Agricultural expansion; forest-dwellers, peasants and landlords

Expansion of varna-jati order and brahmanization

Forms of exchange; inter-regional and maritime trade
Processes of urbanization

Examine the ideological and religious dimensions of early medieval indian society.

In what ways were the processes of social change in early medieval period linked to
religious and economic changes.

Discuss the religious and ideological aspects of aspects of early medieval India.

Critically analyse the processes of social change in early medieval India.

The religious developments in the early medieval period were largely influenced by that of the
preceding centuries. Their history can be reconstructed with the aid of religious text,
inscriptions, architecture, and sculptural remains. In this period, the main focus was on
devotional worship in temples and on pilgrimage. We see a continued decline of Buddhism and
Jainism; revival of the Hindu cults, especially those associated with the worship of Vishnu,
Shiva, and Shakti; and the development of regional societies.

The Bhakti flourished in South India with the rise of the Alvars and Nayanars. The rigid caste
system, the complicated ritualism that constituted the practice of worship and the inherent need
to move to a more fulfilling method of worship and salvation perhaps spurred this movement.
The Bhakti saints were rebels who chose to defy the currents of their time through their writings.
The Bhakti tradition continues in a modified version even in the present day. As the caste
system was disregarded by the Bhakti movement, it had a particular appeal to those occupying
the lower classes of Indian society. Moreover, wherever the movement went, its followers
challenged and threatened the existing social hierarchy in their own capacity.

Q. Describe the process of state formation in Odisha during the period of your study with
special reference to the role of Brahmins and temples.

The development of Orissa during the early centuries AD was characterized by two processes:
1) territorial segmentation and 2) political development from below. Various political kingdoms
came up in this coastal region as well as in the hilly hinterland from the 6th century onwards. The
first of these dysnasties was the Somavamshis, who in the 11th century united Dakshina Kosala
with central Orissa. They were followed by the Gangas who unified Kalinga in the South with
central and northern parts of Orissa. Herman Kulke outlines Burton Stein’s conception of South
India through his use of the term ‘nuclear areas’, which played a major role in the integration of
kingdom in South India. These areas were independent and self governing, autonomous
economic units and in social and cultural terms centres of Hindu civilization. Conceived by Stein
as ecological systems with only the lightest links to the great warrior families of Tanjore, these
units played a major role in state formation in South India.

Keeping this in perspective, Kulke postulates his understanding of the formation of the state
structure in Orissa. In Orissa, in the early phases, the territorial units were conceived as nuclear
areas of sub regional power. The most important of these areas in Orissa were those territories
situated in the upper Delta regions of the rivers like the Mahanadi river. These include Kalinga,
Kongoda, Dakshina and Toshali. These areas were separated from each other by mountains,
jungles or even areas inhabited by ‘impacified’ tribes. He counters Stein by saying that unlike in
South India, the riverine nuclear areas in Orissa never enjoyed a defacto self- government
through corporate institutions like the great district assemblies (periya nadu) of Tamil Nadu. On
the contrary, they were under the direct rule of Hindu rajas, who were either independent or
nominally subjucated by foreign rulers. These little rajas organized their power according to the
Hindu law books. At the centre of this was the Hindu raja and his court. This centre was
encircled by a number of tax- free agraha or sasana villages which had been donated by the
rajas to the Brahmins who came to form the elite. These Brahmins in the court, as well as as the
settled in outer areas, had a tremendous influence upon the ‘inner colonisation’ of the nuclear
areas and the maintenance of the Hindu law and raja order. These nuclear areas were
integrated into the Indian sphere of Sanskrit learning through the process of Sanskritisation.
There was a new form of temple architecture as well. The most important economic feature,
however, was the cultivation of rice in these nuclear areas. Inter-regional trade was not very
important. These developments began somewhere around the 5th century and culminated by the
end of the 6th century. This can be said due to the evidence of inscriptions that record an
increase in the number of principalities and small sub-regional kingdoms. Another indicator was
the prevalence of land donations not only to individual Brahmins, but also to entire temples and
monastic institutions as well as the construction of the first stone temples.

The process of consolidation of the small kingdoms and principalities was however not easy.
One of the main problems faced was the relationship of the Hindu rajas with the tribes. On the
one hand, the rajas needed their support for the security of internal communication and borders,
while on the other hand, the rajas needed their land for the gradual extension of peasant
agriculture which alone was able to yield sufficient surplus crop for the increasing court.
Tensions with these tribes were also due to the efforts of the local dominant Hindu castes to
extend their economic base at the cost of their tribal neighbours. Nonetheless, the relationship
was largely peaceful with an ongoing process of indoctrination and partial integration of the
tribes than sustained displacement. The Brahmins played a major role by codifying the duties of
the tribe as to, ‘reside in the dominion of the (Aryan) kings’. The partial integration of the tribes
was undertaken therefore through their inclusion into the lower strata of the caste system as
‘outcastes’ or their inclusion into the militia of the Hindu court. This process, known as
Kshtriyasization could be called a social change from above, initiated by the kshatriyas in tribal
areas in order to strengthen their claims to legitimacy. Both processes of partial integration had
strict affiliation to Hinduism.

Another important step in the winning of the loyalty and support of the tribes was the patronage
of the autonomous deities. This seemed to have been important for the consolidation of power
and its legitimation in the Hindu tribal zone. One such example can be the case of mother
(ambika). Two inscriptions (Kanas inscription) of the 5th and 6th centuries AD mention donations
to her temple. Due to her Sanskritic name, she came to be recognized as a Hindu deity whose
bronze image in the shape of durga is worshipped as the tutelary deity by the feudatory Rajas of
Ranpur. Most of these autochthonous deities underwent a process of Hinduization. The process
of Hinduization of these deities was similar to Shakta or Shaiwa typology as described by A.
Eschmann. Over time, these deities were raised to a level of fully developed temple cult. Two
important aspects of the cult remained unchanged: 1) priests and 2) the original unironical
symbol of the deity. Even as the court of the raja became more _ , the priests and original
image remained unchanged. The worship of Hinduised tribal deities by the early dynasties of
Orissa was not an indicator of the presence of tribal culture in the courts. The reason why these
dynasties patronized Hinduized tribal deities as their tutelary deities was the fact that the royal
nuclear areas were surrounded by tribes whose support they needed.

The emergence of regional kingdoms was not merely a question of military conquest, but was
determined by the production of surplus crop in the conquered area. This was determined by
the extent to which the victorious conqueror succeeded in annexing the newly conquered areas
and in unifying them permanently into his homeland. Most of the time, he had to accept the
defeated rulers as his feudatory rajas (samanta rajas) whose loyalty depended upon his own
military power. His power was also determined by his ability to exact taxes from the conquered
areas in order to enlarge his court and army. In the “heydays of political feudalism”, the loosely
structured political system of the regional Hindu kingdoms was weakened. This same period
(1000-1200 AD) saw the increasing power of the feudatory chiefs in the peripheral areas and an
increasing sub-infeudation in the central nuclear areas of the regional kingdoms. The Hindu
rajas of these loosely structured kingdoms, in the absence of centralized bureaucracy tried to
counter balance of power of the feudatory chiefs by ritual means: by royal patronage of
pilgrimage places, large scale settlement of Brahmins, and the construction of new imperial
temples.

The history of the Hindu places of pilgrimage can be traced back to the Bhakti faith. Due to this
movement, India Brahmin Hinduism came down to the villages and simultaneously, the
autonomous deities were integrated into the Hindu pantheon. The Bhakti religion with its
emphasis on personal faith became the best form of religion for the society of those times. One
of the characteristic features of the cults in these places of pilgrimage was an increasing
process of ritual ‘royalisation’ of the deities. The daily performance of rituals and annual festivals
dedicated to the ‘royal deities’ became the most visible form of legitimization of royal power for
the ‘divine kings’. Patronage of these places was mainly in the form of temple construction and
land donation.

The second, counterbalancing measure against centrifugal forces of the regional kingdoms was
the systematic settlement of the Brahmins. Initially, land donations were only given to individual
Brahmins and small groups. It was only later that donations came to be given to large groups of
several hundred Brahmins. For instance, in 930 AD, the Rashtrakuta king Govinda IV donated
vast portions of his country to Brahmins and temples. The main function of these generous land
donations was to provide the central power for the great kingdoms. Their way of life and
traditional ideology made them an ideal group to counterbalance the feudal forces in the court
as well as in the outer regions. The third ritual countermeasure was the construction of new
gigantic temples which exceeded in height compared to temples of earlier times. These gigantic
temples also emerged in the ‘heydays of political feudalism’. An attempt to create a new
centralized ritual structure via the construction of temples was apparent. The cult of these
temples was directly linked to the raja and may have been to legitimise his power. The best
examples of the temple policy are the Brihadisvara and Jagannath temples.

The royal temple policy and the structure of the medieval Hindu Kingdoms therefore was
governed by the following:

1) Acknowledgement of the dominant autochthonous deities by early Hinduized chiefs and

rajas with an aim of consolidating the newly established sub regional power within nuclear
areas. The function of this early religious policy has been a source of legitimization for the
establishment of a hierarchically structured Hindu kingship in a more egalitarian tribal
society.

2) At the time of the construction of the temples through great kings of the regional empire
correspond with the “heyday of political feudalism”, during which the institution of Hindu
kingship and its legitimation was no longer a question. There was a need for someone
incharge of the divine institution of Hindu kingship and its power. Therefore the horizontal
legitimation against rivals was needed.

The patronisation of the autochthonous deity into a royal cult paved way for the vertical
legitimation within the sub-regional nuclear area. The political architecture of the huge imperial
temples with its legalisation court cult and its new centralised ritual structure may be the
horizontal legitimation of power among equivalent rivals and potential rioters among feudatory
chiefs.

Q. Examine the nature and impact of the arab conquest of Sindh.

Q. Write an essay on the growth of regional languages and literature during the early
middle ages in Indian history.

Discuss the development of regional languages and literature in your period of study.

Trace the growth of regional languages and literature in early medieval period.

Account for the rise of regional languages and literature in your period of study.

Give an account of the growth of regional literatures in the early medieval period.
Q.Analyse the different dimensions of urban processes in early medieval India. (This
answer is similar to the essay on dynamism)

The early medieval period is marked by change in dynastic shifts, disintegration, fragmentation,
change from the imperial pattern called the Hindu political order. According to B.D.
Chattopadhyaya, the early medieval period can be seen as a transitional period in Indian history.
The early medieval, he continues, is understood as a "breakdown of the civilizational matrix of
early historical India." The time between the Guptas' demise and the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate is viewed as a period of decline.

Territorial kingdoms controlled by rajanyas or kshatriyas eventually consolidated into a

bureaucratic, centralised state without a land-based power structure. Early medieval had torn the
fabric of an urbanized social order which flourished in the early historic period and this new
period emerged with structures that were predestined for a civilizational collapse. The transition
to early medieval tagged along with it a social crisis wherein decentralization and urban decay
became the norm. The early medieval, in the language of Upinder Singh, is a classic case of
historiography overwhelming history – with the constant emphasis that was given to it being a
‘dark’ age.
On evaluating the historiography contemporary to BD Chattopadhyaya, early medieval is
perceived ‘as a breakdown of the civilisation matrix of early historical India’. He condenses a
few common variables for the period that includes political decentralisation.

In R.S. Sharma’s understanding, the early medieval was characterized by urban decay due to
the decline of long-distance trade and this resulted in urban-based artisans & traders migrating
to villages – thus, in contrast to urbanisation, early medieval witnessed the beginnings of
ruralization. But to understand urban decay as a pan-Indian phenomenon in the early medieval
as an entire historical the phase of being homogenised under the umbrella of urban decline is
erroneous.

Chattopadhyaya argued against Sharma’s understanding, citing examples of urban centres

which continued to flourish. Sharma had used the accounts of the Chinese traveller Xuanzang
to give names of cities which were declining, Chattopadhyaya made use of the same source to
name cities which Xuanzang mentions as flourishing, namely; Thaneswar, Varanasi and
Kanyakubja. Chattopadhyaya also made use of epigraphic evidence to substantiate his claims
and talked of Tattandapura, Siyadoni and Gopagiri which had an urban-status in the 9th-10th
centuries. We also have Singh’s argument that stated how the hypothesis of urban decay had
no validity in South India where there was a second major phase of urban growth as commercial
centres (nagarams) became important urban spaces, craft techniques improved & production
increased and trading activities developed. This proves to us that historical phases cannot be
rigidly compartmentalised as ‘ages of decay’.

In the Making of Early Medieval India, B.D Chattopadhyaya argued that historians frequently
view the early medieval era as the complete opposite of the early historic era.
From a political and cultural perspective, Chattopadhyaya and Kulke made a compelling
argument that the early medieval period was characterised by integration, most apparent in the
process of intensive state formation in regions that were peripheral to the heartlands of the earlier
large kingdoms and empires. Political decentralisation developed. The presence of a large variety
of semi-autonomous rulers, samantas, mahasamantas, as well as the hierarchized positioning
used by royal courts, suggest that the new state structure is decentralised and hierarchical.

State formation was a crucial agent of change. Thus, the State was not a static entity but rather a
dynamic one whose political processes could be compared to modern economic, social, and
religious processes. There were three levels of state: the presence of established norms and
nuclei of state society, horizontal spread of state society, which implied the conversion of
pre-state polities into state polities, and the incorporation of local polities into structures that
went beyond local polity boundaries. The formation of the vala-nadus and mandalams in the
Chola State suggests that the nadus or padis would be reorganised into administrative entities as
a lineage developed into a supra-local or supra-regional power.

The integrative state model was yet another concept put forth by B.D. Chattopadhyaya. Rather
than disintegration, the early medieval era was a "period of state formation." It denotes the
evolution of pre-state polities into state polities and the incorporation of local polities into larger,
more universally applicable frameworks. Peasantization and kshatriyization, a process that came
about as a result of social mobility served as the foundation for and supported this integrative
growth. According to B.D. Chattopadhyaya, neither the concept of decentralised polity, in which
bases of power are created from above through individual or institutional agents, nor the idea of
isolating a single unit and analysing the relationship of its segments in ritual terms can
adequately capture the genesis of early medieval polity. Structure of early medieval polity was a
logical development from the territorially limited state society of the early historical period to a
gradual but far greater penetration of state society into local agrarian and peripheral levels,
resulting in continuous fissions at such levels.

According to K.M Shrimali, Chattopadhyaya saw the samanta system to be a tool for "political
integration" and "a counterpoint to the decentralised polity of the feudal," brought by the
horizontal growth of a lineage-based state society with diverse local bases.
The concept of ranking served as the political foundation for this arrangement of local and
supralocal entities. Land grants can be used to explain both integration and segmentation a s
local landlords or chieftains received their fiscal and administrative authority from the king, paid
tribute and fulfilled his military and administrative duties.

Feudalism in India was distinguished by a class of landlords and subject peasants both living in
angrarian economy that was characterised by a decline in trade and urbanisation as well as a
rapid decline in metal currency. According to Mukhia, the development of agriculture between
the 11th-13th centuries significantly boosted the amount of marketable surplus in the
countryside, which in turn contributed to a visible rise in trade and urbanisation.

South Indian ports such as Mamallapuram, Nagapattinam, and Quilon showed thriving maritime
trade. Inscriptions like the one at Tanjore describe numerous luxury and basic products found in
Southeast Asia and the subcontinent. Chola rulers built fortified merchant towns called
erivirapattanas to promote trade. From the 10th century CE onwards, merchant guilds gained
prominence. Ayyavole and manigramam were two significant ones.

Several copper plates record land transactions to religious donees, many of which were
Brahmadeyas. This had a political component since it implied that kings had more control over
resources because they could 'grant' these out. These land transfers were what caused "state
society" to grow into "non-state" regions. Due to their specialised understanding of the seasons,
plough, and irrigation, Brahmanas started to disseminate new techniques for farming. The
horizontal spread of rural agrarian settlements was the fundamental element of the economic
system.

The market or money economy gave way to self-sufficient villages as production units.
Peasantry subjugation is exemplified by immobility, forced labour, and the payment of
excessively high rates of revenue, which reveal social stratification in post-Gupta society. A new
agrarian framework gave rise to a landed magnate elite. The creation of landed intermediaries,
which is regarded as the distinguishing feature of Indian feudal social formation, is believed to
be linked to both the breakdown and decentralisation of governmental power as well as to
significant changes in the structure of agrarian relations.

Feudalism in India was distinguished by a class of landlords and subject peasants both living in
angrarian economy that was characterised by a decline in trade and urbanisation as well as a
rapid decline in metal currency. According to Mukhia, the development of agriculture between
the 11th-13th centuries significantly boosted the amount of marketable surplus in the
countryside, which in turn contributed to a visible rise in trade and urbanisation.

The subjection of the peasantry manifested itself in the form of immobility, forced labour and the
payment of revenue at exorbitantly high rates. These point to the nature of stratification in
post-Gupta society. New agrarian structure created a leisurely class of landed magnates. There
are continual references in our sources to the heavy demand of revenue and other taxes from
the peasants and the consequent miserable level of their existence.

Varnasarkara, the proliferation of castes was not marked by the appearance of major groups like
the Kayasthas alone, but by varieties of other groups as well. The process of caste formation,
the chief mechanism of which was the horizontal spread of the dominant ideology of social order
based on varna-division. There was the proliferation of castes. Use of dharmashastra categories
to posit the decline of the Vaisya varna and the ascendancy of the shudra has little relevance for
explaining post-Gupta historical developments. Due to the contact between Brahmana donees
and local tribes, there was a religious synthesis with the latter being exposed to Brahamanical
traditions.

The feudal dimension of the ideology and culture of the period was Bhakti, loyalty, devotion. The
process that changed the nature of earlier "local and tribal cults" occurred when Brahmins began
to control the major cults and cult centres. With the crystallization of the Puranic order, Bhakti,
local cults and sacred centres could be brought within the expansive Puranic fold through the
process of identity.

Bhakti, loyalty, and devotion encompasses the feudal nature of the philosophy and culture of the
time. The appropriation and integration of local cults, rituals, and sacred sites into a pantheistic
supralocal framework were major developments in religious processes. The method of
integration was by seeking affiliation with a deity or a holy site that had grown to assume
supralocal significance.

This new Hindu cult comprised, on the one hand, a regular sequence of daily rites, and was
directed, on the other hand, to a permanently 'present' god who was worshipped as an
anthropomorphic divine idol or as a Saivite lingam. A symbiotic relationship emerged between
royal authority and the perception of divinity. The Hindu Cults of Vishnu, Shiva and Shakti
become prominent. Alvar and Nayanar saints, as well as temple worship expanded. As land
transfers to temples increase after the 10th century CE, politics became more entwined with
religious institutions, giving rise to "royal temples." Bhakti and the worship of God as a Lord
located in a temple, was the key ideological strand of the period.
There was also appropriation of tribal practices and subsequent Brahamanization of tribal deities.
The Jagannath cult was appropriated in Orissa and female goddesses with tribal origins
increased. Kulke looks into the influence of the Bhakti cult on politics, the importance of
king-Brahman relationship, and the unifying role of royal patronage of temples.

B.D Chattopadyaya argues that the structure of early medieval polity was a logical development
from the territorially limited State society of the early historical period to a gradual but far greater
penetration of State society into local agrarian and peripheral levels, generating continuous
fissions at such levels. The feudatory and other intermediary strata in the early medieval
structures of polity, in the absence of a definite correlation between service assignments and the
formation of these strata, may thus be seen in terms of 'integrative polity. Therefore, the early
medieval phase can be viewed as an intermediate phase.

The urbanization processes in the early medieval was complex and were far more rooted to
their regional contexts. B.D. Chattopadhyaya marks the period of urbanization in early medieval
as the beginning of the third phase in India. The other two are quite recognizable, the first phase
being the planned cities of Harappa culture and the second phase being the period which saw
various developments around the 6th century B.C. Chattopadhyaya justifies the use of this
distinctive phase by laying down the fact that trading networks helped expand the economy of
the second urbanization and the contraction of this network coincided with a decline of urban
centres from the post Kushana to Gupta periods. Geographically, this decline was widely
distributed and a rise of a new phenomenon of urbanism in the early medieval followed. Hence,
it may not be off the mark to call the early medieval period as the third phase of urbanization in
India.

Q. Analyse various aspects of the agrarian economy of early medieval India.

Examine the growth of regional rural economy in the post-Gupta period.

In the light of recent researches, discuss the diverse forms of monetization prevalent
during the early medieval period?

The early medieval period witnessed the rise of territorial kingdoms controlled by rajanyas or
kshatriyas eventually consolidated into a bureaucratic, centralised state without a land-based
power structure. The economy was heavily monetised and characterised by long-distance
international trade, urbanisation, and production of urban crafts. Cash was now used to pay
officials. The varna structure began to crystallise, with the vaishyas serving as the primary
taxpayers and shudras providing menial labour, while the rajanya, kshatriya, and brahmans
appropriated the social surplus. Peasantization and kshatriyization, a process that came about
as a result of social mobility served as the foundation for and supported this integrative growth.

ECONOMY (include everything here- agrarian economy & monetisation)

There was a change over from the market or money economy to self-sufficient villages as units
of production. practice of remuneration in land as a substitute for cash, to the migration of
different social groups to rural areas, to an agrarian expansion, and to the crystallization in rural
society of jajmani relationships (relationships of interdependence between patrons and clients).
Fief holders and free holders were agents of social change. The subjection of the peasantry
manifested in the form of immobility, forced labour and the payment of revenue at exorbitantly
high rates, all point to the nature of stratification in post-Gupta society.

Harbans Mukhia says that it is in irrigation that the most important technological advance has
been registered in ancient and medieval Indian agriculture. The grants made by the state in
charity comprised two equal halves of cultivated and waste lands.The primarily free peasant
form of agricultural production gradually evolving from post-Mauryan times, thus characterised
the agrarian economy of ancient and medieval India.

D.C. Sircar and B .N.S. Yadava have enumerated the formidable number of taxes and cesses
collected from peasants and artisans. Peasant's independent control over his process of
production eliminated the possibility of acute social tensions which might have necessitated
significant changes in the entire system of production. The conflicts over the redistribution of the
surplus were resolved by and large within the existing social framework. Mukhia has perhaps
been quite rash in emphasising free peasant production as the characteristic feature of the
Indian medieval economy.

R.S. Sharma was the first to write of economic crisis in the early medieval period, started with
the decline in trade and urbanization in the Gangetic plains. He theorized a framework of Indian
feudalism, a hierarchical setup consisting of landed nobility and subject peasantry. He first cited
decline in India’s long-distance trade. Trade with the Roman Empire ended in the 3rd century
A.D. due to its decline; and silk trade with Iran and the Byzantium stopped in the middle of the
6th century. The coastal areas of India continued some commerce with China and Southeast
Asia, but this had little impact on the internal economy of the country. Decline in trade is
demonstrated by the paucity of coins from the Gupta period onwards, both in North and South
India. Fa-Xian stated that cowries formed the common medium of exchange.

Inscriptions tells us that foreign trade was never an essential factor in early urban growth and
cannot be held responsible for urban decay in post-Kushana and pre-Gupta polity. Hieun Tsang
in his travel account refers to the decay of places like Koshambi, Shravasti, Ramagrama,
Kapilavastu, Kusinagara and Vaishali. He mentions that cities like Varanasi and Kanyakubja
were great centers of commerce.

In order to establish the relationship between trade, urban centers and a stable political
structure, Chattopadhyay opines that the latter is necessary to establish the base, but not
essential for boosting growth. There were several towns not founded by rulers- Tattanandapura,
Siyadoni, Deogiri. They emerged with the rise of the Gujjar Pratihara kingdoms. While Sharma
emphatically asserted that the decline of the urban structures was a characteristic structure of
the post-Gupta period.

South Indian ports such as Mamallapuram, Nagapattinam, and Quilon showed thriving maritime
trade. Inscriptions like the one at Tanjore describe numerous luxury and basic products found in
Southeast Asia and the subcontinent. Chola rulers built fortified merchant towns called
erivirapattanas to promote trade. From the 10th century CE onwards, merchant guilds gained
prominence. Ayyavole and manigramam were two significant ones.

There is decline in the ritual status of many artisanal groups, possibly deriving from the fact that
due to decline of trade and development of a closed economy, they were now rurally localized
and made subservient to landholding classes. The lowering of the status of artisanal groups is
also seen in the intensification of untouchability. According to Sharma, in 600-1200 A.D., a
process of ‘acculturation’ began. A number of social groups such as carmakara (leather worker),
rajaka (washer-man), bamboo-worker and basket-marker came to be regarded as
untouchables. They were called asat (impure), adharmasamkara (created by unholy mixture)
and antyaja (the last).

The work of Ranabir Chakrabarty is important to understand the structural transformations of the
rural economy. He presents a very convincing picture of its growth linked to the larger process of
agrarian expansion. He highlights the rural and locality level of trade center of diverse time,
which became conspicuous by their presence in the early medieval period. Sources highlight
transactions of daily necessities and agrarian products. This image of a vibrant market place is
present almost everywhere. Using epigraphic and textual sources, he identifies Mandapikas in
north India, Penthas in Deccan, and Nagaram in the far south. He’s saying that there are
regional centers of exchange from where goods are being brought to the larger centers from the
smaller centers. Large market complexes and urban centers had a link with these rural markets.

AGRARIAN ECONOMY

According to R.S Sharma, the period between 400-1200 CE was marked by profound structural
changes in the economy, society, and polity, particularly those related to royal land transfers. He
discussed these changes within the framework of the emergence, maturity and decline of a
feudal order. For us to comprehend agrarian growth, caste proliferation, and the peasantization
of tribes that started to crystallise, Sharma's land grant hypothesis is essential. He refutes
Mukhia's claim that the peasant in early mediaeval India had fundamental control over the
means and method of production and shows that the land grant inscriptions unambiguously
show that the donees had complete control over the method of production as well as political
and juridical rights that were backed by the threat of force. For Hermann Kulke, the rise of
landed intermediaries was caused by an increase in land grants made by the state to its officials
and Brahmans as charitable donations. As a result, the peasantry was dependent on and
subservient to the intermediaries. Ruralization led to rural stratification, i.e., the introduction of
different tiers of rights on land in the countryside.

R.S Sharma identified two kinds of serfs: those whose homes and land lay in the donees
estates and who provided them with labour services; and semi-serfs who gave them rent. He
asserts that feudalism flourished in paddy-producing areas because the requirements of labour
were higher there; this counters Mukhia's assertion that the fertility of the soil in India precluded
the emergence of serfdom. Sharma counters Mukhia's argument that no new mode of
production can appear due to measures from the top, and asserts that the Kali crisis was a
crisis in the mode of production which led to a critical situation where kings had to resort to
making land grants because they were unable to collect taxes and pay priests, administrative
officials, and soldiers.

Feudalism in India was distinguished by a class of landlords and subject peasants both living in
angrarian economy that was characterised by a decline in trade and urbanisation as well as a
rapid decline in metal currency. According to Mukhia, the development of agriculture between
the 11th-13th centuries significantly boosted the amount of marketable surplus in the
countryside, which in turn contributed to a visible rise in trade and urbanisation.

According to B.D Chattopadyaya, samanta is of course a broad-spectrum category and en-

compasses a proliferating range of designations in use in the early medieval period. In its
trans-political connotation corresponded to the landed aristocracy. Presence of the samanta
landed aristocracy, weakened the hold of the State over both the polity and the revenue
potential of its constituent territorial units. The emergence of landed intermediaries: This is
considered the hallmark of Indian feudal social formation and is seen to be linked both to the
disintegration and decentralization of state authority and to major changes in the structure of
agrarian relations.

Subjection of the peasantry is reflected in the superior rights given to the grantees, making the
cultivators subject to their will and placing restrictions on their movements, as in many cases
cultivators were transferred along with the land. These donated villages were called
dhana-jana-sahita (together with resources and inhabitants), and sa-prativāsi-sameta (together
with settled people). The emergence of forced labour (visti) was an important institutional
development and this right was given to the donees. Subjection also increased due to the wide
range of taxes or levies which the peasants had to pay.

Several copper plates record land transactions to religious donees, many of which were
Brahmadeyas. This had a political component since it implied that kings had more control over
resources because they could 'grant' these out. These land transfers were what caused "state
society" to grow into "non-state" regions. Due to their specialised understanding of the seasons,
plough, and irrigation, Brahmanas started to disseminate new techniques for farming. The
horizontal spread of rural agrarian settlements was the fundamental element of the economic
system.

Ranabir Chakravarti agrees that there was an unprecedented agrarian expansion in India in the
Early Medieval period. This resulted in an agrarian surplus, a major prerequisite for city
formation in early India. This expansion led to greater concentration of population in some
villages, which consequently underwent changes leading to emergence of smaller towns. Thus
revisionists feel that the old towns did show signs of decline but many new urban centres came
up instead.

R. N. Nandi’s work on land grants and agrarian expansion argues that, for new tracts of land like
forests and grasslands to be brought under agriculture, huge resources, irrigation facilities, etc.
would be required. This could not have been afforded by ordinary folks involved in agriculture.
The need for such resources had to be met. This could have been the objective behind granting
donees resources and privileges to expand agriculture.

MONETISATION
The market or money economy gave way to self-sufficient villages as production units.
Peasantry subjugation is exemplified by immobility, forced labour, and the payment of
excessively high rates of revenue, which reveal social stratification in post-Gupta society. A new
agrarian framework gave rise to a landed magnate elite. The creation of landed intermediaries,
which is regarded as the distinguishing feature of Indian feudal social formation, is believed to
be linked to both the breakdown and decentralisation of governmental power as well as to
significant changes in the structure of agrarian relations.

One of the eminent critics of Sharma was D.C. Sircar, who argues against the paucity of
metallic coinage in early medieval times. In his views fresh coins were not required by the
traders owing to the plenty of older issue of coins and cowrie shells in the market. Whereas
agrarian expansion and multiplication of states in both newly and old areas indicated a
tremendous increase of population and available collections indicate a substantial shrinkage in
the number of coins. Internally the role of cowries was insignificant.

Sharma argues that though perhaps some trade was carried on with southeast Asia and china,
this was not enough to have any major impact on the internal economy of the country. The
flourishing Indo-Roman trade underwent a major decline, according to Sharma. The economic
links between the coastal towns and the hinterlands was thus broken. Sharma was of the view
that the decline in trade could also have been caused by the Arab invasions. He also talked
about the paucity of coins in this period, and though the dynasties in this period ruled for three
centuries of more, there was not a single series of coins attributed to them. Gold coins also
disappeared to a large extent in the post-Gupta period, from 650 there was an extreme paucity
of coins which hampered both internal and external trade. This fostered localism and led to the
growth of self-sufficient village economies.

Harbans Mukhia claimed that this theory was just a sweeping generalization not based on any
evidence. Chattopadhyay shows that that was shown as true for most parts of north India
seems to hold good for south India, but the hypothesis of the relative scarcity of coins remains
largely impressionistic in the context of the study. The Punjab region yielded a regular supply of
coins from 600-1000. Sharma and others were of the view that the pure gold coins issued by the
Guptas do not testify to a large-scale monetization, since these coins had a limited role in
day-to-day transactions. The barter system was much more prevalent. What are the essentials
of the barter system? They can only operate in small, pocket-sized economies.

The most extensive works on coins and currency system on early medieval north India was
done by John S. Deyell. Deyell points out that debasement by itself is not a priori evidence of
economic decline. There is a perceptible link between debasement of coins and the shortage of
metals. Deyell states, “The early medieval economies were faced with the dilemma of living
without silver and in such a dire situation the solution was found in facilitating coins made with
cheaper alloys so as to place more money in circulation.” Deyell is of the view that until the end
of the Gupta rule, the rulers were actively involved in this issuance of coins with legendary
signs, symbols, designs and dates. However, in the period which followed the Guptas, coins
were no longer minted and circulated as a medium to spread any message. There was an
inextricable link between the circulation of coins and its association with trading groups in a
scenario where the political groups were primarily concerned with the making of coins. Deyell
describes the coins of early medieval north India as, “Crudely executed, generally unaesthetic,
with a crude and adulterated appearance.” Despite this they remained effective mediums of
exchange. There was no shortage of coins for circulation in trade and commerce. He goes on to
day, “The physical evidence is incontrovertible that money and exchange were alive and vibrant
through much of the area.” Coins were one of the several mediums of exchange. Besides the
coins, the role of hundis and other credit instruments were insurmountable for trading purposes.
At the lowest level of transactions, cowrie shells were used. Deyell and others point out that the
absence of smaller denomination coins minted by rulers, and the debasement of gold and silver
coins, must not be seen as evidence of paucity of coins in the medieval period and decline of
trade.
Structure of early medieval polity was a logical development from the territorially limited state
society of the early historical period to a gradual but far greater penetration of state society into
local agrarian and peripheral levels, resulting in continuous fissions at such levels. B.D
Chattopadhyaya says that it is necessary to examine closely as to what extent and in what
precise form trade and urbanism survived.

Q. Write short notes on any two of the following:

(a) Epigraphic sources
(b) Merchant guilds of South India
(c) Al-Beruni
(d) Ismaili dawah
(e) Royal genealogies
(f) Al Hujwiri
(g) Arab Sind
(h) Nagara style of architecture
(i) Integrative polity
(j)Trade in early medieval India
(k)Numismatic sources
(l) Origin of the Rajputs
(m) Dravida style of architecture
(n) Merchant guilds of South India
(o) Nadu
(p)Monetization in Early Medieval India
(q)Kitab-ul Hind
(r)Dravida style of architecture
(s) Epigraphic Sources
(t) Status of Untouchables
(u) Puranic traditions
(v) Rajatarangini

ORIGINS OF RAJPUTS
Do you agree with the view that the post-Gupta centuries were marked by processes of
caste formation? Discuss with reference to the emergence of Rajputs.
(comes as short notes also)

Discuss the different theories regarding the origin of Rajputs.

In the realm of Indian historiography, the writings on the origin of the Rajputs reflect an extreme
polarity of opinions. Some attempts relegate the Rajputs to foreign origin, while others claim to
exhort their pure ksatriya lineage. This latter opinion, glorifying the indigenous origin of the
Rajputs, found firm backing during the heyday of nationalist historiography. The glory and
glorification of the Rajputs, as seen in the works of historians like C.V. Vaidya, came to be seen
in the same patriotic light of bravery, military adeptness and chivalrous social existence—all
extremely desirable traits in the nationalistic ferment of the early 20th century. Says Vaidya:
“The Rajputs who came to the front and who by their heroism diffuse such glory on the period of
Medieval Indian history cannot but have been the descendents of Vedic Aryans. None but Vedic
Aryans could have fought so valiantly in defence of the ancestral faith.” For D. Sharma, the
Rajputs rose to prominence in the process of resisting foreign invasions and that they
“shouldered willingly the ksatriyas’ duty of fighting for the land as well as its people and culture.”

According to BD Chattopadhyay (henceforth BDC), recent political narratives of Rajput history

tend to “dynasticize” the reconstruction of their early history. Items, primarily genealogies are
used to rationalise uncertain dates and lineages, into dynastic superstructures, thereby
conferring both temporal and genetic relationships on them, where data provides neither; short,
incomplete genealogies are concatenated, grafted and hybridized into mega structures—which
are bigger, and falsely greater than their constituent parts. As a result, the study of the Rajputs
has been undertaken on an isolationist scale, their origin in the early medieval period not
examined as a process with parallels or echoes outside the region. Factors like the formation of
numerous new castes, emergence of dynasties seeking ksatriya status, accent on locality in
social relations etc. have been left relatively unexamined as a result of this isolationism.

One way to define the term ‘Rajput’, a difficult exercise in distinguishing Rajputs from
non-Rajputs, is by analysing references made to rajaputras in inscriptions and literature. From
these references, one concludes that they represented a ‘mixed caste’ and ‘constituted a fairly
large section of petty chiefs holding estates’. However, the reference to certain
clans—Cahamanas or Pratiharas—occurs much more regularly, possibly due to their political
dominance.

There are primarily two processes that underline the emergence of the Rajputs in early
medieval records—the colonisation of new areas, and the mobility to kshatriya status as seen in
the inclusion of tribal or alien groups into the list of Rajput clans.

Firstly, a proliferation of settlements through an expansion of agrarian economy is attested to by

the appearance of several new place names in distributed archaeological remains. This trend,
seen in several inscriptions of western and central India, reveals two important aspects of a
process. First, the territorial expansion of what came to be known as Rajput power was
achieved at the expense of erstwhile tribal settlements, as seen in the cases of the Guhilas and
Cahamanas. Though the Guhila settlements have been recorded in Rajasthan as early as the
7th Century, records of the Nagda-Ahar-Guhilas inscriptions trace their movement from Gujarat
slightly later. There is also voluminous bardic material which suggests that the Guhila kingdoms
in south Rajasthan succeeded the earlier tribal chiefdoms of the Bhils. This connection between
the Bhils and the Guhilas is also seen in the coronation ceremony in the Ekalingaji temple
inscription of AD 1282. Secondly, the colonisation of new areas, as seen in the Pratihara
Kakkuka’s inscription, seems to have been accompanied by a more advanced economy—a
natural fallout of Rajasthan’s departure from tribalism.

Secondly, the colonisation of new areas must be studied with reference to mobility of different
groups towards a desirable kshatriya status. This is especially clear for the inclusion of the
Medas and the Hunas into the Rajput superstructure—their tribal background debunking the
idea of the structure of Rajput being composed only of groups linked by descent, rather than by
assimilation and expansion.

This evidence of castes as being mixed, as seen from certain sources, leads us to conclude that
these clans did not have original ancestry, but developed and evolved through historical stages.
This can be seen from the examples of major, dominant political clans—the Pratiharas, the
Guhilas and the Cahamanas. Despite attempts at dissociating Gurjara from the
‘Gurjara-Pratihara’ combine, through the argument that ‘Gurjara’ in the combine represents the
country, not the people, documents dating from the 7th century suggest that Pratiharas who
rose to prominence in the 8th century were not a separate group, but evolved from the Gurjara
stock; also, 7th century documents “suggest a wide distribution of the Gurjaras as a political
power in western India, and references to Gurjara commoners may indicate that the political
dominance of certain families reflected a process of stratification that had developed within the
stock…It would seem that the Pratiharas, like several other Gurjara lineages, branched off the
Gurjara stock through the channel of political power…the fact that some Pratiharas also became
brahmanas will find parallel in development among the Abhiras out of whom emerged Abhira
brahmanas, Abhira ksatriyas, Abhira sudras and so on.”

As a result, there definitely did exist, despite want of evidence, a certain correlation between the
achievement of political eminence and a movement towards a corresponding social status. For
a majority of the newly emerging royal lines ‘Brahma-ksatriya’ was a transitional status,
relatively open and useful for a supposedly authentic transition from Brahman to ksatriya status.
This openness was seized upon by prospective royal clans and families before they could
formulate a claim to a pure ksatriya origin. This gradual change is illustrated by a comparison
between two Pratihara inscriptions of the 9th century from the Jodhpur area. An AD 837
inscription explains the origin of the Pratihara brahmanas and ksatriyas in terms of two wives,
one ksatriya and the other brahmana, of brahmana Haricandra. The second inscription from AD
861 drops from its genealogical list the brahmana wife. This allusion to brahmana descent
served its purpose only till the time a need for respectable origin was required. Once a
respectable source for the ksatriya status was found, and once the political desire of feudatory
clans for upward mobility had been fulfilled, the brahmana past was dropped from the
genealogies. Thus, a search for actual origins is a futile one, in the wake of evidence that clearly
points towards social mobility through political evolution and genealogical modifications. There
was clearly a political process at play, whereby clans sought upward mobility from initial
feudatory positions—the Gujarat Gurjars were feudatories of the Valabhi king, the early Guhilas
of Kiskindha and Dhavagarta were feudatories too; Bappa Rawala, the traditional founder of the
Mewar Guhila line appears to have started out with a feudatory title of rawala. The Cahamanas
of Gujarat and Rajasthan were clearly feudatories of the Gurjara-Pratiharas. The political
transition, moreover, from feudatory status to independent royalty was clearly through military
strength. The point thus being made is interesting as much as it is important: the emergence of
the early Rajput clans took place within the existing hierarchical political structure. This point is
often missed in efforts to build an image of the Rajputs as making a sudden and brilliant debut
on the north Indian political scene.

The emergence of the Rajputs, as far as economic processes are concerned, is associated with
new features of land distribution and territorial system, seen in both large empires of the
Pratiharas and Chahamanas, as well as in the localised kingdoms of the Guhilas. Clan networks
were consolidated through a distribution of land among the royal kinsmen. Terms like
vamsapotakabhoga, svabhoga, bhoga etc. found in inscriptions like the one at Rajorgarh, or the
Harsa inscription of AD 973, define the system of land distribution and donation among the
royalty and the subordinate royal classes like the Brahmans and the Ksatriyas, and officials like
the dusadhya. In the 12th century, under the Nadol Chahamanas, the assignments, termed
variously as grasa, grasabhumi or bhukti came to be held by the king, the kumara or the crown
prince, rajputras or sons of the king, the queens etc.

Soon, in relation to the above mentioned system of distribution of land, a new unit, comprising
six or multiple of six villages came to be referred to, probably to signify some kind of
administrative division. These became nuclei of some kind of local control, as seen in the 9th
century Saurashtra of the Gurjara-Pratiharas. By the later part of the 14th century, the caurasias
or holders of 84 villages had become, as the evidence of Visaladeva Raso suggests, a ‘well
known class of chiefs.’ Such big holdings, no doubt, emanated from the process of distribution
of land among the members of the ruling class. The caurasia system, though not always strictly
adhered to, nevertheless provided a theoretical framework in which linkages between clan
members and units could be worked out—a framework which would further aid in the
consolidation of the emerging Rajput social structure. No wonder then that the caurasia sytem
finds its origins in the early days of the crystallisation of Rajput polity.

Construction of forts, a phenomenon unknown in early times, came to be synonymous with the
emergence of the Rajputs. Forts in different geographical locations—Mandor, Chittor, Kota,
Jalor, Bharatpur, Alwar served not only defensive purposes. As compositions of populations in
their vicinity show, forts served as the foci of power of the ascendant ruling families over their
rural surroundings. This is attested to in the grants, seen in the Ropi plates of Paramara
Devaraja, dated AD 1052, where the grants of land in rural areas of the fort were made to
subordinate families and personalities, in return for allegiance.

Social processes find an obvious pointer in the marriage networks that existed among the clans.
Proceeding chronologically from the Pratihara family, one sees a change in the role of
marriage—a clear departure is apparent from the unimportance of clan origins and ancestry
towards the implicit understanding of the utilisation of marriage as a tool for fomenting inter-clan
relationships. In the inscription of AD 837 mentioned earlier, both the Brahmin and the Ksatriya
wife are mentioned; in the AD 861 inscription, mention of the Brahmin wife is dropped from the
ancestry. Towards the end of this genealogy, Kakka, who is very close to the last and current
ruler on the genealogical list is mentioned having married Padmini of the Bhatti clan, considered
by many to be identical with the Bhattis of Jaisalmer area. In the Cahamana inscriptions, one
finds clear matrimonial preferences for the Rastrakutas, and the Rathors; for the Guhilas,
preference was for the Caulukyas, the Paramaras, Rastrakutas, Cahamanas, and the Hunas.

These choices are essentially political, mainly because the families cited here constituted the
ruling elites of early medieval Rajasthan. But there were wider social considerations as well—for
example, legitimacy to such groups as the Hunas, who had acquired, mainly through military
means, sufficient political clout in western India. But such matrimonial link ups, beyond the point
of providing legitimacy, also sought collaboration in wider arenas of social and political activity.
Hence, instances, though limited, like the one where Guhila Allata, who was married to a Huna
princess, and who had a Huna in the kingdom of his son, Naravahana, serves to only elucidate
the notion of emerging inter-clan complexities and dynamics, through which Rajput polity
evolved, and which would turn to a full-blown social phenomenon in the centuries to come.

In fact, interestingly, matrimonial alliances for social and political concerns led to a proliferation
of the Rajput structure. Two inscriptions from the tenth century, suggest the undermining of the
purist conception of the ksatriya—the AD 956 inscription from Mandkila Tal near Jodhpur
mentions the son of a learned ksatriya who engraved a prasasti and was a sutradhar by
profession; another inscription of the Gurjara-Pratiharas, from the Doab region of UP refers to a
ksatriya vanik. These examples lead us to believe that the proliferation of Rajputs contributed
towards an undermining of the political status of early ksatriya groups which were taking to less
potent occupations, and which preferred using the sobriquet “Rajput” rather than “ksatriya.” BDC
hypothesises that this “substitution of the traditional ‘ksatriya’ groups by the Rajputs and the
consolidation of the Rajput structure may be viewed as a result of collaboration between the
emerging clans, not only in terms of inter-clan marriage, but also in terms of participation at
various levels of the polity and the circulation of clan members in different kingdoms and courts.”
Hence, the forsaking of ‘ksatriya’ status for a more identifiable, relatable, and realistic to the
contemporary “Rajput” identity only reinforces the processes that would go into what would later
become, not the ‘ksatriya’ phenomenon, but the locally apt ‘Rajput’ phenomenon, marked by
economic, military administrative and political collaboration between the clans for social mobility,
clan cohesion, and later, the consolidation of a Rajput identity in early medieval period. An
interesting manifestation of this phenomenon is seen in the military commemorative stones.
While the clans that find mention among these stones (meant for the commemoration of death,
mainly on the battlefield) are numerous: Patihara, Cahamana, Guhila, Paramara, Solanki,
Rathoda, Candela, Mahavaraha, Mangaliya, Bodana, Mohila, Doda, Dahiya etc, the reference
to the class of the dead is singular-“Rajput”. Hence, memorials to violent (and valiant?) deaths
came to be attributed to the brave new class of warrior willing to die on the battlefield—the
“Rajput”. As a result, a way has been devised to tie the numerous clans together, using the
macabre valiant thread of death. It is the Rajput that brings about the clans of Rajasthan
together, and dies for the brave cause, not of the clans, but of the Rajput. It is this new ksatriya
group that makes up the political order of medieval Rajasthan.
However, another means of the proliferation of the Rajputs, beyond the legitimisation of
disparate groups that were willing to come into the nebulous Rajput fold through subscribing to
a ‘ksatriya’ ideology was through segmentation and the spread of sub-clans. While there is no
evidence of formation of sub-clans through segmentation, what examples (like the formation of
the Cahamana family at Nadol and Jalor from the Cahamanas of Sakambhar) suggest is that
rather than formation of sub-castes, segmentation led to a process of localisation; localisation of
clans, and the resultant Rajputisation was a process of social mobility, whereby disparate
groups like the Medas and Hunas were incorporated into the burgeoning Rajput superstructure,
and the superstructure in turn absorbed local elements that it came into contact with. Thus,
sub-clans weren’t necessarily a product of segmentation of clans, but perhaps a result of the
absorption of local elements, when such elements came into contact with some already
established clans.

Thus, in conclusion, two chronological stages in the emergence of the Rajputs in the early
medieval period may be put forward. In the first stage, it was essentially a political process in
which disparate groups seeking political power conformed to such norms as permeated the
contemporary political ideology. And among such norms, formation of dynasties through
zealously claimed linkages with ksatriya lines of the mythical past to claim legitimacy in the
present was a major process of social mobility. As the entry into the Rajput fold basically
continued through political power, the traditional norms or the need for legitimization remained.

But in the second stage, roughly from the 11-12th centuries on, “the rise of the Rajputs became
a comprehensive social phenomenon as well. As such, the multiplication of the rajaputras
should not be viewed as merely reflecting the consolidation of a political power structure; its
implication should be extended also to explain the growing phenomenon of minor clans and
sub-clans.” The displacement of ksatriya-hood by a more desirable sobriquet of Rajput was one
result. The ultimate conclusion was the establishment of a cohesive medieval Rajput
identity-albeit, including clans with local variations of tradition, practices as well as history.

Ultimately, the expansion of mere dynastic relations to wider areas of social relations, through
segmentation of clans into local powers, the absorption-assimilation of and a converse influence
on the local elements—in essence, localism of clans and groups—(like the emergence of
Pipadia Guhilas from Pippalapada, and Sonigara Cahamanas from Suvarnagiri/ Jalor) would
ensure the future growth of the Rajput network in the Rajasthan of medieval and mughal
epochs.

ORIGIN OF THE RAJPUTS

In the realm of Indian historiography, the writings on the origin of the Rajputs reflect an extreme
polarity of opinions, extending in range from attempts to trace the rajputs to foreign immigrant
stocks of the post-gupta period- explaining in the process a later origin myth, to contrived
justifications for viewing the rajputs as one of pure kshatriya origin.
Chand Bardai in his Prithvirajaraso (12th century) refers that the Chalukyas, Pratiharas,
Paramaras and Chahamanas have their origin from the fire pit of Vashistha. According to Raso,
Vishvamitra, Agastya, Vashistha and other sages began a great sacrifice at Mt. Abu. Daityas
(demons) interrupted it and then Vashistha created from the sacrificial pit three warriors in
succession: the Padihara (Pratihara), the Solanki, and the Paramara. The bardic text also
mentions that none of the created warriors, however,succeeded in completely removing the
demons. Scholars such as Watson, Forbes, Camphel, D. R. Bhandarkar etc believed that all the
so-called agnikula Rajputs are of Gurjara stock. The Gurjara origin of the Rajputs is critiqued by
Pratipal Bhatia, who argues that the Gurjara is not only the name of a people but also a country
and of all the people who inhabited it, to whichever caste or clan they might have belonged. We
only knew about the solar and lunar Kshatriyas in the ancient texts. The solar and lunar origin of
the Rajputs is mentioned in the Mahabharata and the Puranas. The earliest tradition of the
Chandella family mentioned in their inscriptions traces the origin of the Chandellas from the
Moon, identifying them as the lunar race of the Kshatriyas. It appears that the concept of the
solar and lunar Kshatriyas of the Sanskrit literary texts was replaced in the bardic account of
Raso and inscriptions during the early medieval period by that of agnikula origin.

B. N. S. Yadav has traced the emergence of the early Rajput clans in Rajasthan and Gujarat
during the period of political and social confusion and chaos which may be characterised by a
declining economy following the invasions and settlements of the foreigners and collapse of the
Gupta empire. The rising feudal tendencies, according to him, created favourable circumstances
for the emergence of ruling landed aristocracy connected intimately with land. Attached to this
background, he traced out the rise of the military clans of the Gurjaras, Guhilots, Chahamanas,
Chapas etc. in northern India during 650-750 CE. However, their rise as independent ruling
clans may be traced back to the 8th century, when Gurjara-Pratiharas as the first Rajput ruling
clan established their hold over Kanauj and other regions in the northern India. D. C. Sircar puts
forth that in Kalhana’s Rajatarangini the term rajputra is used in the sense of a mere landowner.
They claimed birth from 36 clans of the Rajputs. It indicates that by the beginning of the 12th
century CE, these clans had already come into existence. During this period rajputras had
become a class by themselves.

Chattopadhyay’s work is considered groundbreaking as its focus shifted away from mythical
origins. The term rajputra in early medieval literary texts and inscriptions, in reality, represented
a mixed caste constituting a fairly large section of petty land holding chiefs. The status of the
clan was generally counted a lot during the early medieval period, which was known for
hereditary offices and a stereotype system of administration. The contemporary status of the
clan was , thus, the criterion for the inclusion in the Rajput clans mentioned in Rajatarangini,
Kumarapalcharita and Varnaratnakara. It is to be noted that the list of 36 clans mentioned in all
the literary texts is dissimilar. Political dominance may altogether be the prominent criterion
which might have added to the status of a clan. Thus, it was perhaps owing to the political
dominance of the Pratiharas and Chahamanas that their name was retained regularly in the
lists. He suggests that the process of the emergence of Rajputs in early medieval records is
found linked with political, economic and social developments.
First, agrarian expansion. The colonisation of new areas resulted in the clearing of forests and
expansion of settlements. The comparison of the list of early historic sites with those of the early
medieval period and appearance of new place names in the contemporary inscriptions clearly
suggest an increase in the number of settlements. The inscriptions of the western and central
India provide evidence of this territorial expansion at the expense of tribal settlements. An
example is that of the Guhilas. Second, upward social mobility. The Medas and Hunas are
examples of two groups who emerged from a tribal background and were given Kshatriya
status. Third, mobility from feudatory to independent status. This is clear from their genealogical
claims and holds true for groups like the Gurjars of Gujarat, Guhilas of Kiskindha and
Dhavagarta, Guhilas of Mewar, Chahamanas of Gujarat and Rajasthan. This transition and
upward mobility was a result of the growth of the military strength. Fourth, land distribution. This
pattern is evident among royal kinsmen and was common among the Pratihara, Chahamana,
and Guhila clans. Fifth, construction of fortresses. Chattopadhyay argued that besides serving
the defense purpose, these fortresses played wider functions such as maintaining linkage with
big landholdings and existing composition of population. Thus, they helped in consolidating a
clan’s identity. Sixth, at the level of social relations, the consolidation of the Rajput clans and the
acceleration of the process of “Rajputization” were through the marriage network among the
clans (inter-clan relationships). These were important for acceleration of social and political
status. Marriage relations, contracted by the Guhilas with specifically Rajput clans, extended to
the Chalukyas, Paramaras, Rashtrakutas, Chahamanas and Hunas.

Thus, the emergence of the rajputs was a long and gradual process and can be envisaged in
two stages. In the first stage, it was a political process in which disparate groups seeking
political power conformed to such norms as permeated the contemporary political ideology. The
second stage (11-12th century), the rise of the rajputs became a social phenomenon as well.

Critically examine the usefulness of the feudalism hypothesis to explain economic and
political changes during the early medieval period.

Does the feudalism model adequately explain various economic and political processes
in early medieval india?

Discuss/Critically evaluate the applicability of the model of Indian feudalism to explain

the period from c. 750 to 1200 CE of Indian history.

Critically assess two major approaches to the study of the early medieval in Indian
History.

Examine the nature of state in early medieval India. Can it be termed “feudal”?

Do you agree with the view that early medieval India was marked by agricultural
expansion and social changes? Discuss.
The origins of Indian feudalism is located in land grants to brahmanas and temples from the
Gupta period onwards, and later to state officials, involving the alienation of fiscal, administrative
and judicial rights. The emergence of multiple centres of power and a great deal of
decentralization, consequent to continuous, systematic parcelization of sovereignty or state
power which increasingly devolved on to the donees, making them independent lords, has been
identified with feudalism. The many, hierarchised centres of power, different grades of
samantas, and graded land rights are perceived to be the result of state activity, i.e. land grants.
Decline of long-distance and maritime trade, paucity of money, and urban shrinkage apparently
nicely rounded off the argument.

However the decline of trade-towns-money thesis leading to the emergence of Indian feudalism
had its share of ideological problems from the beginning, insofar as an external factor such as
trade was perceived to account for momentous internal developments invoking the transition to
a new social formation. In the late 1970s and early 1980s the idea of the Kaliyuga crisis was
posited as an alternative or supplementary causative factor explaining the passage to
feudalism. In this case land grants were allegedly made to neutralise the pervasive social crisis,
but it is another matter that they went on to usher in significant socio-political changes, including
relatively closed, self-sufficient villages. The growth of localism, regionalism and closed
mindsets are ascribed to these developments. Notwithstanding the proliferation of castes and
the emergence of new social categories such as the Rajputs and Kayasthas, society is usually
perceived in bipolar terms, the lords and the peasants. The peasants were subjected to several
exactions-forced labour, loss of community rights to forests, pasture, ponds and grazing
grounds, and even eviction. Sharp social divisions led to peasant unrest. Besides, there is also
a tacit assumption that the land grants across regions were made from an epicenter with
uniform consequences. While the idea of Kali Age crisis was redeeming Indian Feudalism,
Harbans Mukhia raised important questions relating to the absence of structured dependence of
the early medieval Indian peasantry and their very little subsistence requirements compared to
those in feudal Europe and queered the pitch. This was soon followed by the works of Burton
Stein, Hermann Kulke, and B. D. Chattopadhyaya. The idea of Indian feudalism in general, with
bearing on its varied dimensions, has been persuasively argued for and defended by R. S.
Sharma, B. N. S, Yadava, M. G. S. Narayanan, D. N. Jha, among others. Nevertheless, the
economic and social dimensions seem to have largely subsumed the political.

The origins of Indian feudalism still remain to be satisfactorily explained. The problems
concerning the idea of the decline and decay of towns, trade and money, among other issues,
have been discussed earlier by D. C. Sircar, B. N. Mukherjee, John Deyell, and K. M. Shrimali
and an assessment of the situation is available in the writings of Chattopadhyaya in the mid
1990s. While the exponents and adherents of Indian feudalism argue for shrinkage in the non
agricultural sector of the economy during the seventh-tenth centuries, others have tried to see
the forms in which trade and urbanism survived in the early medieval times. Similarly, by shifting
the focus from coin typology and dynastic issues to volumes it has been pointed out that
metallic coins were nearly as plentiful as in the early historic period.
The dominant understanding of rural settlements and rural society as closed and self-sufficient
has been questioned in the works of N. Karashima, Jan Breeman, and Chattopadhyaya. They
point to the plurality of rural settlements and the variation in their spatial and social composition.
All settlements did not have a tank and temple for example, and the same social groups did not
live in every settlement. The wide ranging inter-village cooperation and rural interactions as well
as the complexities of rural life have been highlighted. That brings us to the theory of the
Kaliyuga crisis. It has been unmistakably demonstrated that the alleged crisis was not a
historical crisis. It was at most a crisis of confidence on the part of the brahmanas, related to the
issue of patronage in a situation of competition fro
m the ‘heretical’ sects and/or an ingenious invention of the brahmanas to make people confirm
to Brahmanical ideological norms in an age characterized by economic growth, social change
and the spread of state societies within the Brahmanical framework outside Gangetic north
India. The thesis of decentralized, fragmented feudal polity rests on the presupposition of an
evenly spread Mauryan empire of uniform administrative depth across the country, which did not
change much under the Kushanas and Satavahanas leading up to proto feudal Gupta times.

However, recent writings on the nature of the Mauryan state questioning the assumed degree of
centralization and standardization or homogenization of the empire, and a different perspective
of post Mauryan states focusing on uneven developments and plurality of cultures disturb this
understanding. The continuous moving of the peasant frontier and enormous socio-cultural
changes are reflected in the systematization of the idea of varnasamkara and the invention of
new ones such as apaddharma, Kali yuga, as well as the emphasis on duty or dharma.
Similarly, the brahmanas and religious institutions, who were recipients of royal land donations
from the Gupta period onwards, instead of being perceived as agents of decentralization have
been revisited and seen as pacemakers of royal authority. The related issues are the object of
donation, which were usually a grama (village), palli (hamlet), pataka (part of a village),
measures of land, etc, the quantum of such donations and their relationship vis-a- vis the land
under cultivation across regions. Similarly, one needs to rethink the consequences of a few
brahmani. c settlements in a larger agrarian locality. These are important for the characterization
of the donees and the emergent social formation. One may add that the early assignments were
to the brahmanas and religious establishments, while the service assignments followed and did
not precede the beginnings of ‘feudal’ polity. The question then is can the religious donees with
a grama, a part of it or more be perceived as feudatories? In case grants to them symbolized
the economic and political undoing of the state it is not intelligible as to why king after king and
dynasty after dynasty continued with the phenomenon. That apart, the regional distribution of
early land grants clearly suggests their local origins, mostly being made by one local dynasty or
another in a general context of local state formation. The case of the Matharas of Kalinga,
Vakatakas of Vidarbha, Kadambas of Kuntala, and the early Pallavas, for example, easily
makes the point. The spatial and temporal correspondence between land grants and the spread
of state societies points to their mutually beneficial, and not antagonistic, relationship.

Questions related to the hierarchy of feudatories and the making of the pyramidal political
structure, resource transfer from the subordinate to the superordinate and the genesis of feudal
polity have not been satisfactorily answered in the case of north India or south India. Likewise,
the people have been taken for granted and the need to open bridges or establish a chord with
them has not been considered to be sufficiently important within this historiography. There has
been some engagement with Bhakti as ideology of the feudal order. However it needs
recognition that legitimation of power or the constitution of authority involves continuous
negotiations with popular aspirations and engagement with the cultural domain. The variations
in time and space across cultures need to be recognized and appreciated. The problem largely
seems to be, as has been pointed out, the consequence of first creating the structure and then
looking for processes to explain it rather than the other way round, and this it appears is being
gradually recognized at least in the case of south India.

Discuss the chief characteristics of the nagara and dravida style of architecture.

Write a note on art and architecture of early medieval period.

3
(can come as short notes)

The early medieval period was marked by remarkable developments in the spheres of art and
architecture. Distinct regional architectural and sculptural styles emerged in different areas, with
the two most significant ones being- nagara in the north and dravida in the south. This pattern
also roughly corresponds to the distribution of the indo-aryan and the dravidian languages. A
third form, called the vesara also developed, although its chief characteristics and regional
associations are not clearly definable.
The common origin and period of initial formation of both styles is historically confirmed by a
group of temples of the Gupta period, from the 4th to 6th centuries AD. they are found
concentrated in the areas peripheral to the ganga valley like madhya pradesh, and the jhansi
district of UP away from the core of the gupta kingdom, namely the allahabad region. Even the
various manifestations of the nagara style took place outside the ganga valley- the nucleus of
the early ‘hindu’ kingdoms. As a cult centre and place of worship, the ‘hindu’ temple is of a
greater antiquity than that of the gupta period. Yet, it is in the classical age that the basic
principles of its formulation as an architecturally significant structure were established, and the
use of the stone introduced. Texts on temple architecture show evidence of a growing tradition.
They were neither the product of a single age nor works of the same genre. The religious texts
called agamas deal with the guiding principles of temple building and iconography from the
religious point of view. They were meant for the growing canonical needs and hence are
‘manifestly unprofessional’. The vastushastra and the silapashastra texts, on the other hand, lay
down the techniques of construction and image-making, and represent the principles that
govern the technical aspects, just as works on grammar formalise the rules of language.

The nagara style developed through a variety of regional schools and showed significant
variations in Orissa, central India, Rajasthan, Gujarat and bengal. These schools are
distinguished by the materials used in construction and by the differences in architectural and
decorative aspects. The core of the nagara temple was the square shrine with a curvilinear
tower (shikhara), with a pillared porch in front. Its regional variations are marked in the
elevational aspects of the tower, particularly in decorative motifs like replicas of shrines, and the
progressive expansion of other architectural components like the pillared hills and the gateways
of the orissa school. Temples in the north were characterized by a curved shikhara (inwards
looking), the top of the shikhara was crowned by a fluted ornament (amalaka), and there was a
great deal of relief work, sculptures and embellishments. Usually, there were erotic themes
which were not associated with south Indian temples. For instance, the Khajurao temples. The
Jaganattha temple is a very interesting shrine to observe. North Indian temples usually had
more than one mandapa- the main mandapa was called the mahamandapa, others included
nathmandapa, rangamandapa, and bhogamandapa. Konark temple is another important shrine
in this period. Somnath temple was rebuilt by a Solanki king in the Nagar style after the
Ghaznavid invasion.

The evolution of the north Indian Nagara temples not only demonstrates elaborations and
complexity in the design of the sanctum cella and the superstructure, but also witnessed the
addition of a few ancillary structures. These structures were non-existent in the simple but
elegant square temples at Sanchi and Tigawa in the 4/5/6th centuries. These temples merely
had a square sanctum cella in the front of which stood a pillared porch serving as the resting
place for pilgrims and worshippers. In the developed and mature forms of the later Nagara
temples, one comes across three separate structures. These three structures, though separate,
were placed in the same linear alignment with the sanctum cella. Following Orissan terminology
of temple architecture, these structures are called the natamandapa (pillared pavilion for
musical, theatrical performances in the temple precincts), bhogamandapa (pillared pavilion for
distributing and partak the sacred prasada) and jagamohana (a massive hall as a vastly
enlarged form or ne original pillared porch before the main shrine).

For the dravida style, the gupta period offers barely one or two examples of shrines with a
storeyed superstructure or tower, as in the nachna kuthara temple, which bears the hallmark of
this style. The nuclear shrine, out of which both the styles evolved, was the square cell-like
chamber devoid of any superstructure as seen in Eran and Sanchi. Some early temples with the
dravida tower are also seen in north karnataka- badami, aihole and pattadakal, which however,
do not provide evidence of a step by step evolution of the style. Dravida style sees that temples
are enclosed by a compound wall, which can be seen in Mahabalipuram, Tanjore, and
Gangaikondacholapuram, and are literal cities within cities. Another distinctive feature is the
immense gateways (gopurams), and they possessed less engraving compared to north Indian
temples from this period. There were more pillars in contrast to north Indian temples however.
Imagery and symbolism were an important facet of these temples, especially Chola temples.
Rock-cut temples are a fascinating architectural style in Dravida, where temples are crafted from
one large piece of rock. Each temple tells a certain story, which can be classified into categories
such as Eka Tala and Dwi Tala. The pyramidal roof over the Tanjore temple is almost 200 feet
high, so temples usually had a shikhara of around 90 feet. Shiva is portrayed as Tripurantaka in
some of the carvings at south Indian temples.

OR
A number of architectural texts known as the Shilpashastras were written in early medieval
times. These refer to three major styles of temple architecture—Nagara, Dravida, and Vesara.
The Nagara style is associated with the land between the Himalayas and Vindhyas, the Dravida
style with the land between the Krishna and Kaveri rivers, while the Vesara style is sometimes
associated with the area between the Vindhyas and the Krishna river. Temple styles are actually
best studied on the basis of extant temple remains. Hardy points out that Nagara and Dravida
should be understood as architectural languages, in the sense that they provide a vocabulary, a
range of elements, and a family of forms which can be put together in different ways. He also
suggests that the term ‘Karnata-Dravida’ is a better term than ‘Vesara’ for the Chalukya temples
of the Deccan. NAGARA: -The temples in Northern India are built according to a style known as
the Nágara style. This style is characterized by a beehive-shaped and multi-layered tower,
called ‘Shikhara’. The layers of this tower are topped by a large round cushion-like element
called ‘ámalaka’. The plan is based on a square but the walls are sometimes so segmented,
that the tower appears circular in shape. The Nágara style is typically characterized by the
architectural wonder, which ideally portrayed the craftsmanship of the artists. A study of the
temples of northern India reveals two distinct features: - One of the distinctions is in planning
and the other one is in elevation. In plan the temple was always a square with a number of
graduated projections in the middle of each side. These projections give it a cruciform shape
with a number of re-entrant angles on each side. In elevation it exhibits a tower or Sikhara,
gradually inclining inwards in a convex curve. The projections in the plan are also carried
upwards to the top of the Sikhara, and thus there is strong emphasis on vertical lines in
elevation. On account of this and the prominence of the vigorous and unbroken outline of the
tower it is also known as the rekha Sikhara. The basic plan of the Nagara temple is square, with
a number of projections in the middle of each side, giving it a cruciform shape. The temple’s
elevation is marked by a conical or convex shikhara or temple tower, consisting of several layers
of carved courses, usually crowned by an amalaka (notched ring stone). These two
features—the cruciform plan and curvilinear shikhara—are visible in northern temples from the
6th century CE (the ‘late Gupta’ period), for example in the Dashavatara temple at Deogarh and
the brick temple at Bhitargaon (both in UP). The beginnings of the typical Nagara shikhara can
be seen in the Mahadeva temple at Nachna Kuthara (7th century) and the brick Lakshmana
temple at Sirpur (both in MP). The fully developed Nagara style is evident by the 8th century.
The Nágara style is widely distributed over a greater part of India. It therefore, exhibits distinct
verities and ramifications in different lines of evolution and elaboration that each locality chose
for it. The cruciform plan and the curvilinear tower are, however, common to every medieval
temple of northern India, wherever it is situated and whatever its local stamp might be. Nágara
style of architecture, Development in six distinct regions. These can be mentioned as Orissa,
Central India, Rajputana, Gujarat and Kathiwar, Deccan and SindhuGanga valleys The dravida
style of architecture consist primarily of pyramid shaped temples which are dependent on
intricate carved stone in order to create a step design consisting of numerous statues of deities,
warriors, kings, and dancers. The majority of the existing buildings are located in the Southern
Indian states of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, and Karnataka. Various kingdoms and
empires such as the Pallavas, Cholas, Pándyan , Chera, Chalukyas, Rashtrakutas, Hoysalas,
Náyák and VijayaNágara Empire amongst the many others have made a substantial
contribution to the evolution of Dravidian architecture through the ages. The most striking
feature of the Dravida temple is its pyramidal shikhara, which consists of progressively smaller
and smaller storeys, culminating in a slender pinnacle surmounted by a small dome (stupika). In
a later stage, South Indian temples came to be marked by huge gateways known as gopurams
and by pillared halls and corridors. The earliest traces of such features go back to the Gupta
period and are not restricted to the far south—e.g., they occur in northern and central India and
the Deccan. They can be seen in the Parvati temple at Nachna Kuthara and the Lad Khan, Kont
Gudi, and Meguti temples at Aihole. In temples built in the Dravida style, the square inner
sanctum is set within a large covered enclosure. The external walls are divided into niches by
pilasters. Dravidian styled architecture can also be found in parts of North eastern Śri Lanka,
Maldives, and various parts of Southeast Asia VESARA: - The Vesara style is a hybrid style
(vesara literally means ‘mule’) that borrowed from the northern and southern styles. It is difficult
to define, as the mixture of northern and southern elements may vary. Temples built in the
Deccan under the later Chalukyas of Kalyani and Hoysalas are considered examples of this
style. However, looking at the temple architecture of the Deccan simply as a combination of
northern and southern elements means missing out on its distinctiveness and variations.
Etymologically, the term Vesara is believed to have been derived from the Sanskrit word vishra
meaning an area to take a long walk. the prevalence of Vesara style of architecture in the
Deccan and central parts of india. Accordingly, the Vesara style contain elements of both
Dravida and Nágara styles. The Vesara style is also described in some texts as the ‘Central
Indian temple architecture style’ or ‘Deccan architecture’. However, many historian agree that
the vesara style originated in the what is today Karnataka. The trend was started by the
Chalukyas of Badami (500-753AD) who built temples in a style that was essentially a mixture of
the Nágara and the dravida styles, further refined by the Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta (750-
983AD) in Ellora, Chalukyas of Kalyani (983-1195 AD) in Lakkundi, Dambal, Gadag etc. and
epitomized by the Hoysalas (1000-1330 AD). The Hoysalas temples at Belur, Halebidu and
Somnathpura are supreme examples of this style.

Q. Trace the growth of trade and urbanisation in early medieval india

Discuss the dynamics of urbanisation in early medieval south india

Discuss the political and ideological factors in the process of urbanisation in early
medieval south india

Describe the process of urbanisation in early medieval south india with special reference
to the role of merchant guilds

Analyse the process of urbanization in early medieval South India with special reference
to the role of merchant guilds.

Outline the progress of trade and commerce during 8th-12th centuries.

To what extent did the early medieval period of Indian history witness a decline of trade
and commerce?

Urbanization in Early Medieval India is a “little-understood” phenomenon. As compared to other

phases, there is less information on urbanization in early medieval India, and the reason for it is
believed to be the lack of empirical works on urbanization or distribution of urban centres and
the lack of a proper framework in the works available on it. Hence, discussion of larger
questions like the definition of an urban centre, correlation of available sources, and
understanding the processes of urbanization in the early medieval period are lacking.

It was R.S. Sharma who brought together all earlier attempts to give a new, original framework
for Indian Feudalism, based on substantial empirical research. The theory of Indian feudalism
believed that there was decline in the use of money, urban crafts and trade, thus, a decline in
cities. He divided Indian feudalism into 3 phases – origins and the first phase (350-750 A.D.),
phase two (750-1000 A.D.), and the phase of the heyday of Indian feudalism (1000-1200 A.D.),
which towards the end, saw the beginning of its decline, frequently known as the period of urban
decay.
The urban decay is explained as migration of artisans and craftsmen towards rural areas due to
lack of opportunities and also decline in the power and status of traders. Urban contraction was
said to have been the result of agrarian expansion and on re-examination of the available
evidence some historians like D.C. Sircar, B.D. Chattopadhyaya, R. Champaklakshmi and
others have challenged the theory of urban decay. It was suggested that while some urban sites
of the early historical period show proof of their decay, there are others which provided no signs
of desertion. RS Sharma also emphasizes that in the 11th century, some new urban processes
started to come up and this is attributed to the revival in the foreign trade. Feudalism had
declined and there was more demand for commodities and development of internal as well as
external trade.
BD Chattopadhayay has argued that although in the early medieval period there was decline in
urban centers, the period also marked the emergence of some new urban centers. Xuan Zang
suggests that cities such as Kaushambi, Shravasti, Vaishali, and Kapilavastu were declining
whereas on the other hand Thaneswar, Varanasi and Kanyakubja were flourishing. Sites like
Prithudaka, Tattandapura, Siyadoni and Gopagiri gained importance and BD Chattopadhyay
brings up epigraphic evidence from the Indo-Gangetic divide, the Upper Ganga Basin and the
Malwa Plateau. It is argued that city life began to prosper as visible in the developing art and
sculptural activities. Ranabir Chakravarti’s studies on Mandapika and Pentha as middle
category market centres based mostly on epigraphic data and literary sources brought to light
the linkages between the market places of cities and villages in the early medieval period.
John S.Deyell has focused on the condition of money in early medieval India where he draws
attention to the fact that there wasn’t any kind of financial crisis at that time and also the coins
continued to be in circulation. Although there was a reduction in types and quality of coins, it did
not indicate the existence of a financial crisis.
Along with the growing city life, trade also grew to a considerable extent and from 7the century
onwards the Arabs swiftly expanded towards the Mediterranean region, Central Asia and Sindh
and there even were long maritime journeys made by Arab traders. Indian maritime networks
were strongly oriented eastwards particularly China and East Asia. From the 11th Century
onwards there was a significant expansion in the items which were exported and these exported
items included sugar, cotton and flax cloth, leather goods and weapons such as swords and
spears. There were different mediums of exchanges and bills of exchange also known as
Hundikas started to be used by traders. Toll houses known as Shulka-Mandapikas are also
seen as a source of state income.
Traders of the subcontinent were part of a wider world of trade interaction that connected Africa,
Europe and various parts of Asia. Trade with China and Southeast Asia grew during the early
medieval period and by the end of the 13th Century, Indian textiles became one of the most
important Indian exports to China. Maritime trade routes began to be used more than the
overland ones and this occurred due to changes in maritime technology.
Growth of port cities was also part of the process of urbanisation in the early medieval period.
Epigraphic and textual sources provide information on them. There were a number of ports of
significant importance on the west coast, like Daibul, Bharukachchha , Somnath, Stambhaka
,Sthanaka , Samyana, Surparaka, Chemuliya ,Mangalapura, and Kulam mali .These trade and
commerce activities also led to migrations of several communities.
This was about urbanization and trade in the early medieval period in general however the
urban life was also reflected in different parts of the subcontinent specifically seen in South
India. Most of the historical research on medieval South India relates to peasant settlements
and socio-economic changes. Older works treat agrarian and urban institutions as separate
ones and entirely unrelated to each other.
Markets or commercial centres were known as nagarams which connected the production and
exchange of commodities at different levels. However, it wasn’t necessary that all nagarams had
urban features. Nagaram had a corporate body consisting of merchants, whose members were
called nagarattar and they seemed to have been donors. In the 11-13th centuries nagarams
became a dominant role player in urbanization and simultaneously came up a large number of
diverse occupational groups in the temple towns. There was also an emergence of corporate
organizations e.g., the Paraga nagaram, a corporate organization of seafaring merchants.
In this period, there established new close relations between the temples, Brahman
communities and merchants guilds also extended to the areas newly conquered by the Cholas
rulers. Chola rulers led many raids in order to control the major internal as well as lucrative
Indian Ocean trade. Urbanization went hand in hand with the industrial development here and
gradually the craft techniques also improved and advancements were there in the textile
weaving industry. Moreover, cities, kings and temples had close connections. The construction
of temples also symbolized increasing power of ruling Chola authority.Markets known as
‘Angadis’ marked their presence and the temple generated the demand for a large number of
commodities. Temple became a centre of economic exchanges and people from different
villages came to work in this urban landscape. Tanjavur was one example of close links. A
settlement called Tanjai existed in pre-Chola times, but it was transformed into a temple city,
dominated by the Brihadishvara temple. Madurai and Kanchipuram were political centres,
centres of commodity production and religious activity from the early historical period and grew
in size and importance during the early medieval times.
The urban developments were reflected in caste organization. In Karnataka, there was the
emergence of trading castes such as the Garvares. Another major development was the
emergence of a supra-caste dichotomy – the idangai (left hand) and valangai (right hand) caste
groupings.
In the early phase of urbanization, there was absence of a dominant or formal religion which if it
would have been there then would have acted as a stimulus for urban growth. The spread of the
Puranic religion coincided with the sovereignty of the Pallava and Pandya rulers and thus came
agrarian development, social and economic differentiation and ultimately urban forms.
The Bhakti ideology enhanced the temple’s role and brought urbanization along with it. Many
temple establishments turned into urban complexes under the Chola rule though patterns of
organization differed from each other. Economic prosperity was in the full swing as the large
endowments were given to temples in the form of land, gold and money. The development of
temples as “landed magnates” led to urban development alongside the gradual
commercialisation of exchanges. When studied carefully with all evidences and references, it
comes out that the process of urbanization wasn’t a sudden change that took place, rather it
was a gradual phenomenon which took 3 to 4 centuries to establish its presence.
Thus it can be said that early medieval period was marked by proliferation and expansion of
states in various parts of the subcontinent. There was agrarian expansion, growth of rural
society but still urban centres were flourishing at some places.

ARAB INVASION OF SINDH

According to the medieval chronicles like Chachnama, Futuh-i-Bulda’n and Tarikh-i-Firishta, the
main motive behind the invasion of Sindh was not a desire for expansion but revenge provoked
by the piracy in Arabian Sea. Apart from this, historians like M Mujeeb, Alexander Berzin
mentioned considerations of trade to be responsible for invasion. Yet, another group of
historians believe it to be the policy of expansion, responsible for invasion of Sindh.

The initial Arab success which was achieved under Qasim did not last long. There were several
factors responsible for their downfall. The first factor was lack of timely help from their native
territory. Secondly, they started at the wrong end of India and geographically, SIndh was not a
fertile area. Thirdly, the nature was also unkind to the Arabs, as in the 9th century AD, Debal
was totally destroyed by an earthquake. Lastly, internal differences put an end to their authority
in Sindh and the Arab rule became confined to few urban pockets. Thus Arab invasion had only
touched the fringes of vast territory like India and even control over Sindh proved to be unstable.
Impact of Arab invasion of Sindh
Although the control of Arabs over Sindh was temporary in nature and did not help much in
establishment of Muslim rule in India, yet the initial victory of Arabs has its own importance in
Indian as well as history of Arab. The impact of the conquest of Sindh by the Arabs was
reciprocal, resulting in a healthy exchange of knowledge between the Arabs and Indians.

POLITICAL IMPACT

Aafter the conquest, one of the main tasks of Qasim was to set an administrative structure that
incorporated non-Muslim population of the conquered land. He not only adopted a conciliatory
policy but also assured non-interference in the religious practice of natives in lieu of acceptance
of Arab rule. The natives were granted the status of Zimmis, where the Arab state took the
responsibility of protecting their life and property, in return for the receipt of Jizya from them. On
conversion to Islam, one was exempted from the Jizya. Muhammad-bin-Qasim did not interfere
in traditional hierarchical institution of local administration. However, Amil, a Muslim official was
placed with a troop of cavalry to manage each town on a hereditary basis. The local ruling elites
such as the Brahmins, and Buddhists functioned as advisors and governors in the Arab
administration which is a significant aspect. According to Chachnama, Kaksa, a Hindu, was at
some point the second most important member of Qasim’s administration. Many officials of
Dahir were incorporated into administration and local inhabitants were included in the Arab
army. There seems to be no opposition of the administration of Arabs by the locals.

RELIGIOUS IMPACT

The religious impact of Arab invasion in Sindh has been a debatable issue among historians.
Based on the observation in Chachnama, most of the historians are of the opinion that conquest
of Sindh by Mohammad-bin-Qasim, with the introduction of Islam, liberated the masses of Sindh
from Bramanical tyranny of Dahir and oppressive caste rule. However, there is no concrete
evidence of the claim that Sindh was reeling from the hegemony of Brahmanical authority.
Historian GM Sayed argues that the time of invasion was marked by religious tolerance and
liberal mindedness and the people of different faith lived peacefully. Irfan Habib stated that the
advent of Islam did not liberate the most oppressed section of the Indian society as much.

With regards to conversion to Islam in Sindh, there are two different perspectives. Historians like
Elliot and Dawson, RC Majumdar, not only refer to coercive conversion but also destruction of
temples at Multan and conversion of temples to mosques. On the other hand, Thomasw W
Arnold, Irfan Habiib and Qureshi refers to voluntary conversion and emphasize that conquest
and conversion were largely peaceful. Ibn Khadun a 14th century Arab historian in his text
‘Muqaddimah – an introduction to history’ had stated that the common people follow the religion
of the ruler and no mass conversion occurred. Moreover, Romila Thapar and BD
Chatopadhyaya have highlighted that the destruction and conversion of temples to mosques
were more of a symbol of political and military assault than a religious victory.

ECONOMIC ASPECT

Sindh was a flourishing centre of trade which can be seen from the writings of Greek as well as
Roman historians. It was a major exporter of agricultural produce and wide variety of leather
goods. Sindh was the hinge of the Indian Ocean and over land trade. Debal, which remained an
important port till 12th century played an active role in the coastal trade and established
commercial link with the Persian Gulf and Middle East.
Arabs also initiated an era of vigorous urbanization and a number of Arab colonies were
established in Sindh. Arab sources refer that merchants of India bought horses for a large sum,
bringing huge fortunes to both the Indian as well as the Arab merchants. Armaments were also
imported to Sindh. There was in fact, immense increase in the volume of trade during this
period, which also reflected interest of Arabs in the Indian goods like camphor, oranges,
sugarcane and refined sugar.

CULTURAL AND SOCIAL IMPACT

The Umayyad and later the Abbasids, both were inspired by the cultural tradition of Sindhand
facilitated dissemination of seeds of Indian culture in western world via Baghdad. They invited
scholars and encouraged them to translate scientific and philosophical texts of India. According
to Syed Sulaimn Nadvi, mathematicians and philosophers from Sindh made an outstanding
contribution to the promotion of learning amongst Arabs.
Several Arab scholars relied on Buddhist and Sanskrit texts in their scholarly works. Also, India
was an early source of inspiration in the field of mathematics. Al-Khwarizmim of Khurasan
during the reign of Caliph al-Mamun in 9th century AD, synthesized knowledge of Greeks and
Indians in mathematics, astronomy and geography. Arthashastra, Mahabharata and
Panchtantra were also translated in to Arabic and Persian. The Arab geographers had learnt
from India that there was a world centre which they styles arin, a corruption of the Indian town
Ujjayini. The art of history writing was also introduced by the Arabs.
During the medieval period, there were a number of distinct schools of Arab architecture: 1)
Syro-Egyptian 2) Iraqo-Persian 3) Spanish and North African and 4) Indian. The Arab
occupation of Sindh provided a base for evolution of a new style ie., the Indo-Sarasenic
architecture. Some scholars also believed that with the Arabs, Sufism came into existence in the
area of Sindh. It is also stated that Arabs were influenced by Indian music. The game of chess
and chausar was transmitted by the Arabs from Sindh to the rest of the world.

Scholars like Stanley Lane – Poole consider the Arab conquest of Sindh as merely ‘an episode
of history of India and Islam, a triumph without any results’. Sir Wolsly Haig and other historians
have also presented a similar opinion stating that this invasion could not contribute in
establishment of Islamic rule in India, as there is almost 300 years gap between the Arab
invasion and the establishment of Turkish rule in India.
Scholars like Col. Todd, Havell, A L Shrivastava, Romila Thapar have argued that calling it a
victory without result is improper, as it has been rightly stated that social and cultural impacts
are always more important than the political. Although the Arabs were neither the champion of
new culture nor civilization but they have become cultural ambassador of India to the Islamic as
well as the European world. Thus, Arab invasion of Sindh had profound and everlasting impact
on the history of the Indian sub-continent.

Trace the patterns of inter-regional and maritime trade during the period between 8th and
12th centuries with special reference to south India.

Explain the role of trade, ideology and polity in the urban processes of early medieval
south India.
Account for the different dimensions of urban processes in early medieval South India.
Trace the patterns of inter-regional and maritime trade during the period between 8th and
12th centuries with special reference to south India.

What kind of changes do you notice in the patterns of inter-regional and maritime trade in
India during the 8th-12th centuries.

Discuss inter-regional and maritime trade in your period of study.

As per the feudal model, there was emergence of new consumers due to increase in distribution
of large scale land grants from the 8th century onwards. This new landowning class, entitled to
hereditary rights of landed estates and benefices, raised the demand for luxuries and other
necessities. In addition to earlier existing ruling and mercantile classes and institutions, they
became consumers of many marketable goods. Thus big temples with immense resources and
requirements encouraged the growth of commercial activities. In reference to South India, it
gave a boost to inter-regional trade during this phas+e.

Lallanji Gopal analyzed the internal and external trade, by land and sea; credit and banking,
coinage, revenue system and guilds. He shows that inter-state trade continued during the early
medieval period evident from the fact that many significant items of daily use like spices, luxury
goods, metals and salt used in pan India came from different regions. Other traded products of
daily use were food-grains, oil, butter, jaggery and madder and so on .The references of
these, of paying tolls and taxes, showed the existence of commercial activities. Many literary
and epigraphic references stated that traders from one part of India regularly visited other parts
for trading and commercial operations. Many commercial activities were also promoted due to
religious pilgrimage and education centres. The merchants for inter-state trade travelled in
groups and as caravan traders as precaution against robbers intercepting highways. There are
several references of decline in the volume of trade due to insecurity of the highways. This
could not be restrained because of the absence of a strong central power which led to the
growth of feudal anarchy. These feudal chiefs took advantage of the existing political chaos
and the weakness of the central authority, to earn high profits by robbery. Thus political
fluctuations, frequent feudal raids and internecine wars must have hampered trade.

There existed a vast network of roads connecting ports, markets and towns of different
regions encouraging the trade relations. Detailed information of several overland trade-routes
within India are given in Arabic and Persian records of different travellers such as Xuanzang.
There are detailed descriptions of the routes connecting Khurasan, trans-Indus and cis-Indu
regions and Sind to the interior parts of India reflecting the regular mercantile cultural, and
political and military contacts between India and the Islamic world. Other examples of
overland routes which passed from Bihar to Tibet and to China are also given. The commercial
traffic between India, Tibet and China along the routes passing through Nepal drastically
influenced Nepal’s economy. Indian merchants actively participated in the trade along the
north-western India. They mostly visited Iran. After the Arabs established their control over
Sindh, India and Muslim world were brought in close proximity for trading relations. Large
number of horses, and quantities of saffron, asafetida and wine were imported to India along the
overland north- western route. The other overland trade routes mentioned were from Bayana in
Rajasthan to Karchi in Sindh; and from Mathura to the port of Western coast via Ujjain. These
routes played a major role in connecting the interior of India to the international sea trade mostly
in the post 10th century CE.
The heavy merchandise was carried by camels, buffaloes, fine oxen, mules and donkeys.
Providing transport and conveyance was a very lucrative business during this phase. Several
references of roads are evident such as carriage street, a high street and a high road, all of
which were used for commercial inland trading activities.
During the 8th century CE, in south India, nagarams were mainly connected with production
and exchange commodities, at local, inter-regional or international level. In regard to the Chola
state, there was urban growth and direct royal involvement in promoting trade and exchange
networks by using the nagaram as one of the agents of state synthesis. Trade and commercial
activities were promoted by royal policy of conquests, development of ports, encouragement
of production centres and guild activities. During the Chola period ,there was specialization of
crafts and production centres catered to an expanding market (internal and external) through
which organised commerce emerged. Champakalakshmi showed the growing role of nagarams
in three phases. first, early Chola period (850-985), growth in the use of metals (gold and silver)
as a mode of religious gifts and partial monetization of the economy, meant a greater role of
nagaram in commercial activities in comparison to the earlier periods. In this phase there was
minimal contact between nagaram and international mercantile organisations. Second, middle
Chola period (985-1150), the proliferation and specialization of nagarams happened. Many
commercial towns appeared throughout the Chola territory and also emerged in the newly
conquered territories. The nagaram organizations and specialization in the marketing of specific
commodities became important factor for urbanization of 11th-13th centuries and it is
characterized as ‘temple urbanization’, where the religious institution contributed to the urban
and economic growth during this phase. In this period, there established new close relations
between the temples, Brahman communities and merchants guilds also extended to the areas
newly conquered. Chola rulers led raids in order to control the major internal as well as lucrative
Indian Ocean trade. Third, the late Chola period (1150-1279 CE) saw a phenomenal increase in
trading activities and measures were taken to control the movement of the goods by different
merchant bodies coming and jointly fixing rates of tolls and the share of the town. Local
agricultural organization gained more independence and political power with merchant guilds’
support. Due to absence of strong single political power under the Chola rulers, these
agricultural organizations and merchant guilds acted in independent capacity and held the
rights of fixing tolls, commission, and transporting agricultural surplus and commercial goods .

MARITIME TRADE

There are several references of Indian foreign trade via sea during the early medieval
period. Initially this oceanic trade was shared between Persians, Indians, Indonesians
Ceylonese and the Arabs. Soon Arabs became the foremost maritime power in the ninth
century and expanded their influence in the east.
From the tenth century the Arabs had to yield a part of the monopoly, to the ports of Sumatra,
Java and Malaya. In the twelfth century, they faced a firm competition with the Chinese who
finally succeeded in establishing hegemony right up to the Malabar ports.
Arabs also had control over the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. Other participants of
Southeast Asian trade were Ceylon, China and Indonesia. India lacked control over maritime
trade in comparison majorly due to backwardness in the techniques of ship construction and
navigation. The small and slow Indian ships were incapable of undertaking long journeys.
Another reason was the inability of the Indian states to protect the interest of Indian ships
against coastal powers engaged in piracy. There was also the taboo against sea-voyages in the
orthodox Brahmanical groups. There was also a class of disbursing merchants who brought
goods from foreign merchants and circulated them within the country. Gradually, it seems that
Indian merchants were concentrating more on the process of distribution while the actual trade
was left in the hands of foreigners.

The movement of monsoon winds made the Indian peninsula the natural intersecting point
between the Persian Gulf region and the Chinese ports. The goods exported from the Chinese
markets were traded by a group of merchants engaged in trade between Western Asia and
southern India, and transshipped at south Indian ports to trading ships concentrating on the
southern India- China sector. The long single voyages between the Arabian peninsula and
China, were now reduced and merchants adopted safer, faster and cheaper trips. In this pattern
of trade, the Cholas facilitated the movement of merchants and commodities across the Indian
Ocean by linking it to the major maritime market of the world. India had been a trans-shipment
centre between the commercial exchange of China and Rome.

By late tenth century, Muslim merchants were actively transporting Chinese silk and porcelain
through southern Indian and Sri Lanka to the Persian Gulf and in return were carrying other
goods from the Persian Gulf region to Chinese markets. Instability in Central Asia and
encouragement of commerce by the southern Indian states in the eighth and the ninth centuries
helped in the rapid increase in maritime trade between India and China. K.N. Chaudhuri pointed
out a significant change which was noticed in the pattern of the maritime voyages across the
Indian Ocean at the end of the 10th century CE, where earlier longer, ti3me-consuming voyages
were replaced by less costly, shorter and segmented trips.

“In comparison to literary sources, epigraphic sources provide better information about
the past.” Discuss this statement in the context of early medieval India.

Do you agree with the view that the land grants during the early medieval period led to
integration of outlying area into state societies rather than emergence of feudalism?

Discuss the sources available for the reconstruction of early medieval Indian history.
What are the ways in which historians have interpreted them?
Give a critical account of the sources available for the reconstruction of early medieval
Indian history.

Any kind of historical study is based on some source, grounding on which historians attempt to
understand the past which impacts the present. As a historian does not belong to the time and
space of the events of the past, they have to rely on some kind of evidence, which works as an
explanatory tool to analyze and interpret the past. The sources for the study of early India can
broadly be divided into two categories—literary and archaeological, both of which can further be
subdivided into other groups as well. Among the written archaeological sources, epigraphic
documents have generally been considered the most reliable as they are often contemporary to
the period they talk about and, unlike textual sources, they have not been subjected to revisions
and interpolations. Moreover, epigraphs are firmly datable documents, which is not the case
with other kinds of sources. Not only do epigraphs often carry information on eras and regnal
years but even undated epigraphs can palaeographically be assigned to a period. Also, their
provenances (most of the time) help us to demarcate the area under control of their issuing
authority. This is an added advantage of using it as a tool for understanding early India’s past.
The word epigraphy, for the study of inscriptions, is derived from two Greek words viz., epi
meaning ‘on or upon’ and graphie meaning ‘to write’. Though inscriptions were typically
engraved or inscribed on some hard surface like stones or metal plates, writings in ink and paint
may also be considered under this category. Inscriptions are of different types, such as royal
proclamations, donative records, land grants, prasastis (eulogistic inscriptions commissioned by
rulers and written by court poets), pilgrim’s records and so on, and are found in various
languages and scripts. They could be written on stone, copper plate, coins made of different
metals, etc. It should be mentioned here that more than one lakh inscriptions have been
recovered throughout the subcontinent. It should also be noted that among this, according to
Noboru Karashima’s estimate, more than 59,000 inscriptions belong to South India alone.
Seventh–Twelfth Centuries CE
This period of seven hundred years under discussion is generally known as the Early Medieval
Period in Indian history, a period which experienced the emergence of several regional and
local-level powers due to the absence of any paramount authority in India. Prominent among
them were the Palas in Bengal, Pratiharas of Ujjain and the Raṣṭrakuṭas of Deccan, who were
constantly engaged in struggle for political supremacy in Kanauj. Others who deserve mention
are the Maitrakas of Valabhi; Calukyas of Gujarat; Sailodbhavas, Bhanjas, Gangas of Orissa;
Calukyas of Badami; Cholas, Cheras, Pandyas along with the pre-existing Pallavas and western
Gangas.
The same phase also saw the proliferation of issuing tax-free land grants (known as agrahara,
brahmadeya, devadana) mainly to the brahmanas and, later, to the officials. The multiplicity of
powers and the donation of massive amount of land, according to R.S. Sharma, gave birth to a
fragmented polity, leading to decentralised authority in contrast to the centralized state.Burton
Stein called this kind of an arrangement of political powers a ‘segmentary state’.Opposed to
both fragmentation and segmentation was the processural and integrative model proposed by
B.D. Chattopadhyaya and Herman Kulke. It is to be noted here that epigraphic documents work
as the backbone of all these models and the debates they generate.
Why did the king issue such land grants? The king used this tool to acquire legitimisation that
was offered by the ritual specialist brahmanas. The process got further momentum by
incorporating the local cults into the main pantheon of brahmanical religion. This merger of local
cults into the main shrines also brought the local chiefs into the core area from the periphery,
and created a new political set up in the final stage of state formation. The long inscriptions
often found from South India provide valuable material to understand the administrative tiers
formed by different communities. The profusion of epigraphs in South India has paved the way
for Karashima’s statistical analysis which generated quantifiable data to capture the changing
socio-political and cultural scenario. The temple inscriptions also corroborate this and further
enlighten us to understand the interplay between the state and religion.
The land grants also present boundary markers of the donated tract. B.D. Chattopadhyaya’s
masterly study on the boundary markers of a donated land established the linkages among the
villages in contrast to the erstwhile theory of isolation of villages. He also showed the presence
and continuation of many new urban centres without an epicentre, which were altogether of a
different form from the urban centres of the past, a fact which led him to call this phase the
period of ‘third urbanisation’.
After surveying the land, we shall now divert our attention to the study of maritime activities of
the subcontinent through the lens of the epigraphs. Epigraphs of post 1000 CE refer to
nauvittaka (meaning a rich merchant of the ship; corresponds to the Arabic/Persian nakhuda,
meaning lord of the ship) and navikakarmakara (sailors and the crew). Their presence certainly
indicates the presence of ship-owing merchants.[58] A bilingual inscription written in Sanskrit
and Arabic dated 1264 informs about the journey of nakhuda Nuruddin Firuz from Hormuz to
Somnath. It further corroborates his role in constructing a mijigiti (mosque) there, where Islamic
festivals were performed. Two points need elaboration here. The presence of Sanskrit and
Arabic in one record is indicative of religious tolerance. Furthermore, the town of Somnath which
is famous for Saiva establishment also witnessed the setting up of a mosque with the approval
of Saiva ascetics and the Baghela ruler Arjunadeva. Moreover, it was described as a sacred
shrine. Interestingly, the Sanskrit verse opens with the phrase Om Namastute Allah, who has
been endowed with four epithets—Visvarupa (image of the universe), Visvanatha(lord of the
universe), Sunyarupa (formless)and Lakṣyalakṣya (visible and invisible), all associated with
Siva.
That the Tamil merchants also played an active role in the Indian Ocean trade network is
attested by the rich corpus of epigraphic records studied by Karashima, Subbarayalu and their
colleagues. These records clearly stand against the sastric injunction against seafaring where
the sea voyage has been described as a polluting act.It should be mentioned here that
inscriptions written in Sanskrit have also been found from many countries of Southeast Asia,
such as Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam, Malaysia and some other countries, which
shed light on the connection of India with those distant lands. For example, the rich epigraphic
materials from cave Hoq of Socotra Island in the western Indian Ocean, mostly written in Brahmi
script and Sanskrit language, have been discovered to be visitors’ records thanks to the
fascinating study of Ingo Strauch and his teammates, who edited these inscriptions (Indic, South
Arabian, Aksumite, Palmyran and Greek) ranging mostly between the first and the sixth
centuries CE.That Socotra clearly played the role of a convergent point for almost five centuries
is evident in these records.
The foregoing description elucidates how the data generated by inscriptions aids in
understanding several aspects of Indian history. The typological divisions of the epigraphs,
certainly issued in different contexts, represent various images of the society. Furthermore,
juxtaposing other sources with inscriptions certainly provide more accurate information. In cases
where no other information is available other than inscriptions, the study of the same offers
invaluable insight into the history of early India. However, it is indeed essential to read between
the lines in the study of epigraphy, what Noboru Karashima calls ‘whispering of inscriptions’

Assess Al Biruni’s perception of India in Kitab-ul Hind.

Critically examine Al Biruni’s Kitab-ul Hind.

Assess the significance of Al Biruni’s Kitab-ul Hind.

(can come as a short note)

Kitab ul Hind is the result of long years of hard work and Al-Biruni’s perseverance, and in many
ways mark a departure from the existing historical and narrative traditions prevalent in the
country till then. Unlike the prevalent Puranic traditions of recording the genealogies or the west
Asian Tarikh tradition of narrating the political history in a chronological manner, the work is of a
very critical nature. Al-Beruni’s long account is divided into 80 chapters each with a sub-heading
indicating the topics which it relates. The first chapter is an introduction where he writes about
the difficulties he faced while writing an account of the Indian society and the methodologies
adopted by him. Later chapters are concerned with Religion and Philosophy, Astronomy,
Geography, Social life, Metrology, Astrology etc. Al-Beruni also often repeats certain information
because he considered such repetition to be useful. He also notes about the incompleteness of
his information on any topic and he also draws attention on similar ideas and practices
prevailing in other nations. His writing indicates a modern scientific methodology and a
comparative approach.
Al-Beruni’s comments on Indian society are very significant, especially in the caste system. No
such detailed and perceptive account of the caste system as it prevailed in early medieval India
is available in any other non-Indian source. He explains the origin of the caste system as the
work of Kings of ancient period and says that if a new order of things in political or social life is
introduced by a strong-minded individual and supported by religious sanction, it gradually turns
into the accepted social norm. He speaks of the existence of eight classes of people outside the
varna order, segregated in accordance with their occupation and guilds. These were: fuller,
shoemaker, juggler, basket and shield maker, the sailor, fisherman, hunter of wild animals and
birds, and weaver. These guilds, we are informed do not live with the rest of the community and
generally had their living quarters on the periphery or outskirts of towns and villages. Chandala
and Badhatau are also mentioned as apart from any guild or caste and generally occupied with
dirty work like manual scavenging and cleaning. He mentions about the inter-caste marriages
and writes that it was common among the Antayaja(those who were not reckoned among any
caste). He also mentions about Polygamy in his book and writes that some Hindus were of the
view that the number of wives depends on the caste, that a Brahman could take four wives, a
Kshatriya three, a Vaisya two and a Sudra one accordingly.

He also takes notice of ancient Indian traditions and writes about them in his book.Though his
work is mainly concerned with the religious and intellectual aspects, he writes about many other
things too but his silence on topics of trade, industry, agriculture, art etc is difficult to understand.
He also gives information related to education and regional languages of the Indian society. He
mentions the use of slate and chalks for writing and the method of preparing of writing material
from the bark and leaves of different kind of trees. He writes that Hindu alphabet consisted of 50
letters and had many sounds which were not found in any other language. Moreover, he adds
that Hindus wrote from the left to the right like the Greeks. He also gives accounts of principal
festivals.
Among the ‘Hindus’ sciences Al-Beruni devotes special attention to astronomy partly because it
was ‘the most famous among them’ and partly because of his own interest in the subject. He
also writes about some other ‘Hindus’ sciences, such as alchemy, metrology, medicine. He also
notes the religious beliefs of peoples of India. According to him, the educated class of Hindus
believed in monotheism and the masses on the other hand widely practised idol worship. He
also gave an economic reason for the importance of Somnath, prohibition of cow-slaughter, the
prevalence of prostitution. Regarding the prostitutes, he observes that kings used them as an
attraction for their cities, a bit of pleasure for their subjects, for no other but financial reasons.
He records with a fair degree of accuracy, the date of the conquest of Somnath by Sultan
Mahmud, and also noted its exact location and the legend behind the building of the temple. He
places the invasion of Somnath in the year 416 H/1026 CE, or 947 saka, which has also been
confirmed by other contemporary writers as Ibn-Zafir and ibn al-Athir. (Khan 1976, 95- 96) He
even shows that political expediency rather than religious sentiments often guided the actions of
some of the early Muslim rulers.
Al-Beruni while giving an account of the physical geography of the country seems to have an
eye for everything ranging from the shape, size, and make of rock and stones to the
anthropological features and costumes of the people. His knowledge of Indian geography can
be divided into two categories: 1. Ancient Indian geographical concepts and information; 2. His
own concepts and information. Al-Biruni conceived of India as a plain surrounded on three sides
– north, east and west by a chain of high and wide mountains, which stretched from China in the
east up to the country of the Franks in the West. (Alavi 1975, 232)
The most important contribution of Al-Beruni to physical geography was his concept of seas,
and particularly his theory about the sea route between the Indian Ocean and the Atlantic, south
of the mountain of the moon, the traditional source of the Nile in Africa, a concept which was
later adopted by European adventurers and travellers who desired to find a route between India
and Europe. He also gave an elaborate account of the climate, physical features, rivers, and
mountains of India, especially of the northern parts. He also describes for the first time, the
network of roads spreading out from Kanauj into all four directions, however, his knowledge of
the peninsular India was meagre, for it was mainly based on the information provided by earlier
Arab geographers who may or may not have visited the country.
Al-Biruni also mentions the different methods of weighing and measuring practised in India at
the time. He has given a detailed account of them and his sources for this particular information
included works of Varahamihira, Charak, Sripala, and the Puranas.
With regard to astronomy, al-Biruni mentions Varaha Mihira’s Panchasiddhantika (6th century),
Brahmagupta’s Brahma Siddhanta (7th century); Aryabhatta I’s Dasagitika and Aryastasata (5th
century); works of Aryabhatta II (10th century) and Munjala (10th century). He also studied
Brahmagupta’s Khandakhadyaka, Vatesvara’s Karanasara and Vijayananda’sKaranatilaka. In
his works, he dealt with a wide range of astronomical subjects and issues, such as nature of
globe and figures of heaven and earth; the revolution of planets, their mean places and
conjunctions; the time for different longitudes and latitudes; solar and lunar eclipses; and various
instruments of observations.
According to him, Indian astronomers generally divided the zodiac into 27 or sometimes 28
lunar stations or nakshatras, and gave the number of stars in each nakshatra. He also mentions
that Indian astronomers knew about the real cause behind solar and lunar eclipses and that
their calculations are scientific. He expresses surprise that they should mix up science with
popular religious beliefs.

22. “Early medieval India was a period of growth and dynamism”.

Elaborate the term early medieval is a signifier of processes of change. Elucidate.

Review aspects of continuity and change in the early medieval Indian centuries.

The term “early medieval” in Indian history is a signifier of processes of change.

Elucidate.

Do you agree with the view that the “early medieval” is a distinctive phase in Indian
history? Discuss.

If one is thinking of ‘early medieval India’, then a distinction immediately gets created with other
phases of Indian history since the term ‘early medieval’ does not only connote a time-span but
also a historical phase which possesses certain distinct attributes that set it apart from other
periods. In the imagination of traditional historiography, early medieval was thought to be a
period which represented everything that the early historical (ancient) was not. Early medieval
had torn the fabric of an urbanized social order which flourished in the early historical and this
new period emerged with structures that were predestined for a civilizational collapse. The
transition to early medieval tagged along with it a social crisis wherein decentralization and
urban decay became the norm. The placement of the period, between the collapse of an empire
(Gupta) and the consolidation of a Sultanate (Delhi Sultans) has led to this phase being seen as
a period of decline. The early medieval, in the language of Upinder Singh, is a classic case of
historiography overwhelming history – with the constant emphasis that was given to it being a
‘dark’ age.
On evaluating the historiography contemporary to BD Chattopadhyaya, early medieval is
perceived ‘as a breakdown of the civilisation matrix of early historical India’. He condenses a
few common variables for the period that includes
political decentralisation, the emergence of landed intermediaries, ruralisation, subjection of
the peasantry, proliferation of castes, feudal influences on ideologies and contrasts them as an
antithesis to the early historical period. Almost all of the systems which flourished in the early
historical were believed to be turned upside down with the arrival of the early medieval (c. 600
CE to 1300 CE), the route to which was paved
through feudalism – this idea was suggested by Marxist scholars such as D.D. Kosambi and
R.S.
Sharma.

Kosambi proposes what is termed the ‘two-stage theory of Indian feudalism’. The first stage is a
process he calls ‘feudasalim from above’ wherein the kings or rulers parcelled off their land and
gave administrative and fiscal rights over that land to lesser chiefs or vassals in return for
loyalty, service and portion of taxes. The second stage is a process called ‘feudalism from
below’ when a group of landowners from a village or local level emerged as powerful and
gradually started assuming power over the area, becoming chiefs and rulers of that particular
area. Thus there is creation of a strong class of intermediaries between the state and peasants.
In R.S. Sharma’s understanding, the early medieval was characterized by urban decay due to
the
decline of long-distance trade and this resulted in urban-based artisans & traders migrating to
villages – thus, in contrast to urbanisation, early medieval witnessed the beginnings of
ruralization.
But to understand urban decay as a pan-Indian phenomenon in the early medieval and an
entire historical
the phase of being homogenised under the umbrella of urban decline is erroneous.
Chattopadhyaya argued against
Sharma’s understanding, citing examples of urban centres which continued to flourish. Sharma
had used the accounts of the Chinese traveller Xuanzang to give names of cities which were
declining, Chattopadhyaya made use of the same source to name cities which Xuanzang
mentions
as flourishing, namely; Thaneswar, Varanasi and Kanyakubja. Chattopadhyaya also made use
of
epigraphic evidence to substantiate his claims and talked of Tattandapura, Siyadoni and
Gopagiri
which had an urban-status in the 9th-10th centuries. We also have Singh’s argument that
stated how the hypothesis of urban decay had no validity in South India where there was a
second
major phase of urban growth as commercial centres (nagarams) became important urban
spaces,
craft techniques improved & production increased and trading activities developed. This proves
to us that historical phases cannot be rigidly compartmentalised as ‘ages of decay’.
Sharma’s hypothesis on the matter of land grants becomes extremely crucial for us to get an
understanding of the agrarian expansion, proliferation of castes and the peasanatization of
tribes
which began to crystallize in the early medieval. On a number of copper plates were recoreded
transfers of lands to religious donees, quite a few of these were Brahmadeyas (land gifted to
Brahmanas) and this had a political dimension as it suggested a greater control yielded by
kings over resources since they could ‘grant’ these out. It was through these land-grants which
led to a spread of ‘state-society’ into ‘nonstate’ regions. Brahmanas began to spread new
methods of cultivation through their specialised knowledge of the seasons, plough and irrigation.

The spread of state-society through local state formation and the subsequent peasantization of
tribes along with proliferation of caste is a historical phenomenon gaining strength in the early
medieval period. The advent of Brahmanas led to the assimilation of tribes withing the caste
system with categories of ‘outcastes’ or ‘untouchables’ and the status of ‘Shudras’. Tere was the
emergence of a community of scribes called Kayasthas to document and keep records of the
extensive land grants. There was sub division of the Brahmana caste like the sub castes like
Shiva-Brahmanas. In Karnataka, there was an emergence of trading castes
(Garvares). In Southern states, there was also the development of a supra-caste dichotomy
–the
idangai (left-hand) and valangai (right hand). The latter were involved in agriculture while the
former were busy with artisanal and trading duties.This proves to us that the early
medieval witnessed an intense proliferation of castes.

Due to the contact between Brahmana donees and local tribes, there was a religious synthesis
with the latter being exposed to Brahamanical traditions. There was also appropriation of tribal
practices and subsequent Brahamanization of tribal deities, for ex, the cult of Jagannatha being
appropriated in Orissa and how, in the Brahamanical world of
divinity, there was a rapid increase of female goddesses with tribal origins, ex. Savari, Chandali
and Dombini. What we also begin to witness in the early medieval is the emergence of a
practice wherein
members of different varnas begin to perform occupations which are not scripturally sanctioned
to them.

Ports on the coastline of south indian including Mamallapuram, Nagapattinam,

Quilon indicated the flourishing maritime trade in the subcontinent. Inscriptions detail
various staple and luxury goods within the subcontinent as well as with southeast Asia. Singh
details ‘horses came from Arabia, silk from China, elephants from Myanmar and rose water from
West Asia’. Erivirapattanas or protected mercantile towns were set up by Chola kings to
encourage trade. Samaya or merchant organisations became prominent from 10th CE onwards
with Ayyavole and manigramam being a few important ones.
Inscriptions, such as the one at Tanjore show expanding contacts between South
India and Southeast Asia.
The rise of ‘bhakti’ and the worship of God as a Lord who was located in a temple becomes the
key ideological strand of the early medieval. The Hindu Cults of Vishnu, Shiva and Shakti
become
extremely prominent. In the South, we notice the emergence of Alvar and Nayanar saints and
the spread of temple worship. Politcs become intertwined with religious establishments as land
grants to temples exceed in post 10th cenutrey CE leading to the emergence of ‘Royal
Temples’. New changes take place in earlier domestic worship & sacrifices
(mahayagnas). Visiting sacred centers and donating gifts as a form of piety also became
common
and we see forms of puja altering. We also witness the rise of Tantrism and its penetration into
other religious systems.

From the 6th century CE onwards, there has been a greater development in the fields of
architecture and culture. As mentioned earlier, there is a growth in regional stylistic
development. DN Jha points to the patronisation of erotic texts in the early medieval. Courtly
circles begun to be linked with sex and religion as poets sung sexual paeans
of their patrons and pleasing them by using erotic descriptions. This period saw a ‘re-invention’
of the Sanskrit language from a language restricted to religious practises to a language medium
for literary and political expression. With a number of cultural developments, we also begin to
witness a rise in the number of texts, both in Sanskrit and
vernacular languages.

23. Describe the various forms of legitimisation employed by early medieval Indian
polities/ strategies used to validate state power during the early medieval.

Discuss the various forms of legitimization employed by early medieval Indian state
polities.

The question of legitimisation was largely unexplored until recently. Popular support was taken
for granted in the image of an all powerful, centralised, unitary state. According B.P. Sahu,
authority is a form of power, but one which enjoys legitimacy is associated with obedience and
support of the subordinates and legitimation was necessary for communities experiencing local
state formation as well as in complex state societies.

Administrative efficiency.
Legitimation was sought through support for religious institutions and their representative, i.e.,
patronage. Acts of patronage with their ability to influence the domain of popular perceptions
were integral to the legitimation process and strategies of domination.
Another way of doing so was to stress on genealogical links. Curious origin myths, grand
dynastic traditions, kshatriya lineage, claims to chakravartin status were all methods to
legitimize one’s reign. Also used were persuasion, distribution of largesse, practice of deception,
manipulation of institutions, groups and their belief systems.
Ruling lineages in the early medieval times patronised the construction and maintenance of
temples. Temples were endowed with sacred traditions by Mahatmyas and Sthala Puranas as
well as the bhaktas, leading to growth of pilgrimage networks. Cults of eklingaji, Danteshwari
and Jagannatha make the more general point about “kings and cults”.
All these rulers did to strengthen their legitimacy as upholders of the socio-political order.

Conceptions of power and status are culturally determined and therefore the constitutive
elements in the structure of legitimation were specific to particular societies.

According to Sahu, there are three elements of legitimacy-

Conformation to established rules.
Rules which can be justified with reference to beliefs commonly shared by the rulers and the
ruled.
Evidence of consent on the part of the subordinates to the given power relations.

Brahmanical ideology in Tamilakam was welcomed by the three vendars (Cheras, Cholas, and
Pandyas) to enhance their prestige by inventing genealogical connections or appropriate rtituas
for their legitimation. The brahmanas with the passage of time became necessary to the making
of the strategies of domination.

Dharma was the source of validation of kingly power. The brahmanas emerged as the
interpreters of dharma. The king’s duty was to protect dharma and it empowered him to govern,
and he was to ensure the perpetuation of dharma. In the Dharmashastra literature the king is
continuously advised to respect local customs and traditions. The spread of state societies from
around the Gupta period onwards facilitated the dissemination of dharma through brahmanas
and related institutions. Dharma with its stress on duty sought to create a subject population
averse to challenge authority, it tried to perpetuate the ideology of varna which was necessary
for ruling elites to acquire legitimacy by appearing to be conforming to traditions.

The references to kaliyuga occur in the prashasti section of the land grants of the Pallavas,
Kadambas and several dynasties in Orissa. Kings are said to have washed away the sins of
Kali. cultural discourses such as the Kali, with their motifs and tropes, played a part in the
politics of power. They were meant to drive in the fear of anarchy so as to make people conform
to dharma. Performance of vedic sacrifices symbolized transition from tribalism and had
transregional impact and could elevate the status of subsequent rulers.

From Gupta pd onwards, ruling elites constructed elaborate genealogies, appropriated

Itihasa-purana tradition, patronized art and literature and dispensed their resources on
brahmanas, tirthas, temples and monasteries. Royalty was also represented through a repetitive
set of images and visual symbols.

It can be argued that because of the requirements of political validation and the growth of rural
economy and caste society there was a heightened awareness about epic-puranic ideas and,
this engagement is reflected in artistic developments. Appropriation of ancient lineage traditions
and other symbols inherited from the Sangam period by the early medieval dynasties in
Tamilakam represent the process of incorporation of indigenous elements.

In the words of Sahu, ‘in south indian inscriptions the rendering of the prashasti section in
Sanskrit and the operative part in regional languages can be partly explained in terms of royal
need to tie legitimacy both down and sidewise.’

A good example of the inherent relationship between the sacred centre and political authority is
provided by the simultaneous evolution of the cult of Jagannatha and a regional kingdom in
Orissa under the later Eastern Gangas. The fact that the ritual policy of the Gangas was
politically motivated emerges from the fact that Anantavarman Codagana in spite of sponsoring
the monumental temple for Jagannatha at Puri continued to be a Shaiva in personal faith.

G.W. Spencer argued that patronage to the Rajarajeshwara temple built by Rajaraja at Tanjore
instead of representing the power of a despotic ruler, was actually an effective device to
strengthen royal power. The frescoes and records of Rajaraja’s patronage on the walls of the
temple reflect ideas of power. Temples located at borders in given historical situations played a
significant role in the socio-cultural transformation and political validation. For instance,
inscripional records of contending parties for temples as Simhachalam and Draksharam in
Andhra Pradhesh attest to how these temples benefitted from these struggles by emerging as
the legitimizer of compelling families and their overlapping claims.

Land grants to brahmanas in the centre and outlying regions of the kingdoms helped the
extension of state power. The yadavas in the thirteenth centuries sponsored two sacred centres-
Pandharpur and Ramtek situated at the borders of their kingdoms since these were centres
transitioning to Vaishnavim and the rulers were aligning themselves with and tapping the
religious movement of the times, i.e., Vaishnava bhakti.

Language, symbols and idioms played a significant part in the negotiations in the cultural
domains. The pan-Indian spread of Sanskrit is indicative of the effectiveness of tradirional
communication systems.

It must, however, be remembered that a new legitimation structure was not usually imposed, nor
was it easy to do so, but was designed to accommodate, incorporate and tap what was already
available in local societies. There was constant appropriation of the local and localization of
translocal cultural flows. Legitimation entailed negotiations and integration of competing
traditions. In Orissa and Bengal, Brahmanas legitimised aspects of local beliefs and religious
practices. Such recognition instead of treating common people as docile pawns in the games
that elite played concedes them with agency.

Discuss the impact of land grants on Early Medieval India, with a special focus on
agricultural expansion.
The discussion on the nature of polity and political processes in early medieval times laid stress
on the emergence of the regional powers as the distinctive mark of political development.
Similarly, the study of the economic situation of the early medieval time focuses considerably on
land grants. Numerically superior to other types of sources, land grants itself are indicators to
the changing socio-economic and political processes from 600 CE. In the opinion of a large
number of Marxist Historians, the rise in the number of land grants at a brisk pace over
disparate area since 600 CE indicates a substantial change in the material milieu from that
existing in the pre 600 CE days and according to many of these historians these changes led to
the formulation of Indian feudalism. The major significance of this formulation is that it views
feudalism not merely as a politico-administrative system, but something that witnessed
appreciable changes in socio-economic life.
The widespread practice of issuing land grants created a distinct class of landholders, who
would not normally cultivate the soil themselves but engage labourers to cultivate the lands for
them.
The expansion of the agrarian economy was the result of various factors such as the extension
of margin of agriculture through land reclamation, the spread of irrigation techniques and an
expansion in the range of crops. The increase in the area under cultivation can be inferred from
the fact that donees of land grant were sometimes given rights over forested area, references to
forests in the vicinity of the gifted land, and the mention of the transfer of wasteland to the
donees. There is some direct evidence as well. A 6th century inscription of the Kadambas (who
ruled over the Goa area) gave the Brahmana donee the right to engage labourers in order to
clear a piece of forested area and bring it under cultivation. It also mentions the reclamation of a
tract of coastal land, and its conversion to rice fields by damming up seawater.
The Pallavas in south India are also known to have followed a similar policy of granting land for
the expansion of cultivation. The period from AD 600 to AD 1200 is unmistakably marked by
cultivation of diverse type of crops. Sanskrit

manuals on agriculture like the Krishipararasara, the Krishisiükti, etc., indicate a growing
agricultural sector. It is not surprising that agriculture is hailed in early medieval texts as the
occupation par excellence and harbinger of bliss. The possibilities of agrarian expansion by
issuing land grants seem to have encouraged a highly favourable attitude to agriculture. Rich
epigraphic data are available on the expansion of agriculture in the hitherto untillled and fallow
areas in early medieval Karnataka.
Another instance of forest clearance by the issuance of copper plate charters is furnished by an
inscription of AD 762 from Goribidnur taluk. In AD 904, a Taitirya brahmana, living in a
settlement of Ahichhatra brahmanas in the Nanjangad taluk, constructed a huge irrigation tank,
which was fed by three streams emerging from a nearby forest. The improved irrigation facilities
must have led to agrarian expansion, increased the output of crops and therefore resulted in the
growth of population. There are instances of growing preference for canal-feeding of irrigation
tanks with the help of nearby streams/ rivulets to the previous dependence on rain-fed irrigation
canals. This proved conducive to the conversion of virgin tracts into cultivable and settled areas
that supported the agricultural population. This reduced the dependence of peasants on annual
rainfall for filling the tanks.
Foreign authors, especially the Arab geographers, were much impressed by the flourishing
agricultural conditions in early medieval times and the diversity of crops. Paddy was
undoubtedly the most important crop. Some villages in south- eastern Bengal with boraka
name-endings were probably so called for the cultivation of boro variety of paddy. The
Sunyapurana enlists 50 types of paddy in early medieval Bengal, which was also particularly
famous for sugar-cane plantations. Pundra or north Bengal being well-known for quality
sugar-cane, the term paundra (grown in Pundra) became a synonym for sugar-cane. There was
expansion of the plantations of coconut, betel and areca nuts, betel leaf and cotton, especially in
the littoral tracts and the Deccan. Indigo plantation, closely allied to the textile production,
seems to have been well established in Gujarat. The far south figures very prominently in the
account of foreigners as an area rich in spices; the most frequently-mentioned spice was the
pepper from Malabar. Some improvements in the cultivation of oil seeds may logically be
inferred in the light of increased number of references to oil-presses (ghanaka) and oilmen
(tailika). Inscriptions also record availability of green vegetables as exchangeable commodities.
The traditional use of ox-drawn plough continued. The use of the large plough may logically
indicate some improvements in the technology and manufacturing of ploughs. The early
medieval period had good knowledge about the mechanism of pounding and husking grain with
udukhala. The Desinamamala of Hemachandra, significantly enough, enlists several synonyms
of Sanskrit udukhala in desi the desi vocabulary was the forerunner of many modern regional
vernaculars in India. This once again underlines the spread of agriculture in different regions of
the India subcontinent. In some areas, like the Kalachuri realm in Dahala (present-day region
around Jabalpur), known for its relative isolation, the regular use of khala or udukhala resulted
in the imposition of a new levy (khalabhiksha). This may be an indicator to the generative
aspects of some of the new elements in the agrarian life during the early middle ages.
The spread of agrarian settlements would have hardly been possible without adequate irrigation
facilities. Existing sources portray the preponderance of small-scale or local- level irrigation
projects. Though the sastric norms uphold royal rights over-irrigation works (setu) and hence his
prerogative to levy a cess on water, actual evidence to this direction is missing. It is only in the
Gähadhavla records that the practice of imposing a water cess( jalakara) is clearly mentioned.
There are, however, some instances of administrative patronage to launch and maintain
large-scale or supra-local irrigation projects. The most outstanding example comes from
Kashmir, where Suyya, during the reign of Avantivarman, succeeded in diverting the course of
the Vitasta . This resulted not only in the prevention of the annual flooding of the Vitasta , but
also caused a much greater agricultural output, leading to an appreciable fall in the price of
paddy. Many rulers of early medieval times are credited with the construction of large reservoirs,
which could have served the needs of a sizable area. On many occasions, such reservoirs were
called sagara, samudra, varidhi, etc., and named after the reigning king or the ruling dynasty.
This is a practice particularly noticed in the Deccan and south India. King Ramapala is praised
in the Ramacharita for excavating a number of large tanks in Varendri. The text gives an
impression that such a step was consciously taken to improve upon the distressed economy of
Varendri after he had recovered it from the rebellious Kaivartta chiefs.
In early medieval Bengal, there were plenty of natural resources of water enriched by monsoon
rains and riverine sources. Early medieval inscriptions from Rajasthan contain significant
information about the use of water wheels or araghattas, also called ghati yantra as a regular
device to procure irrigational water. A tenth century AD sculpture from Rajasthan portrays the
vertical rotary motion of the wheel, to which were attached small buckets or pots. These pots
would go round with the turning of the wheel and fetch up water from below. The sculpture also
depicts the employment of workers (comparable expression araghattiyanara) for turning the
wheel and fetching water. In Gujarat too, early medieval inscriptions and textual materials are
replete with references to vapi or vavi. While the term v pi has been known for a long time in
Sanskrit literature as any reservoir, in the early medieval context they connoted step wells,
excavated to a great depth to tap the groundwater.
The most graphic account of the management of local hydraulic resources comes from the early
medieval Tondaimandalam and Cholamandalam in the Tamil area. Epigraphic evidence leave
little room for doubt about the importance attached to the maintenance of tanks and irrigation
channels/canals, their periodic desilting and repair and the allocation of the financial resources
for these works with minute details, all looked after by the annually elected representatives of
the tank committee under the local self assembly (sabhä) in brahmadeya villages. This system
has, however, no parallel in other regions of the subcontinent.
The overall impression amidst regional diversities is one of general improvement in irrigational
facilities. A steady extension of the margin of cultivation, the spread of irrigation work, and
changes in the market demand led to changes in pattern of land use. In the Karnataka area
apart from rice, there was an increasing emphasis of various types of millets such as priyangu,
ragi, jowar and bajra. Also increasingly grown were inferior varieties of rice. There was an
increase in the cultivation of cash crops sugarcane, betel leaves and areca nuts, coconuts,
oranges, and spices such as black pepper and ginger.

GHAZNAVID INVASIONS

In the context of early Turkish invasions, discuss the representations of “Indian” and
“Foreign” in the medieval sources.

Discuss the nature and impact of the Turkish conquest of India.

How would you characterize the Ghaznavid invasions of the early 11th century on the
north Indian principalities?

How do medieval sources represent and counter-represent the early Turkish invasions?

How far is it appropriate to characterise the Turkish advent as “Foreign” attack over
“India”?

Analyse the multiple narratives that describe the early Turkish invasions.

Do you agree with the view that early Turkish invasions were an Islamic intrusion in
Indian History? Elaborate.
Assess the significance of Turkish invasions of 11th and 12th centuries. Can this advent
be termed as an “Islamic intrusion” in Indian History?

How are early Turkish invasions perceived in various contemporary sources? Comment.

Analyse the different ways in which scholars assess Ghaznavid military campaigns in
north India in the first three decades of the 11th century?

The use of labels like “Indian” and “Foreign” in the context of early medieval India have
been questioned by some historians. Discuss with reference to Ghaznavids in north India
and Cholas in Southeast Asia.

Discuss the major historiographical issues concerning the nature of early Turkish
invasions.

Would you agree with the view that Ghaznavid campaigns were foreign invasions over
Indian territories?

With the rise of Ghazni in the 10th century and the launch of a series of campaigns, there was a
movement towards establishing Turko-Persian hegemony all across Central Asia. According to
Abu Nasr Utbi, “the sultan marched towards Lamghan. He conquered it and set fire to the
places in its vicinity which were inhabited by infidels; and demolishing the idol-temples, he
established Islam in them”. Thus, Utbi links religious conversion with conquest. Notwithstanding
Utbi’s religious rhetoric, several scholars have argued for motivations other than religious.

It is well known that, during the two centuries before 1192, which was when an indigenous
Indo-Muslim state and community first appeared in North India, Persianized Turks
systematically raided and looted major urban centers of South Asia, sacking temples and
hauling immense loads of movable property to power bases in eastern Afghani. This involved
the desecration of temples, such as the one at Somanatha. It was argued that this became a
foundational event that created hostility between Hindus and Muslims since the raid could
neither be forgiven nor forgotten. In this conventional view of the history of early medieval india,
it was argued that the coming of Islam created a Hindu-Muslim confrontation at all levels.

The Turkish invasions hence refer to two phases of campaigns into India – first, under the
Ghaznavids and Mahmud of Ghazni; and the second under the Ghurids, led by Muizzuddin
Muhammad Ghuri - which were conducted in the 11th and 12th centuries and culminated in the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate in 1206 A.D. They are called ‘Turkish’ because they were
led by people who were ethnically Turks, though they were influenced by Persian traditions. It is
significant to note that unlike earlier groups to migrate into the Indian subcontinent, the Turks
retained their distinctive religious cultural and linguistic practices, derived from the high culture
of a Persianised Islamic civilization.
According to Richard Eaton, the early Ghaznavid rulers never sought permanent dominion in
India and thus, raided and looted Indian cities, including their richly endowed temples loaded
with movable wealth, with a view to financing their larger political objectives far to the west, in
Khurasan. Eaton further argued that the predatory nature of these raids was also structurally
integral to the Ghaznavid political economy: their army was a permanent, professional one built
around an elite corps of mounted archers who, as slaves, were purchased, equipped, and paid
with cash derived from regular infusions of war booty taken alike from Indian and Iranian cities.

Richard Davis argues that the destruction of religious shrines and temples were neither of
purely religious significance nor did they have a static meaning. According to him, this was “an
important element in the rhetoric of kingship” and for the Ghaznavids, the invasions were
primarily for economic gains. Similarly, Thapar argues that the purpose of the raids was multiple,
of which iconoclasm was undoubtedly a motivation. But other intentions were equally important
and for reasons other than religious. The Turks were in origin pastoralists and raiding was an
accepted way of obtaining wealth. Temple towns were unfamiliar to the Turks and where these
were not a part of the Ghaznavid kingdom, they were seen largely as targets for plunder for
financing armies to maintain the Ghaznavid state. This involved paying mercenaries, the
employing of whom also meant that the army was always on the ready for action. The loot also
financed a different activity- extending patronage to a reasonably sophisticated courtly culture
with characteristics different from the court of the Caliphs of Baghdad.

Cynthia Talbot adduces inscriptional sources to prove that the anti-Muslim rhetoric is typically a
by-product of military conflict. She studies Prolaya Nayaka’s Vilasa grant which describes the
ascendancy of the ‘forces of evil’- “when the sun who was Prataparudra thus set, the pitch
darkness of the Turks enveloped the world”. Various proofs of the wicked character of Muslim
rule are adduced: Brahmins were forced to abandon their sacrificial rites; Hindu temple images
were overtuned and broken; tax-exempt Brahmin villages confiscated; and cultivators deprived
of their produce. Moreover, they were incessant in drinking wine, eating beef and slaying
Brahmins. The focus is on the glorification of the last Kakatiya king, Prataparudra as an
upholder of the social order and on the legitimization of Prolaya Nayaka as his true successor.
Talbot contrasts this with the contrasts this anti-Turk polemic with references to Muslim kings
and polities from the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries where they figure only as mighty
warriors and typical foes rather than as enemies of the social order.

Thus, Talbot proves that an attitude of intolerance and hostility was not natural to the cultural
encounter between the Turks and the indigenous people, but simply a product of military
confrontation and the attempt of Indian rulers to project themselves as defenders of the social
order. By assimilating Muslims to the category of demons, and by substituting the names of
various foreign groups, the distinctiveness of Muslims is erased. All that matters in this
perspective is their ‘otherness’. Anybody who did not conform was the “Other”, irrespective of
their identities—mainly religious, but many a time also irrespective of their geographical and
cultural credentials. At this time religion did not really play a role in determining enmity between
those already established and those conquesting. What mattered was how different from the
brahmanical norm these “Other” groups were. The rhetoric of the holy warrior (in the case of
Muslim elites), and of temples and Brahmins by Hindu elites, according to Talbot, should not be
viewed as a sign of growing differentiation or hostility between the two groups, but as attempts
on each group’s part to enhance and consolidate core groups and foster a sense of community.

Using Sanskrit sources from the 8-14th century, BD Chattopadhyaya shows how the Turks were
represented. The term ‘Muslim’ was not commonly found in these sources, but rather, terms like
Yavanas, Mlecchas and Turushkas were used interchangeably.

In short, it is clear that temples had been the natural sites for the contestation of kingly authority
well before the coming of Muslim Turks to India. Not surprisingly, Turkish invaders, when
attempting to plant their own rule in early medieval India, followed and continued established
patterns. Moreover, the absence of a real monolithic ‘hindu’ and ‘muslim’ groups; the oftentimes
accommodative representation of various identities of religious groupings Hindu, Muslim or
others; the cultural encounters, sometimes violent, sometimes peacefully co-existent- all these
instances deal a serious blow to evil image of the Muslim “invader” that has been painted.

SOURCES FOR THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL

Discuss the sources available for the reconstruction of early medieval Indian history.
What are the ways in which historians have interpreted them?

Give a critical account of the sources available for the reconstruction of early medieval
Indian history.

“In comparison to literary sources, epigraphic sources provide better information about
the past.” Discuss this statement in the context of early medieval India.

(Archaeological sources to be done)

Early medieval Tamil literature includes the inspired and intense devotional poetry of the
Vaishnava saints (Alvars) and Shaiva saints (Nayanars or Nayanmars) and their hagiographies.
Vaishnava poetry took off with the compositions of Peyalvar, Puttalvar, and Poikaialvar. In the
10th century, Nathamuni collected the Alvar hymns into the canon known as the Nalayira Divya
Prabandham. The Alvarvaipavam is a sacred biography of the Vaishnava saints. Shaiva
devotional literature began with the compositions of Tirumular and Karaikal Ammaiyar. The
hymns of the Nayanmar saints were compiled in the 10th century by Nambi Andar Nambi and
this compilation formed the core of the Shaiva canon, the Tirumurai. Nambi also wrote a work
called the Tiruttondar Tiruvantati about the saints. In the 12th century, the accounts of the
Shaiva saints were collected in a text called the Periyapuranam. All these texts provide valuable
insights into the religious and social history of early medieval South India.

New genres of Tamil poetry emerged in early medieval times, many in praise of kings and gods.
The Kalampakams were poetic compositions in which the last line, word, foot, or syllable of the
preceding poem formed the beginning of the succeeding one. Kovai were poems in which the
verses are arranged in a thematic sequence. Compositions in this genre included: the
Pantikkovai, a 6th/7th century work written in honour of the Pandya king Netumaran;
Manikkavachakar’s Tirukkovaiyar (9th century) in praise of the god Shiva; and Poyyamolip
Pulavar’s Tanchaivanan Kovai (13th century) about Tanchaivanan, a minister and general of a
Pandya king. Ula literature comprised songs in praise of gods, sung when the image of the deity
was taken out in procession. Tutu poetry consisted of poems in which a message is delivered to
a god, lover, or someone else. The moral aphorisms and sayings of Avvaiyar (9th/10th century),
the second of three poetesses by this name, are still popular among Tamil-speaking people
today. Of the many Tamil renderings of the Rama legend, the most famous is Kamban’s
Iramavataram. Tamil versions of the Mahabharata story were also written, of which some
fragments survive. Several Tamil lexicons and grammatical works belong to the early medieval
period.

The courts of early medieval kings attracted writers and poets, some of whom wrote
biographical compositions in praise of their royal patrons. The famous Sanskrit biographies
include Banabhatta’s Harshacharita (7th century) about king Harshavardhana. Vakpati wrote the
Prakrit Gaudavaha (8th century) about Yashovarman of Kanauj. Bilhana’s
Vikramankadevacharita (12th century) is woven around the Chalukya kings, especially
Vikramaditya VI. Royal biographies in Tamil include the anonymous Nandikkalambakkam (9th
century), a long poem about the events of the reign of the Pallava king Nandivarman III. An 11th
century work, the Kalinkattupparani by Cheyankontar, is based on the war between the Chola
king Kulottunga and Anantavarman Chodaganga, the ruler of Kalinga. The poet describes and
praises the heroism of the Chola king and his army commander, presenting the war as a divine
conflict between the principles of good and evil. The Prithvirajaraso by Chand Bardai is an epic
poem in the early Braj-bhasha dialect, woven around the Rajput king Prithviraja Chauhan.
Sandhyakara Nandi’s Ramacharita is a Sanskrit work with double meaning, simultaneously
narrating the story of the Ramayana and of Ramapala, an 11th/12th century king of Bengal. The
12th century Kumarapalacharita by Hemachandra is a long poem in Sanskrit and Prakrit, which
tells the story of the Chalukya kings of Gujarat and simultaneously illustrates the rules of
Sanskrit and Prakrit grammar. The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate in the 11th century gave
rise to a series of Persian chronicles narrating the history of various dynasties. The aim of
ancient and early medieval biographers and chroniclers was as much to display their literary
skills as to produce a work that would flatter their royal patrons. This has to be kept in mind
when using their works as sources of history.

The early medieval Puranas reflect the increasing popularity of theistic elements within the
Hindu cults. They include the Bhagavata Purana (c. 10th century), the Brahmavaivarta Purana
(composed some time between the 10th and 16th centuries), and the Kalika Purana (10th/11th
century). Sections on tirthas (pilgrimage), vratas (vows), penances, gifts, and the dharma of
women were added to the older Puranas during this period. The Upapuranas, many of which
were composed in eastern India, are even more valuable for the information they provide on
popular beliefs, customs, and festivals. They can be used to trace the dialogue between
Brahmanical and non-Brahmanical ideas, values, and practices, which resulted in the
emergence of distinct regional cultural configurations.

A large number of important and influential Dharmashastra compilations, digests, and

commentaries were written during this period. The compilations include the
Chaturvimshatimata, which put together the teachings of 24 law givers. Jimutavahana wrote a
work on procedural law called the Vyavaharamatrika and a digest of laws on inheritance called
the Dayabhaga. Major commentaries include thoes of: Medatithi (9th century), Govindaraja
(11/12th century), Kulluka (12th century) on the Manusmriti. Vijnaneshwara (11-12th century)
and Apararka (12th century) wrote commentaries on the Yajnavalkya Smriti. Vijnaneshvara’s
commentary, Mitakshara, became an authority on various aspects of Hindu law. Other important
Dharmashastra works include Lakshmidhara’s Kritya Kalpataru (12th century) and
Devanabhatta’s Smritichandrika (11/12th century).

Apart from the indigenous texts, accounts of foreign travellers such as Chinese and Arab
accounts are useful sources of information for early medieval India. Foremost among the former
are the accounts of the monks Xuanzang (c. 600–64 CE) and Yijing (635–713 CE), both of
whom visited India. One of Yijing’s works gives an account of Buddhist doctrines and practices
in India, while the other provides brief biographical sketches of 56 Chinese monks who visited
India in the 7th century. The important Arab works include the 9th–10th century writings of
travellers and geographers such as Sulaiman, Al-Masudi, Abu Zaid, Al-Biduri, and Ibn Haukal.
Later Arab writers include Al-Biruni, Al-Idrisi, Muhammad Ufi, and Ibn Batuta. Such accounts are
especially useful for information on trade.

A meticulous and skilful analysis of the sources is the foundation of history. The various literary
and archaeological sources for early medieval India have their own specific potential as well as
limitations, which have to be taken into account by the historian. Interpretation is integral to
analysing the evidence from ancient texts, archaeological sites, inscriptions, and coins.

Q. Discuss the different dimensions of bhakti Alvars and Nayanars. Do you think it posed
a challenge to Brahmanic orthodoxy in the 8th and 9th centuries?

Can Alvar and Nayanar Bhakti be seen as a challenge to Brahmanical orthodoxy?

Write an essay on the social component of the South Indian Bhakti movement.

To what extent did the Bhakti of Alvars and Nayanars pose a challenge to Brahmanical
orthodoxy in the 8th and 9th centuries?

Examine the social content of the Bhakti of Alvars and Nayanars during the 7th-12th
centuries.
Do you think that the Tamil Bhakti movement of early middle ages represented a voice of
dissent against the established socio-religious order?

Did bhakti emerge as a concept which expressed descent or was it used by the elite to
maintain their status quo/strengthen their control over masses?

For most recent scholars, they recognised that there were often very contradictory strands-
there are different ideologies in bhakti which were different, competing and contradictory. On
one hand, bhakti could advocate equality and challenge the caste system. On the other hand,
the same concept was used by many to reiterate the caste system.

The movement, though a causal factor behind the proliferation of temples, had deviated a good
deal from the orthodox philosophy of brahmanical hinduism. The rejection of abstract
metaphysics denotes a spirit of strong dissent. Their general indifference to caste regulations
carried a mild form of protest against the established social order. However, there was no direct
attempt at social reform.In terms of historical evolution the very concept of the shrine, whether it
is considered to be progression or regression, was a deviation from the concept of the abstract
and amorphous powers- natural or supernatural- worshipped in vedic rituals. Vedic ritualism
itself came to be replaced by agamic ritualism. While vedic-agamic ritualism was applicable only
for the brahmanas who followed it inside the temple, non-brahmana hindus participated through
bhakti like spectators. Bhakti exceeded all limits of rules and regulations, ritualistic or social and
proved its eccentricity by subjugating every aspect of life to this one principle; an intoxication of
overdevelopment which claimed its own right of existence. Popularisation of temples through
songs, dance and story led to creation of several temple servants rendering artistic service.
Consequently, even after the decline of the movement, in most cases they did not rise above the
status of local celebrities. When the movement was at the peak of its development, the most
sublime and sophisticated expression of sentiments represented a spirit of equality. This was
clearly against the caste system, and the spirit of renunciation was also counter to the
gregarious instinct of the brahmana-kshatriya power elite.

Even if it did not change the society altogether, this deviation from the tenets of orthodox
philosophy, accompanied by a sense of liberation from the rigid code of ritual certainly
contributed towards the refinement of society. Moreover, the freedom which the devotees
enjoyed from all rituals, and even rules of society, was a step forward in establishing the
individual’s inherent right to rebel, provided rebellion was legitimised by devotion. These
devotees mixed freely and fearlessly with kings and brahmanas, assuming equality and even
superiority at times. In this way set up a parallel spiritual-social authority, different from royal
courts, and brahmana councils, which derived its power from the conscience of the people.

The same deviation from social norms may be noted in the case of the status of women.
Notwithstanding the injunctions of Manu and other lawgivers, the eligibility of woman for the
highest honour of direct communication with god was admitted in the case of Andal, Karaikkal
Ammaiyar etc. this departure from orthodoxy occurred at a time when brahmana domination
was responsible for suppressing women by keeping them at home and away from education .
the recognition of the equal status of woman with man before god implied that her spiritual
inferiority and inherent wickedness were momentarily set aside. The devadasi system which
raised a number of educated and dedicated women to high status through renunciation was a
by-product of the movement. The readiness to dispense with rituals, priests and the restrictions
of sex and caste brings out the importance attached to the individual self with its infinite capacity
for development. This is what highlights those bhakti elements which dissented from the
orthodox creed, protested against the varnasrama code- including restrictions of sex- and
reformed the social order.

These deviations were, however, partial, temporary and counterproductive. Although the
movement gave a space to rebel and protest, it also made people more submissive by making
them forget their lower status and urging them to accept it and give their loyalty and service to
god. Bhakti gives the right to rebel and protest while also making people more submissive by
making people forget their low status, urging people to accept their subservient status and give
their loyalty and service to god.

The opposition against orthodox religious attitudes stemmed primarily from the need to defend
the bhakti tradition not by denying the superiority claimed by orthodox brahmanas but by hailing
the devotee’s status higher than even that of the brahmanas. However, Champakalakshmi
argues that the bhakti ideology induced messiatic expectations among the lower orders of the
varna society, presumably by providing a delusion of equality, which in reality remained beyond
their access even in the ritual area as revealed by the story of Nantan.

As the popularity of Jainism and buddhism waned, and many kings and landed magnates
patronised Hinduism through the bhakti movement, the openness and flexibility of the
movement gradually disappeared. Intellectual dissent- anti-ritualism, anti-caste protest etc came
to an end by the beginning of the 10th century. The alvars and nayanars were replaced by the
acaryas- brahmanas and ritualists; and we see a return to orthodoxy. In the new context, there
was no place for the aberrations of the devotee although the exploits of earlier saints continued
to be sung and cherished. Mathas, headed by brahmana acaryas, increased in number and
championed the cause of the varnasramadharma. Kings depended no more on the prop of
bhakti for consolidating their political power. The living spirit of the movement which rebelled
against many things now gave place to the decorative charm of its myth and literature.

REGIONALISM IN TEMPLE ARCHITECTURE

“Temple architecture in the EM period was marked by a tendency of regionalism”.

Comment

Discuss regional styles of temple architecture in early medieval india

Temple architecture in early medieval period was marked by a tendency of regionalism.

Comment.
Discuss the aspects of regionalism in the art and architecture of the early medieval India.

The early medieval period was marked by remarkable developments in the spheres of art and
architecture. Distinct regional architectural and sculptural styles emerged in different areas and
a number of architectural texts known as the Shilpashastras were written.

The three major styles of temple architecture are Nagara, Dravida, and Vesara. The Nagara
style is associated with the land between the Himalayas and Vindhyas, the Dravida style with
the land between the Krishna and Kaveri rivers, while the Vesara style is sometimes associated
with the area between the Vindhyas and the Krishna river. This pattern also roughly corresponds
to the distribution of the indo-aryan and the dravidian languages. Temple styles are best studied
on the basis of extant temple remains. Hardy points out that Nagara and Dravida should be
understood as architectural languages, in the sense that they provide a vocabulary, a range of
elements, and a family of forms which can be put together in different ways. He also suggests
that the term ‘Karnata-Dravida’ is a better term than ‘Vesara’ for the Chalukya temples of the
Deccan.

The temples in the north are characterised by the nagara style of architecture. The nagara style
developed through a variety of regional schools and showed significant variations in Orissa,
central India, Rajasthan, Gujarat and bengal. These schools are distinguished by the materials
used in construction and by the differences in architectural and decorative aspects. The basic
plan of the Nagara temple is square, with a number of projections in the middle of each side,
giving it a cruciform shape. The temple’s elevation is marked by a conical or convex shikhara or
temple tower, consisting of several layers of carved courses, usually crowned by an amalaka
(notched ring stone). The layers of this tower are topped by a large round cushion-like element
called ‘amalaka’. These two features—the cruciform plan and curvilinear shikhara—are visible in
northern temples from the 6th century CE, for example in the Dashavatara temple at Deogarh
and the brick temple at Bhitargaon. The beginnings of the typical Nagara shikhara can be seen
in the Mahadeva temple at Nachna Kuthara (7th century) and the brick Lakshmana temple at
Sirpur. The fully developed Nagara style is evident by the 8th century. This style is widely
distributed over a greater part of India and therefore exhibits distinct varieties and ramifications
in different lines of evolution and elaboration, that each locality chose for it. The cruciform plan
and curvilinear tower are, however, common to every medieval temple of northern India,
wherever it is situated and whatever its local stamp might be. This style of architecture
developed in the six distinct regions of Orissa, Central India, Rajputana, Gujarat and Kathiawar,
Deccan and Sindhu-Ganga valley.

The temples in the south are characterised by the dravida style of architecture. The majority of
the existing buildings are located in the Southern Indian states of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh,
Kerala, and Karnataka. Various kingdoms and empires such as the Pallavas, Cholas, Pándyan ,
Chera, Chalukyas, Rashtrakutas, Hoysalas, Náyák and VijayaNágara Empire amongst the
many others have made a substantial contribution to the evolution of Dravidian architecture
through the ages. This style of architecture consists primarily of pyramid shaped temples which
are dependent on intricate carved stone in order to create a step design consisting of numerous
statues of deities, warriors, kings, and dancers. The most striking feature of the Dravida temple
is its pyramidal shikhara, which consists of progressively smaller and smaller storeys,
culminating in a slender pinnacle surmounted by a small dome (stupika). In a later stage, South
Indian temples came to be marked by huge gateways known as gopurams and by pillared halls
and corridors. The earliest traces of such features go back to the Gupta period and are not
restricted to the far south—e.g., they occur in northern and central India and the Deccan. They
can be seen in the Parvati temple at Nachna Kuthara and the Lad Khan, Kont Gudi, and Meguti
temples at Aihole. In temples built in the Dravida style, the square inner sanctum is set within a
large covered enclosure. The external walls are divided into niches by pilasters.

The Vesara style is a hybrid style (vesara literally means ‘mule’) that borrowed from the northern
and southern styles. It is difficult to define, as the mixture of northern and southern elements
may vary. Temples built in the Deccan under the later Chalukyas of Kalyani and Hoysalas are
considered examples of this style. However, looking at the temple architecture of the Deccan
simply as a combination of northern and southern elements means missing out on its
distinctiveness and variations. Many historians agree that the vesara style originated in what is
today Karnataka. The trend was started by the Chalukyas of Badami (500-753AD) who built
temples in a style that was essentially a mixture of the Nágara and the dravida styles, further
refined by the Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta (750- 983AD) in Ellora, Chalukyas of Kalyani
(983-1195 AD) in Lakkundi, Dambal, Gadag etc. and epitomized by the Hoysalas (1000-1330
AD). The Hoysalas temples at Belur, Halebidu and Somnathpura are supreme examples of this
style.

Q. Critically assess the major historiographical debates on early medieval India

What are the major issues and arguments given by historians in the recent debates about
characterizing early medieval India?

Efforts at characterising the nature of early medieval Indian polities can be categorised into-
feudal, segmentary and integrative models.

Feudal (incomplete)

Segmentary
Burton Stein regarded the Chola polity as ‘segmentary’- political order characterised by the
presence of numerous centres of domains, dual sovereignty and pyramidically arranged
segments. This model was heavily influenced by Aidan Southall’s study of the Alur society.

The three inferential zones- the central zone was the Chola segmentary state— cholamandalam
(earlier called cholanadu); three intermediate zones outside the kaveri delta were
tondaimandalam, pandimandalam and naduvil-nadu; and the peripheral zones of
kongumandalam and gangavadi. Another important characteristic of a segmentary state is the
existence of dual sovereignty-political and ritual. While the former denotes the absolute and fully
competent nature of the king, the latter perceives the king as one having limited power. The
Cholas are said to have exercised limited territorial sovereignty in the sense that they exercised
uncontested authority in their dynastic core of the Kaveri delta, which faded gradually into ritual
sovereignty as one moved towards the peripheral zones. Numerous political centres of the polity
were based upon nadus- ‘building blocks of the pyramidally segmented society of south India’,
under the leadership of chiefs who held titles such as udaiyar, arasar, muvendavelar or
mummudi.

The model drew support and criticism from various scholars. One of the heavily criticised
arguments was “Stein’s categorical denial of the king’s political authority over segments other
than his own”. Champakalakshmi also argues that the fact that several titles were conferred
upon to the chiefs of these local bodies clearly suggests a close relationship between the centre
and local bodies. Recently, Thapar notes that the changes that led to the consolidation of power
of the Chola state were reflected in ways not conforming to the segmentary state, such as in
official titles, the tendency to reorganize administrative units territorially, standardization of
taxation, and the gradual replacement of chiefs by high-status officers. Scholars have argued
that brahmin-peasant alliance based on mutual benefits does not find any other parallel in the
Indian context as the relationship between the two have always been one of exploitation rather
than alliance. RS Sharma finds it faulty to attribute both political and ritual sovereignty to the
king due to the prevailing notion of the former being attributed to the Kshatriyas, and the latter
and its functions to the religious elite. According to BD Chattopadhyay, the segmentary model
relegates the different foci of power to the periphery instead of seeing them as vital components
of the state structure. It is also important to note that applying the concept formulated for a
relatively simpler tribal society to understand the social, economic and political processes of the
Chola state can be problematic. Stein categorises his critiques as strong, weak, intellectual and
ideological; He calls out his critiques for being content with European comparisons, but finding it
offensive when it comes to mere theoretical formulations that arise from sub-Saharan Africa.

Integrative
An alternative model emerged with the writings of BD Chattopadhyaya and Hermann Kulke in
the 1980s. According to this framework, the early medieval period was marked by integration,
rather than disintegration and fragmentation.

BD Chattopadhyaya argues that the early medieval polities should be understood in terms of
three interrelated processes: expansion of state society through local state formation;
peasantization of tribes and expansion of the caste system; and absorption of local cults, rituals
and sacred centres into a pantheistic supralocal structure. A classic example of this is the
Jagannatha cult, wherein the deity is proclaimed to be the rashtradevata (state deity) under the
Imperial Gangas of Orissa. The two domains were interdependent on each other— the temporal
domain needed legitimisation from the sacred domain and in turn, granted protection and
stability of the social order to help sustain the sacred domain.
Hermann Kulke explains the model further and argues that state formation in the early medieval
period took place in three successive stages of growth— chiefdom (rajavamsha), early kingdom
(samantacakra) and imperial kingdom (mandala). These correspond to the geographical
zones— local nuclear zone from where extension of power takes place and evolved further in
‘concentric radiation’; followed by its surrounding peripheral areas; and in the last stage, the
polity moves beyond the peripheral zones to include the nuclear areas of independent
neighbours or the samantas. We see that the title of the king also changes as one progresses
from one stage to the other— from raja to maharaja and then finally to maharaja-adhiraja.

There were broadly three kinds of reservations with regard to the criticisms of the integrative
model.First, the need for addressing economic dimensions; second, the model is limited to
regional narratives; and third, the structural features of the state apparatus need more attention.
Singh considers Kulke’s discussion on religion to be state-centric and his usage of terms such
as ‘Hindu states’ and ‘Islamic states’ problematic. Although Stein identifies the integrative model
put forward by Kulke as a strong intellectual critique of his model, he refers to it as ‘vague’,
especially with regard to the process of cult appropriation. Nevertheless, he goes on to say the
model can be merged with his own.

All the three models— feudal, segmentary and integrative; and the several debates surrounding
the nature of early medieval states generally agreed that the early medieval period was a period
of dynamic state formation, implicitly rejecting the colonial notion of changelessness of Indian
society.

Q. Critically examine the various ways in which the historians have studied the Chola
state.

Critically analyse salient features of the Chola state.

Discuss the nature of the Chola state with reference to varied historiographic approaches

Discuss the nature of the Chola state.

Analyse the distinctive features of chola state with special emphasis on its changing
character.

Trace the changing character of the Chola polity over 8th and 12th centuries.

Critically examine the nature of the administrative divisions of the Chola Empire.

Describe aspects of state and forms of legitimation under the Cholas.

The Chola temples represented the uncertainty of royal power rather than the grandeur.
Comment.
Critically examine the ways in which the theory of the segmentary state enriched our
understanding of the Chola state.

Nilakanta Sastri characterised the Chola polity as “the almost Byzantine royalty of Rajaraja and
his successors with its numerous palaces, officials, and ceremonials, and its majestic display of
the concentrated resources of an extensive empire”. This statement ran in contradiction to the
argument made by Stein, who regarded the Chola polity as ‘segmentary’- political order
characterised by the presence of numerous centres of domains, dual sovereignty and
pyramidically arranged segments. This model was heavily influenced by Aidan Southall’s study
of the Alur society in Soth Africa.

The three inferential zones- the central zone was the Chola segmentary state— cholamandalam
(earlier called cholanadu); three intermediate zones outside the kaveri delta were
tondaimandalam, pandimandalam and naduvil-nadu; and the peripheral zones of
kongumandalam and gangavadi. Another important characteristic of a segmentary state is the
existence of dual sovereignty-political and ritual. While the former denotes the absolute and fully
competent nature of the king, the latter perceives the king as one having limited power. The
Cholas are said to have exercised limited territorial sovereignty in the sense that they exercised
uncontested authority in their dynastic core of the Kaveri delta, which faded gradually into ritual
sovereignty as one moved towards the peripheral zones. Numerous political centres of the polity
were based upon nadus- ‘building blocks of the pyramidally segmented society of south India’,
under the leadership of chiefs who held titles such as udaiyar, arasar, muvendavelar or
mummudi.

The model drew support and criticism from various scholars. One of the heavily criticised
arguments was “Stein’s categorical denial of the king’s political authority over segments other
than his own”. Champakalakshmi also argues that the fact that several titles were conferred
upon to the chiefs of these local bodies clearly suggests a close relationship between the centre
and local bodies. Recently, Thapar notes that the changes that led to the consolidation of power
of the Chola state were reflected in ways not conforming to the segmentary state, such as in
official titles, the tendency to reorganize administrative units territorially, standardization of
taxation, and the gradual replacement of chiefs by high-status officers. Scholars have argued
that brahmin-peasant alliance based on mutual benefits does not find any other parallel in the
Indian context as the relationship between the two have always been one of exploitation rather
than alliance. RS Sharma finds it faulty to attribute both political and ritual sovereignty to the
king due to the prevailing notion of the former being attributed to the Kshatriyas, and the latter
and its functions to the religious elite. According to BD Chattopadhyay, the segmentary model
relegates the different foci of power to the periphery instead of seeing them as vital components
of the state structure. It is also important to note that applying the concept formulated for a
relatively simpler tribal society to understand the social, economic and political processes of the
Chola state can be problematic. Stein categorises his critiques as strong, weak, intellectual and
ideological; He calls out his critiques for being content with European comparisons, but finding it
offensive when it comes to mere theoretical formulations that arise from sub-Saharan Africa.
Another consideration of the chola state is that of Kathleen Gough, who argues that the state
was an ‘archaic’, which itself is the second of the three stages- early, archaic and modern
industrial nations state. According to Gough, the chola society corresponded to the archaic state
coupled with the asiatic mode of production- which she modified to allow for greater social
change, social stratification and commodity production which are evident in the Tanjavur area.
However, her assertions that there was no private property and that there was no distinction
between land tax and rent cannot be maintained now. There is no supporting evidence to prove
certain points she makes: ‘the slaves were allotted by the state to the villages.. The merchants
and artisans were heavily taxed and under state supervision, etc’.

Scholars like Henri J.M Claessen and Peter Skalnik argued for the chola state to be an ‘early
state’. This was a centralised socio-political organisation for the regulation of social relations in a
complex stratified society divided into at least 2 basic strata- rulers and the ruled, whose
relations are characterised by political dominance of the former and tributary obligations of the
latter, legitimised by a common ideology of which reciprocity is the basic principle. A few salient
characteristics of the early state include: predominantly agricultural economy, supplemented by
trade and a market system; unequal access to material resources; the main source of income of
the upper stratum was tribute which was paid by other social categories in exchange for
protection, law and order; position of the sovereign is based upon a mythical character and
genealogy. Moreover, the government is oriented towards centralisation and the establishment
of centralised power. The authors divide the state into three types: inchoate, typical and
transitional. While private ownership and a regular taxation system are found in the chola state,
other associated criteria such as salaried functionaries, codification of law and punishments
were absent here. It may be noted that the ruling system of the imperial phase was drawn
mostly from the landholding vellala and brahmana castes and to some extent from the rich
trading castes. Further, the supra-local level trade and markets, which are considered to be the
criteria of typical and transitional states, were found in the chola country, but at the time the
chola state could not command them due to its weak character. From such divergences in the
observed phenomena we have to say that the three types of early state may not be found in
strict historical order.

Trace the changing character of the chola polity over 8-12th centuries

Describe the various stages of the evolution of Chola state.

The political history of the southern peninsula during early medieval India was dominated by the
Pallavas, Pandyas, Cheras, and Cholas. The founder of the Chola dynasty of Tanjore was
Vijayalaya.
The Chola empire was divided into nine provinces which were called the “Mandalams”. Each Of
the “Mandalam” was further divided into “Valanadus” which were further subdivided into
“Nadus”, which formed the part of the last unit of the administration.
Nature of the Chola empire has been the cause for much debate among various scholars.The
Chola kingdom, according to Nilakanta Sastri, was an imperial monarchy with Byzantine royalty
and a well-organized and competent bureaucracy. Simultaneously, the king's government is
claimed to have interfered minimally in local matters. His research highlights that the Cholas had
a vast standing military which helped them expand their territory and according to Dr. Sastri this
couldn’t have been possible without a powerful centre.There was no conclusive proof of the
existence of a council of ministers or other central government officers, he claimed. A large and
strong bureaucracy aided the monarch in his administrative activities, which included
overseeing, supervising, regulating, and modifying an existing system. He also mentions the
monarch as a custodian of social life and laws, rather than a lawmaker. This demonstrates that,
while Nilakanta Sastri adopts a centralised approach to Chola state government in order to
glorify it, he does not regard the monarch as the supreme power of the polity.There is also
evidence that the Cholas had a well-organized income collecting system. They possessed a
meticulously kept database of land-rights, based on thorough inquiries and accurate surveys,
and kept up to date by new entries made on a regular basis by a group of officials. Revenue
assessment was also handled by corporate entities such as the ur, nadu, sabha, and nagaram.
This suggests that there was a chain of middlemen between the state and the taxpayers rather
than a direct link.

The apparent inconsistency in this theory was not noticed by most South Indian historians until
Burton Stein launched a severe critique of it. Stein provided, in a handful of papers, an alternate
model of the segmentary state, which he felt would fit well with the existing agrarian system and
the decentralised structure of the polity, allowing for active involvement of local institutions.The
hypothesis of a Segmentary State was proposed by Burton Stein. According to him, both the
philosophy and practise of South Indian royalty reflect a holy kingship rather than a bureaucratic
or "constitutional" kingship. King's practical power and influence over people and resources
were restricted to the core territories around their political centres, beyond which they were
reduced from tangible authority figures to ritual ones. Land revenue was only taken from a small
region, and plundering expeditions were the state's principal source of wealth. He contended
that the existence of a centralised government was exaggerated; rather, the central power was
depicted as supreme, but in actuality, local authorities held control in their particular districts. In
addition, he rejected the existence of a permanent army.
According to this hypothesis, the differentiation between social divisions was based on a
hierarchical pyramid organisation based on familial relationships. Burton Stein goes on to
suggest that there was a parallel sovereignty inside the empire. The royalty was the ritual
sovereignty that blended with the divine, whereas political sovereignty existed among the macro
units or nadus, each with their own leaders and corporate organisations.

Nilakanta Sastri's description of a highly centralised state is starkly contradictory to Stein's vision
of the segmentary state. Another research by Spencer and Hall, charting the location of
inscriptions in the eleventh century, supports the idea that the Cholas' practical territorial
sovereignty did not extend far beyond the centre zone.
Y. Subbarayalu and later James Heitzman proposed the model of an Early State. They define it
as a ‘Centralized socio-political organization’ for the regulation of the social relations in a
complex stratified society divided into at least two basic strata. Heitzman argued that earlier it
was a ritual segmentary state and it was the Cholas who brought the autonomous rulers under
their unified power. During the reign of Rajaraja I, from c.1000 CE, royal policies began to
change the rules of governance ever so lightly by introducing the land revenue department and
royal orders more frequently into local arenas. This unification happened through religious
institutions. Donations in the form of gifts were given to the temples by the king or other
members of the royal family in order to institute and support Brahmanical sacrifices and the
worship of the god Siva.

The Feudalism Model has been applied to early medieval South India by scholars such as
Kesavan Veluthat and R. N. Nandi. The former on the basis of inscriptional evidence argues that
there were a number of ‘feudatories’ in the Chola empire. They had titles such as Udaiyan
Velan’ etc, along with members of royal families who owned large tracts of land. Kesavan
Veluthat also elucidates the key characteristics of a feudal administration and how they fit into
the Chola structure. The possession of superior rights by local magnates to extract surplus from
the agriculturalists along with economic coercion are major features of a feudal system which
existed in the polity. Administration of justice was generally carried out by the local groups like
brahmadeya with a highly local and communal character. These lords extracted revenue by
invoking law, religion and force.The society was organised in a pyramid hierarchical structure.
The king at the top and landless labourers at the bottom. This hierarchy based on the metric of
possession of land seemed prevalent not only in the administrative sphere but also in the
military.

Noboru Karashima after analysing inscriptional data argues that there are problems with both
the feudal and the segmentary models, and that the Chola period did in fact see the formation of
a centralized state. This occurred through the employment of revenue machinery and
establishing military power.
According to Upinder Singh there is an inverse correlation between the power of kings and the
inscriptional references to chieftains. In the early 11th century, at the midpoint of Rajaraja
Chola’s reign, an increase in centralization led to a corresponding decline in inscriptional
references to chiefs. In the late 11th century, especially after the reign of Kulottunga I, there was
a rise in the number of such references, indicating an increase in their power as the Chola
monarchy declined.

Nature of the Chola empire has been the cause for much debate among various scholars.
Historians like Nilakanta Sastri along with T. V. Mahalingam, and A. Appadorai have put forward
the theory that it was a highly centralized empire with a complex and specialized bureaucracy
and an elaborate revenue system. Upinder Singh, however, has critiqued this narrative by
stating that it was tinged with nationalist fervor, and that there was a tendency to glorify the
Chola state. Another theory propounded by Burton Stein was that it was a segmentary state
where the rural society was cohesively hierarchized and vertically divided through ties of
kinship. He argued that there were layers of relationships between the centre and the
peripheries and there wasn’t just one centre rather a plethora of them existing at local levels.
Karashima disagreed with this hypothesis and said that Chola kings did try to establish
themselves as the central authority as indicated by several titles in Chola inscriptions which
referred to administrative offices. A theory of a feudal Chola state was set forth by Kesavan
Veluthat and R. N. Nandi while James Heitzman argues that it was an early state where an
understanding had developed between the centre and the local landed elites which was done
through revenue free grants. owing to the extent of debate existing around the nature of the
chola state and paucity of evidence, one cannot be certain about the exact chronology that was
followed in the development of this polity and still remains open to research and discourse.

Discuss the proliferation of castes and peasantization of tribes in India during the early
medieval period? How were these related to expansion in agriculture?

Processes of agricultural expansion during the period of your study were closely linked
to the spread of varna-jati order and brahmanization. Comment.

Do you agree with the view that early medieval India witnessed the process of agrarian
expansion, peasantisation and proliferation of castes? Discuss.

In what ways do you think agricultural expansion was linked to processes of

brahmanization in early medieval India.

Examine the expansion of agrarian economy and processes of social change in the early
medieval period.

Agricultural expansion in early medieval India is a marker of social change. Elucidate.

Social Changes from 750-1200 AD | Peasantization of tribes & Proliferation of castes

Several distinctive features in socio-economic, cultural and political life appear to have taken
concrete shape during the period 750-1200 AD. It is on this ground that many scholars have
argued to distinguish it as a distinctive phase in itself – that of the early medieval. It is in this
context that we are to assess the social changes that took place in this period. Drawing from
various perspectives and authorities such as R.S. Sharma, B.N.S. Yadava and Suvira Jaiswal,
we look at a variety of source material, including copper plate inscriptions of land grants, smriti
literature, Puranic literature and accounts of foreign travelers in order to understand the
processes of change and continuity in the period. Also, to be elucidated are the processes of
peasantization of tribal communities and the proliferation of caste identities during the time in
consideration.
In discussing the early medieval period, we cannot escape the discussion of the model of Indian
feudalism propounded by R.S. Sharma and others. However, it is important for us to note that
the appropriateness of the term ‘feudal’ as well as the features as laid out in the model can by
no means be universally applied and in fact has been the subject matter of some of the most
animated academic debate in the recent decades. However, in this answer, we are not to delve
into the intricacies of the model or the alternative explanations. Rather we seek to understand
the context of social change and what those changes were.

The context in which social changes took place is one where an economy with feudal traits had
developed, involving large scale transfer of land revenues and land to both secular and religious
elements along with the right to administrate. According to R.S. Sharma, there was a decline in
trade and paucity of coins in circulation which contributed to a closed village economy or ‘fiscal
and administrative islands’. Other historians like D.N. Jha and R.N. Nandi, have emphasized
that such an economic situation would necessitate social changes as there were conditions for
development of social hierarchy based on unequal distribution of land and revenues.
In this economy, with its strong sense of ‘localism’, the mobility of peasants and artisans was
affected. Jha likens the attachment of these groups to the soil to that of serfs in medieval
Europe, China and Japan. With the decline of trade and commerce as pointed out by Sharma,
artisans were tied to villages, towns or temples where they had to serve local clients. This
attachment to land began in backward mountainous regions to meet shortage of labour as
mentioned in a Chinese account of 732 AD, and then spread to other areas.
Certain Chandella grants talk of categories of artisans transferred to beneficiaries along with
villages. That they were expected to stay in the village can be inferred from the use of words like
jana-sahita ( together with inhabitants and resources) and janata-samrddha (well populated) .
and pratibandhanyojitah. Sharma, too, elaborates on the immobility of peasants and artisans,
which forced a strong sense of localism and a restriction on independent movement.
Aside from immobility, other changes were also initiated by the prevailing mode of production.
Yadava talks about the formation of two major classes of the landed intermediaries and large
body of peasantry which was mostly dependant and impoverished. The former, a dominant
class of samanta elite and lesser landed intermediaries wielding power and authority, emerged
with its distinctive character, symbols, ethics, and style of life. The latter emerged and expanded
considerably as a result of operation of socio-economic forces, inclusion of aboriginal tribes and
acculturation.
Yadava, in his discussion of the subjection of peasantry, refers to an antithesis between ruling
aristocracy and peasantry and an oppression of the latter by the former. They were reduced to
tenants with mere occupancy rights, and there was an increase in size of family, indebtedness,
overtaxation and evils of subinfeudation and famine.
According to Jha, this was a process of enserfment of the peasantry. There is evidence to
suggest use of forced labour or vishti. Vatsyayana in his Kamasutra mentions vishti. All this
added to the woes of the peasantry. Ravisena, in his Padma Purana, refers to the harrowing
poverty and wretched life of krishivalajanah.
Thus we see, the subject peasantry was overburdened by an increase in coercive authority.
R.N. Nandi focuses on the region of South India in highlighting this by the use of characteristic
terms like besa-vagal or bond servant. There was an undermining of communal rights over land
in donated areas.
Nandi also points to of localities where crisis situations would arise as a result of these tensions,
manifesting in the form of peaceful and violent peasant protests especially in the11th century.
He refers to three kind of conflicts.
The first kind emerged between Brahmans and peasants. Peasant action was sometimes in
defense, to capture Brahmanical land and to counter abuse of landlords.
The second kind was between samantas and brahmanas. The refusal of the latter to pay rents
and dues incited the wrath of the king and feudatories. The Sorab Taluk inscription in 1117 AD
talks of feudatory, Gavundasvami Dandanath who attacked immemorial agrahara of Kuppatur,
like an asura destroyed sacrifices of brahmanas and defiled women.
The third kind was between peasant and the feudatory. Sporadic risings, acts of resistance,
formation of social alliances & rise of protestant sects characterized the 11th century. The most
important instance of peasant protest is that of Kaivartas in Eastern Bengal who were subjected
to exorbitant taxes and deprived of their plots of as has been described by Sandhyakara Nandi
in Ramacarita.
Sharma speaks of a Social Crisis, based on the accounts of the Kali Age (Yuga) in the Pūranas.
It is attributed to natural calamities such as famine and drought; and more importantly,
oppressive taxes. It affected the production relations on which the ancient social order was
erected, where the production activities were carried on by peasants (vaiśyas) and labourers
(śūdras). But between the 3rd and 4th centuries A.D., Pūranic texts say that the lower varnas
discarded the functions assigned to them and refused to pay taxes and render labour service.
This led to varnasamkara or the intermixture of social classes.
While conducting the study of the society during this period, we came across numerous social
changes which were unfavourable to the ideal of varnasramadharma as well as to the privileged
brahmanical class. The Puranic accounts of the first phase, in regard to Kali Age, revealed the
undermining of varpasramadharma which highlighted the depression among the orthodox
priestly classes and the indigenous ruling aristocracy. It is significant to state here that the
decline of the Vais’yas – and the rise of servile sudra classes also took place at the same time.
Dealing with some of the changing aspects of society as features of Kali Age, this period has
been seen as a period of social crisis by R.S. Sharma.
A close study of the descriptions of the age suggest that this was a period of social conflict and
crisis- largely generated by a two-fold contradiction, the one between Brahmanas and
Kshatriyas, the Vaisyas and the one between Brahmanas and Sudras. The solution to this sharp
class antagonism therefore lay in a new mechanism of extracting surplus. Thus, coercion was
coupled with a concessional method. However, it is also important to note that this theory has
been critiqued by B.D. Chattopadhyaya as it posits collapse of the pre-feudal social order. Jha
also points out that this explanation can be only applicable to heartland or areas where
brahmanical order was well-established. It is best to see the social crisis as an additional agent
of change.

Pesantization of Tribes

In addition to these changes, this period is described as one of ruralisation and Pesantization of
tribes. This takes place in the context of extension of agriculture through land grants. This has
been supported and discussed by several historians like Hermann Kulke and Mukhia. Here, it is
important to shed light on the change in relative position of vaishyas and shudras. In the course
of transition to the early medieval period, a sizeable section of the shudras, including slaves,
rose in social and economic status after getting associated with agriculture. This ascendance
was mostly as dependant peasants and farmhands. Simultaneously, a section of vaishyas,
descended to their level. Yadava asserted that slave labour may have become unprofitable
owing to inefficiency or even easy availability of labour.
Towards the middle of millennium, there was a gathering force of a tendency towards the
diminution of slavery. Instead we see workers being recruited and receiving pay instead of
compulsory labour. The term dasakarmakara in Buddhist texts and in the commentary of
Bhattotpala on Brihajjataka is said to mean dependant worker attached to master, neither as
slave nor servant. Shudras no longer appear as slaves, artisans and agricultural labourers, and
instead take the place of vaishyas as cultivators. A charter from 11th century of Assam refers to
artisans, leatherworkers, and agricultural laboureres becoming peasants, which gives evidence
for the ruralisation of artisans.
This can be connected to the decline in trade and commerce as those engaged in it also
declined in importance. Their decline in Bengal is discussed by Niharranjhan Ray, who talks of
Lakshmanasena, who writes the following at the unfurling ceremony of the trader’s banner: “O
where are the traders who once held you aloft? You are now being used as plough or
animal-post”. There was contempt for goldsmiths as dealers in gold were associated with the
disappearance of coinage for centuries on from 650AD. Manual work became more
contemptible in medieval times.
In the discussion on peasantisation, we must give importance to the differentiation within the
shudra community. There was a division of shudras into pure (sat) and impure (asat) as
described by texts like Brahmavaivarta Purana. Many vaishyas who had been reduced to status
of sudras were classified under sat as were those of mixed caste. There was a phenomenal
growth in the number of impure shudras, or untouchables.. This rise plays an important role in
the proliferation of castes which we will discuss later. This increase can be somewhat explained
by looking at the economy. As grants were issued to extend agriculture to peripheral areas,
there was an induction of relatively less developed tribes who inhabited these areas, into the
Hindu system through Brahmanisation and Hinduised Buddhism. They were rendered as
untouchables because of their backwardness. As some were reduced to untouchables, the
remaining were satisfied as they took the place of vaishyas. Chattopadhayaya talks about the
transformation of tribes into peasants as one of the forces in operation throughout history.

Proliferation of Castes
The early medieval period was also characterized by a sporadic increase in castes and has
been described by Sharma as one of proliferation and fragmentation. Existing varnas broke up
into new castes and new tribes and caste were incorporated into the existing fold. Proliferation
was striking among brahmanas who multiplied with the growth of localism. Inscriptions refer to
194 gotras, which all came up due to migration and colonization of new areas.
The classical theory given for the origin of the numerous castes regards them as the product of
confusion of the four primary varnas. This is borne out of an understanding of varna and jati in
the context of texts such as the smritis. However, it goes without saying that the varna-jati
systemin reality at the time was not strictly identical to the picture presented by the normative
texts.
In early medieval times, constant transfer of land, led to the rise and growth of kayastha
community. These were of record keepers and writers, who had to draft documents of land
assignments and maintain records of land, villages and items of revenue given in the grant.
Initially they were drawn from the brahmana group but gradually, from different varnas. They cut
off marriage and other social connections, from the parent community, and confined themselves
to the new community while practicing class endogamy and family exogamy. Rise of these as
professionally literate class, undermined the monopoly of brahmanas as writers and scribes.
Kayastha were also appointed ministers such as that of Chandella and Kalachuri kingdoms.
They were also resented by brahmanas because they maintained records of land grants with
which the latter were mainly concerned.
In this new social group, there was proliferation as well. Kayasthas came to be divided into
territorial subcastes. At present, Karana kayasthas of Bihar maintain lists of their numerous
mulas like Maithils and Ambastha kayasthas who are divided into more than 100 subcastes.
“Lower” castes such as goalas and kurmis were divided into territorial groups forming subcastes
though there is a lack of written records in their case.
In the kshatriya community, proliferation was caused mainly by the emergence of the new group
of Rajputs. By the 12th century, the term Rajaputra came to denote a collective term for the new
clans which emerged. B.D. Chattopadhyaya attributed this emergence to the widespread
phenomenon of proliferation of lineage based states in the early medieval period. Statements
regarding Rajput clans number them to 36, and in general they represent a mixed caste,
consisting fairly large numbers of petty chiefs holding estates.
Chattopadhyaya posits that it can be juxtaposed with the spate of colonization of new areas,
expansion of agrarian economy and proliferation of settlements. There is heterogeneity in the
kind of transformations taking place, which included disparate groups Medas who came from a
tribal background and Hunas who were foreigners; they were drawn in due to the rajputisation
process of social mobility.
Major clans which played a politically dominant role in early medieval India were Pratiharas,
Guhilas and Chahamanas. Chattopadhyaya talks of two stages involved in their development.
The first was a political process of disparate groups seeking political power. The second stage
became a comprehensive social phenomenon, with multiplication of rajaputras, not just as a
result of consolidation of political power, extended to explain growing phenomenon of minor
clans and subclans. According to Sharma this was an important development as they played a
role in superimposing their clan organisation on the existing social structure based on caste.
Shudras gave rise to the largest number of castes in the early medieval period. Earlier there
were 10-15 and by the 5th century AD, there were 61 mixed castes. Conquest of people living in
jungles by brahmanised princes added to shudra castes enormously. Suppression of Bhillas is
mentioned in this conext in an inscription. As tribes were not absorbed as one caste or varna,
we hear of abhira brahmanas, abhira kshatriya, abhira vaishya. A Kalachuri inscription, of the
12th century talks of deliverance of the Ratanpur prince, Jajjalladeva II, from the clutches of the
tribe, Thirus or Tharus which was celebrated with the donation of villages to brahmanas. There,
brahmanas inducted tribal people into the cultural fold, supplied material culture of brahmanas,
taught the script, language, plough cultivation, knowledge about crops, seasons etc. These
tribal people were accommodated as pure or impure shudras.
Another significant process was the transformation of crafts into castes. As trade languished,
craft guilds became stagnant, immobile, hereditary and localized. Guilds turned into closed
exclusive groups resembling castes for all practical purposes. Craft villages are mentioned in
medieval inscriptions, such as two refer to kumbharapadraka which signified potter caste.
Also, as religious affiliations multiplied, there was a parallel multiplication in castes. Shaivism,
Vaishnavism, Buddhism and Jainism broke into numerous sects due to differences in rituals,
food and dress, sustained by regional practices. For instance, Jainism had 7 in Karnataka. The
irony, as pointed out by Sharma was that sects which had come up to remove caste got
swallowed up by the caste system.

Conclusion
Thus we have seen that the early medieval period was characterized by tremendous social
changes, which were set in the context of the economic features of that period. Aside from
witnessing the emergence of new groups like kayastha and rajputs, it also saw the subjection of
the already existing peasantry. There was a peasantisation population with the extension of
agriculture and proliferation of numerous castes. These changes laid groundwork for further
changes that were to take place which have helped shape our modern day social identities.

To what extent did the early medieval period of Indian history witness a decline in trade
and commerce?

Trace the growth of trade and urbanisation in the Indian subcontinent from 750 to 1200
AD.

Trace the growth of trade and urbanisation in early medieval india

The early medieval age in the historiography of Indian feudalism is said to have ushered in
widespread decay of urban centres. The idea of decline of cities, urban crafts, trade and money
in the early medieval times is an important part of the hypothesis of Indian feudalism. Historian
R. S. Sharma has put forward his theory of a two-stage urban decay, one beginning in the
Second half of the 3rd or the 4th century, and the second one starting after the 6th century. R. S.
Sharma has summarized archaeological data from various regions to substantiate his theory. He
admits that the Indian literary evidence for urban decay is not strong, but cites the accounts of
Xuan Zang and Arab writers. His explanation of urban decay centres around a supposed
decline in long-distance trade. Urban decline undermined the position of urban-based artisans
and traders; artisans were forced to migrate to rural areas; traders were not able to pay taxes;
the distinction between town and village became blurred.

The decay of urban centres is suggested to have resulted in ruralisation. Thus the expansion of
the rural economy appears as the cause and effect of deurbanization. The key to this critical
situation is located in the practice of granting lands favouring agrarian spread and growth. This
brought an end to the second urbanization in Indian history. Marxist historiography, however,
attaches greatest importance to the improved use of iron technology and agricultural
development generating the vital agrarian surplus as the key factor for the rise of cities
belonging to second urbanization in India (600 BCE- CE 300). But the same genre of historical
writings portray agrarian expansion of the early medieval period as the principal agent behind
the disappearance of cities on a pan-Indian scale from CE 300-CE 1000. The decay of urban
centres in the 600 CE-1000 CE phase is explained as an impact of the languishing long
distance trade.

Urban contraction was, however, accompanied by agrarian expansion. Elsewhere, R.S. Sharma
cites epigraphic references to the transfer of rights over markets to donees, merchants
transferring part of their profits to temples, and the transfer of customs dues from the state to
temples. On this basis, he talks of a feudalization of trade and commerce. He argues that a mild
urban renewal began in some parts of the subcontinent in the 1lth century, and that urban
processes were well-established by the 14th century. A revival of foreign tradelinked to an
increase in the cultivation of cash crops, better irrigation techniques, increasing demand tor
commodities, improvements in ship-building and an expansion of internal trade-is cited as a
major reason for the urban revival, as well as for the decline of the feudal order.

The notion of ‘urban’ decline has been decisively questioned as there is ample evidence of
‘cities’ both in north and south India. The disagreement with R.S. Sharma was initiated by D.C.
Sircar who drew on inscriptional evidence and a vast array of textual sources including
Al-biruni’s account to trace out routes of communication that criss-crossed the country, as well
as the variety of products that were transported from one part of the subcontinent to the other
and to lands beyond the seas to refute the notion of a decline in long-distance exchange.

B.D. Chattopadhyaya has argued that the early medieval period saw the decline of certain
urban centres, but there were others that continued to flourish, as well as some new ones that
emerged. Xuan Zang suggests that cities such as Kaushambi, Shravasti, Vaishali, and
Kapilavastu were in decline. But he also mentions flourishing ones such as Thaneswar,
Vararnasi, and Kanyakubja. The archaeological data on the settlements of the period is patchy
and inadequate. But some early historical cities continued to be inhabited during early medieval
times, for e.g., Ahichchhatra, Atranjikhera, Rajghat, and Chirand.

With regard to monetary history, John S. Deyell has convincingly shown that money was not
scarce in early medieval India, nor were the states of the time suffering from a financial crisis.
There was a reduction of coin types and a decline in the aesthetic quality of coins, but not in the
volume of coins in circulation. Traders of the subcontinent were part of a wider world of trade
interaction that connected Africa, Europe and various parts of Asia. India’s trade with Southeast
Asia and China grew during the early medieval period.

Ranabir Chakravarti highlights the importance of mandapikas in the trade circuit of early
medieval India. These were, for most part, local centres of exchange that constituted an
intermediate level between the small, periodic markets and larger trade centres. They were also
centres of collection of commercial tolls and duties.
(can cut this part) In the far south the spurt of urban centres since the ninth century coincides
with the growing appeal of Vaishnava and Saiva sectarian devotional cults, the construction of
monumental temples around sacred centres associated with these devotional cult and the
increasing political power of the Cholas. From the studies of Historian R. Champakalakshmi we
get to know about the twin cities of the Cholas, Kudamukku-Paliyarai, situated in the most fertile
tracts in the Kaveri delta, the core area of the Cholas. While Paliyarai was the site of the palace
Kudamukku functioned as the sacred centre having a number of tenmples. The twin cities were
located on an important trade route and noted for its transactions in two bulk items, areca nuts
and betel nuts. There was also a concentration of metal workers in the area. According to R.
Champakalakshmi, the rise of Kudamukku-Paliyarai, the twin cities of the Cholas to prominence
was a result of the factor, which are- (1) its access to and linkages with the hinterland for the
supply of local agrarian.(2) the importation of luxury items for the consumption of the elite
groups products. (3) its role as a religious centre leading to temple establishments.

It may therefore be reasonably argued that notwithstanding the decay of a number of prominent
towns in India, especially in the Ganga valley, during CE 300-900, a general urban decay did not
engulf the subcontinent as a whole. The diagnosis of urban anaemia leading to ruralization and
peasantization may not serve as an all purpose key. Urban developments in early historical and
early medieval times were not primarily conditioned by external trade. So the decline or
otherwise of long-distance trade cannot be taken as the principal determinant of urban
development and decay in Indian conditions.

Elucidate the religious developments in EM india with a special focus on bhakti and
puranic hinduism.

Evaluate the religious developements in early medieval India with a special focus on
Bhakti and Puranic Hinduism.

Write an essay on the social component of the south indian bhakti movement

Describe the rise and growth of Puranic Hinduism.

What religious developments do you discern in the period 750-1200 AD ?

The religious developments in the early medieval period were largely influenced by that
of the preceding centuries. Their history can be reconstructed with the aid of religious text,
inscriptions, architecture, and sculptural remains. In this period, the main focus was
on devotional worship in temples and on pilgrimage. A continued decline of Buddhism and
Jainism in this period saw a revival and expansion of the Hindu cults, especially
those associated with the worship of Vishnu, Shiva, and Shakti. The Tantric tradition matured
and wielded immense influence on Hindu, Buddhist, and a little on Jainism.
Bhakti is not a doctrinal position but a legitimate means of salvation. It emphasizes personal
love to God. About the origins of Bhakti, the main idea originated from the word ‘Bhaj’
mentioned in the early Vedic scriptures. As a movement, it developed in early medieval south
India. Karashima states that this movement represented a sophisticated synthesis of northern
and southern devotion. In the early medieval bhakti, there are common northern, local,
indigenous, tribal and Tamil elements, such as the idea of a supreme God. Akam and Puram
from the Sangam literature were popularised by wandering Bhakti saints, a tradition carried on
by Alvar and Nayanar saints.

The Bhakti movement in south India had a two fold character- the Shaivite and Vaishnavite
movement. It was in the 11th and 12th century they became two separate currents within
Brahmanism. Bhakti movement was spearheaded by the Vaishnava Alvar and the Shaivite
Nayanar saints, 6th century onwards. Alvar was derived from a Tamil word which means
someone who is immersed in devotion to Vishnu,they composed poems which were canonised
and compiled as Vaishnavite texts called Nalayira Divya Prabandhan from the 10th century.
Vaishnava and Shaivite saints had a more tolerant attitude towards the lower caste. They
combined the philosophical with the emotional in the process of their devotion. Some of the
most well-known Alvars include- Andal, Periyalvar, Nammalvar, Poigai Alvar, and Tirumalai.
Nath Muni, a well-known Vaishnava saint, is credited to have created the Nalayira Divya
Prabandham.The original Alvars popularised Vaishnava worship in the Deccan. The high point
and culmination of the Vaishnava corpus was the Bhagavata Purana, written in the1st
millennium.

Nayanars consisted of 63 Tamil poet-saint who were devoted to Shiva in the 6th to the 8th
century. Shiva was seen as the creative force, Shakti. The hymns and poetry were compiled in
the 11th and 12th century into a corpus of text called Tirumurai. 11 books which were
compilation of Shaivite and Nayanar hymns, compiled by Sekkai. Appar,
Sundara,Mannikkavasagar and Karaikkal Ammaiyar were popular saints.

The Bhakti saints criticised the varnashrama system and Brahmana supremacy.
Champakalakshmi says that there is an element of dissent and protest in Bhakti poems and
they were inclusive of lower castes. It did not become a popular movement until the 12th
century. The second theme of the Bhakti hymns is a vehement condemnation of heterodoxy.
There is a great deal of animosity towards Buddhism and Jainism.Scholars found out that 26%
of the Alvar and Nayanar saints were from upper caste Brahmana origins, 20% were from
Kshatriya, 18% were Vellala (upper caste peasants), and 8% were from Shudra backgrounds or
Paraiya (outcaste). In the beginning this movement upheld feudal hierarchies in the society and
did not challenge some of the unequal practises, but 11th and 12th century onwards there are
changes. Brahmanical practises were a major part of the Bhakti practises till then. Scholars
agree that Bhakti became the dominant ideology in the south mainly due to royal patronage.
Temples are one of the most important components of the Bhakti movement, leading to the
emergence of temple cults. Temples were a medium for local gods and goddesses to be
incorporated into Brahmanism and Bhakti. Tribes and local groups became a part of the caste
society through Bhakti, and temples served as the passport of social mobility. Each deity had
hundreds of subordinate deities, which was seen in the craftsmanship of their idols. An
important practice was the ritual of Bhoga (an offering to God), which was a symbol of fealty to a
particular deity. Most of the ruling lineages came from a tribal background, and they needed
legitimation to cement their rule. One way was by associating the king with divinity, through
implicit and explicit ways. Temples became monuments of personal Bhakti to the king. The term
Koyal was used interchangeably for both the temple and the palace. Bhakti provided an illusion
of equality and was an important way to induct tribes and peripheral groups into the varna
society.

Champakalakshmi found elements of dissent in Bhakti poetry. It was popular in south India for
creating a regional consciousness. The path of salvation and devotion to god was open to all,
but there were certain hierarchies in place even within the Bhakti order. There are two
spectrums of the debate on Bhakti and gender. Some say it empowered women, while others
say it upheld patriarchal norms. Bhakti did provide some kind of freedom to women to take part
in the public and spiritual realms. However, women who were revered the most were seen as
rebels, because they could only choose domestic life or the life of a bhakt. These women bhakts
were seen as transgressing the norms of household life, and were regarded as ascetics. Over a
period of time, many of the women saints were rehabilitated and conventionalized. For instance,
Andal’s poems utilized bold, erotic themes, but these were left out so that Andal could be
portrayed as a mother-like figure. She was even worshipped as an incarnation of Lakshmi and
Bhudevi. Saints like Karaikkal Ammaiyar, interestingly, perceived herself in a different way, as
neither a man nor a woman, someone who shed her feminine self. This can be seen in her
representation in sculptures. She was revered as a rebel, a non-conformist. Women thus had to
give up their feminine self to attain sainthood.

The Bhakti movement can be observed from two perspectives: as a

reformation movement and social order. It empowered those on the lowest rungs of Indian
society and provided impetus for the growth of vernacular literature. It can be said that the
Bhakti saints aimed at improving the life of the people in a spiritual way. These saint-poets
aimed for making Bhakti accessible to all without any caste and discrimination. The South
Indian Bhakti movement as a whole should be considered in a homogenous spirit. The
movement should be understood in broader context.

One element of integration in this period was the establishment of a more flexible and
cooperative than the early strain of Vedic Brahmanism. Puranic Brahmanism was seen as a
multiplex belief system which was wider and ever-expanding. This development took place
when Brahmanical society came into contact with tribal and indigenous groups.

Puranic Hinduism is a much wider belief system influenced by Tantric and Bhakti philosophy.
Many scholars believe the main factor behind these changes was a result of the rivalry of the
Brahmanical religion and the heterodox religions like Buddhism and Jainism from the 6th
century. Because of their growing popularity, they had a wider support base than Vedic
Brahmanism. With increasing land grants, Brahmanas were the primary landed elite and were in
contact with outlying regions. Negotiations between them allowed concessions to local people
since they needed access to this great pool of labour and establish a link with them. Vijayanatha
says that tribal and aboriginal priestly groups were inducted into the caste system,This led to a
kind of acculturation that required sub-divisions which had a low ritual status and could not take
part in Vedic rituals. It is in this context that the Puranas of the early medieval period were
written down. Local practices which included going to places associated with deities, ancestor
and nature worship became a part of the larger Brahmanical system. This included practices
like tirtha and vrata.

These Upapuranas are the main source for looking at the making of the regional tradition. Kunal
Chakrabati says that the Brahmanas wanted to assimilate with the local groups without
comprising their ritual supremacy. This is why these texts were written from the 7th century in
the local vernacular incorporating Vedic ideas; local gods and goddesses; and rituals familiar to
the indigenous population.

Goddess worship became a new part of Brahmanical tradition. Durga was seen in various forms
across the subcontinent. The local Khasi and Garo tribe worshipped this goddess as
Kamakhya. These cults became the backbone through which Brahmanical tradition spread and
established themselves. Over time regions like Orissa became associated with the Shaivite
tradition. By the 9th and 10th century, the sacred sites of Jaganattha were associated with
Vaishnavism and the Purushottam trio became associated with Vishnu. It established a
syncretic belief system and this new kind of Brahmanism is more inclusive than exclusive and is
often given as the reason for the decline of heterodox religions like Buddhism and Jainism.

We also witness the rise of Tantrism and its penetration into other religious systems – the origins
of tantrism take us back to the cultural contact between Brahmanas & local tribes and R.S.
Sharma has contributed to this debate. I’d like to take the example of South India to illustrate the
interesting development of Tantrism after the cultural contact of tribes with Brahmanas. Form the
8th century CE onwards, we witness land grants to Brahmanas and temples in the South and it
is only after this that we begin to notice the composition of 28 Shaiva and Vaishnava Agamas
from 9th century CE onwards – these Agamas were used by Southern tantrics to construct
temples, install images and worship deities (T. Gopinath). Sharma has argued that due to the
interaction which existed between Brahamanical and tribal cultures in the early medieval, Tantric
practices emerged. He further states that textual references allude to the fact that in the initial
stage, tantric literature was “composed and systematized to serve the needs of the tribals and
lower class Hindus”, for they had to be brought within the fold of Hinduism. We see tantrism
flourishing in different parts of the country at different times. In Kashmir, tantric literature begins
in the 10th century CE. There were also tantric texts under Jain influence being compiled in
Gujarat, Maharashtra and Karnatakaduring this period. The rise of Tantrism and the mystical
practices associated with it also led to the growth of astrology and divination. The rise also
introduced a new element of erotic art and the depictions of the same
could be seen at temples in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Orissa, Tamil Nadu etc.
EVOLUTION OF THE JAGANNATH CULT

The evolution of the cult of Jagannatha is in itself a classic example of how tribal cults are
integrated into mainstream religion and how kings have sought to use it to legitimize their own
rule, vertically (among their subjects) and horizontally (among other kings). This process is
broadly known as “Hinduization”. The process of Hinduization is an extremely complex one with
several levels of interaction between Hinduism and tribal deities, changes in iconography and
the catalyzing role of political patronage. The following paragraphs will trace this evolution.
TRIBAL ORIGINS OF JAGANNATHA Tribal cults are typically distinguished from Hindu ones by
the absence of regular rituals, the use of a human medium rather than an image, the use of a
uniconical, non-anthropomorphic symbol and the role of non-brahamana priests. In the course
of its evolution the Jagannatha cult seems to have retained typically ‘tribal’ features, hinting at
its tribal origins. For instance, the images of Jagannatha, Subhadra and Balabhadra, while
anthropomorphized, retain a curiously tribal look---they are crude, wooden icons which differ
greatly from images worshipped in other Hindu temples. Further, the worship of the deity is
associated with a special group of priests----the Daitas, supposedly descendants of the original
tribal worshippers. Further the Indradyumna legend of the Puri temple narrates that the deity
was originally worshipped by the aboriginal Sabara tribe, identified with the present-day Saoras
of Ganjam. However the deity was not simply taken as it was from the Sabaras by the
Somavamsas---the first rulers to raise the cult to a sub-regional level. That it underwent an initial
phase of Hinduization is indicated by the iconography of the deity. NARASIMHA: The First
Stage of Hinduization The Hinduization of tribal deities usually begins in tribal communities
living in close proximity with Hindu communities. As Hermann Kulke points out, as Hindu rajas
sought to cement their power in their respective “nuclear areas”, a number of agrahara (tax-free)
villages were granted to brahamanas—these brahamana villages played a vital role in
interacting with and integrating the tribal communities, stimulating a process of Hinduization of
autochthonous deities. Eschmann notes, however, that the process of Hinduization requires a
basic correspondence between a tribal deity and a deity from the Hindu pantheon. There must
exist certain functional and iconographical points of contact between a tribal deity and the Hindu
deity with which it is identified. The most frequent and logical association of tribal deities is with
Durga, who like most tribal goddesses has a strong “furious’ aspect. The typical symbols of
tribal cults---uniconic stones on wooden posts are gradually anthropomorphized in their
association with the Hindu deity. The only deity in the Vaisnava tradition which could play a role
approximate to that of Durga in the Sakta typology of Hinduization was Narasimha. Eschmann
points to the huge number of temples dedicated to Narasimha in central and coastal Orissa from
the 9th century onwards as an indication of the tremendous popularity of Narasimha.
Narasimha’s character as the furious “ugra” aspect of Visnu also makes him approximate to
Durga. His cult also contains certain Tantric elements including the idea of sacrifice, evoked by
the dismemberment of Hiranyakasipu, and an erotic aspect: these similarities with
autochthonous deities would have aided Hinduization. The local Orissan legend of an
autochthonous “hill born” or Girija Narasimha, conceived of as a lion and worshipped as an
uniconic symbol (a piece of stone with “eyes” and “whiskers”) also indicates the role of
Narasimha in the process of Hinduization in Orissa. Indeed the iconographical similarities
between Narasimha and a tribal deity are remarkable--- Narasimha is identified with the pillar
from which he emerges according to legend, which might be approximated to a wooden post.
The Girija aspect of Narasimha is worshipped as a uniconical murti of stone, by non-Brahmin
priests. While there can be no doubt that this reflects the absorption of tribal elements by the
cult of Narasimha as well, the influence of Narasimha on the evolving Jagannatha cult is
substantial as well. In the folk religion of Orissa, Narasimha is represented theriomorphically as
a head and arms; adding this to a wooden post creates a prototype of the Jagannatha image.
The identification of Jagannatha with Narasimha is strengthened by the peculiar round eyes of
the Jagannatha image---they represent Narasimha’s “furious” aspect. The strange flat shape of
Jagannatha’s head is explained if one considers the animal head of Narasimha to be the
prototype. In fact, by CE 1300, the statues in the Jagannatha temple, were regarded by some
circles of the temple priests as primordial images of Narasimha. The close association of
Narasimha with the Jagannatha triad---as the “protector” of the deities again indicates the
crucial role of the cult of Narasimha in the Hinduization of the tribal deity that was to become
Jagannatha. However there also seems to have been a strong Saivite influence in the
Hinduization of Jagannatha. H. V. Steitencron notes the iconographical similarity between
Ekapada Bhairava (the furious aspect of Siva) and the Jagannatha idol: a single leg merging
with the trunk of the deity. This is a feature which is absent in Narasimha iconography. The
association of the deity with a female tribal goddess represented by a wooden post and
worshipped as Durga also indicates a Saivite element in the character of Jagannatha, although
the couple is later represented as Narasimha-Lakshmi. Despite these apparent contradictions, it
is certain that there was a close similarity between Narasimha and Bhairava--- Narasimha is
often worshipped as a Saiva deity and seen as a Vaisnava equivalent of Bhairava. The worship
of Narasimha under Saiva predominance also indicates that Narasimha was acceptable in the
Saiva tradition. It is by no means unlikely that a Saiva element was combined in the cult of
Jagannatha. FROM NARASIMHA TO PURUSOTTAMA The identification of the tribal deity of
the Sabaras with the orthodox cult of Narasimha was followed by the linkage to Purusottama---
the deity to be worshipped at Puri during the Somavamsa rule. There is substantial inscriptional
evidence of the association of Narasimha with Purusottama, the deity at Puri even as late as the
12th century. A close connection between a Hinduized tribal Narasimha and Purusottama is not
illogical---Purusottama as a Vaisnava deity and a Tantric deity with a strong erotic character
bore a strong resemblance to Narasimha. Purusottama as an erotic Tantric deity is worshipped
with his consort Kamala--- a strong parallel is to be found in the association of Narasimha with
Lakshmi and the proliferation of Narasimha-Lakshmi temples in Orissa. The use of the
Narasimha-Mantraraja in the rituals of the Jagannatha temple and particularly in the
all-important Navakalesvara ceremony again testifies to the fact that Jagannatha/ Purusottama
was in fact Narasimha. The Tantric-Saktic characteristics of both Narasimha and Purusottama
seem to have facilitated their fusion into the deity at Puri under Somavamsa rule. ROLE OF
THE SOMAVAMSAS Eschmann emphasizes that the elevation of a Hinduized autochthonous
cult to the level of a sub-regional temple cult to the level of a sub-regional temple cult is
dependent on the role of political patronage. A certain king Yayati of the Somavamsa line is
credited with having “restored” the cult of Purusottama at Puri after his conquest of central
Orissa. The legend of Yayati reflects, according to Kulke, an attempt to unify the “nuclear area”
of the Somavamsas and the homeland of the Somavamsa ancestors---western Orissa---with
central Orissa, by the territorially segmented model of polity advanced by Stein and Kulke.
Kulke suggests that the cult of Khambesvari—a Hinduized tribal deity akin to Durga was grafted
onto the cult of Purusottama, creating the Purusottama-Lakshmi combine, although evidence for
this is scanty. According to Kulke, by extending patronage to the autochthonous cult at Puri, the
Somavamsa were able to secure the support of the tribes of the recently conquered area
through “vertical legitimation”. The similarities of the Purusottama cult with other Narasimha
based cults in western Orissa with which Yayati would have been familiar, and its orthodox
Brahamanical blending would have made it the ideal cult for the integration of the new “nuclear
area” as well. The cult of Purusottama was installed in a temple and raised the level of a
sub-regional temple cult with more than local importance and cross-caste recognition. However
Purusottama had not yet attained the status of a rashtra-devata or state deity under the
Somavamsas who adopted him as a subsidiary “family deity”. This was because central Orissa
was not the center of the Somavamsa kingdom. DEVELOPMENTS UNDER ANANTAVARMAN
CODAGANGA Anantavarman Codaganga, the first Ganga king, succeeded in unifying Orissa
and shifted his political center from Kalinga to the Mahanadi delta or central Orissa which was
geographically more convenient. As an outsider Codaganga found himself in a position similar
to that of Yayati- --he needed to root and legitimize his rule within the newly conquered country
which he had also made his “nuclear zone”. Further, he also had to establish his rule against
other rival imperial powers. The cult of Purusottama-Jagannatha with its strong autochthonous
and tribal roots and its high degree of Hinduization and high status in the Hindu pantheon
served both the needs of vertical and horizontal legitimation. Although himself a Saiva,
Codaganga established a massive temple at Puri for Purusottama, a Vaisnava deity.
Significantly, this temple was the equal of the Brhadesvara temple of the Colas in its size and
dimensions. This development is attributed to the second wave of Vaisnavization in Orissa
under Ramanuja and the proselytization of Codaganga but the political motives of such an act
are clear. Kulke remarks that Codaganga himself continued to be a Saiva while declaring
himself the paramasaiva, paramavaisnava as well as paramabrahmana. By patronizing the cult
of Purusottama Codaganga hoped to raise himself to the status of a Hindu cakravartin. At this
stage the association of Narasimha with Purusottama was completed. The Puri deity
increasingly came to be identified as Purusottama, the “Supreme Being” aspect of Visnu.
However, Purusottama could not be conceived of without his female counterpart and the temple
was dedicated to both Purusottama and Lakshmi. Thus, as Eschmann notes, the temple was
initially built for 2 deities, not three. The center of the cult was Purusottama and the
autochthonous female deity now interpreted as his consort, Lakshmi. REINTERPRETATION
UNDER ANANGABHIMA III It was in the reign of the Ganga Emperor Anangabhima II in the first
half of the 13th century that the god Purusottama became the official state deity of the Ganga
Empire. This period was also marked by a significant new development---the dedication of the
Orissan Empire to Jagannatha. In 1216, Anangabhima declared the rauta (deputy) and putra
(son) of the 3 most influential deities of Orissa---Siva, Purusottama and Durga. By 1230 he had
made a decisive turn towards Purusottama---he now called himself son and deputy of
Purusottama, with no reference to Siva or Durga. In 1231, he declared Jagannatha the actual
ruler of Orissa--- he himself was his deputy. The reign of Anangabhima was now referred to as
the reign of Purusottama and his consecration was cancelled for the true consecrated ruler was
now declared to be Purusottama. This was a tradition followed well after Anangabhima and
formed the basis of the power of the Gajapati kings. Anangabhima, by dedicating the kingdom
to Purusottama, acquired ritual legitimacy for his actions. Further, it helped to strengthen his
roots in Central Orissa where he built a new capital “New Benares”. Finally it served the purpose
of horizontal legitimation for it asserted his claim to nominal lordship over all Hindu rajas with the
collapse of the Cola over lordship. The reign of Anangabhima also saw a process of
Krsnaization of the deity. Purusottama increasingly came to be referred to as Krsna. In a sense,
this was inevitable, for Krsna combines both the “Supreme Being” aspect of Purusottama and
his erotic character. In line with the development of the Jagannatha cult, the female deity ought
to have been reinterpreted as Radha. This however does not happen. The reign of
Anangabhima III gives us the first reference to the Jagannatha triad (Purusottama, Subhadra
and Balabhadra) in 1237. As mentioned above, Anangabhima sought to legitimize his authority
in Orissa by associating himself with the 3 main cults of Orissa. By 1230, this was no longer
necessary, perhaps because by then the other two---Siva and Durga---had been absorbed and
subordinated by the Purusottama cult. The initial part of this involved a reinterpretation of the
female deity traditionally seen as Purusottama’s consort. Now however, in line with the
Pancaratra system and the legend in the Devimahatmya of Markandeya Purana linking Durga
and Krsna, she was reinterpreted as Subhadra, the sister of Krsna. The original Saktic elements
of her character were now restored. Kulke speculates that this was perhaps as much an attempt
at the unification of the cult of Durga at Jaipur with the imperial cult of Puri as a concession to
Ramanuja’s disapproval of the erotic character of Krsna. The original relationship between the 2
deities was suppressed and was replaced by a brother-sister relationship. This was
supplemented by the addition of a third deity, Balabhadra, seen as the incarnation of
Samkarsana. Balabhadra, the elder brother of Krsna was thus associated with Siva
Samkarsana, connecting the Puri cult with the Siva cult of the Lingaraja temple at Bhubaneswar.
By 1237, the evolution of Jagannatha and the process of Hinduization were complete. By the
10th century, the temple at Puri was declared a tirtha (a pilgrimage spot) and Brahmins were
settled in the area---both attempts at imperial legitimation of temporal authority. The political
development and the Hinduization of Jagannatha were thus two closely connected processes,
each deriving it impetus from the other.