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Raj Kamal
Senior Professor
Prestige Institute of Engineering Management and Research
Indore, Madhya Pradesh
Preeti Saxena
Associate Professor
Devi Ahilya Vishwavidyalaya
Indore, Madhya Pradesh
•
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Big Data Analytics
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Preface
Data analysis involves numerical and statistical analysis techniques, which have been
widely used in many fields such as sciences, biology, research, industry, business and
even sports, since the 1960s. The first author of this textbook, Raj Kamal, himself used
analytical techniques in the 1970s for obtaining solutions using matrix multiplication,
inversion, transpose, determinants, linear equations, simultaneous equations using
matrices and least square fitting for finding parameters from observed data points, which
can be described theoretically by superimposition of the functions. His first programme
was in FORTRAN that ran on ICT1904 in 1967. A classic book, Numerical Methods for
Scientists and Engineers, Richard W. Hamming, McGraw-Hill,New York, 1973 (Availableat
the ACM digital library), fuelled his interest in the field of analytics since then. Both the
authors learned from excellent lessons on Big Data Analytics and Advanced Big Data
Analytics given by Ching-Yung Lin, PhD and adjunct professor at Departments of
Electrical Engineering and Computer Science,ColumbiaUniversity USA, in 2017. It is here
that an idea of writing a textbook on Big Data Analytics for young minds came to the
authors.
The chess match of the legendary Garry Kasparov in 1997 against the IBM
supercomputer, Deep Blue, is a landmark moment in the history of computing
technology. "It was the dawn of a new era in artificial intelligence: a machine capable of
beating the reigning human champion at this most cerebral game", in the words of Garry
himself. Nowadays, data analytics, decisions, predictions and discovery of new
knowledge, are possible with the use of AI techniques of machine learning and deep
learning. The rise in technology has led to production and storage of voluminous amount
of data. Earlier, megabytes (106 B) were used and now petabytes (1015 B) plus are used for
processing, analysis, predicting, decisions, discovering facts and generating new
knowledge. Big Data storage, processing and analysis, face challenges from large growth
in volume of data, variety of data, various forms and formats, increasing complexity, fast
generation of data and the need to quickly process, analyse and use data.
Many applications such as industry reports, financial reports, social network and
social media, cloud applications, public and commercial websites, scientific experiments,
simulators, sensors in Internet of Things, and e-services generate Big Data. Big Data
Analytics (BDA) finds applications in many areas, such as healthcare, medicine,
advertising, marketing, sales, and tracing anomalies in big data in these disciplines
This textbook explains the concepts of BDA in a simple to complex manner. For
example, it uses the popular Ravensburger Beneath the SeaJigsaw Puzzle (5000pieces) in
an example to show that scaling out
and division of the computations along with data works well in parallel processing
shared-nothing architecture at distributed computing nodes. This student-friendly
textbook has a number of illustrations, sample codes, case studies and real-life analytics
for datasets such as toys, chocolates, cars, students' GPAs and academic performance.
Classic Apache-based Hadoop ecosystem tools and the latest Apache Spark ecosystem
tools deploying the Python libraries for analytics have been described in depth.
Readers
This textbook is an extremely useful asset for national as well as international students of
Big Data Analytics. This book caters to the needs of undergraduate and postgraduate
students of computer science and engineering, information technology, and related
disciplines, along with professionals in the industry for developing innovative Big Data
Analytics solutions based on Spark ecosystem tools with Python libraries, which include
the use of machine-learning concepts.
The book will also be a useful guide in training programmes for Big Data architects
and analytics requiring new skills, and for those who wish to learn the latest topics.
The main features of the book are:
• Easy-to-understand and student-friendly content, which includes
illustrative figures, examples and sample codes
• The book explains architecture, storage and programming methods for
Big Data analytics, while keeping multidisciplinary undergraduate and
postgraduate students as primary readers in mind
• Learning objectives for each section, recall from previous chapters and
introduction along with meanings of important key terms have been
provided in the beginning of each chapter
• Self-assessment questions, classified into three difficulty levels, have
been given at the end of each section in a chapter
• Key concepts covered, learning outcomes, objective questions, review
questions and practice exercises have been provided towards the end of
the textbook.
Salient Features
• Extensive coverage of topics in Big Data Analytics, such as Big Data
NoSQL Column-family, Object and Graph databases, Data reporting and
visualization, Programming with open source Big Data Hadoop
ecosystems tools, Spark, Spark ecosystem, Streaming, GraphX, and
Mahout tools, have been explained using examples of datasets of interest
to students, such as toys, chocolates, cars and GPAs/academic
performance of students in theory and practical subjects.
• Latest topics such as Machine Learning, Regression analysis, K-NN,
Predictive analytics, Clustering, Decision trees, Clusters, and Similar,
frequent item sets, Pattern mining solutions, Classifiers, Recommenders,
Real-time streaming data analytics, Graph networks for web and social
network analytics, and Text analytics.
• Systematic approach: Data architecture is followed by Analytics
architectures, and the section on Hadoop ecosystem tools is followed by
Spark- and Python-based tools. Each chapter starts with learning
objectives and a quick recall from earlier chapters. The introduction is
followed by important key terms in the beginning of each chapter for
easy understanding of the chapter content. The text has been tagged
with descriptions and questions, self-assessment exercises and
illustrations within the chapter, and each chapter ends with learning
outcomes, MCQs, review questions and practice exercises.
• Rich pedagogy: 20+ programming codes, 100+ questions, solved
examples and practice exercises. Dedicated chapter on a major case
study in the textbook, and another major case study in online content.
Rich online content, PPTs, guide to solutions of practice exercises and
list of select books and references, which makes a comprehensive
bibliography for anyone interested in pursuing further studies in Big
Data Analytics.
Chapter Organization
Chapter 1 gives overview of Big Data, characteristics, types and classification methods. It
describes scalability, need of scaling up and scaling out of processing, analytics using
massively parallel processors, and cloud, grid and distributed computing. This chapter
introduces data architecture design, data management, data sources, data quality, data
pre-processing and export of pre-processed data stores to cloud. Approaches of
traditional systems, such as SQL, Relational Database Management System (RDBMS),
enterprise servers and data warehouse for data storage and analysis, as well as the
approaches for Big Data storage, processing and analytics have been explained in detail. It
also includes Berkley Data Analytics architecture, and introduces cases, case studies and
applications of BOA to its readers.
Chapter 2 starts with an interesting example, explaining the distributed parallel
computing architecture with shared-nothing architecture. This chapter describes basics
of Hadoop, its ecosystem components, streaming and pipe functions, Hadoop physical
architecture, Hadoop distributed file system (HDFS). It explains how to organize nodes for
computations using large-scale file systems, and provides a conceptual understanding of
MapReduceDaemon, functioning of Hadoop MapReduceframework, YARN for managing
resources along with the application tasks. The chapter introduces Hadoop ecosystem
interactions, and application support for analytics using AVRO, Zookeeper, Ambari,
HBase,Hive,Pig and Mahout.
Chapter3 highlights NoSQL data stores, solutions, schema-less models and increasing
flexibility of NoSQL for data manipulation. It describes NoSQL data architecture patterns,
namely the key value pairs, graphs, column family, tabular, document and object in the
data stores. This chapter explains the use of the shared-nothing architecture, choosing a
distribution model, master-slave versus peer-to-peer, and four ways which NoSQL
handles Big Data problems. The chapter covers MongoDB and Cassandra databases.
Chapter 4 describes the MapReduce paradigm, map tasks using key-value pairs,
grouping-by-keys and reduce tasks. It provides the conceptual understanding of
partitioning and combiners in the application execution framework, and MapReduce
algorithms by stating various examples. The chapter also describes Hive, HiveQL and Pig
architecture, Grunt shell commands, data model, Pig Latin. It provides an understanding
how to develop scripts and User-DefinedFunctions.
Chapter 5 introduces Spark architecture features, software stack components and
their functions. It describes the steps in data analysis with Spark, and usage of Spark with
Python advanced features. The highlight of this chapter is the description of methods of
downloading Spark, programming with the RDDs, usage of the Spark shell, developing
and testing Spark codes, and the applications of MLib. The chapter gives understanding of
how to run ETL processes using the built-in functions, operators and pipelines. It also
covers data analytics, data reporting and data visualization aspects.
Chapter 6 lucidly explains the classes of variables, and the ways of estimating the
relationships, outliers, variances, probability distributions, errors and correlations
between variables, items and entities. The chapter gives detailed descriptions of
regression analysis, and the use of K-NN distance measures for making predictions using
interpolations and extrapolations. It explains machine-learning methods of finding
similar items, similarities, filtering of simliars, frequent itemset mining, collaborative
filtering, associations and association rules mining. The highlight of this chapter is the
description of ML methods of clustering, classifiers and recommenders, and Apache
Mahout algorithms for big datasets.
Chapter 7 provides understanding of the concept, model, architecture, management
of data streams. It describes stream sources and stream computing aspects - sampling,
filtering, counting distinct elements, frequent itemset stream analytics, handling of large
datasets, and mining of association rules. The chapter explains the real-time analytics
platform, Apache SparkStreaming, and case studies on real-time sentiment analytics and
stock price analytics.
Chapter8 describes the modelling of databases as the graphs and representations of
graphs using triples. The highlight of this chapter is the description of use of graphs and
graph networks. The chapter gives methods of choosing the graph and graph parameters,
such as centralities for analytics. It explains the graph methods of diagnostics, decisions,
StatsModel, and probabilities-based analytics. Another highlight is the description of
features of Apache Spark GraphX,and its architecture, components and applications.
Chapter 9 describes text mining and the usage of ML techniques . Naive-Bayes
analysis, and support-vector machines (SVMs) for analysing text. The chapter explains
the methods of web mining, link analytics, analysing of web graphs, PageRank methods,
web structure analytics, finding hubs and communities, social-network analysis, and
representation of social networks as graphs. It describes computational methods of
finding the clustering in social network graphs, SimRank,counting triangles (cliques) and
discovering the communities.
Chapter 10 describes installation methods for Hadoop, Hive, Pig and Spark on the
Ubuntu platform. The highlight of this chapter is deploying and exploring open-source
Lego datasets, schema, processing and storage. The chapter explains MapReduce
implementation for counting items in a dataset, creating Hive data tables from a CSV
format dataset, and creating Dataframes from RDDs. It describes Hive and PySpark
programmes using functions for Merge and Join of Dataframes, the SQL-equivalentJoin,
and the UDFs for customised query processing. The chapter explains programmes for data
visualization using pi, bar and scatter plots. Another highlight of the chapter is the
description of machine learning programmes using sklearn for SVMs, Naive Bayes
Classifiers,linear and polynomial regression analyses, and predictive analytics.
Followingcontent is available towards the end of this textbook:
1. Solution to objective questions
2. Bibliography
• Printed and e-books
• Website resources
• Research journals
• Reference papers
Online LearningCenter
An accompanying web supplement available at http://www.mhhe.com/kamal/bda
includes:
PowerPoint slides for each chapter to supplement lecture presentations
Solution guide to practice exercises
Write-up on topics
An additional case study using an open source large dataset of car
company
Although much care has been taken to ensure an error-free text, a few mistakes may
have crept in. The authors shall be grateful if they are pointed out by the readers.
Feedback on content of the book as well as the web supplement available on the McGraw•
Hill site from readers will be highly appreciated through e-mail to
dr [email protected] and [email protected].
RAJ KAMAL
PREETISAXENA
Acknowledgements
Raj Kamal is grateful to Chairman, Dr N N Jain, Vice Chairman, Dr DavisJain, and Shri
Ketan Jain of Prestige Educational Society for providing him an opportunity to serve at
PIEMR, a great institution and platform to learn, and continue research and teaching in
new and exciting areas of engineering and technology. The author is also grateful to Dr
Manojkumar Deshpande,Director, PIEMR, for his continuous encouragement.
Raj Kamalis grateful to Sushil Mittal (wife)for her love and being a constant source of
support, and his family members, Dr Shilpi Kondaskar (daughter), Dr Atul Kondaskar
(son-in-law), Shalin Mittal (son) Needhi Mittal (daughter-in-law), and grandchildren
Arushi Kondaskar, Atharv Raj Mittal, Shruti Shreya Mittal and Ishita Kondaskar for their
love and affection.
Preeti Saxena extends her thanks to family members, Manish Saxena (husband) for
unconditional support and everlasting faith, Devansh Saxena (son) and Raghvi Saxena
(daughter) for their warmth and affection, Suvidya Saxena (mother) and Prateek Saxena
(brother) for their encouragement and well wishes.
Both the authors are also grateful to their colleagues, especially Dr Suresh Jain, Dr
(Mrs)Maya Ingle,
Dr Sanjay Tanwani, Dr Shraddha Masih, Dr Archana Chaudhary, Dr Manju
Chattopadhaya, Ms Kirti Panwar Bhati, Dr Savita Kolhe and Ms Pritika Bahad for their
support and continuous encouragement.
The authors would also like to thank the team at McGraw-HilE l ducation who initiated
the idea of writing, perhaps the first textbook on Big Data Analytics and whose agile
approach lead to the timely production of this textbook. The authors also thank the
reviewers who took out time to go through the manuscript and shared their valuable
suggestions.
Contents
Preface
Acknowledgements
List of Acronyms
2. Introductionto Hadoop
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Hadoop and its Ecosystem
2.2.1 Hadoop Core Components
2.2.2 Features ofHadoop
2.2.3 Hadoop Ecosystem Components
2.2.4 Hadoop Streaming
2.2.5 Hadoop Pipes
2.3 Hadoop Distributed File System
2.3.1 HDFS Data Storage
2.3.2 HDFS Commands
2.4 Mapreduce Framework and Programming Model
2.4.1 Hadoop MapReduce Framework
2.4.2 MapReduce Programming Model
2.5 Hadoop Yarn
2.5.1 Hadoop 2 Execution Model
2.6 Hadoop Ecosystem Tools
2.6.1 Hadoop Ecosystem
2.6.2 Ambari
2.6.3 HBase
2.6.4 Hive
2.6.5 Pig
2.6.6 Mahout
Key Concepts Learning
Outcomes Objective Type
Questions Review
Questions
Practice Exercises
Too often the motive of the legislators has not been to make the
county the state’s more obedient servant, but to “bleed” it to the
utmost for political purposes. Back of the real difficulties of adjusting
the state’s responsibilities to the idea of local control over
administrative details, is too evident the suspicion that the political
machine needs the county very much “in its business.”
For this reason, doubtless, special legislation affecting counties is
so often inseparably associated with the forcible opening of the
county treasury. New York City in recent years has suffered
grievously from mandatory salary increases, imposed in many cases
by a party of the opposite political faith from the one in control over
the local budget. Thus in 1915 out of a total budget allowance of
$7,003,716.82 for county purposes, the sum of $4,858,773.47 or
69.1 per cent. represented mandatory appropriations which could
not be increased or diminished by the local budget makers either
because the exact amount was fixed by law or because the power of
fixation was conferred upon other officers than the appropriating
body of the city. Many of the measures in question dealt with the
salaries of clerks, stenographers and messengers. Of the total
allowance in the same year for personal services (salaries, etc.) of
$5,809,481.75, 78 per cent. or $4,576,985.75 was beyond local
control. While by far the greater proportion of these sums were just
and necessary, the margin of waste which represented one hundred
per cent. politics, was, without a doubt, exceedingly large.
Nor have the legislatures been led to take this course for reasons
of public economy. In thus appropriating other people’s money
according to its professedly superior knowledge of the state’s needs,
it does not often appear to give heed to standards of experience or
of service rendered. Often it is but the old story of the influences
back of the bill with this title: “An Act, providing for the appointment
by the sheriff of —— County, of an undersheriff, fireman and court
officers, and for their compensation and duties.” When the truth
came out it appeared that the sheriff and the board of supervisors
were of opposite parties. The sheriff (whether rightly or wrongly)
was not to be put aside. He simply appealed over the heads of his
“superiors” to a higher authority for what he wanted—and got it.
The people had elected a Board of Supervisors, to manage the
county finances, but at the moment when this body might have
effected a just economy, it was forcibly stripped of their powers.
Theoretically the legislature in the case cited intervened, but what
probably happened was that someone saw the representative in the
legislature from the county in question and he “fixed” it with the
proper committee. The speaker let the bill go through on the floor of
the legislature.
From the standpoint of the local politician or petty officeholder
who is looking for special privilege, via the back-door method, and of
the home legislator who does the “fixing,” special legislation is thus
doubtless a benevolent privilege which enables men to put various
local people in their debt for future purposes. For the “organization”
of the dominant party, the power to give to or withhold from the
local municipalities is often not the least important element of its
power.
As for the county, for its sins of nullification it would seem to be
appropriately penalized, particularly if it belongs in the metropolitan
class. It has been placed under a sort of patriarchal discipline,
robbed of much of its individuality and initiative; its responsible
officers subjected to humiliation from subordinates; its resources
diverted to partisan uses.
CHAPTER XIII
STATE GUIDANCE
At this point the indictment of the county ceases. It is not an altogether hopeless situation.
The very thoroughness of the county’s failure is the chief promise of ultimate redemption.
Not because the county is constructed on an unsound political theory, not because it has
shocked the sense of humanity, but because of its riotous misuse of public funds, it has begun
to attract the attention of higher authorities.
Where does the county’s money go? It has been strongly intimated in previous chapters that
the citizens of the county and sometimes even the county officers know little and care less. Is
it economically run? No one can easily tell, without knowing what other county governments
are costing, service for service and unit for unit. And no one can make such a comparison
between counties unless they have some common basis of understanding. To establish
standards in the use of terms, to make in other words, each county tell its financial story in a
language understood throughout the state, to bring the information from the various counties
together for comparison, to insist upon a sufficiently detailed description of financial activities,
is the object of uniform reporting.
And who can force such a coming together for a common understanding other than the
state itself?
Among the states where county government is of appreciable importance, Ohio was the
pioneer in the direction indicated by this suggestion. The law enacted in that state in 1902
approached the county problem with the conviction that what was needed above all else was
more light—in an administrative sense; that when the shortcomings of county government
could be reduced to statistics and comparisons (invidious if necessary) could be made between
various units, then some real improvements might be reasonably expected. Provision was
made in the enactment for a state Bureau of Inspection and Supervision of Public Offices
which should install a uniform system of public accounting, auditing and reporting in every
office in the state. A corps of field agents known as state examiners were employed on a civil
service basis to make personal examinations in each of the taxing districts. The findings of the
examiners are published, and if money is due the county the enforcement of the law is left first
to the county prosecuting attorney and then to the attorney general.
New York followed the lead of Ohio by passing in 1905 a law which requires counties,
villages and cities, to report annually to the comptroller on forms prescribed by him.
“Indiana and Ohio,” says Professor John A. Boyle,[14] “has gone into the science and art of
uniform accounting very seriously and very effectively. The Indiana law (1909, ch. 55,
amended March 3, 1911), creates a Department of Inspection and Supervision of Public Offices
having jurisdiction over every public office in the state. The administration of the law was
entrusted at the outset to one state examiner, two deputies, one clerk, and fifty-two field
agents working on a civil service basis. Uniform accounting is prescribed and installed.
Comparative statistics are compiled by the state examiner and published annually, so that the
fruits of this department are available to the public.”
Wyoming has a fair system of audit.
The North Dakota law, while it requires the state examiner “to prescribe and enforce correct
methods,” does not call for a uniform system. Massachusetts, Kansas, Georgia, Iowa, Nevada,
Florida, Tennessee, New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, Oklahoma, Washington, Minnesota, West
Virginia, Louisiana, California and Michigan have more or less complete systems of state
financial supervision. The “black sheep” among the states in this respect are Alabama,
Arkansas, Delaware, Illinois, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire,
North Carolina, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Texas, Utah, Vermont and Virginia.
Now for the results of this supervision.
Professor Boyle has summed up the sort of assistance that the state bureaus of accounting
have been able to give. One instance of such help is that where county officers had been
accustomed in the past to take long and expensive junkets to inspect public buildings, expert
advice under the new system has been rendered to them in much cheaper form through the
investigators of the state. Examiners have also been able to point out to county officers many
deviations from the letter of the law, the strict compliance with which is of the most vital
importance in the performance of certain county functions, such as taxation. In a similar way
they have checked up illegal charges against the county, inadequate audit (or no audit at all),
instances of additional compensation (under various guises) for personal service, illegal
temporary loans and misapplication of funds.
It will at once be seen that the mere possibility of a state examiner’s visit will have an
admonitory effect which in itself will often be sufficient to keep an official in the straight and
narrow path. The county, in conforming to the reporting requirements, derives a local benefit
wholly apart from any obligation to the state. Upon the basis of a sound and permanent
system of accounting the local officers are in a position accurately to inform the county of their
doings and make comparison of a financial transaction of one year with those of previous
years. Herein is one foundation stone of a scientific budget.
Under a complete system of state regulation not only are the forms and standards of
uniform accounting established, but a staff of expert examiners is created to determine by
periodical investigation, whether or not these standards are lived up to.
The remarkable conditions preceding the establishment of the Ohio Bureau and the
important services which it has rendered the state, are revealed in the following summary[15]
of its findings in counties during the first ten years of its existence.
STATEMENT OF FINDINGS TO NOVEMBER 15, 1912
COUNTIES
Findings
Illegal Unclaimed Total
Year for Returns
Payments Moneys Illegal
Recovery
1903 $50,268.93 $18,808.91 $807.92 $69,884.76 $10,741.93
1904 57,805.54 2,504.41 10,339.95 70,649.90 2,222.31
1905 246,280.58 7,421.87 25,389.52 279,091.97 24,847.83
1906 295,082.80 14,227.52 5,218.21 314,528.53 232,156.78
1907 646,397.50 115,906.91 18,049.13 780,353.54 322,911.08
1908 103,764.26 43,333.31 9,829.15 156,928.92 41,171.53
1909 410,282.51 320,137.17 23,219.42 753,639.10 66,219.91
1910 146,024.04 106,410.00 22,241.18 274,675.22 24,438.36
1911 233,547.24 129,007.02 7,921.90 370,476.16 37,735.34
1912 112,926.80 No report 118.26 113,045.06 96,015.16
Ttls $2,302,379.30 $757,759.32 $123,134.54 $3,183,273.16 $858,460.23
TAX ADMINISTRATION
A branch of local fiscal administration which is in far less satisfactory shape is that of
taxation. In no department is “nullification,” as has been already shown, more constant and
serious. The situation is complicated. In seventeen of the states, including every one north of
the Ohio and Potomac rivers, and east of the Mississippi, except Illinois, Indiana and Maryland,
the county as a whole has very little to do with assessments for the general property tax, the
unit for assessment in that section being the town or township. That in nearly all these states
the general property tax may be said to have broken down, would seem to be indicated by the
establishment of a permanent state tax commission or commissioner in all of them except
Pennsylvania. In thirty-one states in the South and West, the county is the unit of assessment,
and in its favor it may be said that in this rôle it has proven a far more satisfactory performer
than the town. The county is small enough to serve as a convenient unit for assessment
operations and assessment records and furnishes the basis of a system of fewer units than if
the town were the basis. Under the county plan, moreover, there are fewer opportunities for
communities to compete against each other in their effort to escape their just share of the
general burden of government. It is significant that most of the western states have seen the
advantages of the county as the local unit of administration.
But the county, for all that, appears to be incapable of standing on its own feet in tax
matters. Even under the most favorable circumstances there remains an important duty for a
state commission to supervise the work of the county assessor or board of assessors to the
end that the letter of the law may be obeyed with the utmost uniformity throughout the state.
Such a commission must see that the county does injustice to neither individuals nor the state
through inequal assessment and that the tax sales are in accordance with the law.
The county, in short, has a useful place in the general scheme of tax administration, but it
must be a supervised unit.
CIVIL SERVICE
In the administration of the civil service law the county also does well to lean upon the state.
The same considerations that apply in accounting and tax matters apply with equal force in the
selection of the employees. Most of the counties are too small to serve as units in which to
install facilities for conducting examinations and publishing useful records. The superior powers
of the state commission over the localities in these respects are emphatically not a destructive
check upon the county’s officers. They do not detract from local responsibility. They simply
enable them to apply to their work the most effective means available.
In New York the state civil service commission regulates the service in eighteen counties. In
New Jersey the adoption of the civil service law involving state control rests with the people of
each county. Hudson, Essex, Mercer, Passaic and Union counties have taken advantage of the
law.
Administration apart from fiscal supervision in other departments, such as charities, prisons
and public health, has advanced much more slowly than reform in the fields which have been
mentioned. But every indication for the future is toward greater control through accounting
and supervision. The county acts locally in the enforcement of state obligations. The real
trouble comes when one undertakes, arbitrarily, to place any given county activity in the local
or state category. The catching of a thief, for example, is a very essential part of the state’s
most fundamental duty to protect property, but the locality where the crime is committed is
very keenly interested in having the machinery of the county set to work to punish the deed.
The locality pays the sheriff his salary or his fees, but the state, in protecting the property of
its citizens, is probably justified in guarding against extravagant or dishonest use by the people
of the county even of their own money.
And so it is impracticable and not by any means necessary to give the county quite unbridled
liberty to control all its officers. Central supervision is a middle course that protects the state
and instead of impairing, really conserves the county’s interests. The state, without instructing
the county as to what it may do with its purely local powers, may lay a firm hand upon it in
telling how to use those powers effectively. Such a course is conceived in quite a different spirit
from the destructive sort of state meddling which was described in the preceding chapter,
which proceeds from the legislative branch of the central government. What the state
government actually does when it regulates or supervises is to hold up the county official to
standards of performance. This is the proper work of officers or boards in the administrative
branch. It relates not to what the county shall do as a matter of broad policy, but how the
county shall redeem its obligation in matters of routine, detail and technique. The state agency
may have only the power to “visit and inspect,” like the New York State Board of Charities, or it
may, like the Comptroller of the same state, actually impose forms of procedure. In either
case, local officers otherwise unstimulated to efficient work, as they must be under the present
system of government, are thus given moral support from a responsible quarter. They are
subjected to a cold, unescapable comparison with other officers in other localities and they are
given the benefit of expert advice on many obscure and complex phases of public
administration.
[14] See Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, May 1913. pp.
199-213.
[15] Prof. John H. Boyle, op. cit., p. 203.
CHAPTER XIV
READJUSTMENTS
So much by way of accepting counties as they are. “State
guidance” goes a long way as a palliative of unsatisfactory
conditions. It is a sort of permanent first aid to the injured.
But the county needs surgical treatment! In some cases it is well
to fix responsibility. In extremities it becomes necessary to
amputate.
Bear in mind, to begin with, the fact that the county at bottom is
really a piece of the state, a local agency. The prevailing practice of
local election of officers and its logical sequence, local nullification,
have done much to obscure the real interests of the state at the
county court house, till the average run of citizens have long
forgotten that the distinction exists; that officers like the sheriff,
district attorney, public administrator and coroner are not strictly
local officers at all but subordinates of the general state government.
By far the most important branch of general administration with
which county officers serve is the judiciary. Counties, except in a few
states, are the units for selection of judges having original
jurisdiction in both civil and criminal cases which involve moderate
amounts of money and less than the most serious offenses. With the
county court also is generally associated probate jurisdiction, which
is exercised in some of the eastern states by a special officer known
as the surrogate, who may be a judge as in New York, or a purely
ministerial officer, as in New Jersey.
Legally the judiciary is more nearly a part of a state system than
any other branch of the county organization. The decisions of the
judges are of course subject to appeal to a higher state court—that
is an important form of control. Sometimes, as in California, a part of
the salary of the county judge is paid from state funds. Probably too
the greater popular respect that hedges about the bench is sufficient
to set it apart from much of the sinister influence that often affects
the other officers of the county. Nevertheless, the county court in
common with other divisions of the judiciary, is subject to a wide
variety of disintegrating forces. It has a variegated allegiance: to the
people (in most of the states) for its original selection, to the county
governing body for many incidental items of financial support, and to
higher judicial authority for confirmation or revision of its decisions.
It does not control its executive agents, such as the sheriff and the
county clerk, who are usually independent elective officers.
The readjustment of this situation can hardly be effected
satisfactorily apart from a complete reorganization of the state’s
judicial system. This will undoubtedly involve, among other things, a
much more complete central control on the part of a state chief
justice and a judicial council. The courts must be organized with a
keener appreciation that a judge in rendering just and learned
decisions is a part of a business machine—he is waiting on
customers; that there is no sound reason why the judicial
department should defy the principle of responsibility any more than
a department which serves the public in another way.
In the general overhauling of the systems, perhaps the elective
county judge will disappear. But liberty, for all that, will not vanish
from the earth. States as diverse in their location and composition as
New Hampshire, Connecticut, New Jersey and South Carolina never
drifted quite completely into the habit of “electing everybody,” and
they are good states. The Federal judiciary, too, is appointive, and it
is not more culpable, by standards of either the progressiveness or
of administrative efficiency, than most of the state courts.
The earthquake, we may hope, will also shake up the justices of
the peace, who in any self-respecting organization of the courts will
either disappear or be linked up, as the American Judicature Society
proposes, in a county system, with the county judge in control. The
justices are now associated with the town or a corresponding
division of the county and deal with very minor (but not for that
reason insignificant) civil and criminal cases, or act as a tribunal for
preliminary hearings and commitments. In cities the office has
steadily and hopelessly decayed by transfer of its jurisdiction to
other courts and through the abuses of the fee system. It was
established moreover when means of transportation were few and
difficult and districts consequently had to be made small in order to
meet the convenience of the litigants who came seeking justice. But
times have changed! Circumstances favor larger districts and
infinitely better control over this branch of the judiciary.
In making over the courts we cannot properly overlook the
machinery for enforcing judicial decisions. This is the function of the
sheriff. Where, in the reconstructed scheme of things shall he come
in? Our forefathers committed themselves to the theory of the
separation of powers, these three: the legislative, the executive and
the judicial. Under this scheme of things the duty of judges is to find
or interpret the law: nothing more. The sheriff as an executive
officer is therefore always independent of the court: he is the
enforcer of state laws which come to him in the form of very specific
instructions by way of court decisions. Such instructions are issued in
the interest of parties to a legal controversy.
But the sheriff is not the only law enforcer in the county. The state
has made the board of supervisors (or board of commissioners) and
county officers its agents in enforcing various state laws. And so the
question arises: why not bring all the enforcing agencies under a
single control? Two ways suggest themselves. If the judicial system
is to be a unified state affair, then judicial-decision enforcing should
also be a state concern and the county should keep its hands off. In
practice this would mean that the governor or some other general
state officer should appoint the sheriffs on the same principle which
is employed in the federal government, wherein the President
appoints U. S. marshals. But, if on the other hand, the county
government is to be considered as a general local agency of the
state for enforcing all its laws, then nothing remains but to put it up
to the local governing body or some local chief executive to select
the sheriff. Such is the method which has been applied in the city
and county of Denver, Colorado, where the mayor is the chief
executive of the consolidated governments.
And what of the coroner? Every authority worthy of credence is
agreed that this office, above all others in the county, has long
outlived its usefulness. That one small head should contain the
necessary skill of criminal investigator, medical expert and magistrate
is far too much to expect of any ordinary mortal. A few states,
following Massachusetts, which abolished the coronership in 1877,
have created an office under various titles, such as “medical
examiner,” “county physician” (New Jersey), “medical referee” (New
Hampshire), etc. They have modernized the coronership by stripping
it of its magisterial powers and taking it off the ballot. In most cases
the new medical officer is an expert pathologist and his services are
often of the greatest value in criminal and civil actions and to the
cause of science. In New York City the coroners now in office in the
five boroughs will go out of office on January 1, 1918, their powers
of investigation will then be transferred to a chief medical examiner
appointed by the mayor, and a corps of assistants who will be
equipped with ample laboratory facilities. The judicial duties of the
coroner will be turned over to the city magistrates.
As for the district attorney,[16] his proper relations to a criminal
trial and to the public seem to be generally misunderstood. He is the
state’s advocate as against the breaker of the law. But it is no part of
his business to send every alleged offender to the penitentiary. The
efficiency of the prosecutor is not to be determined by a high record
of convictions. He is not, properly, a man-hunter. Nor is it his
province to decide when he shall bear down hard upon offenders
and when he shall soften justice. His functions, in short, are
administrative and not political. And when that fact is admitted every
reason why he should be popularly elected falls. In the ideal county,
efficiency in the administration of justice will not be a perennial local
campaign issue, for the prosecutor will be appointed by some
responsible state authority, such as the governor or attorney
general, not as a reward for political services but on the basis of
merit and fitness. Or if, perchance, it shall be deemed unwise so to
centralize authority, it would at least be logical to let the county
authorities do the appointing.
There remains to be disposed of the clerk of court.[17] His relation
to the bench is rather a closer one than that of the sheriff, so close
that in some jurisdictions it has not been thought a violation of the
theory of the separation of powers to allow the judge or the whole
court to appoint him. Such indeed would seem the proper course.
But in many counties the business of court-clerking is hardly onerous
enough to engage a separate officer and the duties have accordingly
been transferred to the county clerk. This officer usually performs a
variety of functions, among which are his services as clerk of the
county board and as the local custodian or register of legal papers
required to be filed under certain state laws. In counties where this
“bunching” of functions has to be resorted to, the least that should
be done by way of readjustment should be to help along the
unification of the county government by vesting the appointment of
the county clerk in the county board or a county executive to be
established. In the larger counties where the volume of county
business warrants a separation of functions, there seems to be no
sound reason why such duties as the filing of papers should not be
in the hands of an officer appointed by some state official, to
represent him in the locality. In this way certain counties at least
would be completely divested of responsibilities of which they
appear never to have acquitted themselves too well. The county’s
ultimate place in the sun is being determined by a stripping process:
the state is taking up its work.
Thus in the domain of charities. We pointed out in Chapter IX that
the county was hopelessly deficient in caring for the insane, the
defectives and the criminals. Modern methods, which are humane
methods, have come to demand strict classification as the very
starting point for treatment. But unless the number of subjects for
treatment is reasonably large, the expense of such classification is
prohibitive. Most counties cannot supply the numbers. They find
themselves in the predicament of a rural sheriff who has in custody
an average of perhaps six prisoners. If his county were to obey the
law it would have ready at all times an establishment which provided
special accommodations for almost forty different classes of inmates.
Under these circumstances the only course is to transfer as many
classes of prisoners as possible to the care of a larger unit of
government that is able economically to segregate. This transfer
actually began in some of the older states in the eighteenth century.
Massachusetts led the movement by erecting a special prison on
Castle Island for the most desperate type of convicts. In 1796, New
York began the construction of two state prisons in New York and
Albany. In 1816, Ohio built a state penitentiary at Columbus and in
1839, Michigan completed its first state prison at Jackson. Reform
institutions in this country began to be established in Massachusetts
in 1846 when juvenile offenders were removed from local jails and
state prisons. Since then separate institutions for boys and girls have
been established in nearly all of the eastern states. New York in
1877 erected the first reformatory to which adult convicts could be
committed under an indeterminate sentence.
As for the care of the insane, this was the first department of
public welfare administration that was taken over by the whole state,
beginning with the establishment of the first hospital in Utica, New
York, in 1843. From time to time other states have followed New
York’s example until nearly every state has one or more hospitals.
With the increase in the number of institutions in a given state
further segregation and classification of inmates has been possible.
State institutions now furnish the means for appropriate education
for the mentally defective who formerly were left to shift for
themselves in mismanaged county almshouses. The deaf, dumb and
blind have been taken care of in similar fashion. Indeed, the function
of county poor relief would now seem to approach as its ideal, the
complete transfer to the state of all charity functions except possibly
a certain amount of temporary “out-door” relief. But even this rather
narrow field has been invaded, for, in New England and New York, at
least, a class of “state poor” is known to the statutes.
That the county has often sadly broken down in the guardianship
of life and property is a fact which has come into prominence within
very recent years. As the police force of the big cities become more
and more efficient the field of operation for criminals is transferred
to the suburbs, to the small towns and villages and to the open
country and the police problem in the rural sections takes on a semi-
metropolitan aspect. Good roads, the automobile and the telephone
have facilitated the business of thugs and burglars as well as of
honest citizens. Said the district attorney of Niagara County, New
York, recently, “Nearly every post office safe in Western New York
has been robbed, and I do not now recall anybody having been
convicted for these crimes. The ordinary constable or deputy sheriff
can serve subpœnas and make a levy under an execution providing
he is feeling well, but as a general rule he is incapable of coping with
even a third-class criminal.” Numerous other equally forcible official
statements of the same tenor have been collected by the New York
Committee on State Police.
To cope with these crimes of violence and cunning the untrained,
politically selected sheriff of the typical rural county is but sadly
equipped. He is a temporary elected official to begin with,
unschooled in the ways of criminals and unfamiliar with any of the
vast paraphernalia of investigation that go to make up a modern
police system. Certain parts of the country moreover have peculiar
periodical disturbances on a larger scale than criminals operate—
riots, lynching parties, flood disasters, strikes. These occasions
demand the temporary mobilizing of a comparatively large, well-
organized and disciplined force to handle the situation with firmness
and fairness. It is no place for the crude old-fashioned sheriff’s
posse.
At the present time it is the frequent practice on such occasions to
call out the state militia. But while this organization has often
doubtless rendered effective service, police duty is not its proper
occupation. Every year enlistments fall far below the adequate figure
because young men in business and professional life deem it
obnoxious to leave their appointed tasks to do a professional
policeman’s work. In the discussion of “preparedness” measures it
has frequently been proposed that the militia be enlisted solely for
national defense and that a special fighting force be developed for
state police duty. If such a force were organized on a permanent
basis it would practically relieve the sheriff and the constables from
police duty.
A model for such a force is found in the Pennsylvania State
Constabulary, which has been in existence since 1902. This is an
organization of two hundred and twenty mounted policemen formed
into four companies under a superintendent of police. Every year it
patrols 660,000 miles of rural roads and not only keeps the rural
sections singularly free from criminals but has performed numerous
other distinctive services. It has prevented disastrous fires and mine
explosions, quelled riots, stopped illegal hunting and maintained
quarantine during epidemics of disease. It was this constabulary that
handled the tremendous crowds at the Gettysburg Centennial in
1913. The force is made up of picked men who are taught the laws
of the commonwealth and schooled to enforce them with absolute
impartiality against offenders of all classes. It has been free from
politics and has won the respect of all classes of the people.
In the domain of highways[18] the county, under the pressure of
the good-roads movement, has been rapidly yielding its control to
the central government. The good-roads problem simply outgrew
the county. It could not be handled efficiently through so small a
unit. In the course of railway development everywhere the old lines
of tributary traffic by wagon road from the farms to the shipping
centers were greatly modified. Their objective point came to have no
particular reference to the boundaries of the county or the location
of the county seat. Traffic from one county destroyed the roads of
another without supplying any compensatory advantages to the
latter. Modern road construction, particularly since the advent of the
automobile, created technical engineering problems far beyond the
capacity of the local officials to solve. Without the aid of better
equipped agencies than a unit so small as the county could afford
most of the rural roads of the county must have gone to rack and
ruin, to say nothing of their meeting the demands of present day
traffic. But forty-two state governments, up to 1915, had come to
the rescue, either by supplying financial aid, authorizing the
employment of convict labor or by furnishing expert advice founded
upon scientific research. Up to the year 1914 only Florida, Indiana,
Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee and Texas had made no
provision whatever for state participation in road work.
But the significant point to be noted here is the strong tendency to
take entirely out of the hands of the county the whole burden,
financial and otherwise, of the great trunk lines and in many cases
to impose standards and specifications for construction even where
the county does its own road building. Thus, Massachusetts, up to
January 1, 1914, had completed more than one thousand miles of
state highway through the issuance of state bonds and the levying
of automobile taxes, the counties being required to refund the state
twenty-five per cent. of the cost of construction. New York
established a highway department in 1898 and has authorized bond
issues of $100,000,000 for a state system of roads which has
already reached an advanced stage of construction. Virginia, Ohio,
Maryland and California have made much progress toward a state
road system, the California plan calling for two main highways
running the length of the state and a system of laterals connecting
the county seats with the trunk lines. The state of Iowa has gone so
far as to place all road work in the state under the direction of its
highway department.
And so, the dominion of the county is being invaded at sundry
points. The unification of the judiciary (which it must be admitted
has not yet progressed very far), the gradual transfer of the charity
and correctional work to the state government, the establishment of
a state police and the more imminent abridgment of county control
over highways—these movements unmistakably and definitely seem
to point the ultimate displacement of the county as an important
agent of public service in particular fields.
But that is but one side of the story. For while, on the one hand,
the importance of the county is threatened in particular fields there
seems to be before it in other directions a career of greater
usefulness than ever before. This present observation, however,
applies only to those states where the town or township has come in
for particular emphasis, or where, as will be suggested later in the
discussion, the principle of federation may be adopted by a number
of contiguous municipalities as a step toward consolidation of local
governments.
In a number of states where the New England influence has been
strong the town is frequently the unit (though not always
exclusively) for the custodianship of certain records such as deeds
and mortgages, for public health administration, for commitment of
paupers, for road construction and maintenance or for tax
assessment and collection.
The relation of the county to the town in these concerns is
analogous to that of the state to county in such matters as the care
of the insane and the control of trunk-line highways. It is a question
of finding a unit large enough (and not too large) to fit the problem
in hand. Public health, for example, is largely a matter of controlling
sources of disease in milk and water supply, which under modern
methods of living are usually much more widely distributed than the
area which is served. Effective control in that case would simply
mean control through a unit larger than the town, to wit: the county,
unless control on a still wider scale should prove feasible. Similarly in
the matter of police protection: the town constable is an
anachronism in these days of rapid transit. The county is a more
appropriate police unit than the town. Town custodianship of records
means duplication, lack of standards and waste. Town commitment
of paupers to the county almshouse or poor farm is a temptation on
the part of the smaller locality to shift its burdens on to the
shoulders of the whole county.
When it comes to highway construction, the high technical skill
which needs to go into the work is a commodity which comes too
high for a town and even, as we have pointed out, for the county.
But the most serious misfits of town government are the local
agents of tax administration. Wherever the town is the smallest tax
unit not only is the number of officials needlessly multiplied, but
diverse standards of property valuation are set up and competition is
resorted to between towns with a view to escaping their just share
of taxation. Without a dissenting voice the recognized tax experts of
the county are firmly of the opinion that the town as a unit of tax
assessment and tax collection must give way to the county.
And so, the readjustments that are working out the ultimate
destiny of the county are not wholly of a negative sort. It is not all a
matter of trimming the county’s wings.
[16] Variously designated in different states as state’s attorney,
prosecutor of the pleas, county attorney and solicitor.
[17] In Pennsylvania known as the “prothonotary.”
[18] This discussion of highway matters is based principally
upon a monograph by J. E. Pennybacker, Chief of Road
Economics, Office of Public Roads, Department of Agriculture. Y.
B. Separate, 1914.
CHAPTER XV
COUNTY HOME RULE
Some counties indeed are awakening to a sense of their identity
and are asserting with much vigor their ability to organize and
manage many concerns which have been conspicuously mishandled
either by the state authorities or by the smaller local units.
Nowhere has the need for “readjustment” to meet this demand
been more keenly appreciated than in California. Elsewhere in these
chapters we have referred to the great diversity in the underlying
social and physical conditions in that state. To meet this situation
fifty-six “general” laws (that were not general at all) had been
enacted, for as many counties. No other method of individualizing
county government had been resorted to until 1911. At that time the
progressive leaders in the legislature wished to bring government, all
down the line, into sympathy with standards of simplicity and
efficiency that were then beginning to be accepted. For a time
county government seemed to present an insuperable obstacle: how
could a state system be devised that would square with these new
ideas? Then it was remembered that for upwards of thirty years the
cities of California had been determining for themselves what
municipal officers should be chosen, how they should be chosen and
what powers they should exercise. California was a pioneer in
municipal home rule and the system had worked pretty much to
everybody’s satisfaction.
Inasmuch, however, as counties have much more intimate
relations with the state government it seemed impracticable to allow
them quite so large discretion as the cities, in determining the
powers they should enjoy. And so, the California amendment gives
the people of the county freedom to determine the form and detail
of the county organization, subject to the proviso that each of the
necessary county officers such as sheriff, district attorney, etc., must
be maintained to execute the state law within the county. Members
of the county board of supervisors must be elected, but not
necessarily by districts. All other county officers, except the superior
court judges, may be either elective or appointive in a manner set
forth in a county charter.
The procedure by which California counties may take advantage of
the home-rule privilege is as follows: A board of fifteen freeholders is
elected, either in pursuance of an ordinance adopted by three fifths
of the members of the board of supervisors, or of a petition signed
by fifteen per centum of the qualified electors of the county,
computed upon the total number of votes cast therein for all
candidates for governor at the last preceding gubernatorial election.
Within one hundred and twenty days from the time their election is
declared the board of freeholders must prepare and cause to be
published a charter for the government of the county. Within sixty
days after its first publication (unless a general election intervenes)
the charter is submitted to the voters of the county for adoption or
rejection. It is then submitted to the legislature at its next session
for approval or rejection but not for amendment. But since a
California legislature in thirty-seven years has never been known to
reject a charter or a charter amendment of a city, the outlook for a
policy of county non-interference would seem to be good.
It may be, however, that the California plan is too radical a change
for states which have not yet granted freedom to their cities. A less
sweeping way of affording relief from iron-clad forms of government
is found in the statutes of Illinois, New Jersey and other states,
through which it is possible for any county to pass from one
prescribed form to another by petition and popular election. Similar
laws are in operation in a number of states permitting cities to adopt
the commission plan, and in four states the cities may make a choice
between three or four forms under an optional law.
Following the passage of such a city law in New York, the County
Government Association and the official commissions on the
reorganization of government in Nassau and Westchester counties
memorialized the constitutional convention of 1915 for amendments
which would authorize the counties to adopt a plan of organization
suited to their local needs. These associations formulated the
question of county adjustment for “up-state” New York counties in
these words:
FEDERATION
Where immediate consolidation at a single stroke is out of the
question, as is apparently almost always the case, a more easy
transition is suggested by the recommendations of the City and
County Government Association of Alameda County, California.
Realizing that a powerful local sentiment in the outlying territory
militated irresistibly against annexation to the city of Oakland or, in
fact, any form of complete organic union of the municipalities in the
county, this Association has proposed as the logical first step to a
more economically organized county, a plan of federation.
ORGANIZATION CHART
For the City and County of Alameda and its Boroughs as
Proposed in the Tentative Charter Submitted by the City and
County Government Association
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