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123
Communications
in Computer and Information Science 1007
Commenced Publication in 2007
Founding and Former Series Editors:
Phoebe Chen, Alfredo Cuzzocrea, Xiaoyong Du, Orhun Kara, Ting Liu,
Krishna M. Sivalingam, Dominik Ślęzak, and Xiaokang Yang
Editorial Board
Simone Diniz Junqueira Barbosa
Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio),
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Joaquim Filipe
Polytechnic Institute of Setúbal, Setúbal, Portugal
Ashish Ghosh
Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata, India
Igor Kotenko
St. Petersburg Institute for Informatics and Automation of the Russian
Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg, Russia
Takashi Washio
Osaka University, Osaka, Japan
Junsong Yuan
University at Buffalo, The State University of New York, Buffalo, USA
Lizhu Zhou
Tsinghua University, Beijing, China
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/7899
Vadim Ermolayev Mari Carmen Suárez-Figueroa
•
123
Editors
Vadim Ermolayev Heinrich C. Mayr
Zaporizhzhya National University Institute of Applied Informatics
Zaporizhzhia, Ukraine Alpen-Adria-Universität Klagenfurt
Klagenfurt, Austria
Mari Carmen Suárez-Figueroa
Universidad Politecnica de Madrid Mykola Nikitchenko
Boadilla del Monte, Madrid, Spain Department of Theory and Technology
of Programming
Vitaliy Yakovyna Taras Shevchenko National University
Lviv Polytechnic National University of Kyiv
Lviv, Ukraine Kyiv, Ukraine
Faculty of Mathematics and Computer
Aleksander Spivakovsky
Science
Kherson State University
University of Warmia and Mazury
Kherson, Ukraine
in Olsztyn
Olsztyn, Poland
This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface
Marina Zharikova and Volodymyr Sherstjuk presented the latest results of the
GameHub project, which was designed to foster cooperation between universities and
computer games companies in Ukraine. This cooperation covered monitoring of the
competence profiles required by the industrial partners, building the necessary infras-
tructure, and developing the relevant curricula, study programs, and education
resources.
Part III dealt with the application and use of different ICT-based techniques and
approaches in various industrial domains.
Ihor Skyrda proposed a novel automated control method for unmanned aerial
vehicles (UAV) swarm flight performance. He demonstrated that a multi-UAV system,
controlled by this method, was able to autonomously perform shaping and to maintain
the expected formation with desired flight parameters.
Anastasiia Strielkina, Vyacheslav Kharchenko, and Dmytro Uzun presented an
approach to develop a set of Markov models, for an IoT infrastructure in health care,
which take safety and security issues into account. They focused on considering the
failures of components. The simulation results presented revealed the most frequent
possible failures and attacks on a health-care IoT system. The authors proposed a game
theoretical approach to select a countermeasure tool to remedy these most probable
failures.
Tetiana Paientko discussed the benefits of the use of geographic information sys-
tems in the development and implementation of a reform in the sphere of public
finance. She argued that geographic information systems could provide a wide range of
analysis, better support for ideas of reforms, and higher transparency for citizens and
governments. The discussion was grounded on the results of the case studies in opti-
mizing funding for school education and health care in Ukraine.
Jan-Hendrik Meier et al. presented their study of non-linear correlative and
auto-correlative time series properties of the electricity spot prices. They proposed to
use non-fully connectionist networks, in relation to fully connectionist networks, to
decompose non-linear correlative time series properties. Additionally, they recom-
mended the use of a long short-term-memory network to discover and to deal with
autocorrelation effects.
Andriy Belinskiy and Vladimir Soloviev, based on the allusion of Planck theory in
physics, proposed an approach to predict the crashes and critical events for
crypto-currency markets. The approach was illustrated by its application to the
recorded time series of Bitcoin.
Oleksandr Snihovyi, Vitaliy Kobets, and Oleksii Ivanov reported on the use of
machine learning in the financial sector for building intelligent robo-advisors, trained
on the analysis of several popular financial services. They compared the functionality
of these services, formulated the list of critical features, and proposed a high-level
architecture design of a general robo-advisor tool for private investors.
This volume would not have been possible without the support of many people.
First, we are very grateful to all the authors for their continuous commitment and
intensive work. Second, we would like to thank the Program Committee members and
VIII Preface
General Chair
Aleksander Spivakovsky Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, Kherson State
University, Ukraine
Steering Committee
Vadim Ermolayev Zaporizhzhia National University, Ukraine
Heinrich C. Mayr Alpen-Adria-Universität Klagenfurt, Austria
Mykola Nikitchenko Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv,
Ukraine
Aleksander Spivakovsky Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, Kherson State
University, Ukraine
Mikhail Zavileysky DataArt, Russian Federation
Grygoriy Zholtkevych V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University,
Ukraine
Program Chairs
Vadim Ermolayev Zaporizhzhia National University, Ukraine
Mari Carmen Suárez-Figueroa Universidad Politécnica de Madrid, Spain
Proceedings Chair
Vitaliy Yakovyna Lviv Polytechnic National University, Ukraine,
University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn,
Poland
Presentations Chair
Heinrich C. Mayr Alpen-Adria-Universität Klagenfurt, Austria
Workshops Chairs
Vadim Ermolayev Zaporizhzhia National University, Ukraine
Mari Carmen Suárez-Figueroa Universidad Politécnica de Madrid, Spain
X Organization
IT Talks Chairs
Aleksander Spivakovsky Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, Kherson State
University, Ukraine
Mikhail Zavileysky DataArt, Russian Federation
Publicity Chair
Nataliya Kushnir Kherson State University, Ukraine
Web Chair
Hennadii Dobrovolskyi Zaporizhzhia National University, Ukraine
Additional Reviewer
Herman Fesenko O. M. Beketov National University of Urban
Economy in Kharkiv, Ukraine
XII Organization
Western Norway Research Institute, P.O. Box 163, 6851 Sogndal, Norway
{rak,msh}@vestforsk.no
1 Introduction
Data are limitless and inexhaustible can be re-used multiple times for different
uses. Supply of data is growing exponentially and delivers far more riches and
value (knowledge) than any other assets. Data growth at an alarming rate is
spurred by a variety of sources, such as embedded sensors, social media sites,
video cameras, the quantified-self and the internet-of-things [1]. This is changing
our reliance on data for decision making or data analytics, from being mostly
carried out by an individual and in limited settings, to taking place while on-the-
move and in the field of action. In terms of data evolution, data converges into
wisdom (or intelligence) by way of information and knowledge through activities
c Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019
V. Ermolayev et al. (Eds.): ICTERI 2018, CCIS 1007, pp. 3–17, 2019.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13929-2_1
4 R. Akerkar and M. Hong
like researching, absorbing, acting, interacting and reflecting [2]. While conduct-
ing these activities, persons as well as businesses generally gains understanding,
experience and insight, and may come up with innovative ideas.
On the one hand, organisations historically collected copious amounts of data.
However, by complexity of data analytics, the organisations were unable to use
that data to generate meaningful information in a timely manner, and their busi-
ness insights were fragmented [3]. According to Fig. 1 that shows a value chain
as the foundation of Big Data, these situations mean that there are difficulties
predicting and responding to changing business needs and rising chances, as a
result, business opportunities and related growth were tied to a much slower
roadmap. Some Big Data experts have argued that businesses do not use even
a small portion of Big Data that they have, and big does not always mean bet-
ter [4,5]. In other words, as one of data availability aspects, having tremendous
amounts of data might not guarantee businesses a competitive advantage over
competitors. Therefore, how effectively and quickly you analyse the data and
extract actionable information from it will be critical, since fast and actionable
data will become an important part in the usage of Big Data [6,7].
require fewer resources, while enhanced effectiveness offers the changes greater
effect. For instance, Increased predictability, through more accurate forecasting
based on unstructured data, lets organizations plan their moves more consis-
tently and respond with greater agility. There are tremendous opportunities for
organizations to leverage data in new ways yet many challenges still exist as
follows: Many organizations fail to identify the right data or have no idea how to
best use them. In addition, insufficient storage capacity and analytical capabil-
ities to handle the massive volume of data. Furthermore, many enterprises lack
the right kind of infrastructure or connectivity that can provide seamless access
to data. Since data may come in a variety of formats, organizations often find
it difficult and expensive to analyse and dig up insights. Last data is generated
at the exponential rate of velocity, which makes it difficult to perform real-time
analytics that uncovers the intelligence they contain.
In terms of “variety” in characteristics of Big Data, it’s analytics can be
applied to many different types of data. These data types range from simple
atomic types to more complex constructs such as time series, relational data,
graphs, images and many others. Over the years, many methods were studied
to transform into information and incorporate these different data types to get
knowledge. One aspect that has been studied only briefly so far is ubiquity. In
this regard, there are following characteristics [8].
This paper presents recent examples from work in our research team on
LeMO3 and BDEM4 projects related to ubiquitous data analytics and open
up to a discussion on key questions relating sources, methodologies, tools and
frameworks to improve ubiquitous data team effectiveness as well as the potential
goals for a ubiquitous data process methodology. Finally, we give an outlook
on the future of data analytics, suggesting a few research topics, applications,
opportunities and challenges.
3
LeMO: Retrieved from https://lemo-h2020.eu/.
4
BDEM: Retrieved from https://bdem.squarespace.com/.
6 R. Akerkar and M. Hong
2 Related Work
This section shows recent examples such as projects, methodologies, tools, frame-
works, related to Ubiquitous Data. MK:smart5 as a large collaborative initiative
has created a ‘MK Data Hub’ which supports the acquisition and management
of vast amounts of data relevant to the city of Milton Keynes, England, systems
from a variety of data sources. These have 712 data sets including local/national
open data and data streams from both key infrastructure networks (energy,
transport, water) and other relevant sensor networks (e.g. weather and pollution
data), crowd-source data from social media and mobile applications. It provides
a streaming API for timeline and sensor data, as well as an Entity API which
aggregates the information available in the hub on general entities from the
many data sets contributing to the MK Data Hub by using semantic technology.
Especially the Entity API might offer a way of fusing various data sets to gener-
ate information from ubiquitous data toward knowledge. UBIMOB6 develops an
adaptive and context sensitive mobility solution in order to make smart decisions
taking citizens’ personal need into account and to reach equilibrium of mobility
services, supply and demand, by smarter resource planning and matchmaking.
Aiming to enable a vision for future mobility, this project considers huge amounts
of ubiquitous data through sensors, traffic cameras, as well as asynchronous user-
generated information, synchronous user-generated data, historic databases and
data from mobility companies in real-time. Their solution will be evaluated by
people, business and decision makers in 3 cities in Norway. SETA7 is developing
technologies and methodologies based on large, complex and dynamic ubiqui-
tous data from citizens, connected cars, city sensors and distributed databases,
in order to change the way mobility is organised, monitored and planned in
large metropolitan areas. Their application using smartphone’s sensors enable
to track users’ mobility with considering you an insight into your daily travel.
In addition, by integrating with environmental data such as road closures, road
works, accidents, delays and levels of pollution, it shows users’ daily journeys,
the impact they had on the environment, calories burned and any costs associ-
ated with the journey. TransformingTransport8 project is trying to demonstrate
measurable, and replicable way the transformations that Big Data will bring to
the mobility and logistics market. It addresses seven major domains, such as
high-ways, sustainable vehicle, proactive rail infrastructures, intelligent ports,
efficient air transport, multi-modal Urban mobility, and dynamic supply chains.
Moreover, an open data portal9 containing 148 data sets related to ubiquitous
data has been published in order to provide the community for the reuse of data
across the different transport domains. NOESIS10 aims to offer a methodological
5
All information can be accessed via http://www.mksmart.org/ and were last
accessed on September 3, 2018.
6
https://www.vestforsk.no/en/project/ubiquitous-data-driven-urban-mobility.
7
http://setamobility.weebly.com/.
8
https://transformingtransport.eu/.
9
https://data.transformingtransport.eu/ was accessed on September 3, 2018.
10
http://noesis-project.eu/.
Unlocking Value from Ubiquitous Data 7
framework (i.e. a decision support tool) and data-driven evidence to enable the
deployment of a Big Data in transport ecosystem in Europe, by addressing the
related technological, institutional/legal, business, and policy challenges. Based
on a number of machine learning techniques to associate Ubiquitous Data with
a predefined set of use cases, the framework/tool will be used to assess the value
generated (i.e. socioeconomic impact) from Big Data investments. In order to
enhance the economic sustainability and competitiveness of European transport
sector, LeMO11 studies and analyses Big Data in the European transport domain
in particular with respect to five transport dimensions: mode, sector, technol-
ogy, policy and evaluation. Contrary to the NOESIS project that exploring case
studies after implementing a framework, LeMO conducts a series of case studies
to provide recommendations and roadmap on the prerequisites of effective Big
Data implementation in the transport field, towards data openness, collection,
exploitation and data sharing to support European transport stakeholders. In
addition, this project considers economic, legal, ethical, political and social issues
related to Ubiquitous Data in the field of transport. BDEM12 aims to develop a
international partnership between four countries (i.e. Norway, the USA, Japan
and Hong Kong) to share best practices, and strengthen research in Big Data
and emergency management. Another major initiative in our research group is
Teknoløft project (research-based technology innovation in Sogn og Fjordane
region) that aims to nurture and develop a strong knowledge platform on Big
Data, which enables local business to be able to use existing and new data for
innovation.
So far, some projects related to Ubiquitous Data (especially smart city, smart
transport and emergency management) are introduced. In common, the projects
argue that Ubiquitous Data should be available, accessible and reusable in order
to create more invaluable information and knowledge. In addition, various issues
(e.g. economic, legal, social, ethic, environmental issues) in target field also
should be considered to appropriately exploit Ubiquitous Data. More detail chal-
lenges and open issues will be discussed in Sect. 4.
that are specific to a single instance of a phone call (or data connection) such
as the phone numbers and the start/end time and the duration of that call,
as well as sensor data which generated embedded sensors to smartphone, even
applications installed in users mobile have been utilised in various fields (e.g.,
analysing individuals’ behaviour [10], building a network between different users
[11] and inferring other patterns [12]). For instance, this kind of data can be
studied to understand large-scale human mobility and trajectory patterns [13].
As another mobility data, data generated by moving vehicle traveling around a
city with a GPS sensor is sent to a central/distributed system and matched to
a road/rail/path network for deriving and managing traffic status. As becoming
this kind of data vary and complex by the emergence of (semi-)automated vehi-
cles and drones, its utilisation is being studied widely for various areas such as
transport optimisation [14], emergency management [15], sustainable city [16].
Commuting/public transport data, such as the card usage data for systems of a
bus and subway and the ticketing data in parking lots, is generated by people
living in cities. This kind of data generated by people passing entrances of a
subway station and getting a bus can be used for public transportation systems
in a city [17]. Each transaction record contains timestamps and the ID of the
station or bus as well as the fare for this move. Payment information created
from parking meters in street-side may include the time the parking ticket and
the fare. These data indicate the traffic of around a parking place, which can
be used to not only manage a city’s parking infrastructure [18] but also analyse
people’s travel patterns [19].
ing layers. For instance, a visualisation generating data network may utilise
LOD technique to discover relations (i.e. edges of graph) between data nodes.
Another important issue is preserving data security & privacy and must
be performed for all process carefully. Application programming interfaces
should be also offered to enhance the accessibility and usability of Ubiquitous
Data.
Next subsection presents more details for data management and analytics.
phenomena that change with time, while spatiality indicates whether the data
are spatially located. All most of Ubiquitous data have characteristics combined
of both features. In a typical scenario related to Ubiquitous Data, learning algo-
rithm has access to past and maybe present data from a time-varying distribu-
tion, and has to make inferences about the present or future. Additionally, it is
assumed that a data stream is constantly generated with a memory constrained
environment [42]. Thus, various techniques such as concept drift detectors, data
reduction, sliding windows and online/ensemble learners have being studied [43].
In this regard, ‘edge analytics’ is relatively new and it is still developing [44]. Once
it is sufficiently perfected, it may revolutionize the way we process ubiquitous
data. Basically, data is analysed the moment it is collected, so you immediately
have a complete analysis. This can be really useful for security cameras so that
irrelevant data is no longer stored, for navigation devices and so on.
Privacy and Security: A wide range of smart mobility technologies are being
deployed within ubiquitous environment. These technologies are generating huge
quantities of data and much of them in real-time. However, generating, process-
ing, analysing, sharing, and storing vast amounts of actionable data also raises
several concerns and challenges. For example, data privacy, data protection, and
data security issues are caused from the creation of smart mobility [45]. Privacy-
related issues arise when a system infers or restores personal information using
Big Data analytics tools, although data are anonymized. With the proliferation
of Big Data analytics technologies used in Ubiquitous data, the privacy issue has
become a core problem in the data mining domain. Another security risk associ-
ated with Ubiquitous Data is the heterogeneity of the types of devices used and
the nature of generated data (e.g., raw devices, data types and communication
protocols). To authenticate these devices, a system should assign and maintain a
nonrepudiable identification to each device. These activities results in increased
security risks [41].
5 Conclusion
As growing Ubiquitous Data at an alarming rate by varied array of sources,
such as embedded sensors, social media sites and the internet-of-things, this is
changing our reliance on data for making decisions. Nowadays, data analytics is
moving from being conducted by/for domain experts, to becoming necessary for
the end-user. However, there are still many challenges such as data availability,
processing heterogeneous data and privacy. In this paper, we presented recent
examples (e.g. projects, methodologies, tools and frameworks) on Ubiquitous
Data analytics and discussed on key question relating Ubiquitous Data to give
an outlook on the future of data analytics, a few research topics, challenges
and opportunities. In this regard, an architecture of Ubiquitous Data Analytics
platform was also proposed by considering recent environments and research
trends.
Unlocking Value from Ubiquitous Data 15
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MCOM.2017.1600238CM
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
On Stone by C. Shoosmith from a Sketch by Jas. Henderson.
Printed by C. Hullmandel.
VIEW OF THE WESTERN SIDE OF THE BAY OF RIO DE JANEIRO, FROM THE
SUGAR LOAF MOUNTAIN TO THE CITY.
On the 22d of May, we discovered, at a distance, Cape Frio, a
discovery which always fills with joy the breasts of those making a
voyage to this part of the world. And no wonder. For having launched
out upon the wide immeasurable ocean, where uncertainty and
dangers always accompany him, man, at this refreshing sight, feels
reassured of his safety, and obtains a promise of the eventual
success of his voyage. Besides, he experiences a rich glow of mind
at viewing the natural element of his support and existence, and a
feeling of deep interest on beholding, if for the first time, a new
portion of the world. From this promontory, the coast swells in a
north-east direction to Cape St. Roque, forming the most easterly
portion of territory in South America. Rio de Janeiro lies exactly west
from, and in the same latitude with, Cape Frio, at a distance of about
eighty miles. The coast betwixt them presents a continued
appearance of rugged mountains, and through every aperture they
are seen undulating in accumulated alpines far back into the interior
of this vast continent. Tremendous precipices, at every opening of
the nearer mountains, strike the imagination with wonder, snowy
clouds occasionally obscuring the contracted valleys at their feet,
and resting in detached and airy vapours upon their sides, whilst
their summits and other parts are brightened by the purest
atmosphere and sunshine. This scene conveys to the European
traveller a grand idea and foretaste of the peculiar magnificence of
size and aspect, with which nature has displayed herself in the new
continent. After proceeding about forty miles along this shore, a view
is commanded from Cape Frio to Gavea, or the Parrot’s Beak, a
distance of near one hundred miles. The entrance, through a narrow
inlet amongst the mountains, to the bay of Rio de Janeiro, is pointed
out by one of a singular shape, resembling a sugar-loaf, the strata of
which it is composed appearing to run perpendicularly. Here is
presented one of the most picturesque and beautiful scenes that can
well be imagined. Abrupt and towering precipices of wild and fanciful
shapes, universally robed in verdant shrubs of various kinds,
surround this fine bay, containing nearly one hundred islands, to the
circumference of which the eye cannot extend. The bases of these
mountains, consisting of granite, are beautified with numerous
sweeping crescents of more perfect cultivation, edged with white
cottages and houses, from whence narrow valleys, adorned with
orange trees, are seen winding amongst the mountains. The clear,
sunny, and smiling face of nature; the verdant islands, which look in
their loveliness as if they were intended for the abode of beings more
refined in intellect and more pure in heart than weak and erring man;
the shipping dispersed about the bay, the city seen at a distance,
combined with an airy and elegant aqueduct, which conveys from
the mountains water for the supply of the town, all impressing the
idea of social happiness, of the comforts and elegancies produced
by science and civilized society, are, after a long and consequently
tedious voyage, welcome sights to the aquatic traveller, re-enlivening
his spirits, and, in the anticipation of the enjoyments of his proper
element, land, are the beginnings of the compensation it affords him
for the privations he has been enduring at sea. A little higher up, on
the opposite side to the sugar-loaf, is the fort of Santa Cruz, where
ships for a few minutes bring to, and answer various questions. From
hence a signal is made, which is repeated from a hill close by the
town, announcing to what country the ship arrived belongs. The
vessel then cast anchor off the island of Fort Villegagnon, to which
place she despatched a boat to bring on board a serjeant and two
soldiers, who remained as a guard, till nearly a day was consumed
before the captain of the port, a military officer, a doctor, &c. had,
one after the other, come off in boats, at their pleasure, to visit the
ship, creating an unnecessary and tedious delay. At last, the vessel
moved on to the vicinity of the Isle das Cobras, from whence, after a
custom-house guard had arrived, the soldiers conducted the Captain
and myself to the palace and other offices, where the ship’s name,
&c. were given in. On here taking leave of the brig, I must do justice
to my feelings by observing, that I received the most friendly
attention from the Captain, whose gentlemanly and well-regulated
conduct were highly honourable to him.
On landing, the prepossession regarding this place gives way to
an impression by no means favourable, produced by narrow streets,
crowded with negroes, whose black faces and savage songs, which
they howl out as an encouragement to each other under the burdens
and loads which they drag along, fill the mind of the stranger,
unaccustomed to such scenes, with dejection. The fairy visions in
the bay, too recent yet to have disappeared from the imagination,
vanished at such discordant sounds and uncouth appearances; and
suffering, rather than satisfaction and enjoyment, appeared to be
resident here. The discordant sounds afforded, perhaps, some
consolatory relief to the poor negroes, by dividing their attention in
some degree from their toil. They were an effort of nature, ever fertile
in resources under calamity, to drive away care; but they were on
that account a proof of their misery. They thus imparted a trifling
gratification to the sable sufferers, but they penetrated mournfully to
my heart, unused as I was to such misery-elicited minstrelsy, for it
was slavery under a temporary attempt at disguise. “Disguise thyself
as thou wilt, still, slavery!” said I, with Sterne, “still thou art a bitter
draught! and though thousands, in all ages, have been made to drink
of thee, thou art no less bitter on that account.”
On Stone by C. Shoosmith from a Sketch by Jas. Henderson.
Redman Lithog.
CUSTOM HOUSE NEGROES. RIO DE JANEIRO.
The human frame will seldom bear, without injury, its
transmission to a climate very dissimilar to that to which its birth and
previous residence have accustomed it. Thus the English residing
here exhibit in their appearance the effects of this tropical climate,
and, although they are otherwise in health, there is a debility
manifest in their countenances, something resembling the
appearance of a person in a state of convalescence after illness.
I waited upon Henry Chamberlaine, Esq. the British charge
d’affaire, with a letter of introduction from a nobleman, and
discovered, at that interview, that my expectations of entering
actively upon the functions of a public situation were not likely to be
realized; I therefore adopted the determination, to which my mind
was pre-disposed, of devoting my time to the acquirement of such
intelligence, regarding the vast regions of the Brazil, as
circumstances would admit of. Houses of public accommodation
may be said scarcely to exist in this city, and are of such inferior
order, that strangers are peculiarly fortunate if they are received into
the residence of a friend. The liberality and frank hospitality of a
merchant, to whom I brought a letter of introduction, relieved me
from any inconvenience on this score. Previously to my entering
upon a general description of this city, and the several provinces
composing the Portuguese possessions in South America, of which it
is now the metropolis, it may not be irrelevant to give some account
of the first discovery of this widely-extended continent.
CHAP. II.
From the First Discovery down to the Arrival of the Royal Family there,
and its present Division into Provinces—The general Character of
the Indians.
The honour of discovering the new world, it is well known, justly
belongs to Christopher Columbus, a pilot of Genoa, although it
derives its name from Americanus Vespuccius, a Florentine
navigator, who performed two voyages to this hemisphere, under the
auspices of his Castilian Majesty, and two others by order of
Emanuel, King of Portugal. The latter voyages the Portuguese
writers flatly deny, and attribute the promulgation of a story so devoid
of truth to the arrogance and pride of Vespuccius; nor, in fact, does
his relation respecting this point appear to be supported by any
collateral testimony. A mere accidental occurrence, indeed, induced
Columbus first to entertain the idea of launching out upon unknown
seas. The master of a caravelleon, named Francisco Sanches, about
the year 1480, arrived at Madeira, where Columbus then was, in a
most pitiable condition, with three or four sailors only remaining, and
nearly exhausted, in consequence of a tremendous tempest which
had assailed their ungovernable bark, and driven them to a remote
western longitude, where they saw, or fancied they saw, land. It was
in those days imagined, that the eastern coast of Asia was the
western boundary of the Atlantic Ocean, and Columbus was
persuaded, that the land which Sanches had seen was the island of
Japan, or some other island upon that coast, and which was then
only arrived at by navigating around the coast of Africa. The novel
circumstance stirred up in his mind the most animating
presentiments;—the glory of opening to India a shorter and more
easy passage, by proceeding directly across the Atlantic, inspired
Columbus with enthusiasm, and he flattered himself, that the
disclosure of his ideas would produce ready concurrence in
furnishing the adequate equipments for the enterprise. He
proceeded to Genoa for the purpose of proposing his plan, but it was
regarded there as a chimera. He submitted the same proposition to
John II. of Portugal, whose subject he then was, which was rejected
by the votes of some chosen geographers. He next directed his way
to the court of Castile, where the learned ones entertained the same
sentiments upon the subject as the cosmographers of Lusitania, and
where, perhaps, he would have been equally unsuccessful had not
the spontaneous offers which Luiz de Santangal made to provide all
the money requisite for the expedition, and the voluntary proposal of
Don Pedro de Mendonca to contribute one-eighth of the expenses,
overcome every difficulty. He sailed from Palos, with three
caravelleons under his command, on the 3d of August, 1492, and,
passing the Canaries, directed his course to the westward, till the
11th of October, when he descried an island, which he called St.
Salvador, now one of the Bahama Islands. He was much
disheartened at having traversed so much of the ocean with so little
success; but he continued, however, the voyage, and discovered the
Island of Cuba, of Hispaniola, now St. Domingo, and left 38 men
there in a wooden fort. He then retraced his way back, and arrived at
Lisbon on the 6th of March, 1493. Columbus made three other
voyages across the Atlantic, under the protection of Ferdinand V. His
second voyage was commenced from Cadiz, on the 25th of
September, 1493. He re-visited the Island of Hispaniola, discovered
Jamaica, and a great many other islands to the southward of Cuba,
and which, for its fertility and picturesque beauty, he denominated
the garden of the kingdom. Upon his third voyage, in 1498, he saw
the island of Trinidad, at the mouth of the Oronocos, on the 1st of
August. He afterwards disembarked on various parts of the coast of
Paria, returned to Hispaniola, and then to Europe. He sailed again
from Cadiz on the 9th of May, 1502, a third time visited Hispaniola,
and continued to navigate onward till he discovered the Island of
Guanaia, near Cape Honduras, and subsequently explored all the
coast of the continent, from Cape Gracias to Porto Bello.
Some persons, however, affirm that it is a great injustice to
attribute the honour of discovering this hemisphere to either of those
navigators, when it is certain that the oriental Syberios, called
Choukes, were in the habit of passing the Straits of Bhering, to the
American continent, in the summer season, from time immemorial.
The Danes discovered Greenland about the end of the tenth century,
and the Norwegians colonized it in the following one; and if this land
is not a portion of the continent, it is at least an island belonging to it.
Having briefly described the first discovery of the American
continent, it will now be in unison with the object of this work, to
invite the attention to an investigation of the circumstances resulting
from the discovery of that portion of it more immediately under
consideration, and which has excited endeavours on my part, very
inadequate to render justice to a subject of such prodigious
magnitude. The Portuguese imagine (and the inscriptions met with in
the Brazil would appear to corroborate the notion) that their
countryman and ancestor, Pedro Alvarez Cabral, was the first
discoverer of that country; but this honour indubitably belongs to the
celebrated Spanish pilot, Vincente Yanez Pinson, the companion of
Columbus in his first voyage across the Atlantic; and who, it is
affirmed, would not have acquired the fame of first descrying the new
world, had not the despondency which was clouding his mind, in the
progress of that voyage, been dispelled by the animating hope of
success with which Pinson encouraged him. In virtue of a
commission granted to Vincente Yanez Pinson, by the Castilian
court, he quitted his native shores in pursuit of undiscovered
countries, in the month of December, 1499. He shaped his course
more to the southward than his late commander, Columbus; and on
the 26th of January, 1500, discovered land in about 8° south latitude,
having crossed the Atlantic in as short a period as the voyage is
commonly accomplished in at this day; evincing an undaunted spirit
and disregard to the prevailing practice then existing amongst
navigators, of taking in all sail and lying to during the night. The
discovery of this new land must have been highly consolatory and
gratifying to his feelings; he gave it, therefore, the name of Cape
Consolation, which can be no other than Cape St. Augustine,
situated about twenty miles to the south of Pernambuco. Pinson
vainly went through the ceremony of taking possession of the
country for the Spanish crown. The natives which they saw were
exceedingly shy, and they endeavoured without success to
accomplish any intercourse with them. He proceeded northward,
towards Cape St. Roque, with his ships, and, again landing upon the
intervening coast, his people had several rencounters with a horde of
savages very different to the first they had seen. These Indians used
the bow and arrow, and attacked the Spaniards with great spirit and
dexterity. This reception induced Pinson to continue his course along
the northern coast of the Brazil; and, after proceeding as far as the
Oronocos, he returned to Europe without any manifest advantage
resulting from this undertaking. Although he was unfortunate in
losing some of his ships on the homeward voyage, he displayed
considerable nautical skill in conducting his vessels in safety along
the most difficult and dangerous part of the Brazilian coast.
During the period that Pinson was thus occupied, Portugal was
fitting out a fleet with much pomp and parade in the river Tagus, not
with any project of discovering a new territory, but in consequence of
Don Vasco da Gama having arrived at Lisbon, with certain
intelligence of having ascertained the navigation to India, round the
Cape of Good Hope. The Portuguese King, Emanuel, determined to
send a fleet to establish friendship and a treaty of commerce with the
King of Calcutta, and to create a factory in the same city.
Merchandise of the best taste was selected for the outward cargo,
and the ships were to be laden in return with spices. For the
command of this fleet, which consisted of ten caravels, and three
larger vessels, a fidalgo was chosen, called Pedro Alvarez Cabral.
The number of persons on board amounted to twelve hundred well
selected and well armed. The fleet was prepared in front of the
Rastello, now called Belem; and it was determined that it should sail
on the 9th of March, 1500. At the vespers preceding, which was on
Sunday, the King went with all the court to open mass, in the
hermitage of our Lady of Belem, (or Bethlehem,) which site is
occupied at this day by the magnificent monastery of P. P.
Jeronymos. Diogo Ortiz, Bishop of Ceuta, delivered a discourse
upon the object of the expedition; and, during the service, a flag was
placed upon the altar, with the cross of the order of Christ, which the
Bishop, with imposing ceremony, consecrated; and the King, with his
own hands, delivered it to Cabral, who was near his Majesty during
the ceremonies. The funçaō being finished, the colours were carried
in procession, accompanied by the King, to the beach, where Cabral
and most of the captains kissed his hand, and at the same time a
grand salute was fired by the whole fleet. This was considered the
most powerful and brilliant armament that had ever sailed from
Portugal for distant countries. The other captains were Sancho de
Thoar (with succession to Admiral Cabral), N. Coelho (who had been
with Vasco da Gama), S. de Miranda d’Azevedo, A. G. da Sylva, V.
d’Athayde, S. de Pina, N. Leytao, P. d’Athayde, L. Pirez, Gaspar de
Lemos, the celebrated Bartholomew Dias, discoverer of the Cape of
Good Hope, and Diogo Dias, his brother, who were to remain with
the factory to be established. There were, besides, seven Franciscan
friars, subordinate to one named Frey Henrique, who was afterwards
bishop of Ceuta, eight chaplains, and a vicar, to administer the
sacraments in the factory of Calcutta. Ayres Correa was appointed
factor, or head of the establishment; and G. Barboza, and Pedro Vas
de Caminho, escrivaōs, or writers.
On the 14th of March, the fleet passed the Canaries; and after
having seen the island of St. Nicholas, one of the Cape de Verds, on
the 22d, they discovered that the vessel of V. d’Athayde was
missing. Cabral took every pains to fall in with it again, but without
effect. He continued his voyage, and in order to avoid being detained
by the calms peculiar to the coast of Africa, and to profit by the
prevailing north-east trade wind, they stood so much to the
westward, that, on the 21st of April, (the last Oitava of Pascal,) they
met with signals of land, (which were certain floating plants,) and late
on the following day, in latitude 17° south, they saw a large round
mountain with smaller hills, which were the highest portions of the
Serra, now called Aymores, mostly covered with wood. Cabral made
a signal to the other ships to approach the land, and by sun-set they
anchored in 19 fathoms, about six leagues from it. From respect to
the oitavario,[1] Cabral gave the mountain the name of Mount
Pascal, which it yet retains; and the land he called Vera Cruz. The
following day they sailed towards the land, and came in front of the
mouth of a river now called Rio de Frade (River Friar); and remained
half a league distant from it during the night, with some difficulty, in
consequence of a strong south-east wind setting in. Captain N.
Coelho examined the river the same day, which was found incapable
of receiving even the smallest vessels of the fleet; and the wind not
being favourable to coast towards the south, Cabral ordered the fleet
to navigate northward, and despatched Affonso Lopez, his pilot, in
one of the smallest caravels, to proceed nearer the beach, and to
examine the first part he met with.
The squadron having coasted on about ten leagues, met with the
bay of Corôa Vermelha, otherwise Cabral, where, towards the
evening, the caravels nearest entered. Affonso Lopez, who was
sounding the port, met with two young Indians in a canoe, whom he
carried to the admiral, who had anchored with the larger ships a
league from the reefs, which were at the entrance of the bay. They
were next morning placed upon the beach dressed in Portuguese
clothes, accompanied by a degradado, or criminal, in order to
observe the mode of living which prevailed amongst the natives.
The fleet remained here eight days, during which time mass was
celebrated twice by Frey Henrique; the first, on Easter Sunday, upon
an island (its name is now Corôa Vermelha) within the bay, in sight of
a great number of Indians assembled upon the continental beach;
the other, on the 1st of May, at the foot of a grand cross, which had
been erected upon the main land, with the arms of King Emanuel, in
testimony of the solemn possession which in his name had been
taken of this new land of Vera Cruz.
There is a letter in the naval archives at Rio de Janeiro, written by
P. V. de Caminho (one of the escrivaōs already mentioned) to King
Emanuel, giving a minute detail of all the circumstances attending
the stay of the armament in this port, which Cabral called “Porto
Seguro,” in noticing which, the above letter, written in language
differing from that of the present day, says, “Acharam hos ditos
navios pequenos huum a recife com huum porto dentro muyti boo, e
muyti seguro com huuma muy larga entrada, e meterem-se dentro.”
Also, “entraram toda las naaos e amcoraram-se em simco, seis
bracas, ha qual amcorajem demtro he tam grande e tam fremosa, e
tam segura, que podem jaser demtro neela mais de duzentos navios
e naaos.”[2] He says the Indians were quite naked, and their bodies
painted with various colours. They wore pendants of white bone from
their ears. Their cheeks were in like manner ornamented with bones,
and their lips slit, into which similar ornaments were also introduced.
They used bows and arrows. The two natives who came on board,
when they saw the gold embroidery upon the collar of Cabral’s coat,
danced, put their hands to the ground, and then to the collar: they
showed the same feeling in regard to silver; from which it was
inferred that those precious metals were not unknown to them. This
letter also says, “Mostraram lhes huum papagayo pardo que aquy ho
capitam tras; tomaram no logo na maao; mostraram lhes huum
carneyro, non fezeram delle mençam; mostraram lhes huuma
galinha, e asy aviam medo dela, e nom lhe queriam poeer ha
maao.”[3] The Portuguese offered them bread, dressed fish, and
other things, which on tasting they put out of their mouths; also wine,
which they did not like, and would not take it a second time. They
established a friendly intercourse with those Indians, from whom
they received in exchange for trifling articles, fruits, farinha (or flour)
of the mandioca, maize, &c. This writer, with many of the captains,
went a league and a half up the country, where they met with a body
of Indians, who had nine or ten houses rudely built of wood covered
with grass; each house had two small entrances, and was large
enough to receive thirty or forty persons. It consisted of but one
apartment, without any division. They bartered with them things of no
value for large and beautiful red parrots, two small green ones, and
other things. They went on shore again the next day to get wood and
wash linen, when they found sixty or seventy Indians, without bows
or any thing else, upon the beach, which number soon increased to
two hundred, all without bows and arrows. They mixed amongst the
Portuguese, and assisted them to collect wood and put it on board
the boats. That Cabral considered this land an island is evidenced by
the conclusion of the letter. “Beijo haas maaos de V. A. deste Porto
Seguro da vosa Ilha da Vera Cruz. Hoje, Sesta feira primeiro dia de
Mayo, 1500. P. V. de Caminha.”[4]
On the 2d of May, this fleet sailed from Porto Seguro, and
proceeded on its voyage to India, leaving two degradados behind,
who were seen lamenting and crying upon the beach, and the men
of the country comforting them, demonstrating that they were not a
people devoid of pity.[5] One of them soon learnt the idiom of the
Indians called Tupininquins. He served as interpreter to the first
Portuguese who arrived there, and afterwards returned home. Some
of the Portuguese writers are piqued at the Spanish authors, Berredo
and Antonio Galvum, for pretending, as they say, that their
countryman, Vincente Yanez Pinson first discovered the Brazil; and
they bring, as testimony against the Spaniards, the following
statement of Robertson. “Vicente Yanez Pinson, one of the admiral’s
companions in his first voyage, sailed from Palos with four ships; he
stood boldly towards the south, and was the first Spaniard who
ventured to cross the equinoctial line; but he seems to have landed
on no part of the coast beyond the mouth of the Marignon, or River
of the Amazons.” Robertson does not make a positive assertion that
Pinson did not land upon any other part of the Brazilian coast, nor
does he enter into particulars or give any dates. The river Amazons
is the north-western boundary of the Brazil; and even if he only
landed at the mouth of this great river, he of course landed upon the
Brazilian territory, and was unquestionably the first discoverer of it.
Conceding to the Portuguese the passage which they adduce from
Robertson, it offers no contradiction to the circumstances and dates
already detailed of Pinson’s voyage, which show him to have
anticipated the Portuguese at least three months in this discovery.
Cabral despatched Gaspar de Lemos from Porto Seguro, to
announce to the King this new land, which had been taken
possession of in his Majesty’s name. It is said that Lemos coasted
northward as far as Cape St. Roque, to ascertain the extent of this
territory which they had considered an island. Emanuel was so
delighted with the discovery of Vera Cruz, that he resolved to send
out another squadron to explore more minutely its extent; and it
appears that three caravels were ordered to sail upon this project
from the Tagus, on the 1st of May, 1501, but there is a considerable
doubt who was the commander of them; some say it was
Americanus Vespuccius, others, that it was Gonsalo Coelho. Cabral
met this squadron at Goree on his return from India, but the
commander’s name is not mentioned. “Che gamos ao Cabo da Boa
Esperance dia de Pascoa e encontrando alli bom tempo,
continuamos a viagem, e aportamos junto a Cabo Verde em
Bezenegue, onde encontramos tres caravellas, que El Rey de
Portugal mandara para descubrir a terra nova que tinhamos achado
hindo para Calecute.”[6] Francisco de Cunha, author of the
Geographical Description of Portuguese America, states that
(“Gonsala Coelho fora o primeiro explorador da Costa Bazillica
depois de Cabral e Lemos,”) Gonsalo Coelho was the first explorer
of the Brazilian coast after Cabral and Lemos. Americanus
Vespuccius, in his own manuscript, asserts that he undertook two
voyages for the King of Portugal, this being the first. It is difficult to
arrive at a fair conclusion from this conflicting testimony, whether he
or G. Coelho had the command of those three caravels. The
Portuguese deny positively that it was Vespuccius; and a French
writer of “the General History of Voyages” peremptorily falsifies all
that Vespuccius has advanced upon the subject. “Les relations
d’Americ Vespuce contienent le recit de deux voiages, qu’il fit sur la
même côte (du Brezil), au nom d’Emanuel, Rio de Portugal; mais les
dates en sont fausses, et c’est en quoi consiste l’imposture; car il est
prouvé par tous les temoignages contemporains que dans le tems
qu’il nomme, il étoit emploie à d’autres expeditions.”[7] Antonio
Galvum mentions the expedition but not the commander. All the
evidence however, regarding this squadron, concur as to the time of
its sailing, and arrival at the Brazil on the 17th of August. After a long
and tempestuous voyage, they made land near Rio Grande, to the
south of Cape St. Roque, where they met with Indians of a savage
nature and decidedly cannibals. Several people from the Portuguese
ships were seized by them, roasted over a large fire in presence of
their countrymen, with loud shoutings and rejoicings. The cannibals
were so expert with their bows and arrows, that this fleet was
considerably annoyed by them, and induced to coast on to the
latitude of 8° south, near Pernambuco, where they met with friendly
Indians,[8] and established an intercourse with them. After a few
days, they continued their voyage along the coast, and met with a
kind reception every where from the natives, who allowed them to
land and make their observations without injury upon the country and
its productions. They described the natives as being exceedingly
well made, and universally attached to the custom of perforating their
faces and ears, and wearing bones and stones as ornaments. They
coasted on to 32° south latitude, and, standing out to sea, reached
as high a latitude as 52° south, where, in consequence of a
tempestuous lebeccio, they were compelled to return, and arrived at
Lisbon in September, 1502, having lost two vessels.
Another expedition of six caravels sailed from Lisbon on the 10th
of June, 1503, with the avowed object of prosecuting still further the
examination of Vera Cruz. A variety of contradictory statements
render it doubtful who was the real commander of this squadron,
although the balance of testimony in this, as in the former case, is
much in favour of Gonsalo Coelho. Americanus Vespuccius again
alleges that he accompanied this fleet, and with two ships proceeded
forward to the coast of the Brazil, leaving the other four vessels at an
island, some of them wrecks; and he says those four vessels were
all lost through the want of ability on the part of the commander,
whose name he does not disclose. A work published at Paris,
attributing the command of the three first caravels to Vespuccius,
continues thus:—“El Rey D. Manuel extremamente affeicoado a
Vespucio deu lhe o commando de seis navios com os quaes sahiu a
dez de Mayo, 1503, e passou ao longo das costas d’Africa, e do
Brazil, com o intuito de descubrir uma passagem pelo occidente
para as Ilhas Mallucas, como ao depois se-descubriu: depois
d’apportar na Bahia de todos os Santos, navegou athe os Abrolhos
e rio Curababo, como nāo tinha mantimentos senāo para Vinte
mezes, tomou a resoluçao de voltar a Portugal onde chegou a
dezoito de Junho, 1504.”[9] Maneol Ayres de Cazal supposes
Christovam Jacques to have been the commander, and Francisco de
Cunha says, that the King “Mandou logo preparar outra armada de
caravellas que entregou a Christovam Jacques, fidalgo de sua casa
e com o titulo de Cap-Mor, o mandou continuar n’este empressa
descubrindo aquella costa, sahui armada, e seguindo viagem
chegou a costa, sondando baixos e rios pondo padroes d’armas
Portuguezes, foi dar a huma bahia, aque poz o nome de Todos
Santos, e depois deligencias se recolhou a Portugal.”[10] But Damian
de Goes assigns the command to Goncallo Coelho. “No mesmo
anno de 1503 mandou Goncallo Coelho com seis naus a terra de St.
Cruz com que partiu de Lisboa a hos dez dias de mez de Junho; das
quaes por ainda terem pouca noticia da terra perdeu quatro, e has
outras duas trouxe aho regno com mercadorias da terra que entam
nam eram outras que pau vermelho que chamam Brazil, e
papagaios.”[11]
The testimony of three writers attribute the command of these six
caravels to three distinct individuals; but, from a fair investigation of
each statement, that of Goes, who assigns the command to Coelho,
appears more consonant with truth and the intentions of the King,
than the other two relations. The collateral supporter of Vespuccius’
claim, represents the object of the expedition to be for the discovery
of the Moluccas, which certainly does not coincide with the desire of
an immediate and continued exploration of St. Cruz, (or Vera Cruz,)
that seemed to actuate his Majesty solely in fitting it out; nor does
this account say any thing of the loss of four of the caravels, which is
generally admitted. Cunha, who gives the command to Jacques,
most probably alludes to the armament which that person had under
his orders in the year 1516, when he proceeded to the Brazil, and
then entered the bay of All Saints.
Assuming that G. Coelho was the admiral of these caravels, on
traversing the Atlantic they were driven by a severe gale to 3° south
latitude, where a loss of four was sustained upon some rocks in the
proximity of an island, which beyond a doubt was Fernando de
Noronha, situated in 3° 50′ south latitude. The two remaining vessels
continued their course to the coast of Vera or St. Cruz, and made
land near a magnificent bay (Bahia), which they entered, and gave
the appellation of Todos os Santos, (being All Saints Day.) They
coasted on southward, constantly approximating to the land, where
the shore presented no obstacles, minutely inspecting all its
remarkable rivers, ports, capes, and headlands, the adjacent islands,
and the coast generally, as far as Cape Virgins, near the Straits of
Magellan. They erected stone pillars, bearing the arms of Portugal,
in some of the most conspicuous situations. They left at Porto
Seguro, a colony consisting of a part of the persons who had
escaped from the shipwrecked vessels, with two Franciscan
missionaries, and returned to Portugal laden with Brazil wood. This
wood had now acquired such reputation in Europe, that the name of
St. Cruz, otherwise Vera Cruz, given to the country by Cabral, was
lost in the denomination which it universally received of the Brazil,
(or Brazil wood country.)
In the same year, 1503, before the explorer Coelho reached the
land of Vera Cruz, Don Affonso d’Albuquerque arrived upon the
coast, having left Lisbon, on the 6th of April, with a squadron under
his command for India: the latitude or part of the Brazil that he saw is
not stated, but he observed the cassia and verniz trees. (“Buona
somma di cassia et di vernizo, altro di momenti non abiamo
compreso”—Ramuzio.) Shortly after Coelho’s return, a contract was
granted for the Brazil wood, and the colony began to be frequently
visited by the caravels of the contractors.
The King of Castile despatched Juan Dias de Solis, in the year
1509; and it is said the celebrated pilot Vincente Yanez Pinson
accompanied him, to take possession of a part of the newly-
discovered country, and in pursuance of this project they erected
crosses upon different parts of the coast. The King of Portugal
remonstrated against this proceeding as an intrusion upon his share
of the division of undiscovered countries, which Alexander VI. had
very artfully assigned to those two nations. Feelings of bitter regret
cannot but arise in the mind, on contemplating, at the present day,
this fine and fairest portion of the new world, placed in such hands
by an imaginary partition of unknown lands. Had this best and richest
region of America fallen to the share of the English, French, or
Dutch, it would no doubt have assumed a very different appearance,
compared with its actual state. That this would have been the case is
evident, from the present immensely superior condition of the Anglo-
American states, the territory of which was colonized at a later period
than Brazil, and whose soil is in general so inferior to the latter
country. The occasion of the difference may be mainly attributed to
the very opposite genius of the governments and religion under the
English and Portuguese; the free and wise character of the former
giving every facility to talent and industry of all descriptions, while the
ignorant and oppressive nature of the latter, especially in relation to
the commercial restrictions, which, till the arrival of the King, had
unfortunately existed, and in the domination of the priesthood over
the consciences and property of the people, operating as a paralysis
on agricultural, commercial, and scientific enterprise, and upon all
the beneficial pursuits of the mind. It is now, however, pleasing to
observe, that a very striking change has and is taking place in these
matters, the views of his present Majesty being favourable to the
amelioration of the country.
In 1510, a Portuguese ship was wrecked at the entrance of the
Bay of All Saints. The greater part of the crew escaped, and twenty-
five years afterwards nine sailors were found living amongst the
Indians. Another account affirms that they were all seized by the
natives and devoured excepting Diogo Alvarez, a man of
distinguished family, who contrived to make himself useful to those
cannibals; and acquired the name of “Caramura”—“a man of fire,” on
his first discharging a gun, which he had saved from the wreck.
In 1513, George Lopez Bixorda presented to King Emanuel three
Brazilian Indians, whom he had brought home in a contract vessel.
They were dressed with feathers, according to the fashion of their
tribe.
The King of Castile ordered Solis upon a second expedition, in
the year 1515, with a view of discovering a western passage to India.
In the prosecution of this voyage he discovered a large river, which
he called the River Solis. This name was very improperly
superseded by the appellation of Prata, or Plate, (the Silver River.)
He lost his life upon its banks by the hands of the Indians, who slew
him with their clubs, and roasted and devoured him within sight of his
countrymen. In justice, the river ought to have retained his name. His
death frustrated the object of the voyage, and the ships put back,
took in Brazil wood near the island of Itamaraca, and returned to
Spain. The Portuguese again demanded satisfaction for this
infringement, which was at last amicably adjusted.
Christovam Jacques, in the year 1516, entered the bay of All
Saints with a squadron of caravels, and in the course of exploring its
extensive limits, its rivers, and creeks, he fell in with two French
ships, which had previously entered the bay, and were loading with
Brazil wood, of which they had a considerable quantity on board, as
well as parrots and monkeys. He engaged the vessels, and after a
spirited defence they were destroyed. Subsequently, it would appear
from the testimony of a letter of donation to Pedro Lopez de Souza,
(who chose Itamaraca for part of his grant,) and by one which John
III. ordered to be written to Martim Affonso de Souza, that
Christovam Jacques was employed in establishing a factory upon
the channel which separates the island of Itamaraca from the
continent, destined to facilitate the exportation of Brazil wood, and to
impede the attempts of other nations who might visit that quarter in
quest of it.
Diogo Garciam, a Portuguese pilot in the service of the Castilian
court, arrived near the mouth of the river Paraguay, in the year 1527,
and found there the ships with which Sebastian Caboto had sailed
from Cadiz, with the intention of proceeding to the Moluccas by the
straits of All Saints, now Magellan’s. He learned that the captain had
gone up the Paraguay, then River Solis, and proceeded with two
launches much above the confluence of the Parana in pursuit of him.
He found him engaged in the construction of the fort of St. Anna,
where they mutually agreed to give to the river Solis the name of the
river Prata, in consequence of seeing small pieces of that metal in
the possession of the Indians. Herrera states, that Diogo Garciam,
on his way to the river Solis, entered the bay of St. Vincente, (then
the River Innocentes,) where a Portuguese, who had been
shipwrecked, provided him with refreshments; also, that Garciam
anchored off the island of Patos, at the present day St. Catherine’s,
where the Indians furnished him with some provisions. He carried
with him sixty men, in two brigantines, to the fort of St. Anna; and
before his departure he despatched one of the largest vessels of his
squadron to St. Vincente, to take in a cargo, which he had agreed
with the Portuguese mentioned, to be sent to Portugal. It is probable
that this individual was either Joam Ramalho or Antonio Rodriguez,
whom Martim Affonso de Souza found there five years afterwards. It
would appear that some Portuguese had been established at St.
Vincente some years; and the evidence of Herrera, that some
Indians had been shipped from thence to Portugal in 1527, would
tend to demonstrate that a factory had existed there previous to the
arrival of Martin A. de Souza, (the first donatory,) and which factory
had conceded to Pedro Goes the power of shipping to Portugal a
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