas of spherical trigonometry, which involve sine and cosine. He may then
have guessed that the analogous formulas involving hyperbolic sine and cosine
describe trigonometry on a ‘sphere of imaginary radius’. If so, this could explain
his 1766 conjecture that non-Euclidean geometry may hold on an imaginary
sphere. (See also Sections 6.2 and 6.5 for more about non-Euclidean geometry
and Lambert’s imaginary sphere.)
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 29
away some of the ancient problems posed by the existence of irrational lengths:
lengths did behave like numbers after all, and it was reasonable for the square
root of any number to be a number.
But, as soon as one philosophical difficulty was removed, calculus
created another. In fact, the invention of calculus disrupted the philoso-
phy of mathematics perhaps more than any event since the discovery of
irrational quantities. Philosophers rightly questioned the concept of infi-
nitesimal, but mathematicians at first ignored their criticisms and contin-
ued to believe they could obtain calculus results by Euclid’s methods
(though they seldom actually did so). There was a stalemate which would
not be broken until after 1800, when mathematicians had to concede that
Euclid was, after all, not an adequate foundation for mathematics.
Meaning and existence. Yet, as Berkeley pointed out, the existence of infini-
tesimals was highly dubious, so what explained their success? (Before
Berkeley, Hobbes had made harsh criticisms of calculus and of the use of
algebra in geometry. But he destroyed his credibility with mathematicians by
proposing an untenable account of the circle – claiming that it contains only
finitely many points – and claiming thereby to solve the ancient problem of
‘squaring the circle’.)
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30 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 31
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32 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
As professor in the Polytechnic School in Zürich I found myself for the first
time obliged to lecture on the elements of the differential calculus and felt
more keenly than ever before the lack of a really scientific foundation for
arithmetic. In discussing the notion of the approach of a variable magnitude to
a fixed limiting value, and especially in proving the theorem that a magnitude
which grows continually, but not beyond all limits, must certainly approach a
limiting value, I had recourse to geometric arguments … a more careful
investigation convinced me that this theorem, or any one equivalent to it,
can be regarded in some way as a sufficient basis for infinitesimal analysis. It
then only remained to discover its true origin in the elements of arithmetic
and thus at the same time to secure a real definition of the essence of
continuity. I succeeded Nov. 24, 1858.
with square greater than 2, and lower set L consisting of all the remaining
pffiffiffi
rational numbers. Since 2 is not rational, L has no greatest member and U has
no least. In general, each irrational corresponds to a gap in the rational numbers,
which Dedekind called a cut.
This idea is clearly similar to the treatment of irrational quantities in Book V
of Euclid’s Elements (Section 2.4) except that infinite sets are no longer
avoided. Dedekind’s bold but simple idea was to use infinite sets as mathema-
tical objects. A ‘gap in the rationals’ is then a meaningful mathematical object –
a pair of sets L;U with the above properties – which we can take to define an
irrational number. Thus the rationals and irrationals together form a number
system without gaps, which we now call the real number system ℝ.
By basing the real numbers on rational numbers in this way, Dedekind had
found their connectedness had its ‘true origin in the elements of arithmetic’.
Moreover, it is easy to show that the algebraic properties of the rational numbers
(such as a þ b ¼ b þ a and ab ¼ ba) carry over to the real numbers in a natural
way. And by using the set concept, Dedekind found it equally easy to prove
Bolzano’s least upper bound principle, and hence provide an arithmetic founda-
tion for real analysis.
To prove the least upper bound principle, we first represent each real number
x by a set Lx of rational numbers which is bounded above and ‘closed down-
ward’: that is, with the property that if r 2 Lx and s < r then s < Lx . For an
irrational number x, Lx is the L in the pair L;U that defines x; for a rational
number x we take Lx to be the set of rationals ≤ x. This representation has the
convenient property that the ordering of real numbers corresponds to set con-
tainment: namely, x ≤ y if and only if Lx ⊆ Ly .
Then if we have a bounded set of real numbers x, the sets Lx are also bounded,
and hence so is their union L. It follows that the real number l determined by the
set L is the least upper bound of the numbers x.
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34 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 35
Intuition and logic. Contrary to the intuition that algebra is discrete, the
fundamental theorem of algebra seems to involve continuity. And the intuition
about continuous curves (and calculus in general) demands a deeper foundation,
in an arithmetic theory of real numbers.
Meaning and existence. What does it mean to prove existence, without giving a
formula for the object claimed to exist? What precisely are the real numbers,
and what explains their completeness; that is, their closure under various infinite
operations? (Dedekind’s definition gives one answer; are there alternatives?)
Discrete and continuous. In particular, how best can we – avoiding the dubious
means of infinitesimals – define the continuous (real numbers) in terms of the
discrete (natural numbers)?
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36 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 37
Vindicated from Every Blemish. He found, not surprisingly, that these axioms
imply that the angle sum of a triangle is less than π and the angle sum of a
quadrilateral is less than 2π. He also found, more surprisingly, that two lines
could be asymptotic; that is, they could approach each other arbitrarily closely
without meeting. Saccheri found this ‘abhorrent to the nature of straight lines’,
but still it was not a contradiction. In fact, it was an accurate glimpse of the non-
Euclidean world.
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38 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
because it appears that a ‘line’ gives the shortest path between any two points, if
measured by the number of triangles it passes through.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 39
u þ v ¼ v þ u;
u þ ðv þ wÞ ¼ ðu þ vÞ þ w;
u þ 0 ¼ u;
u þ ðuÞ ¼ 0:
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 41
And the second group say that multiples of vectors behave like multiples of
numbers; that is, for any a;b in ℝ and u; v in V ,
aðbuÞ ¼ ðabÞu;
1u ¼ u;
aðu þ vÞ ¼ au þ av;
ða þ bÞu ¼ au þ bu:
It is clear from these axioms that ℝ itself is a real vector space, but a more
interesting example is V ¼ ℝ2 , with sums and multiples of the vectors ðx;yÞ
defined, for each x;y;a 2 ℝ, by
ℝ2 has considerable geometric content. One can define lines, parallel lines, and
a relative concept of length along a given line. For example, one can say that the
multiples tv of a non-zero vector v form a line through 0, and that 2v is twice as
far from 0 as v. However, there is no concept of distance between arbitrary
points. To obtain the natural concept of distance, Grassmann introduced the
inner product:
v v ¼ x2 þ y2 ¼ jvj2 ;
where jvj is the distance of jvj from the origin 0 given by the Pythagorean
theorem. As Grassmann (1847) pointed out, his inner product is essentially
equivalent to the Pythagorean theorem. The concept of angle is also inherent in
the inner product, because
u v ¼ jujjvjcos θ;
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42 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
algebra of the vector space ℝ2 , involving only sums and real multiples of
vectors, and the inner product, is at just the right level to capture Euclid’s
geometry. For this reason, the vector space ℝ2 with Grassmann’s inner product
is called the Euclidean plane.
Grassmann’s vector geometry also generalizes to any number of
dimensions with no extra effort. By working with n-tuples ðx1 ;x2 ; . . . ;xn Þ
of real numbers, one can do geometry in any number of dimensions without the
need for visualization, thus breaking the dimension barrier that held back the
Greeks.
In another direction, it is useful to generalize the definition of ‘distance’ by
generalizing the concept of inner product. A famous example is Minkowski
space defined by Minkowski (1908) as a setting for Einstein’s special theory of
relativity. This is the space ℝ4 of 4-tuples ðt;x;y;zÞ with distance derived from
the inner product
Thus the Minkowski distance of ðt;x;y;zÞ from the origin has square equal
to t2 þ x2 þ y2 þ z2 , which is sometimes negative. Minkowski space is the
natural space for physics, where t stands for time and x;y;z are variables for the
three dimensions of space. But mathematically it is equally interesting to look at
the 3-dimensional space obtained by dropping the z coordinate.
pffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
In this space there is a ‘sphere of radius 1’, consisting of the points
v ¼ ðt;x;yÞ with jvj2 ¼ 1, that is
t2 þ x2 þ y2 ¼ 1; or t2 x2 y2 ¼ 1:
This is none other than the hyperboloid, shown in Figure 20. In terms of
Minkowski distance, the geometry on this hyperboloid is none other the non-
Euclidean geometry of Beltrami! In Figure 20 (based on one due to Konrad
Polthier of the Free University of Berlin) we have indicated how triangles in
conformal disc model (Figure 17) correspond to triangles on the hyperboloid
that are equal in the sense of Minkowski distance.
Minkowski space gives substance to the wild idea of Lambert from back in
1766 (mentioned in Section 4.5), that non-Euclidean geometry might hold on a
sphere of imaginary radius.
Euclidean and Minkowski spaces show that ℝ is a natural and convenient
foundation for geometry, both Euclidean and non-Euclidean. The next question
is: what is a foundation for ℝ? In Section 8 we will see two answers to this
question. But first we need to take a closer look at ℝ itself, in Section 7, to
appreciate how subtle its foundation may be.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 43
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44 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
Intuition and logic. Models show that Euclidean and non-Euclidean geome-
tries are equally sound, and the real numbers provide a foundation for both (and
also for calculus and mathematical physics). It remains to find a good founda-
tion for the real numbers; hopefully based on the arithmetic of natural numbers.
As we know, Dedekind found one way to do this (Section 5.3).
Meaning and existence. But the real numbers involve more than arithmetic;
namely, some assumption about infinity. How much is it necessary, and legit-
imate, to assume?
Discrete and continuous. Bridging the gap between discrete and continuous is
essentially the problem of defining real numbers in terms of natural numbers.
Hence the possibility of bridging the gap (and arithmetizing geometry) depends
on what it is legitimate to assume about infinity.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 45
The actual infinite was avoided because of its seemingly paradoxical prop-
erties, such as apparent violation of the principle that ‘the whole is greater than
the part’. This paradox resurfaced with the revival of Greek learning in
Medieval and Renaissance times. For example, Galileo pointed out the
correspondence
1 2 3 4 ...
↕ ↕ ↕ ↕
12 22 32 42
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 ...
↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕
0 1 1 2 2 3 3
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 ...
↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕
1=1 2=1 1=2 3=1 1=3 4=1 3=2 2=3 1=4
where the bottom line lists the distinct fractions m=n in groups: first those with
m þ n ¼ 2, then those with m þ n ¼ 3, those with m þ n ¼ 4, and so on.
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46 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
3 The set ℚ of all rationals can then be shown equinumerous with ℕ by the
same trick used to list ℤ: list 0 first, then alternately list the positive and
negative form of each positive rational.
These results show that ℤ, ℚþ , and ℚ can all be viewed as ‘potential’ infinities
like ℕ. An even stronger result along the same lines was found by Dedekind in
1874: the set of all algebraic numbers (solutions of polynomial equations with
integer coefficients) is equinumerous with ℕ. So it too can be viewed as a
‘potential’ infinity. With these results most of the ancient fears about actual
infinity could be dismissed – because every infinity seemed to be merely
‘potential’ – but there was a big surprise just around the corner.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 . . .,
↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕
x1 x2 x3 x4 x5 x6 x7
fails to include all the real numbers. In fact, given any list x1 ;x2 ;x3 ;x4 ; . . . of real
numbers we can explicitly describe a real number x not on the list. The 1874
proof was not easy to follow – especially for a mathematical community
completely unprepared for it – but Cantor (1891) gave another proof which
obtains the ‘witness’ x with maximum clarity. This is the famous (or, to some,
notorious) diagonal argument.
There are many ways in which the real numbers x1 ;x2 ;x3 ;x4 ; . . . can be
given, but to be specific we will suppose they are given as infinite decimals.
We will also ignore digits before the decimal point, so we can imagine the
numbers displayed as in Figure 21, showing just the digits after the decimal
point:
x1 1 1 1 1 ...
x2 0 2 0 1 ...
x3 7 7 7 7 ...
x4 0 0 0 0 ...
..
.
x 2 1 1 1 ...
Figure 21 also shows the first few digits of x. We ensure that x 6¼ each xn
by being different in the n th decimal place (and not using the digits 0 and 9 in x,
because numbers with these digits can be the same even though their digits
are different – for example 0 4999 . . . ¼ 0 5000 . . .). Specifically, we define x
by
2 if nth digit of xn is 1
nth digit of x ¼
1 if nth digit of xn is not 1:
Thus x is different from all the numbers x1 ;x2 ;x3 ;x4 ; . . ., hence the given list does
not include all real numbers. Because of this, we say that the set of all real
numbers is uncountable – a countable set being one whose members can be
paired with the positive integers.
Since only countable sets can be considered ‘potentially’ infinite, the set ℝ of
real numbers is unavoidably an actual infinity.
Cantor’s argument is called ‘diagonal’ because it involves just the digits on
the diagonal of the table, shown in bold in the figure. Thus we need only inspect
a finite amount of each decimal expansion – namely, the first n digits of xn – to
calculate the n th digit of x. I mention this to dispel the common misconception
that the diagonal argument merely proves the existence of a number x not on the
given list x1 ;x2 ;x3 ;x4 ; . . . . In fact it shows that x is just as constructible as the
numbers x1 ;x2 ;x3 ;x4 ; . . . themselves.
2 if nth digit of xn is 1
nth digit of x ¼
1 if nth digit of xn is not 1;
n2 S ⇔ n2
= Sn ;
since this rule makes S different from Sn with respect to the number n.
In his 1891 paper Cantor took this train of thought to the end of the line,
showing that every set X has more subsets than members. To see why, suppose
that each member x of X is paired with a subset Sx of S. But then we can define a
subset S of X different from each Sx with respect to the member x. Namely, let
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48 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
x2 S ⇔ x2
= Sx :
Thus a collection of subsets Sx paired with members x of X does not include all
subsets of X .
What is slightly alarming about this result is that it shows that there is no set
of all sets. If there were such a set, X say, then the collection of its subsets
would be a set bigger than the set of all sets, which is clearly contradictory.
Cantor soon noticed this consequence of the diagonal argument, but he
remained calm. (Dedekind, however, was surprised by this development,
and he delayed publication of a second edition of his book Dedekind [1888]
as a result.) History would show that it is natural for the collection of all sets
not to be a set, much as it is natural for the collection of all positive integers not
to be a positive integer. However, at the time there was alarm because of a
previous belief that every property should be realized by a set. After Cantor’s
discovery, it was clear that there are exceptions to this belief, such as the
property of being a set.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 49
Not surprisingly, the diagonal argument and its implications were not wel-
come to all mathematicians. Those already suspicious of infinity, such as
Cantor’s Berlin colleague Kronecker, became even more vehement in their
opposition to sets such as ℝ. Weierstrass was more sympathetic, but he per-
suaded Cantor to tone down the uncountability aspect of the proof and to
emphasize instead a positive outcome: a new and elementary proof of the
existence of non-algebraic numbers – the so-called transcendental numbers.
(This follows immediately from the uncountability of ℝ and Dedekind’s result
that the set of algebraic numbers is countable.)
In the years that followed, Cantor’s ideas gradually gained the support of
the majority, thanks to the support of eminent mathematicians such as
Hilbert. Some opposition remained, but it became more nuanced as it
was gradually understood how much mathematics has to be sacrificed if
various kinds of infinity are rejected. Among the extreme rejectionists, the
most prominent are the constructivists, who accept existence proofs
only when they provide a construction of the object claimed to exist. This
attitude has had a positive influence even on mathematicians who do not
share it. For example, we now know how to construct many objects, such as
solutions of polynomial equations, first shown to exist by non-constructive
arguments.
1 1 1
þ þ þ . . . ¼ 1;
2 4 8
which is surely not the whole line. So the points x1 ;x2 ;x3 ; . . . cannot include all
real numbers. This proof can be refined to give a specific number x not covered.
We choose the first (binary) digit of x to avoid the first interval, then the second
digit to avoid the second interval, and so on – at which stage it becomes clear
that this construction is another diagonal argument.
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50 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
Spoilsports will no doubt object that in his lifetime Dedekind had only a
finite number of thoughts, so there must be something wrong with this
‘proof’. But who knows what the realm of Dedekind’s thoughts really is?
Dedekind’s argument had some eminent supporters, such as Russell (1903,
357).
Bolzano and Dedekind considered only countable sets, but we might also
shoot for uncountable sets. Is our apparent intuition of continuity an intuition of
uncountability and/or actual infinity?
Meaning and existence. Before Cantor, the question of infinity was simple:
do we accept actual infinity or not? After Cantor, the question became
more complex: how much infinity do we accept? When infinity is found to
have infinitely many possible levels, many different levels of acceptance are
possible. Some mathematicians accepted only countably infinite sets
(the potential infinite), others accepted ℝ but not all subsets of ℝ, and so on.
The French mathematicians Borel, Baire, Lebesgue, and Hadamard had a lively
debate about this in 1905, which may be read in Ewald (1996, II:1077–86). In
response to Borel’s view that certain procedures, such as making uncountably
many choices, were ‘outside mathematics’, Hadamard retorted:
From the invention of the infinitesimal calculus to the present, it seems to me,
the essential progress in mathematics has resulted from successively annex-
ing notions which, for the Greeks or the Renaissance geometers or the
predecessors of Riemann, were ‘outside mathematics’ because it was impos-
sible to describe them. (see Ewald 1996, 1084)
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 51
8 Formal Systems
PREVIEW
The sudden appearance of set theory and its paradoxes was not the only
philosophically significant development in late nineteenth-century mathe-
matics. Another was the emergence of formal logic and, more generally, formal
systems for mathematics. Beginning with appearance of Boole’s Mathematical
Analysis of Logic in 1847, logic and mathematics were translated into symbo-
lism in which deductions were essentially calculations.
A century ago, systems ready for formalization were known for arithmetic
(Peano 1889), geometry (Hilbert 1899), and set theory (Zermelo 1908). There
was also a formal system for logic, due to Frege (1879).
Formal systems revived an old dream of Leibniz: a calculus ratiocinator by
which the truth of any proposition could be decided by calculation. It is true that
P
the theorems of a formal system are obtainable by calculation, so if τ is a
P
theorem of we will eventually observe this fact by systematically generating
theorems. However, it is not clear whether
P
1 all truths expressible in are theorems, (Completeness)
2 some rule decides, for each τ, whether τ is a theorem, (Decidability)
P P
3 if proves τ then does not prove the negation of τ. (Consistency)
Nevertheless, these are all questions about the outcomes of finite computations,
like questions of number theory. So one might hope to settle them by elementary
means (which Hilbert called ‘finitary’). In particular, by a programme for
settling the consistency question for formal set theory, Hilbert hoped to remove
all doubt about the use of infinity in mathematics.
8.1 Hilbert
In the 1890s Hilbert reinvigorated Euclid’s geometry in a thorough study of
geometric axioms and their relation to algebra and the real numbers.
Building on work of some of his predecessors, such as von Staudt and
Pasch, he
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52 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
1 filled the gaps in Euclid’s system, by explicitly stating axioms that Euclid had
used unconsciously,
2 grouped the axioms into conceptually different types: incidence, order, con-
gruence, circle intersection,
3 derived the algebraic properties of sum and product from incidence axioms,
and their order properties from the order axioms,
4 added two axioms not needed for geometry but needed to derive the proper-
ties of the real number line: the Archimedean axiom (stating that there are no
infinitesimals), and a completeness axiom (stating that there are no gaps, in
the sense of Dedekind).
σðmÞ holds, then we can be sure that σðnÞ holds for each natural number n.
Peano built this idea into his axiom system in two ways.
• After including names 0 and S for the initial number and the successor
function SðmÞ ¼ m þ 1, with appropriate properties, he gave inductive defi-
nitions of sum and product:
l þ 0 ¼ l; l þ SðmÞ ¼ Sðl þ mÞ;
l 0 ¼ 0; l SðmÞ ¼ l m þ l:
It follows from these definitions that the functions þ and are defined for all
natural numbers. For example, the first equation in the definition of þ defines
l þ m for m ¼ 0; the second defines l þ SðmÞ once l þ m is defined, and
hence defines l þ n for all natural numbers n, by complete induction.
Likewise, the second pair of equations defines l n for all n, given that þ is
already defined.
• The definitions of þ and enable all particular facts about sum and product
for the numerals 0;Sð0Þ;SSð0Þ; . . . to be derived, by substituting in the defin-
ing equations. But to prove general facts, such as l þ m ¼ m þ l, Peano
provides the induction axiom for each property σ: If σð0Þ and if
σðmÞ ) σðSðmÞÞ for all m, then σðnÞ holds for each n.
(An equivalent induction axiom is that every set of natural numbers has a least
member, or that a descending sequence of natural numbers is finite. In the latter
form induction goes back to Euclid.)
Zermelo gave axioms for set theory in 1908. We omit the details, but they are
similar to the Dedekind or Peano axioms in spirit, as Zermelo acknowledged.
They assert the existence of a starting set ∅ (the empty set, which can be
viewed as 0), operations for building further sets (which, among other things,
allow successors of 0 to be built), and an axiom of infinity stating the existence
of a set including 0 and all its successors. There is also an axiom of foundation
that is similar to induction. Indeed, if the axiom of infinity is omitted, Zermelo’s
set theory has essentially the same content as the Peano axioms. So set theory in
a sense is ‘number theory þ infinity’.
Set theory is an extremely powerful system, capable of covering virtually all of
mainstream mathematics. This is because it has set construction principles – such
as forming the set PðX Þ of all subsets of a set X – that cause explosive growth
once an infinite set X is present. Beginning with Hilbert in the 1930s, there has
been interest in systems with milder set construction principles, tailored to
analysis. In these systems it turns out that we can measure the ‘strength’ of
various theorems of analysis by the set construction principles needed to prove
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54 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
them. (It happens surprisingly often that we can find the ‘right set construction
axioms’ to prove theorems of analysis, rather like finding the parallel axiom to be
the ‘right axiom’ to prove many theorems of geometry. This phenomenon is
studied in the new field of reverse mathematics mentioned in Section 6.3.)
When these linguistic elements are included we have the language of predicate
logic. For predicate logic it is not at all clear how to prove the valid propositions –
that is, those true for all domains and all interpretations of the predicate symbols –
but, amazingly, it is possible. Frege in 1879 gave a set of axioms and rules of
inference capable of generating them.
We will not list all of Frege’s axioms and rules here. Examples of his axioms,
written in terms of the connectives ) (if … then)1 and : (not) and the
quantifier 8x (for all x), are
• a ) ðb ) aÞ,
• a ) ð::aÞ,
• 8xPðxÞ ) PðcÞ, where c is a letter not in PðxÞ.
1
Equivalent to the horseshoe symbol preferred by philosophers.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 55
Frege apparently believed that his axioms and rules of inference suffice to prove
any valid proposition. Gödel (1930) proved that Frege was correct. This com-
pleteness theorem for predicate logic was the first of several astonishing con-
tributions of Gödel to mathematical logic (and to the philosophy of mathematics).
Gödel’s proof of the completeness theorem incidentally proved two other
important properties of predicate logic.
P
Modelling consistent sentences. If is a set of propositions whose logical
P
consequences include no contradiction then there is a model of . That is,
there is a domain D of individuals, and interpretations of the predicate
P P
symbols of on D, under which each proposition in is true.
P0 P P
Compactness. If each finite subset of has a model, then so has . (This
P0
follows from modelling, because if each finite subset has a model, then no
P0 P
contradiction follows from . But then no contradiction follows from ,
P0 P
since any proof is finite and hence involves only a finite subset of .)
Intuition and logic. Poincaré in 1894 made a forceful contrast between induc-
tion in science and in mathematics:
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56 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 57
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58 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
At any rate, we can build a theory of computation on Church’s thesis, and this
theory leads to the following remarkable results:
These results, as we will show in outline below, all follow from simple varia-
tions on Cantor’s diagonal argument.
9.1 Computability
In the seventeenth century, when Leibniz dreamed of deciding truth by compu-
tation, the concept of computation had a rather limited meaning. Leibniz
himself had designed a computing machine capable of doing arithmetic on
numbers, and no doubt he would have accepted that algebra was computation
too. By 1850 Boole had got as far as doing propositional logic by algebraic
computation. But a general definition of computation had to wait for the
development of formal systems for mathematics, around 1900. Only then did
it become clear how broad the definition of computation needed to be in order to
make Leibniz’s dream come true.
The most influential formal system in the early twentieth century was the
Principia Mathematica of Whitehead and Russell (1910). The Principia
claimed to show how all theorems of mathematics could be generated from
particular axioms by certain rules. The rules were such that, in principle, they
were mechanical and hence could be applied without thought to strings of
symbols – eliminating all possibility of human error or bias. In the early
1920s the rules were analysed and simplified by Post, until they were reduced
to the form
0
gW → Wg ;
0 0
for a finite number of pairs of symbol strings ðg;g Þ. The rule gW →Wg says
0
that, in any string beginning with g, the g may be removed from the left and g
then attached on the right. Post called such a system of rules a normal system.
Post thought at first that the simplicity of normal systems would enable him to
decide whether a given string of symbols was a theorem of Principia or not. But
then he found himself unable to predict the behaviour of very simple normal
systems, and came to the realization that the situation was the opposite of what
he had hoped: any computation can be simulated by a normal system, and there
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 59
is no general rule for deciding whether a given normal system produces a given
string.
Post had glimpsed the future of mathematical logic as it was to unfold over
the next fifteen years (for his account, see Post 1941). However, he was held
back by an unprecedented difficulty: how can one be sure that the concept of
normal system (or any other definition) completely captures the concept of
computation? He saw that this claim (later known as Church’s thesis or the
Church–Turing thesis) is something like a law of nature – one in need of
continual verification, and at risk of possible falsification.
9.2 Unsolvability
While Post’s work remained unpublished and unknown, independent attempts
to define the notion of computation were made by Church (1936) and Turing
(1936). Turing’s approach (now known as the Turing machine concept) was
remarkably convincing, being basically an idealization of a human ‘computer’
working with pencil and paper:
• Instead of paper, a Turing machine has an infinite tape divided into squares.
Each square can hold one from a finite alphabet of symbols, including the
blank.
• Instead of the human with a pencil, a Turing machine has a read/write head
that can assume one of a finite number of internal states (like mental states).
The head scans one square at a time and, depending on the internal state qi and
scanned symbol Sj , replaces Sj by a symbol Sk , moves one square to the left or
right, and enters a state ql .
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60 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
0
alphabet. For example, one could use the alphabet q;S;L;R; g, and use the
00 ... 00 ...
prime symbol 0 to rewrite qi as q (q with i primes) and to rewrite Sj as S (S
with j primes). Thus a single symbol in the description of T must be replaced by
a string of symbols, necessarily spread over a sequence of squares of U ’s tape.
Naturally, this makes U’s simulation of T rather slow (as does the need for U
to continually ‘refer back’ to the description of T in order to carry out each step
of T ’s computation). Nevertheless, one sees in principle why a universal Turing
machine exists, and that U can simulate what T does on a given input, step by
step. (Today, universal Turing machines are ubiquitous; any common program-
ming language is equivalent to a universal Turing machine. The downside of
this fact, as we are about to prove, is that it is hard to foresee what a given
programme will do on a given input.)
Now it is one thing to follow instructions; it is another to foresee where they
will lead. For example, we can compute any number of decimal places of π, but
at present we do not know whether 1000 consecutive 7s will ever occur. For
Turing machines the ultimate outcome of computations is provably uncertain,
as we can see with the following:
We are using the term ‘problem’ here to mean an infinite set of questions, in this
case the following, for each Turing machine T:
We are going to show that no Turing machine S can correctly answer all the
questions QT . It is fair to assume that S receives question QT in the form des ðTÞ,
because QT can be reconstructed from des ðTÞ. It is also fair to assume that S
answers ‘no’ by halting on a blank square, and ‘yes’ by halting on a non-blank
square.
But then S cannot give the correct answer to question QS . If S, given input QS ,
halts on a blank square, then the answer to QS is ‘yes’, so S should not halt on a
blank square. And if S does not halt on a blank square then the answer to
question QS is ‘no’, and S must halt on a blank square.
This contradiction shows that the self-examination problem cannot be solved
by Turing machine. And therefore, if the Church–Turing thesis is correct, this
problem cannot be solved by any computation whatever. As we say, the problem
is algorithmically unsolvable or, simply, unsolvable.
Since the self-examination problem is rather obviously self-defeating, one
might hope that unsolvability is an aberration, not something that happens
naturally. This is not so, because Turing machines can be ‘simulated’ by various
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 61
natural systems in mathematics and logic. In fact Church and Turing both
noticed immediately that predicate logic can ‘simulate’ Turing machines, with
the result the problem of deciding validity in predicate logic – the so-called
Entscheidungsproblem – is unsolvable.
9.3 Incompleteness
The notion of computability, which by some miracle seems to be complete and
absolute, stands in contrast to the notion of provability, which turns out to be
incomplete and relative. The link between the two is non-computability,
which follows from computability by the diagonal argument. The most con-
venient form of the diagonal argument is the one used by Cantor (1891) to
prove that any set has more subsets than elements. Following Post, we apply
this argument to sets associated with Turing machines, called computably
enumerable sets.
A set of natural numbers is called computably enumerable if there is a Turing
machine that lists its elements. The manner of making the list is not important,
as long as any Turing machine has a computably enumerable set associated with
it (possibly the empty set), and we can observe when a given machine T lists a
given number n. We will appeal to the Church–Turing thesis to claim that any
set that is intuitively listable is listable by Turing machine. ℕ is computably
enumerable, and so are many of its subsets, such as the set of prime numbers.
Moreover, we can computably enumerate all the Turing machine descriptions,
by listing them in lexicographical order. We let Wn be the computably enumer-
able set listed by the n th Turing machine.
It follows by the diagonal argument that the set
D ¼ fn : n 2
= Wn g
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62 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 63
2
Perhaps it would be better to say that the only known models for ‘Cantorian’ and ‘non-Cantorian’
set theories are those constructed with the purpose of modelling these theories. This contrasts with
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64 A Concise History of Mathematics for Philosophers
the situation in geometry, where non-Euclidean geometry was found to hold in certain structures
that had been studied before there was a suitable geometric language to describe them. We
mentioned this in section 6.3.
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Elements in Philosophy of Mathematics 65
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The Philosophy of Mathematics
Penelope Rush
University of Tasmania
From the time Penny Rush completed her thesis in the philosophy of mathematics (2005),
she has worked continuously on themes around the realism/anti-realism divide and the
nature of mathematics. Her edited collection The Metaphysics of Logic (Cambridge
University Press, 2014), and forthcoming essay ‘Metaphysical Optimism’ (Philosophy
Supplement), highlight a particular interest in the idea of reality itself and curiosity and
respect as important philosophical methodologies.
Stewart Shapiro
The Ohio State University
Stewart Shapiro is the O’Donnell Professor of Philosophy at The Ohio State University, a
Distinguished Visiting Professor at the University of Connecticut, and a Professorial Fellow
at the University of Oslo. His major works include Foundations without Foundationalism
(1991), Philosophy of Mathematics: Structure and Ontology (1997), Vagueness in Context
(2006), and Varieties of Logic (2014). He has taught courses in logic, philosophy of
mathematics, metaphysics, epistemology, philosophy of religion, Jewish philosophy, social
and political philosophy, and medical ethics.
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The Philosophy of Mathematics
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