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Advanced
Android App
Architecture
Real-World App
Architecture in
Kotlin 1.3
By Yun Cheng & Aldo Olivares Domínguez
Licensing
Advanced Android App Architecture
By Yun Cheng and Aldo Olivares Domínguez

Copyright ©2019 Razeware LLC.

Notice of Rights
All rights reserved. No part of this book or
corresponding materials (such as text, images, or
source code) may be reproduced or distributed by
any means without prior written permission of the
copyright owner.

Notice of Liability
This book and all corresponding materials (such as
source code) are provided on an “as is” basis, without
warranty of any kind, express of implied, including
but not limited to the warranties of merchantability,
fitness for a particular purpose, and
noninfringement. In no event shall the authors or
copyright holders be liable for any claim, damages or
other liability, whether in action of contract, tort or
otherwise, arising from, out of or in connection with
the software or the use of other dealing in the
software.

Trademarks
All trademarks and registered trademarks appearing
in this book are the property of their own respective
owners.
Dedications
"To my mom, the first software engineer I ever knew."

— Yun Cheng

"To my family and friends, for all the support that I

got during the writing of this book."

— Aldo Olivares Domínguez

About the Authors

Yun Cheng is an author on this book. Yun is a

software engineer for the Runkeeper app at ASICS
Digital in Boston, MA. If she's not running
marathons or facilitating for the Girls Who Code club
in Cambridge, MA, you can probably find her setting
off the kitchen fire alarm with her cooking. You can
also reach out to her on Twitter at @yuncheng13.

Aldo Olivares Domínguez is an author of this book.

Aldo is a Software Engineer passionate about
creating amazing apps with great user interfaces.
He's been an Android Developer since 2012 working
primarly as a Freelancer and Instructor. Twitter:
@aldominio.

About the Editors

Nick Bonatsakis is a tech editor of this book. Nick is

an accomplished software engineer with over a
decade of experience in mobile development across
both Android and iOS. He is a passionate
technologist, musician, father and husband. He
currently works as an independent consultant under
his own company, Velocity Raptor Inc.
Matei Suica is a tech editor of this book. Matei is a
software developer that dreams about changing the
world with his work. From his small office in
Romania, Matei is trying to create an App that will
help millions. When the laptop lid closes, he likes to
go to the gym and read. You can find him on Twitter
or LinkedIn: @mateisuica

Vijay Sharma is the final pass editor of this book.

Vijay is a husband, a father and a senior mobile
engineer. Based out of Canada's capital, Vijay has
worked on dozens of apps for both Android and iOS.
When not in front of his laptop, you can find him in
front of a TV, behind a book, or chasing after his kids.
You can reach out to him on Twitter and LinkedIn
@vijaysharm.

Tammy Coron is an editor of this book. She is an

independent creative professional and the host of
Roundabout: Creative Chaos. She’s also the founder
of Just Write Code. Find out more at
tammycoron.com.

Manda Frederick is the managing editor of this book.

She has been involved in publishing for over ten
years through various creative, educational, medical
and technical print and digital publications, and is
thrilled to bring her experience to the
raywenderlich.com family as Managing Editor. In her
free time, you can find her at the climbing gym,
backpacking in the backcountry, hanging with her
dog, working on poems, playing guitar and exploring
breweries.

About the Artist

Vicki Wenderlich is the designer and artist of the

cover of this book. She is Ray’s wife and business
partner. She is a digital artist who creates
illustrations, game art and a lot of other art or design
work for the tutorials and books on
raywenderlich.com. When she’s not making art, she
loves hiking, a good glass of wine and attempting to
create the perfect cheese plate.
What You Need
To follow along with this book, you'll need the
following:

Android Studio 3.3.2, available at

https://developer.android.com/studio/index.htm
l. This is the environment in which you'll
develop the apps in this book.

If you haven't installed the latest versions of Android

Studio, be sure to do that before continuing on with
the book.

Also, the sample app described in this book makes

use of a third party API by the Movie DB to search
and retrieve movie information. In order to use the
search API, you must first get access to an API key
from the Movie DB. To get your API own key, sign up
for an account at www.themoviedb.org. Detailed
steps will be given in the first chapter of the book.
Book License
By purchasing Advanced Android App Architecture,
you have the following license:

You are allowed to use and/or modify the source

code in Advanced Android App Architecture in
as many apps as you want, with no attribution
required.

You are allowed to use and/or modify all art,

images and designs that are included in
Advanced Android App Architecture in as many
apps as you want, but must include this
attribution line somewhere inside your app:
“Artwork/images/designs: from Advanced
Android App Architecture, available at
www.raywenderlich.com.”

The source code included in Advanced Android

App Architecture is for your personal use only.
You are NOT allowed to distribute or sell the
source code in Advanced Android App
Architecture without prior authorization.

This book is for your personal use only. You are

NOT allowed to sell this book without prior
 authorization, or distribute it to friends,
coworkers or students; they would need to
purchase their own copies.

All materials provided with this book are provided on

an “as is” basis, without warranty of any kind,
express or implied, including but not limited to the
warranties of merchantability, fitness for a particular
purpose and noninfringement. In no event shall the
authors or copyright holders be liable for any claim,
damages or other liability, whether in an action of
contract, tort or otherwise, arising from, out of or in
connection with the software or the use or other
dealings in the software.

All trademarks and registered trademarks appearing

in this guide are the properties of their respective
owners.
Book Source Code &
Forums
This book comes with the source code for the starter
and completed projects for each chapter. These
resources are shipped with the digital edition you
downloaded from store.raywenderlich.com.

We’ve also set up an official forum for the book at

forums.raywenderlich.com. This is a great place to
ask questions about the book or to submit any errors
you may find.
About the Cover
Birds are, of course, perhaps most well known for
their ability to build fantastic nests, and the satin
bowerbird, which graces this cover, is no exception.

While many birds craft modest nests of sticks, mud

and bits of softness collected here and there, the
satin bowerbirds are much more ambitious with their
structures. Perhaps one of nature's most creative and
serious architects, these birds build "bowers" to
attract a mate. They build and decorate with
anything from berries to flowers to drinking straws
to ballpoint pens. Interestingly, as they mature, they
prefer to architect with objects of the color blue.

Like these birds, good engineers understand the

importance of good architecture: It is ambitious,
structurally sound, attractive and sets your work
apart from other simple-nesting developers.

You can learn more about these creative and

intelligent birds, here:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Satin_bowerbird.
Section I: Building a
Foundation
This section introduces you to topics that will serve
as a foundation for your understanding of the UI
architecture patterns. You’ll get introduced to the
sample project, an app named WeWatch, that allows
users to keep track of movies to watch. You’ll also
learn concepts that aid architecture, including
Android Architecture Components and dependency
injection.

Chapter 1, Introduction: This chapter explains

what this book is about and its intended
audience. By reading this chapter, you’ll gain a
better understanding of why apps need good
architecture. You’ll also get an introduction to
the sample app that you’ll be building
throughout this book.

Chapter 2, MVC: The sample project starts off

written in the Model View Controller pattern,
with the Android Activity serving as both the
View and the Controller. In this chapter, you’ll
learn the history of the MVC pattern as applied
to Android, and you’ll learn why this UI
architecture pattern fails to meet two primary
standards for good code: separation of concerns
and unit testability.

Chapter 3, Testing MVC: Here, you’ll get a quick

review on writing unit tests with JUnit, and
you’ll learn why the MVC pattern results in poor
unit testability of code.

Chapter 4, Android Architecture Components: In

this chapter, you’ll get an overview of the
Android Architecture Components and go into
detail on the libraries used in the sample project
at various points in the book: Room, ViewModel,
LiveData and Data Binding.

Chapter 5, Dependency Injection: An important

concept in writing testable code is using
dependency injection to inject mock objects into
code. Here, you’ll learn the theory behind
dependency injection and create a practical
sample project using Dagger 2, a popular
dependency injection framework for both Java
and Android.

Chapter 6, RxJava: In this chapter, you’ll get an

overview of RxJava and go into detail on how the
library is used in the sample project at various
points in the book.
Introduction
Do you remember when you made your first “Hello
World” app on Android? From there, you likely
progressed to creating complex user interfaces to
display data, made web calls to APIs and managed
the persistence of data. As the Android apps you
built became more complex, you might have
wondered if there were coding best practices
available to make your apps more extensible,
maintainable and testable. Perhaps you even
wondered how to architect your apps so they’re best
suited to your particular needs.

Given that Google (until very recently) did not

provide an opinion on app architecture, Android
developers were left to come up with their own.
Architecture patterns like MVC, MVP, MVVM, MVI
and Viper are debated passionately among Android
developers. So, what are these patterns and which
one is the best?

The short answer to the latter question is that it

depends on your particular app and its needs. With
that in mind, this book aims to guide you to an
informed decision by answering the former question
in detail.
What is this book?
Throughout this book, you’ll work with one sample
project named WeWatch. You’ll build this project
multiple times using each of these architecture
patterns. During this process, you’ll get a hands-on
comparison of the patterns and gain a deeper
understanding of the theory behind them.

Who is this book written for?

This book is for you if:

You’re a developer who already has a basic

understanding of creating Android apps in
Kotlin.

You want to take your apps to the next level with

robust architecture.

You’re familiar with unit testing with JUnit and

want to write unit tests for your app.

How to use this book

It’s not necessary to read the chapters in this book in
order. Feel free to jump to the architecture pattern
that interests you the most. If there are concepts that
are covered in another chapter, you’ll be directed to
those chapters for more information.

For instance, the sample project uses the following

Android Architecture Components at various points
in the book: Room, LiveData, ViewModel and data
binding, so you may want to read the Android
Architecture Components chapter for more
information. The project also makes use of RxJava in
some chapters, so be sure to check out the RxJava
chapter if you need a primer on that library.

Why is app architecture

important?
The idea behind the app architecture patterns
presented in this book is that they all exist to help
you design your app in such a way that allows the
app to be maintainable as it scales. Two concepts, in
particular, are useful: separation of concerns and
unit testing.

Firstly, separation of concerns deals with separating

the components of your app by responsibility. For
example, when you update the UI of your app with a
fancy new design, you want to do so without having
to change any of the other code, such as the
underlying data.

As you add more features to your app, you want to do

so without having to change too much of your
existing code.

Finally, as your app grows, you want to be able to test

the app to ensure you didn’t break the logic of
existing features.

Now that you know the motivation behind app

architecture, it’s time to get yourself acquainted with
the sample project in the book.

Introducing the sample project

WeWatch, the app you’ll build in this book, keeps a
list of movies you want to watch, allowing you to
easily add and delete movies within the app. To add a
movie, a user can manually enter the movie or search
for movies from a database of movies provided by
The Movie Database (www.themoviedb.org) API.
The Movie Database API key
Any app that wants access to The Movie Database
API must provide an API key in the network call to
identify itself to the API. You’ll need to obtain your
own API key to work with the sample code within
this book.

To obtain your API key, sign up for an account at

www.themoviedb.org. Then, navigate to your
account settings on the website, view your settings
for the API and register for a developer API key.

After receiving the API key, open the starter project

for this chapter and navigate to RetrofitClient.kt.
There, you can replace the existing value for API_KEY
with your new key.

WeWatch sample app

walkthrough
From the project resources open the starter project
for this chapter in Android Studio. Take a moment to
familiarize yourself with the structure of the project.
Build and run the app to see what you’re working
with.
Main screen
The main screen displays the list of movies to watch.
You’ll find the code for this screen in
MainActivity.kt.

On this screen, you can select movies you want to

watch; you can also delete movies you have already
watched (or ones that received a terrible rating from
rottentomatoes.com) from the list.

Add movie screen

Clicking the floating action button from the main
screen brings the user to the add movie screen where
they can enter the title and release year of the movie.
When they press the Add Movie button, the movie
gets added to the to-watch list. You’ll find the code
for this screen in AddMovieActivity.kt.

Alternatively, the user can enter the title of the

movie and press the Search button to the right,
which brings the user to the search movie screen.
Search movie screen

For this screen, corresponding to SearchActivity.kt, a

network call is made to the search endpoint of The
Movie Database API, using the movie title passed in
as the query. The resulting screen is a list of results
matching the movie title. The user can then select a
result to return to the add movie screen with the
movie information pre-populated.
Where to go from here?
Now that you know the motivation behind this book
and had an introduction to the sample project,
you’re ready to learn the theory behind the Model
View Controller architecture. You’ll learn how the
MVC pattern is ironically not really a pattern in
Android at all. This is the default architecture that
the sample project uses, at least for now!
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
[123] The Vitae of Dunstan (Stubbs, Memorials of Dunstan, R.
S. 11, 20, 80, 257) record that he himself learnt the ‘ars
citharizandi.’ One day he hung ‘citharam suam quam lingua
paterna hearpam vocamus’ on the wall, and it discoursed
an anthem by itself. Anthems, doubtless, were his mature
recreation, but as a young clerk he was accused ‘non saluti
animae profutura sed avitae gentilitatis vanissima didicisse
carmina, et historiarum frivovolas colere incantationum
naenias.’
[124] Anglo-Saxon Canons of Edgar (906), can. 58 (Wilkins, i.
228), sic Latine, ‘docemus artem, ut nullus sacerdos sit
cerevisarius, nec aliquo modo scurram agat secum ipso,
vel aliis’; Oratio Edgari Regis (969) pro monachatu
propaganda (Wilkins, i. 246) ‘ut iam domus clericorum
putentur ... conciliabulum histrionum ... mimi cantant et
saltant.’
[125] Strutt, 172 and passim.
[126] Wright-Wülker, 150, 311, 539. A synonym for scôp is
leodwyrhta. On 188 lyricus is glossed scôp. But the
distinctive use of scôp is not in all cases maintained, e.g.
tragicus vel comicus unwurð scôp (188), comicus scôp
(283), comicus id est qui comedia scribit, cantator vel
artifex canticorum seculorum, idem satyricus, i. scôp,
ioculator, poeta (206). Other western peoples in contact
with Latin civilization came to make the same classification
of poet and buffoon. Wackernagel, i. 51, says that the
German liuderi or poet is opposed to the skirnun or tûmarâ,
scurra or mimus. The buffoon is looked askance at by the
dignified Scandinavian men of letters (Saxo Grammaticus,
Hist. Danica, transl. Elton, vi. 186); and Keltic bardism
stands equally aloof from the clerwr (cf. p. 76). Of course
Kelts and Teutons might conceivably have developed their
buffoons for themselves, independently of Roman
influence, but so far as the Germans go, Tacitus, Germ. 24,
knows no spectaculum but the sweorda-gelác or sword-
dance (ch. ix).
[127] Brooke, i. 12; Merbot, 11. The gleómon, according to
Merbot, became mixed with the plegman or mimus. In the
glosses pleȝa = ludus in the widest sense, including
athletics; and pleȝ-stowe = amphitheatrum (Wright-Wülker,
342). A synonym of pleȝa is the etymological equivalent of
 ludus, lâc (cf. ch. viii). Spil is not A. S., spilian, a loan-word
(Kögel, i. 1. 11).
[128] Scôp, the O. H. G. scopf or scof is the ‘shaper,’ ‘maker,’
from skapan, ‘to make’; it is only a West-German word, and
is distinct from scopf, a ‘scoff,’ ‘mock,’ and also from O. N.
skald. This is not West-German, but both ‘sing’ and ‘say’
are from the same root seg (Kögel, i. 1. 140). Gleómon is
from gleo, gleow, gliw, glig = ‘glee,’ ‘mirth.’ The harp, in
Beowulf and elsewhere, is the ‘glee-beam,’ ‘glee-wood.’
[129] Jordanis, de hist. Get. (in M. G. H.), c. 5 ‘ante quos etiam
cantu maiorum facta modulationibus citharisque
cantabant.’
[130] Cassiodorus, Variae, ii. 40, 41. Kögel, i. 1. 130, thinks
that the professional singer, as distinct from the chorus,
first became known to the Franks on this occasion. But one
may rather infer from Theodoric’s letter to Boethius that the
citharoedus was to replace barbaric by civilized music.
[131] Priscus, Hist. Goth. (ed. Bonn) 205 ἐπιγενομένης δὲ
ἑσπέρας δ̂ᾷδες ἀνήφθησαν, δύο δὲ ἀντικρὺ τοῦ Ἀττήλα
παρελθόντες βάρβαροι ᾄσματα πεποιημένα ἔλεγον, νίκας
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς κατὰ πόλεμον ᾄδοντες ἀρετάς ἐς οὓς οἱ τῆς
εὐωχίας ἀπέβλεπον, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἤδοντο τοῖς ποιήμασιν, οἱ δὲ
τῶν πολέμων ἀναμιμνησκόμενοι διηγείροντο τοῖς
φρονήμασιν, ἄλλοι δέ ἐχώρουν ἐς δάκρυα, ὧν ὑπὸ τοῦ
χρόνου ἠσθένει τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἡσυχάζειν ὁ θυμὸς
ἠναγκάζετο. μετὰ δὲ τὰ ἄσματα Σκύθης τις παρελθὼν
φρενοβλαβής, ... ἐς γέλωτα πάντας παρεσκεύασε
παρελθεῖν. μεθ’ ὃν ... Ζέρκων ὁ
Μαυρουσιος ... πάντας ... ἐς ἄσβεστον ὁρμῆσαι γέλωτα
παρεσκεύασε, πλὴν Ἀττήλα. Cf. Gibbon, iii. 440; Hodgkin,
ii. 86; Kögel, i. 1. 114.
[132] Procopius, de bell. Vandal. ii. 6; Victor Vitensis, de
persec. Vandal. i. 15. 47.
[133] Sidonius, Ep. i. 2. 9 ‘sane intromittuntur, quamquam raro,
inter coenandum mimici sales, ita ut nullus conviva
mordacis linguae felle feriatur.’ There are no musicians,
‘rege solum illis fidibus delenito, quibus non minus mulcet
virtus animum quam cantus auditum.’ In Carm. xii Sidonius
mentions Gothic songs, without specifying whether they
are professional or choric.
[134] Alcuin, Ep. cclxxxi (793-804), to a disciple in Italy, ‘melius
est Deo placere quam histrionibus, pauperum habere
curam quam mimorum’; Ep. ccl ( † 801), to the monks of
Fulda, ‘non sint [adulescentuli] luxuriosi, non ebrietati
servientes, non contemptuosi, non inanes sequentes
ludos’; Ep. ccxliv (†801), to Fredegis, master of the palace
school, ‘non veniant coronatae columbae ad fenestras
tuas, quae volant per cameras palatii, nec equi indomiti
inrumpant ostia camerae; nec tibi sit ursorum saltantium
cura, sed clericorum psallentium.’ The ‘coronatae
columbae’ were Charlemagne’s wanton daughters.
Dümmler (Ep. Mer. et Car. ii. 541) prints a responsio of
Leidradus, Abp. of Lyons, to Charles. This is interesting,
because it contrasts the ‘mobilitas histrionum’ which tempts
the eye, with the ‘carmina poetarum et comediarum
mimorumque urbanitates et strophae,’ which tempt the ear.
This looks as if histriones, in the sense of pantomimi, were
still known, but the piece also mentions ‘teatrorum moles’
and ‘circenses,’ and is, I suspect, quite antiquarian.
[135] Ep. clxxv (799), to Adalhart, Bp. of Old Corbey, ‘Vereor,
ne Homerus [Angilbert] irascatur contra cartam
prohibentem spectacula et diabolica figmenta. quae omnes
sanctae scripturae prohibent, in tantum ut legebam
sanctum dicere Augustinum, “nescit homo, qui histriones et
mimos et saltatores introducit in domum suam, quam
magna eos immundorum sequitur turba spirituum.” sed
absit ut in domo christiana diabolus habeat potestatem’
(the quotation from Augustine cannot be identified): Ep.
ccxxxvii (801), also to Adalhart, ‘quod de emendatis
moribus Homeri mei scripsisti, satis placuit oculis
meis ... unum fuit de histrionibus, quorum vanitatibus
sciebam non parvum animae sui periculum imminere, quod
mihi non placuit, ... mirumque mihi visum est, quomodo
tam sapiens animus non intellexisset reprehensibilia
dignitati suae facere et non laudabilia.’ Angilbert also
seems to have had relations unbecoming an abbot with
one of the ‘coronatae columbae.’
[136] Capit. of Mantua (Boretius, i. 195), can. 6 ‘neque ulla
iocorum genera ante se fieri permittant quae contra
canonum auctoritatem eveniunt.’
[137] Capit. Generale (Boretius, i. 64; P. L. xcvii. 188), c. 31 ‘ut
episcopi et abbates et abbatissae cupplas canum non
habeant, nec falcones, nec accipitres, nec ioculatores.’ If
this is the carta of Alcuin’s Ep. clxxv, and I know of no other
which it can be, Dümmler’s date for the letter of 799 seems
too late. Mabillon’s 791 is nearer the mark.
[138] Capit. Gen. (Boretius, i. 96), can. 23 ‘cleri ... non inanis
lusibus vel conviviis secularibus vel canticis vel luxuriosis
usum habeant.’
[139] Conc. of Tours (Mansi, xiv. 84), c. 7 ‘histrionum quoque
turpium et obscoenorum insolentiis iocorum et ipsi
[sacerdotes] animo effugere caeterisque sacerdotibus
effugienda praedicare debent.’
[140] Einhard, Vita Caroli Magni, c. 29 ‘barbara et antiquissima
carmina, quibus veterum regum actus et bella canebantur,
scripsit memoriaeque mandavit.’
[141] Alcuin, Ep. cxlix (798), to Charlemagne, ‘ut puerorum
saevitia vestrorum cuiuslibet carminis dulcedine
mitigaretur, voluistis’; Alcuin, who doubtless had to
ménager Charlemagne a little, is apparently to write the
poem himself.
[142] Kögel, i. 2. 222. The Chronicon Novaliciense, iii. 10,
describes how after crossing Mt. Cenis in 773,
Charlemagne was guided by a Lombard ioculator who
sung a ‘cantiunculam a se compositam de eadem re
rotando in conspectu suorum.’ As a reward the ioculator
had all the land over which his tuba sounded on a hill could
be heard. The Monachus S. Galli (Jaffé, Bibl. rer. Germ. iv),
i. 13, tells how ( † 783) a scurra brought about a
reconciliation between Charlemagne and his brother-in-law
Uodalrich. The same writer (i. 33) mentions an
‘incomparabilis clericus’ of the ‘gloriosissimus Karolus,’
who ‘scientia ... cantilenae ecclesiasticae vel iocularis
novaque carminum compositione sive
modulatione ... cunctos praecelleret.’
[143] Philippe Mouskes, de Poetis Provincialibus (quoted
Ducange, s. v. leccator):

‘Quar quant li buens Rois Karlemaigne

Ot toute mise à son demaine
 Provence, qui mult iert plentive
De vins, de bois, d’aigue, de rive,
As lecours, as menestreus,
Qui sont auques luxurieus,
Le donna toute et departi.’

[144] Kögel, i. 2. 220.

[145] Theganus, de gestis Ludovici Pii (M. G. H. Scriptores, ii.
594), c. 19 ‘Poetica carmina gentilia, quae in iuventute
didicerat, respuit, nec legere nec audire nec docere voluit,’
and ‘nunquam in risu exaltavit vocem suam, nec quando in
festivitatibus ad laetitiam populi procedebant thymelici,
scurrae, et mimi cum choraulis et citharistis ad mensam
coram eo, tunc ad mensuram ridebat populus coram eo,
ille nunquam vel dentes candidos suos in risu ostendit.’
The ‘carmina gentilia,’ so much disliked by Louis, were
probably Frankish and not classic poems.
[146] Benedictus Levita, vi. 205 (M. G. H. Leges, ii. 2. 83), ‘ne
in illo sancto die vanis fabulis aut locutionibus sive
cantationibus vel saltationibus stando in biviis et plateis ut
solet inserviant.’ On this collection see Schaff, v. 272.
[147] This capitulary is of doubtful date, but belongs to the
reign either of Louis the Pious, or Lothair (Boretius, i. 334;
Pertz, i. 324; Ben. Levita, ii. 49) ‘ut in palatiis nostris ad
accusandum et iudicandum et testimonium faciendum non
se exhibeant viles personae et infames, histriones scilicet,
nugatores, manzeres, scurrae, concubinarii, ... aut servi aut
criminosi’; cf. R. Sohm, Die fränk. Reichs-und
Gerichtsverfassung, 354.
[148] For ninth-century prohibitions see Statutes of Haito, Bp.
of Basle (807-23), c. 11 (Boretius, i. 364); Conc. of Maintz
(847), c. 13 (Boretius, ii. 179); Conc. of Maintz (852), c. 6
(Boretius, ii. 187); Capit. of Walter of Orleans (858), c. 17
(Mansi, xv. 507), Capit. of Hincmar of Rheims (P. L. cxxv.
776); and cf. Prynne, 556. Stress is often laid on the claims
of the poor; e. g. Agobardus ( † 836), de Dispens. Eccles.
Rer. 30 (P. L. civ. 249) ‘satiat praeterea et inebriat
histriones, mimos, turpissimosque et vanissimos ioculares,
cum pauperes ecclesiae fame discruciati intereant.’
[149] Otto Frisingensis, Chronicon, vi. 32, records of the
Emperor Henry III in 1045 that ‘quumque ex more regio
nuptias Inglinheim celebraret, omne balatronum et
histrionum collegium, quod, ut assolet, eo confluxerat,
vacuum abire permisit, pauperibusque ea quae membris
diaboli subtraxerat, large distribuit.’ After the death of the
Emperor Henry I of Germany his widow Matilda ‘neminem
voluit audire carmina saecularia cantantem’ (Vita Machtildis
Antiquior in M. G. H. Scriptores, iv. 294).
[150] Honorius Augustodunensis, Elucidarium ( † 1092), ii. 18
(P. L. clxxii. 1148) ‘Habent spem ioculatores? nullam; tota
namque intentione sunt ministri Satanae’; on the vogue of
this book cf. Furnivall Miscellany, 88.
[151] The following passages of the Decretum Gratiani,
besides those already quoted, bear on the subject: (a) i.
23. 3, ex Isid. de Eccl. Officiis, ii. 2 ‘His igitur lege Patrum
cavetur, ut a vulgari vita seclusi a mundi voluptatibus sese
abstineant; non spectaculis, non pompis intersint’: (b) i. 44.
7, ex Conc. Nannetensi ‘Nullus presbyterorum ... quando
ad collectam presbyteri convenerit ... plausus et risus
inconditos, et fabulas inanes ibi referre aut cantare
praesumat, aut turpia ioca vel urso vel tornatricibus ante se
fieri patiatur’; I cannot identify the Council of Nantes
referred to: the canon is not amongst those supposed to
belong to the Council of 660, and given by Mansi, xviii.
166: (c) i. 46. 6, ex Conc. Carthag. iv. c. 60 [398. Mansi, iii.
956] ‘Clericum scurrilem et verbis turpibus ioculatorem ab
officio retrahendum censemus’: (d) ii. 4. 1. 1, ex Conc.
Carthag. vii (419) ‘Omnes etiam infamiae maculis aspersi,
id est histriones ... ab accusatione prohibentur.’ The
Decretum Gratiani was drawn up †1139. The Decretales of
Gregory IX (1234) incorporate can. 16 of the Lateran
Council (Mansi, xxii. 1003), held in 1215 (Decr. Greg. IX, iii.
1. 15) ‘[Clerici] mimis, ioculatoribus, et histrionibus non
intendant’; and the Liber Sextus of Boniface VIII (1298)
adds the following decree of that Pope (Sext. Decr. iii. 1. 1)
‘Clerici qui, clericalis ordinis dignitati non modicum
detrahentes, se ioculatores seu goliardos faciunt aut
bufones, si per annum artem illam ignominiosam
exercuerint, ipso iure, si autem tempore breviori, et tertio
moniti non resipuerint, careant omni privilegio clericali.’
[152] Wilkins, i. 585. For can. 16 of the Lateran council see
last note. The prohibition is again confirmed by can. 17 of
the Synod of Exeter in 1287 (Wilkins, ii. 129).
[153] Constitutiones of Bp. Grosseteste in his Epistolae (R.
S.), 159 ‘ne mimis, ioculatoribus, aut histrionibus
intendant.’ In 1230, Grosseteste’s predecessor, Hugh of
Wells, had bid his archdeacons inquire, ‘an aliqui intendant
histrionibus’ (Wilkins, i. 627).
[154] Annales de Burton (Ann. Monast. R. S. i. 485)
‘histrionibus potest dari cibus, quia pauperes sunt, non quia
histriones; et eorum ludi non videantur, vel audiantur, vel
permittantur fieri coram abbate vel monachis.’
[155] Const. of Roger de Mortival, § 46 (Dayman and Jones,
Sarum Statutes, 76) ‘licet robustos corpore, laborem ad
quem homo nascitur subire contemnentes, et in delicato
otio sibi victum quaerere sub inepta laetitia saeculi
eligentes, qui “menestralli” et quandoque “ludorum
homines” vulgari eloquio nuncupantur, non quia tales sunt,
sed quia opus Dei nostramque naturam conspicimus in
eisdem, nostris domibus refectionis gratia aliquotiens
toleremus,’ yet no money or goods convertible into money
may be given them; ‘nec ad fabulas quas referunt, et quae
in detractationibus, turpiloquio, scurrilitate consistunt, ullus
voluntarium praebeat auditum, nec ad eas audiendas
aures habeat prurientes, sed per obauditionem ab
huiusmodi relatibus, quin potius latratibus, in quantum fieri
poterit, excludantur, tamen nemo libenter invito referat
auditori.’ They may, if they are not women, have their dole
of bread, and keep peace from evil words. ‘Nec debet de
huiusmodi personarum, quae infames sunt, laude, immo
verius fraude, seu obloquio, aut alias vanae laudis
praeconio, ecclesiasticus vir curare, cum nihil eo miserius
sit praelato, qui luporum laudibus gloriatur.’ The statute is
headed ‘De maledicis, adulatoribus, histrionibus, et
detractoribus respuendis.’
[156] Thomas Walsingham, Gesta Abbatum S. Albani (ed.
Riley, R. S. ii. 469) ‘illicita spectacula prorsus evitent’
(1326-35).
[157] J. T. Fowler, Memorials of Ripon Minster, ii. 68 (Surtees
Soc.); the charge was that ‘vicarii, capellani, et caeteri
 ministri ... spectaculis publicis, ludibriis et coreis, immo
teatricalibus ludis inter laicos frequentius se immiscent.’
[158] The Statutes, i. 5. 4, of St. Paul’s, as late as † 1450,
direct the beadles ‘quod menestrallos coram altaribus
Virginis et Crucis indevote strepitantes arceant et eiiciant’
(W. S. Simpson, Register of St. Paul’s, 72).
[159] John of Salisbury, Polycraticus (†1159), i. 8 (P. L. cxcix.
406) ‘satius enim fuerat otiari quam turpiter occupari. Hinc
mimi, salii vel saliares, balatrones, aemiliani, gladiatores,
palaestritae, gignadii, praestigiatores, malefici quoque
multi, et tota ioculatorum scena procedit.’
[160] Cf. Representations, s.v. London.
[161] R. Mannyng de Brunne ( † 1303), Handlyng Synne (ed.
Furnivall), 148. ‘Here doyng ys ful perylous’ he translates
William of Wadington’s ‘Qe unt trop perilus mester’; and
tells a tale of divine judgement on ‘a mynstralle, a
gulardous,’ who disturbed a priest at mass.
[162] Piers the Plowman, C. text, viii. 97:

‘Clerkus and knyȝtes · welcometh kynges mynstrales,

And for loue of here lordes · lithen hem at festes;
Muche more, me thenketh · riche men auhte
Haue beggars by-fore hem · whiche beth godes
mynstrales.’

[163] Cant. Tales (ed. Skeat), § 69 ‘Soothly, what thing that he

yeveth for veyne glorie, as to minstrals and to folk, for to
beren his renoun in the world, he hath sinne ther-of, and
noon almesse.’
[164] e. g. Stubbes, Anatomy, i. 169.
[165] Aucassin et Nicolete ( † 1150-1200), ed. Bourdillon
(1897), 22. The term ‘caitif’ has puzzled the editors. Surely
the minstrel has in mind the abusive epithets with which the
clergy bespattered his profession. See Appendix B.
[166] See especially Le Tombeor de Notre Dame (Romania, ii.
315). Novati (Rom. xxv. 591) refers to a passage quoted by
Augustine, de Civ. Dei, vi. 10, from the lost work of Seneca,
de Superstitionibus, ‘doctus archimimus, senex iam
decrepitus, cotidie in Capitolio mimum agebat, quasi dii
 libenter spectarent quem illi homines desierant.’ Somewhat
similar are Don Cierge qui descendi au Jougleour (Gautier
de Coincy), Miracles de Nostre Dame (†1223, ed. Poquet,
1859), and Le Harpeor de Roncestre (Michel, Roms.,
Contes, Dits, Fabl. ii. 108). Saint Pierre et le Jongleur
(Montaiglon Raynaud, v. 117) is a witty tale, in which a
minstrel, left in charge of hell, loses so many souls to St.
Peter at dice, that no minstrel has been allowed there
since. B. Joannes Bonus (Acta SS. Oct. ix. 693) was a
minstrel in his youth, but the patron saints of the minstrels
were always St. Genesius the mime (cf. p. 10), and St.
Julian Hospitator (Acta SS. Jan. iii. 589), who built a
hospital and once entertained an angel unawares.
[167] Paris, 113; Bédier, 333.
[168] Brooke, Eng. Lit. 305; Ten Brink, i. 149.
[169] Sophus Bugge, in Bidrag til den aeldste Skaldedigtnings
Historie (1894; cf. L. Duvau in Rev. Celt. xvii. 113), holds
that Skaldic poetry began in the Viking raids of the eighth
and ninth centuries, under the influence of the Irish filid.
The tenth-century skald as described in the Raven-Song of
Hornklofi at the court of Harold Fair-hair is very like the
scôp (C. P. B. i. 254), and here too tumblers and buffoons
have found their way. Cf. Kögel, i. 1. 111; E. Mogk, in Paul,
Grundriss2, iii. 248.
[170] Guy of Amiens, de Bello Hastingensi (†1068), 391, 399:

‘Histrio, cor audax nimium quem nobilitabat ...

... Incisor-ferri mimus cognomine dictus.’

Wace, Roman de Rou (†1170) (ed. Andresen, iii. 8035):

‘Taillefer, ki mult bien chantout,

Sor un cheval ki tost alout,
Devant le duc alout chantant
De Karlemaigne et de Rolant
Et d’Oliver et des vassals
Qui morurent en Rencevals.’

Cf. Freeman, Norman Conquest, iii. 477.

[171] Domesday Book, Gloc. f. 162; Hants, f. 38 (b). Before
the Conquest, not to speak of Widsith and Deor, Edmund
Ironside had given the hills of Chartham and Walworth
‘cuidam ioculatori suo nomine Hitardo’ (Somner-Battely,
Antiq. of Canterbury, app. 39). Hitardus, wishing to visit
Rome, gave it to Christ Church, Canterbury.
[172] Bernhard, iii. 378, gives a thirteenth-century regulation
for the Petit Pont entry of Paris: ‘Et ausi tot li jougleur sunt
quite por i ver de chançon.’
[173] Gautier, ii. 124.
[174] There were 426 at the wedding of Margaret of England
with John of Brabant in 1290 (Chappell, i. 15, from
Wardrobe Bk. 18 Edw. I).
[175] Rigordus, de gestis Philippi Augusti (1186) ‘vidimus
quondam quosdam principes qui vestes diu excogitatas et
variis florum picturationibus artificiossisimis elaboratas, pro
quibus forsan viginti vel triginta marcas argenti
consumpserant, vix revolutis septem diebus, histrionibus,
ministris scilicet diaboli, ad primam vocem dedisse.’
[176] The Annales (†1330) of Johannes de Trokelowe (R. S.),
98, tell s. a. 1317, how when Edward II was keeping
Pentecost in Westminster ‘quaedam mulier, ornatu
histrionali redimita, equum bonum, histrionaliter
phaleratum, ascensa, dictam aulam intravit, mensas more
histrionum circuivit.’ She rode to the king, placed an
insulting letter in his hands, and retired. The ‘ianitores et
hostiarii,’ when blamed, declared ‘non esse moris regii,
alicui menestrallo, palatium intrare volenti, in tanta
solemnitate aditum denegare’; cf. Walsingham, Hist. Angl.
(R. S.). i. 149.
[177] Strutt, 189, has a fourteenth-century story of a youth
rebuked for coming to a feast in a coat bardy, cut German
fashion like a minstrel’s; cf. the complaint against knights in
A Poem on the times of Edward II (Percy Soc. lxxxii), 23:

‘Now thei beth disgysed,

So diverselych i-diȝt,
That no man may knowe
A mynstrel from a knyȝt
Wel ny.’
The miniatures show minstrels in short coats to the knees and
sometimes short capes with hoods. The Act of Apparel
(1463, 3 Edw. IV, c. 5) excepts minstrels and ‘players in
their interludes.’ The Franciscan story (p. 57) shows that
some of the humbler minstrels went shabby enough.
[178] Klein, iii. 635; Du Méril, Or. Lat. 30; Gautier, ii. 104;
Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Britonum, ix. 1 ‘rasit
capillos suos et barbam, cultumque ioculatoris cum cithara
cepit.’ Cf. the canon quoted on p. 61 requiring Goliardic
clerks to be shorn or shaven, to obliterate the tonsure. The
flat shoe had been a mark of the mimi planipedes at Rome.
[179] Gautier, ii. 105. Thus Nicolete (Aucassin et Nicolete, ed.
Bourdillon, 120) ‘prist une herbe, si en oinst son cief et son
visage, si qu’ele fu tote noire et tainte. Et ele fist faire cote
et mantel et cemisse et braies, si s’atorna a guise de
jogleor’; cf. King Horn (ed. Hall, 1901), 1471-2:

‘Hi sede, hi weren harpurs,

And sume were gigours.’

[180] Roger de Hoveden, Chronicon (R. S.), iii. 143 ‘De regno
Francorum cantores et ioculatores muneribus allexerat, ut
de illo canerent in plateis; et iam dicebatur quod non erat
talis in orbe.’
[181] Ten Brink, i. 314.
[182] Malory, Morte d’Arthur, x. 27, 31. Even King Mark let the
minstrel go quit, because he was a minstrel.
[183] Cf. p. 40.
[184] Ordericus Vitalis, Hist. Eccles. xii. 19 ‘pro derisoriis
cantionibus ... quin etiam indecentes de me cantilenas
facetus choraula composuit, ad iniuriam mei palam
cantavit, malevolosque mihi hostes ad cachinnos ita saepe
provocavit.’ Lucas de Barre seems to have been of noble
birth, but ‘palam cantavit cantilenas.’
[185] Cf. p. 30.
[186] Speculum Perfectionis (ed. Sabatier), 197. When Francis
had finished his Canticle of the Sun, he thought for a
moment of summoning ‘frater Pacificus qui in saeculo
 vocabatur rex versuum et fuit valde curialis doctor
cantorum,’ and giving him a band of friars who might sing it
to the people at the end of their sermons: ‘finitis autem
laudibus volebat quod praedicator diceret populo: “Nos
sumus ioculatores Domini, et pro his volumus remunerari a
vobis, videlicet ut stetis in vera paenitentia.” Et ait: “Quid
enim sunt servi Dei nisi quidam ioculatores eius qui corda
hominum erigere debent et movere ad laetitiam
spiritualem.”’ Cf. Sabatier, Life of St. Francis, 9, 51, 307.
Perhaps Francis may have heard of Joachim of Flora, his
contemporary, who wrote in his Commentary on the
Apocalypse, f. 183. a. 2 ‘qui vere monachus est nihil
reputat esse suum nisi citharam.’
[187] The MS. of the famous thirteenth-century canon Sumer
is icumen in has religious words written beneath the
profane ones; cf. Wooldridge, Oxford Hist. of Music, i. 326.
Several religious adaptations of common motives of
profane lyric are amongst the English thirteenth-century
poems preserved in Harl. MS. 2253 (Specimens of Lyrical
Poetry: Percy Soc., 1842, no. 19, and ed. Böddeker, Berlin,
1878).
[188] Jusserand, E. W. L. 195, 199, 215; Strutt, 194-5, 210,
227; Hazlitt-Warton, ii. 119; Chappell, i. 15; Collier, i. 22;
Wardrobe Accounts of Edward I (Soc. Antiq.), 163, 166,
168.
[189] Cf. Appendix C.
[190] Cf. Appendix D.
[191] This cannot be the famous Adan de le Hale (cf. ch. viii),
known as ‘le Bossu,’ if Guy, 178, is right in saying that his
nephew, Jean Mados, wrote a lament for his death in 1288.
He quotes Hist. Litt. xx. 666, as to this.
[192] Gautier, ii. 103; Bédier, 405, quote many similar names;
e.g. Quatre Œufs, Malebouche, Ronge-foie, Tourne-en-
fuie, Courtebarbe, Porte-Hotte, Mal Quarrel, Songe-Feste a
la grant viele, Mal-appareillié, Pelé, Brise-Pot, Simple
d’Amour, Chevrete, Passereau.
[193] William of Malmesbury, Gesta Reg. Angl. (R. S.), ii. 494.
[194] Ordericus Vitalis, v. 12, &c. On one occasion ‘ad
ecclesiam, quia nudus erat, non pervenit.’
[195] Bédier, 359.
[196] Gautier, chs. xx, xxi, gives an admirable account of the
jougleur’s daily life, and its seamy side is brought out by
Bédier, 399-418. A typical jougleur figure is that of the poet
Rutebeuf, a man of genius, but often near death’s door
from starvation. See the editions of his works by Jubinal
and Kressner, and the biography by Clédat in the series of
Grands Écrivains français.
[197] Morley, Bartholomew Fair, 1-25, from Liber Fundacionis
in Cott. Vesp. B. ix; Leland, Collectanea, 1, 61, 99;
Dugdale, Monasticon, ii. 166; Stow, Survey, 140; C. Knight,
London, ii. 34; Percy, 406. No minstrels, however, appear
in the formal list of Henry I’s Norman Household ( † 1135),
which seems to have been the nucleus of the English
Royal Household as it existed up to 1782 (Hall, Red Book
of Exchequer, R.S., iii. cclxxxvii, 807).
[198] Gautier, ii. 47, 54; G. Paris, § 88; Ambroise, L’Estoire de
la Guerre Sainte, ed. G. Paris (Documents inédits sur
l’Hist. de France, 1897).
[199] Percy, 358.
[200] Madox, Hist. of Exchequer, 268.
[201] Percy, 365.
[202] Walter Hemmingford, Chronicon, c. 35 (Vet. Hist. Angl.
Script. ii. 591).
[203] Chappell, i. 15, from Wardrobe Book, 18 Edw. I.
[204] Wardrobe Accounts of Edw. I (Soc. Antiq.), 323.
[205] Anstis, Register of Order of the Garter, ii. 303, from Pat.
de terr. forisfact. 16 Edw. III. Cf. Gesta Edw. de Carnarvon
in Chron. of Edw. I and II (R. S.), ii. 91 ‘adhaesit cantoribus,
tragoedis, aurigis, navigiis et aliis huiuscemodi artificiis
mechanicis.’
[206] Strutt, 194; Issue Roll of Thomas de Brantingham (ed.
Devon), 54-57, 296-8.
[207] Household Ordinances, 4, 11.
[208] Rymer, vii. 555.
[209] Ibid. ix. 255, 260, 336.
[210] Ibid. x. 287; xi. 375.
[211] Household Ordinances, 48.
[212] Rymer, xi. 642; cf. Appendix D.
[213] Ibid. xiii. 705; Collier, i. 45; Campbell, i. 407, 516, 570; ii.
100, 224.
[214] Wardrobe Accounts of Edw. I (Soc. Antiq.), 7, 95;
Calendar of Anc. Deeds, ii. A, 2050, 2068, 2076.
[215] Strutt, 189.
[216] Collier, i. 46; Campbell, i. 407, 542, 572; ii. 68, 84, 176.
[217] The entry ‘ad solvendum histrionibus’ occurs in 1364
(Compoti Camerarii Scot. i. 422). The Exchequer Rolls
from 1433-50 contain payments to the ‘mimi,’ ‘histriones,’
‘ioculatores regis’; and in 1507-8 for the ‘histriones in
scaccario’ or ‘minstrels of the chekkar’ (Accounts of
Treasurer of Scotland, i. xx, cxcix; ii. lxxi).
[218] Cf. Appendix C.
[219] Collier, i. 21, from Lansd. MS. 1. Two of this lord’s
menestriers were entertained by Robert of Artois, who also
had his own (Guy, 154).
[220] Gautier, ii. 51; cf. the extracts from various computi in
Appendix E. There are many entries also in the accounts of
King’s Lynn (Hist. MSS. xi. 3. 213); Beverley (Leach,
Beverley MSS. 171), &c.
[221] L. T. Smith, Derby Accounts (C. S.), xcvi.
[222] Percy, N. H. B. 42, 344.
[223] Stowe, Survey, 39 (London); Smith, English Guilds, 423,
447 (Bristol, Norwich); Davies, 14 (York); Kelly, 131
(Leicester); Morris, 348 (Chester); Civis, No. xxi
(Canterbury); Sharpe, 207 (Coventry); Hist. MSS. xi. 3. 163
(Lynn); Leach, Beverley MSS. 105, &c. (Beverley); for
Shrewsbury cf. Appendix E. On Waits’ Badges, cf. Ll.
Jewitt, in Reliquary, xii. 145. Gautier, ii. 57, describes the
communal cantorini of Perugia, from the fourteenth to the
sixteenth century. The usual Latin term for the Beverley
waits is speculatores; but they are also called ministralli,
histriones and mimi. Apparently waits are intended by the
satrapi of the Winchester Accounts (App. E. (iv)).
 Elsewhere histriones is the most usual term. The
signatories to the 1321 statutes of the Paris guild include
several guètes (Bernhard, iii. 402).
[224] Household Ordinances, 48 ‘A Wayte, that nyghtly, from
Mighelmasse till Shere-Thursday, pipeth the watche within
this courte fower tymes, and in the somer nyghtes three
tymes.’ He is also to attend the new Knights of the Bath
when they keep watch in the chapel the night before they
are dubbed.
[225] The Lynn waits had to go through the town from All
Saints to Candlemas. Those of Coventry had similar duties,
and in 1467 were forbidden ‘to pass this Cite but to Abbotts
and Priors within x myles of this Cite.’
[226] The six minstrels of the Earl of Derby in 1391 had a
livery of ‘blod ray cloth and tanne facings’ (Wylie, iv. 160).
[227] Household Ordinances, 48: ‘Mynstrelles, xiii, whereof
one is verger, that directeth them all in festivall dayes to
theyre stations, to bloweings and pipynges, to suche
offices as must be warned to prepare for the king and his
houshold at metes and soupers, to be the more readie in
all servyces; and all these sittinge in the hall togyder;
whereof sume use trumpettes, sume shalmuse and small
pipes, and sume as strengemen, comyng to this courte at
five festes of the yere, and then to take theyre wages of
houshold after iiijd ob. a day, if they be present in courte,
and then they to avoyde the next day after the festes be
done. Besides eche of them anothyr reward yerely, taking
of the king in the resceyte of the chekker, and clothing
wynter and somer, or xxs a piece, and lyverey in courte, at
evyn amonges them all, iiij gallons ale; and for wynter
season, iij candels wax, vj candells peris’, iiij talwood, and
sufficiaunt logging by the herberger, for them and theyre
horses, nygh to the courte. Also havyng into courte ij
servauntes honest, to beare theyre trumpettes, pipes, and
other instrumentes, and a torche for wynter nyghts, whyles
they blowe to souper, and other revelles, delyvered at the
chaundrey; and allway ij of these persons to continue in
courte in wages, beyng present to warne at the kinge’s
rydinges, when he goeth to horse-backe, as ofte as it shall
require, and by theyre blowinges the houshold meny may
follow in the countries. And if any of these two minstrelles
 be sicke in courte, he taketh ij loves, one messe of grete
mete, one gallon ale. They have no part of any rewardes
gevyn to the houshold. And if it please the kinge to have ij
strenge Minstrelles to contynue in like wise. The kinge wull
not for his worshipp that his Minstrelles be too
presumptuous, nor too familier to aske any rewardes of the
lordes of his londe, remembring De Henrico secundo
imperatore [1002-24] qui omnes Ioculatores suos et
Armaturos monuerit, ut nullus eorum in eius nomine vel
dummodo steterint in servicio suo nihil ab aliquo in regno
suo deberent petere donandum; sed quod ipsi domini
donatores pro Regis amore citius pauperibus erogarent.’
[228] Percy, N. H. B. (†1512), 339. The king’s shawms, if they
came yearly, got 10s., the king’s jugler and the king’s or
queen’s bearward, 6s. 8d.; a duke’s or earl’s trumpeters, if
they came six together, also got 6s. 8d., an earl’s minstrels
only 3s. 4d. If the troupe came only once in two or three
years, and belonged to a ‘speciall Lorde, Friende, or
Kynsman’ of the earl, the rate was higher.
[229] Gautier, ii. 107, from Bibl. de l’Arsenal MS. 854; e.g.
‘Deprecatio pro dono instrioni impendendo. Salutem et
amoris perpetui firmitatem. R. latorem praesentium,
egregium instrionem qui nuper meis interfuit nuptiis, ubi
suum officium exercuit eleganter, ad vos cum magna
confidentia destinamus, rogantes precibus, quibus
possumus, quatinus aliquid subsidium gracie specialis
eidem impendere debeatis.’ Collier, i. 42, gives a letter of
Richard III for his bearward.
[230] Collier, i. 41.
[231] Strutt, 194; Gautier, ii. 173-8; H. Lavoix, ii. 198. They are
called Scolae ministrorum, Scolae mimorum. They can be
traced to the fourteenth century. Genève and Bourg-en-
Bresse also had them. The Paris statutes of 1407 (cf.
Appendix F) require a licence from the roi des ménestrels
for such an assembly. A Beauvais computus (1402) has
‘Dati sunt de gratia panes ducenti capitulares mimis in hac
civitate de diversis partibus pro cantilenis novis
addiscendis confluentibus.’
[232] Hearne, Appendix ad Lelandi Collectanea, vi. 36; Percy,
367. The proclamation is dated Aug. 6, 9 Edw. II (i. e.
1315).
[233] No technical term seems, however, intended in Launfal
(ed. Ritson), 668:

‘They hadde menstrales of moch honours,

Fydelers, sytolyrs, and trompours.’

[234] C. J. Ribton-Turner, Vagrants and Vagrancy, chs. 3, 4, 5.

The proclamation of 1284 against ‘Westours, Bards, and
Rhymers and other idlers and vagabonds, who live on the
gifts called Cymmortha,’ and the Act of 1402 (4 Hen. IV, c.
27) in the same sense, seem only to refer to the Welsh
bards (cf. p. 77).
[235] Ribton-Turner, 107 (14 Eliz. c. 5). Whipping is provided
for ‘all Fencers Bearewardes Comon Players in Enterludes
& Minstrels, not belonging to any Baron of this Realme or
towards any other honourable personage of greater
Degree; all Juglers Pedlars Tynkers and Petye Chapmen;
whiche said Fencers Bearewardes comon Players in
Enterludes Mynstrels Juglers Pedlars Tynkers & Petye
Chapmen, shall wander abroade and have not Lycense of
two Justices of the Peace at the leaste, whereof one to be
of the Quorum, wher and in what Shier they shall happen
to wander.’ The terms of 39 Eliz. c. 4 (1597-8) are very
similar, but 1 Jac. I, c. 7 (1603-4), took away the exemption
for noblemen’s servants.
[236] Appendix F.
[237] Gautier, ii. 156; Ducange, s.v. Ministelli.
[238] Gautier, ii. 158. Strutt, 195, quotes from Cott. MS. Nero,
c. viii a payment of Edw. III ‘ministrallo facienti
ministralsiam suam coram imagine Beatae Mariae in
Veltam, rege praesente.’ Chaucer’s pilgrims had no
professional minstrels, but the miller did as well:

‘He was a janglere and a goliardeys, ...

... A baggepype wel koude he blowe and sowne,
And therwithal he broghte us out of towne.’

It was in the absence of regular minstrels that the pilgrims fell

to telling one another stories.
[239] Gautier, ii. 160. Richard Swinfield, bishop of Hereford,
more than once rewarded minstrels on his episcopal
rounds (J. Webb, Household Expenses of Richard de
Swinfield, C. S. i. 152, 155). The bishops of Durham in
1355, Norwich in 1362, and Winchester in 1374, 1422, and
1481 had ‘minstrels of honour,’ like any secular noble (see
Appendix E, &c.). Even the austere Robert Grosseteste
had his private harper, if we may credit Mannyng, 150:

‘He louede moche to here the harpe;

For mannys wyt hyt makyth sharpe.
Next hys chaumbre, besyde hys stody,
Hys harpers chaumbre was fast therby.’

Mannyng represents Grosseteste as excusing his predilection

by a reference to King David.
[240] Madox, Hist. of Exchequer, 251.
[241] Norfolk Archaeology, xi. 339 (Norwich); Hazlitt-Warton, ii.
97; Kennet, Parochial Antiq. ii. 259 (Bicester); Decem
Scriptores, 2011 (Canterbury); for the rest cf. Appendix E.
[242] Hazlitt-Warton, ii. 97; iii. 118, quotes from the Register of
St. Swithin’s amongst the Wolvesey MSS.; in 1338
‘cantabat ioculator quidam nomine Herebertus canticum
Colbrondi, necdum gestum Emmae reginae a iudicio ignis
liberatae, in aula prioris’: in 1374 ‘In festo Alwynis
episcopi ... in aula conventus sex ministralli, cum quatuor
citharisatoribus, faciebant ministralcias suas. Et post
cenam, in magna camera arcuata domini Prioris, cantabant
idem gestum.... Veniebant autem dicti ioculatores a castello
domini regis et ex familia episcopi.’ The ‘canticum
Colbrondi’ was doubtless a romance of Guy of Warwick, of
which Winchester is the locality. Fragments of early
fourteenth-century English versions exist (Ten Brink, i. 246;
Jusserand, E. L. i. 224; Zupitza, Guy of Warwick, E. E. T.
S.; G. L. Morrill, Speculum Gy de Warewyke, E. E. T. S.
lxxxi).
[243] Bartholomaeus (Albizzi) de Pisis (1385-99), Liber
Conformitatum (ed. 1590, i. 94b); Antoninus Episc.
Florentiae (1389-1459), Chronicon (ed. 1586, iii. 752)
‘alterius linguae ioculatores eos existimans’; cf. A. Wood,
 Hist. et Antiq. Univ. Oxon. (1674), i. 69; City of Oxford (O.
H. S.), ii. 349.
[244] See Appendix E. At Paris the Statutes of Cornouaille
College (1380) required abstinence from ‘ludis mimorum,
ioculatorum, histrionum, goliardorum, et consimilium.’
Bulaeus, v. 782, gives another Paris regulation allowing
‘mimi, ad summum duo’ on Twelfth Night (Rashdall, ii. 674).
[245] Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae ( † 1274), ii. 2,
quaest. 168, art. 3 ‘Sicut dictum est, ludus est necessarius
ad conversationem vitae humanae. ad omnia autem, quae
sunt utilia conversationi humanae, deputari possunt aliqua
officia licita. et ideo etiam officium histrionum, quod
ordinatur ad solatium hominibus exhibendum, non est
secundum se illicitum, nec sunt in statu peccati: dummodo
moderate ludo utantur, id est, non utendo aliquibus illicitis
verbis vel factis ad ludum, et non adhibendo ludum negotiis
et temporibus indebitis ... unde illi, qui moderate iis
subveniunt, non peccant, sed iusta faciunt, mercedem
ministerii eorum iis attribuendo. si qui autem superflue sua
in tales consumunt, vel etiam sustentant illos histriones qui
illicitis ludis utuntur, peccant, quasi eos in peccatis
foventes. unde Augustinus dicit, super Ioan. quod donare
res suas histrionibus vitium est immane,’ &c., &c.
[246] Cf. Appendix G.
[247] Another version of this story is given by Petrus Cantor
(ob. 1197), Verbum Abbreviatum, c. 84 (P. L. ccv. 254)
‘Ioculatori cuidam papa Alexander (Alex. III) nec concessit
vivere de officio suo, nec ei penitus interdixit.’ In c. 49 of
the same work Petrus Cantor inveighs learnedly Contra
dantes histrionibus. Doubtless the Alexander in question is
Alexander III (1159-81), though the (Alex. III) above may be
due to the seventeenth-century editor, Galopinus. A hasty
glance at the voluminous and practically unindexed
decrees and letters of Alexander III in P. L. cc. and Jaffé,
Regesta Pontificum Romanorum (ed. 2, 1885-8), ii. 145-
418, has not revealed the source of the story; and I doubt
whether the Pope’s decision, if it was ever given, is to be
found in black and white. The two reports of it by Thomas
de Cabham and Petrus Cantor are barely consistent. In
any case, it never got into the Gregorian Decretals.
[248] Gautier, ii. 42; Bédier, 389; Ten Brink, i. 186; Ducange, s.
vv. Golia, &c.; O. Hubatsch, Lat. Vagantenlieder des
Mittelalters (1870).
[249] Le Département des Livres (Méon, N. R. i. 404):

‘A Bouvines delez Dinant

Li perdi-je Ovide le grant ...
Mon Lucan et mon Juvenal
Oubliai-je a Bonival,
Eustace le grant et Virgile
Perdi aus dez a Abeville.’

[250] The chief collections of goliardic verse are Schmeller,

Carmina Burana (ed. 3, 1894), and T. Wright, Latin Poems
attributed to Walter Mapes (C. S. 1841): for others cf.
Hubatsch, 16. Latin was not unknown amongst lay
minstrels: cf. Deus Bordeors Ribauz (Montaiglon-Raynaud,
i. 3):

‘Mais ge sai aussi bien conter,

Et en roumanz et en latin.’

[251] Hubatsch, 15. The origin, precise meaning, and mutual

relations of the terms Golias, goliardi are uncertain.
Probably the goliardic literature arose in France, rather
than in England with Walter Mapes, the attribution to whom
of many of the poems is perhaps due to a confusion of
G[olias] with G[ualterus] in the MSS. Giraldus Cambrensis
(ob. 1217), Speculum Ecclesiae, says ‘Parasitus quidam
Golias nomine nostris diebus gulositate pariter et
leccacitate famosissimus ... in papam et curiam Romanam
carmina famosa ... evomuit’: but the following note points to
a much earlier origin for Golias and his pueri, and this is
upheld by W. Scherer, Gesch. d. deutsch. Dichtung im 11.
und 12. Jahrh. 16.
[252] Early decrees forbidding the clergy to be ioculatores are
given on p. 39. More precise is the order of Gautier of Sens
( † 913) in his Constitutiones, c. 13 (Mansi, xviii. 324)
‘Statuimus quod clerici ribaldi, maxime qui dicuntur de
familia Goliae, per episcopos, archidiaconos, officiales, et
decanos Christianitatis, tonderi praecipiantur vel etiam radi,
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