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NEW APPROACHES TO
BYZANTINE HISTORY AND CULTURE
Series Editors
Florin Curta, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA
Leonora Neville, University of Wisconsin Madison, Madison, WI, USA
Shaun Tougher, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK
New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture publishes high-quality
scholarship on all aspects of Byzantine culture and society from the fourth
to the fifteenth centuries, presenting fresh approaches to key aspects of
Byzantine civilization and new studies of unexplored topics to a broad
academic audience. The series is a venue for both methodologically
innovative work and ground-breaking studies on new topics, seeking to
engage medievalists beyond the narrow confines of Byzantine studies.
The core of the series is original scholarly monographs on various
aspects of Byzantine culture or society, with a particular focus on books
that foster the interdisciplinarity and methodological sophistication of
Byzantine studies. The series editors are interested in works that combine
textual and material sources, that make exemplary use of advanced
methods for the analysis of those sources, and that bring theoretical prac-
tices of other fields, such as gender theory, subaltern studies, religious
studies theory, anthropology, etc. to the study of Byzantine culture and
society.
The Reign
of Constantine,
306–337
Continuity and Change in the Late Roman Empire
Stanislav Doležal
University of South Bohemia
České Budějovice, Czech Republic
Cover illustration: Bequest of Mary Clark Thompson, 1923. Image obtained from the
Metropolitan Museum of Art
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To my family
Contents
1 Introduction 1
References 16
2 Literary Sources on Constantine’s Time 19
Postscript: Sources for the Period 193–293 CE 40
References 41
3 The Illyrian Emperors 45
References 161
4 The First Tetrarchy (293–305 CE) 167
The Establishment and Functioning of a New Political
System 167
The First Tetrarchy (293–305 CE): The Emperors
and Relations Between Them, Their Travels, and Their
Cities of Residence 172
Important Political Events During the First Tetrarchy 179
Prefects and Prefectures 187
Provinces and Dioceses 193
Diocletian’s Army 196
Diocletian’s Monetary, Price, and Tax Reforms 200
The Persecution of Christians During the First Tetrarchy 211
References 217
vii
viii CONTENTS
Sources
Ambros. obit. Ambrosius, De obitu Theodosii
Amm. Marc. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae
Aug. civ. Aurelius Augustinus, De civitate Dei
Aur. Vict. Aurelius Victor, Liber de Caesaribus
Cons. Const. Consularia Constantinopolitana
Cypr. ep. Cyprianus, Epistulae
Dio Cassius Dio, Historiae Romanae
Epitome Epitome de Caesaribus
Euseb. HE Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica
Euseb. VC Eusebius, Vita Constantini
Eutr. Eutropius, Breviarium
Flav. Ant. Jud. Flavius Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae
Herod. Herodianus, Ab excessu divi Marci
Hieron. Chron. Hieronymus (Jerome), Chronicon
Hieron. De vir. Hieronymus (Jerome), De viris illustribus
Chron. 354 Chronicle of the year 354 (Chronographus anni CCCLIIII )
Jord. Get. Jordanes, Getica
Jord. Rom. Jordanes, Romana
Julian. Caes. Julianus, Caesares
Julian. Or. Julianus, Orationes
Lact. mort. pers. Lactantius, De morte persecutorum
Lact. div. inst. Lactantius, Divinae institutiones
Malalas Joannes Malalas, Chronographia
Mater. Julius Firmicus Maternus, Mathesis
xi
xii ABBREVIATIONS
Reference Works
PLRE I Jones, A. H. M. – Martindale, J. R. – Morris, J. (1971). The
Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, Vol. I (A.D. 260-395).
Cambridge.
RIC Roman imperial coinage (see Bibliography).
ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, ed. H. Dessau, Berlin 1892–1916.
AE L´Année épigraphique. Revue des publications épigraphiques relatives a
l´Antiquité romaine, edd. R. Cagnat, A. Merlin, A. Chastagnol, et al.
(Paris 1888-).
List of Maps and Genealogical Charts
xv
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Despite its title, this book not only covers the political history of the
Roman Empire in the first third of the fourth century, but also describes
the entire previous century in order to make Constantine’s career easier to
grasp by placing it in a broader historical context. Apart from Constan-
tine, therefore, other important figures of the era—Gallienus, Aurelian,
and Diocletian among them—are discussed. Although these emperors
are separated by decades (by the time Constantine was born, Gallienus
was dead, the reigning emperor was Aurelian, and Diocletian was serving
in Aurelian’s army), the connections between them are clear enough:
Constantine would never have become “Great” if Diocletian had not
given his father Constantius the chance to become a member of the
tetrarchy; Diocletian himself could hardly have conceived of a division of
power in an empire that would be politically divided into three pieces;
Aurelian would never have been able to consolidate the empire if he
had not commanded the “new model army” created by Gallienus; and
Gallienus espoused the reforms of Septimius Severus, whose reign started
back in 193. We all stand on the shoulders of someone else, and when we
discuss Constantine, we should consider not only his father and mother,
but also the emperors of the third century. It would be near impossible
to fully understand the tetrarchic period and the Constantinian dynasty
without a detailed knowledge of the several decades’ worth of war, chaos,
and social changes that preceded it. And just as the lessons of the tetrarchy
are necessary to understand the time of Constantine, so a summary of
third-century political events provides a natural introduction to the time
of the tetrarchy.1 Furthermore, all these stages are intertwined, and in this
book they are perceived as a single coherent whole that avoids accentu-
ating any milestones; not even the year 284, usually considered to be the
beginning of the Late Roman Empire.2
And yet, out of deference to the practice for history books to be broken
down into chapters, certain dividing lines did have to be established. This
was an easy task in Chapters 5–11: they simply cover successive periods
of Constantine’s life. With Chapter 1 describing the literary sources used
in my work and Chapter 4 dealing with the first tetrarchy (293–305),
Chapter 3 is best placed to serve as a historical introduction to the period
of the tetrarchy. By reaching back precisely a hundred years into the
past to the dawn of the tetrarchy, we witness the end of the relatively
peaceful times of the Antonine dynasty and the beginning of Septimius
Severus’ reign (193). These hundred years, with a particular emphasis on
the empire’s period of crisis (approximately 250–290), seem to be the
most suitable lead-in to the times of Constantine.
In a sense, this book is dedicated to the “Illyrian Emperors”, i.e. those
emperors who were born in the Western Balkans and saved, stabilised,
and reformed the empire. This line begins with Claudius II (268–
270) and then moves on to Quintillus (270), Aurelian (270–275), and
Probus (276–282).3 After a brief interruption by the reigns of Carus and
his two sons (282–284), whose birthplace we do not know, the Illyr-
ians continued their run with Diocletian (284–305) and three of his
colleagues: Maximian (285–305), Constantius (293–306), and Galerius
(293–311). A 4th-century historian said of them: “Illyricum was actually
the native land of all of them: so although they were deficient in culture,
they had nevertheless been sufficiently schooled by the hardships of the
1 The date on which the tetrarchy began is known and undisputed: 1 March 293. Its
end is less clear, but probably came in the year 310 (see Chapter 7).
2 As the reader will find out in Chapters 3 and 4, Diocletian’s reign was far from
secure in 284 and it took him several years to become the undisputed master of the
whole empire. For a general evaluation of this period, see Cameron (1993, 1–4).
3 Technically, the first Illyrian Emperor was Decius (249–251), who was born in
Pannonia.
1 INTRODUCTION 3
countryside and of military service to be the best men for the state”.4 This
is not the end of the Illyrian Emperors: Severus (305–307), Maximinus
Daia (305–313), Licinius (308–324), and Constantine himself (306–337)
can also be counted among them.5 Apart from Constantine, these twelve
emperors created no dynasties, and in most cases they were not even
related. Nevertheless, their dominance of the period described in this
book means they merit detailed attention. They had much in common:
the geographical area in which they were born, and their (mostly) low
birth, paucity, or entire absence of education, considerable military expe-
rience, and similar approach to problem-solving. One of the aims of this
book is to point up how Constantine belonged to this group.
Constantine was an excellent general, as was to be expected of an
Illyrian Emperor, but on top of that he also was a brilliant politician.
As a military leader, he routinely defeated the barbarians, be they Franks,
Alamanni, Sarmatians, or Goths, and he emerged victorious from every
civil war he took part in. As a politician, he managed to survive the diffi-
cult first six years of his reign (306–312), during which he proved to
be patient, cautious, and astute, and succeeded in avoiding any damage
to his career from the collapse of the third and fourth tetrarchies (see
Chapter 4). Even if the tetrarchy is viewed as an experiment that failed (or
that was bound to fail), Constantine is still someone who was in no small
way responsible for the dissolution of this interesting system of govern-
ment. He could even be said to have built his political career on the ruins
of the tetrarchy, constantly trying to gain more political benefit for himself
and for his nascent dynasty. From 312, he was the undisputed master
of the West, and from 324 he ruled the whole empire. The only way
to explain his remarkable achievements is that he had an extraordinary
flair for war and politics. But that is not the whole story; Constan-
tine was successful in many other areas as well. He carried on many of
Diocletian’s reforms and continued to reform the empire’s administra-
tive, military, monetary, and fiscal systems. His founding of a dynasty and
of the city of Constantinople, and above all his adherence to Christianity,
presaged the completely new direction that the empire would take. This
book stops short of those developments, however, by ending shortly after
Constantine’s death (save for a brief epilogue about the Constantinian
dynasty).
There is one glaring problem in any assessment of Constantine’s
personality, accomplishments, and significance. He is generally defined
and viewed through his religious policy, which, it seems, not only sepa-
rates him from his predecessors but completely overshadows everything
else. Whereas Diocletian and some of the other tetrarchs persecuted the
Christians, Constantine not only became Christian, but also, in the second
half of his reign, acted as if he were one of the bishops. And yet, Chris-
tianity aside, Constantine was in many ways a typical Illyrian Emperor
who had much in common with the other emperors mentioned above. A
perfect example of a supposed counterpart of Constantine would be Aure-
lian. Constantine himself denounced Aurelian for his alleged persecution
of Christians,6 but if we compare their approaches to ruling the empire,
we find that they tried to deal with similar problems with similar solu-
tions and resembled each other probably more than Constantine would
have been willing to admit. Not only were they born in the same area,
but both succeeded in politically unifying the Empire, tried to reform the
coinage, and preferred a single particular god. Furthermore, they defeated
both external and internal enemies in vigorous military campaigns, and
mercilessly suppressed all resistance to their rule (not to mention that
both would later be rumoured to be cruel and greedy).7
Because of his adherence to Christianity, Constantine has proved a
battlefield of historical interpretations for more than 150 years. In the
middle of the nineteenth century, the great Swiss historian Jacob Burck-
hardt viewed Constantine as essentially a completely non-religious man
(“ganz wesentlich unreligiös”), driven only by his desire for power.8 Since
then, many scholars, frequently motivated by their own religious beliefs,
have expressed opinions on this issue.9 This debate is, I believe, largely
10 The great Theodor Mommsen (2005, 518) even wrote: “Ob Constantin selbst Christ
geworden oder nicht, ist ganz gleichgültig; seine privaten Überzeugungen bilden nur ein
geringes Moment”.
11 Not to mention that Constantine himself persecuted Christians (see Chapter 7).
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6 S. DOLEžAL
12 This term was not used in antiquity, but it has gained currency in modern literature,
and is therefore used here. The original term was abolitio nominis (“removal of the
name”).
13 Although both acts did not occur until after the death of the emperor in question,
the beginnings of the adoration of a living emperor can be discerned in the third century
(see Chapter 3) and in the time of the tetrarchy (see Chapter 4).
14 Kienast, Römische Kaisertabelle, 53.
1 INTRODUCTION 7
the hapless former emperor from public inscriptions; not only that, but
his statues were overthrown and images destroyed. However, this prac-
tice was not carried out thoroughly, and the condemned emperor did not
disappear from the world altogether. As with deification, damnatio could
be repealed over time, paving the way for rehabilitation and perhaps re-
deification. This was the case, for example, of the emperor Maximian, who
revolted against his son-in-law Constantine in 310 and faced condem-
nation. Later, however, he was rehabilitated by Constantine (clearly
for political reasons) and commemorated on Constantine’s coins as the
“divine Maximian” (see Chapter 7). The case of another of Constantine’s
relatives, his own son Crispus, who suffered damnatio memoriae in 326
and was never rehabilitated, seems to be a complete mystery (which I try
to solve in Chapter 9).
The way emperors had themselves represented was another impor-
tant element of politics in the late empire. Of course, emperors exploited
self-representation for propaganda, an art mastered by Constantine. He
can even be said to have had his own propaganda machine, consisting
primarily of literary works propagandistic in their nature that were written
during his own lifetime, such as the Panegyrici Latini (five of which
were written for Constantine in the years 307–321), Lactantius’ De mort-
ibus persecutorum, Eusebius’ Historia ecclesiastica, Vita Constantini and
Laus Constantini, the poems of Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius, the extant
fragment of Praxagoras’ history, and the Origo Constantini imperatoris
(the date of composition of which is, admittedly, unknown). Certain later
authors—such as Aurelius Victor, Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomenus, the
Epitome de Caesaribus , and Jerome—were influenced by Constantine’s
propaganda to varying degrees and should therefore be included as well.
This propaganda machine was obviously not built to tell the truth.
Constantine, an astute politician, utilised any political tool available to
him to his advantage, particularly during the first half of his reign, when
he was fighting for his survival. These tools included half-truths, base-
less assertions, and outright lies. Timothy D. Barnes listed some of these
political lies, which he called ”official lies” (e.g. fabrications designed
to strengthen Constantine’s political position), but omitted or neglected
other instances where Constantine or his propaganda machine demon-
strably fashioned lies or deceptions. Here are some of Constantine’s
”official lies” as listed by Barnes:
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su madre traigo en los brazos.
Adivina lo que puede ser.
Welsh-Gypsy:
Black within and black without,
Four legs an’ a iron cap.
Lincolnshire Riddles (Notes and Queries, 3rd series, VIII), page 503, etc. ↑
73 Cf. Nursery Rhymes of England (Halliwell), page 92.
Irish Folk-lore Riddles: 68.
Hitly, Hatly etc. ↑
74 Cf. Holme riddles, 230: 232:
(82) What is that that is round as a cup yet all my lord oxen cannot draw it up.
—A well.
Canadian, Ontario, JAFL 31: 67:
Round as a well, deep as a bowl, long handle, little hole.
—A frying-pan.
Yorkshire (Notes and Queries 3rd series, 8: 325). ↑
75 Cf. Nursery Rhymes of England (Halliwell), 96:
CLV. Highty, tighty, paradighty clothed in green,
The king could not read it, no more could the queen;
They sent for a wise man out of the east,
Who said it had horns but wasn’t a beast.
—Holly tree.
Lancashire (Notes and Queries, 3rd series, IX), 86:
Itum Paraditum all clothed in green, etc.
—Parrot. ↑
76 Canadian, Ontario, JAFL 31: 68.
Brown I am and much admired;
Many horses have I tired;
Tire a horse and worry a man;
Tell me this riddle if you can.
—A cloud. ↑
78 Cf. Lincolnshire Riddles (Notes and Queries, 3rd series, VIII), 503.
Canadian, Ontario, 68. ↑
79 Cf. Popular Rhymes of Scotland (Chambers), III.
English: New Collection, 14.
Riddler, 18, etc. ↑
80 Cf. Popular Rhymes of Scotland (Chambers), 108. ↑
81 Ascribed to Charles James Fox (1749–1806) in Modern Sphinx 17.
Cf. Nursery Rhymes of England (Halliwell), 91.
Canadian, Ontario, 70. ↑
82 Cf. Canadian, Ontario, 69:
English: Fashionable Puzzler, 58:
In marble walls as white as milk,
Lined with a skin as soft as silk,
Within a fountain crystal clear,
A golden apple doth appear.
No doors there are to this strong hold,
Yet thieves break in and steal the gold.
Welsh-Gypsy, 247:
What is it God does not see, etc.
Catalan, 80:
CVI. Qu’es aixó?
Lo pastò’ ho veu á la montanya
y no ’u veu lo rey de Espanya.
Andrew, 206.
Annata, 45.
Ants, 192.
Ashes, 98.
Axe, 100.
Bag, 27.
Bamboo, 109.
Baptism, (264).
Bed, (240).
Bird, 128.
Bridge, (260).
Butter, 155.
Can, 108.
Candle, (228).
Cat, 178.
Chickens, 182.
Child, 159.
Coffee-pulper, 10.
Cooking-pot, 42, 50, 110, 123, 124, 130, 139, 161, (229).
Cord, 23.
Corn-ear, 103.
Corn-grain, 66.
Daughter, (266).
Debt, 118.
Dog, 8, (202).
Dog-flea, 30.
Duckanoo, (236).
Ear, 60.
Earth, 134.
Earthquake, 82.
Equal, (255).
Eve, (238).
Eye-lashes, 168.
Fire-stones, 139.
Fly, 129.
Foot, 151.
Goat, 199.
Grass-quit, 1.
Grater, 69.
Grave, 22.
Guitar, 137.
Gum, 126.
Gun, 7, 146.
Heaven, 134.
Hen, 182.
Hunger, 117.
Jigger, 160.
Key, 189.
Ladder, 99.
Lamb, 201.
Lamp, 166.
Letter M, (254).
Lock, 189.
Mat, 165.
Mile-posts, 94.
Mill-rollers, 138.
Moon, 53, 58, 78, 106, 107, 152, (257).
Needles, 52.
Newspaper, 144.
Nipples, 180.
Nothing, (267).
Onion, 173.
Orange, 76.
Ox, (246).
Parrot, (232).
Pepper, 131.
Pingwing, 19.
Pot, cooking, 42, 50, 110, 123, 124, 130, 139, 161, (229).
Rainbow, 176.
Riddle, (243).
Roof, 2.
Saw, 157.
Secret, (259).
Sieve, 21.
Snail, 36.
Soil, 87.
Spark, 98.
Steelyard, 6.
Stockings, 169.
Stove, 11.
Stump, 187.
Sunshine, (235).
Talking-machine, 112.
Teats, 181.
Thunder, 145.
Tobacco, (247).
Toes, 183.
Tongue, 32.
Tooth, 126.
Trash, 75.
Tree, 40.
Trousers, 84.
Tumblers, 29.
Umbrella, 59.
Water, (233).
Witch, 209.
Women, (261).
1 Numbers enclosed within parentheses belong to the last group and are not strictly Jamaica folk riddles. ↑
[Contents]
ABBREVIATIONS OF TITLES.
[Contents]
1. Jamaica references.
[Contents]
2. General References.