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Android Studio 3.0
Development Essentials
Android 8 Edition
Android Studio 3.0 Development Essentials – Android 8 Edition
© 2017 Neil Smyth / Payload Media, Inc. All Rights Reserved.
This book is provided for personal use only. Unauthorized use, reproduction
and/or distribution strictly prohibited. All rights reserved.
The content of this book is provided for informational purposes only. Neither
the publisher nor the author offers any warranties or representation, express
or implied, with regard to the accuracy of information contained in this book,
nor do they accept any liability for any loss or damage arising from any errors
or omissions.
This book contains trademarked terms that are used solely for editorial
purposes and to the benefit of the respective trademark owner. The terms
used within this book are not intended as infringement of any trademarks.
Rev: 1.0
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
1.1 Downloading the Code Samples
1.2 Firebase Essentials Book Now Available
1.3 Feedback
1.4 Errata
2. Setting up an Android Studio Development Environment
2.1 System Requirements
2.2 Downloading the Android Studio Package
2.3 Installing Android Studio
2.3.1 Installation on Windows
2.3.2 Installation on macOS
2.3.3 Installation on Linux
2.4 The Android Studio Setup Wizard
2.5 Installing Additional Android SDK Packages
2.6 Making the Android SDK Tools Command-line Accessible
2.6.1 Windows 7
2.6.2 Windows 8.1
2.6.3 Windows 10
2.6.4 Linux
2.6.5 macOS
2.7 Updating Android Studio and the SDK
2.8 Summary
3. Creating an Example Android App in Android Studio
3.1 Creating a New Android Project
3.2 Defining the Project and SDK Settings
3.3 Creating an Activity
3.4 Modifying the Example Application
3.5 Reviewing the Layout and Resource Files
3.6 Summary
4. A Tour of the Android Studio User Interface
4.1 The Welcome Screen
4.2 The Main Window
 4.3 The Tool Windows
4.4 Android Studio Keyboard Shortcuts
4.5 Switcher and Recent Files Navigation
4.6 Changing the Android Studio Theme
4.7 Summary
5. Creating an Android Virtual Device (AVD) in Android Studio
5.1 About Android Virtual Devices
5.2 Creating a New AVD
5.3 Starting the Emulator
5.4 Running the Application in the AVD
5.5 Run/Debug Configurations
5.6 Stopping a Running Application
5.7 AVD Command-line Creation
5.8 Android Virtual Device Configuration Files
5.9 Moving and Renaming an Android Virtual Device
5.10 Summary
6. Using and Configuring the Android Studio AVD Emulator
6.1 The Emulator Environment
6.2 The Emulator Toolbar Options
6.3 Working in Zoom Mode
6.4 Resizing the Emulator Window
6.5 Extended Control Options
6.5.1 Location
6.5.2 Cellular
6.5.3 Battery
6.5.4 Phone
6.5.5 Directional Pad
6.5.6 Microphone
6.5.7 Fingerprint
6.5.8 Virtual Sensors
6.5.9 Settings
6.5.10 Help
6.6 Drag and Drop Support
6.7 Configuring Fingerprint Emulation
6.8 Summary
7. Testing Android Studio Apps on a Physical Android Device
7.1 An Overview of the Android Debug Bridge (ADB)
7.2 Enabling ADB on Android based Devices
7.2.1 macOS ADB Configuration
7.2.2 Windows ADB Configuration
7.2.3 Linux adb Configuration
7.3 Testing the adb Connection
7.4 Summary
8. The Basics of the Android Studio Code Editor
8.1 The Android Studio Editor
8.2 Splitting the Editor Window
8.3 Code Completion
8.4 Statement Completion
8.5 Parameter Information
8.6 Parameter Name Hints
8.7 Code Generation
8.8 Code Folding
8.9 Quick Documentation Lookup
8.10 Code Reformatting
8.11 Finding Sample Code
8.12 Summary
9. An Overview of the Android Architecture
9.1 The Android Software Stack
9.2 The Linux Kernel
9.3 Android Runtime – ART
9.4 Android Libraries
9.4.1 C/C++ Libraries
9.5 Application Framework
9.6 Applications
9.7 Summary
10. The Anatomy of an Android Application
10.1 Android Activities
10.2 Android Intents
10.3 Broadcast Intents
 10.4 Broadcast Receivers
10.5 Android Services
10.6 Content Providers
10.7 The Application Manifest
10.8 Application Resources
10.9 Application Context
10.10 Summary
11. Understanding Android Application and Activity Lifecycles
11.1 Android Applications and Resource Management
11.2 Android Process States
11.2.1 Foreground Process
11.2.2 Visible Process
11.2.3 Service Process
11.2.4 Background Process
11.2.5 Empty Process
11.3 Inter-Process Dependencies
11.4 The Activity Lifecycle
11.5 The Activity Stack
11.6 Activity States
11.7 Configuration Changes
11.8 Handling State Change
11.9 Summary
12. Handling Android Activity State Changes
12.1 The Activity Class
12.2 Dynamic State vs. Persistent State
12.3 The Android Activity Lifecycle Methods
12.4 Activity Lifetimes
12.5 Disabling Configuration Change Restarts
12.6 Summary
13. Android Activity State Changes by Example
13.1 Creating the State Change Example Project
13.2 Designing the User Interface
13.3 Overriding the Activity Lifecycle Methods
13.4 Filtering the Logcat Panel
13.5 Running the Application
 13.6 Experimenting with the Activity
13.7 Summary
14. Saving and Restoring the State of an Android Activity
14.1 Saving Dynamic State
14.2 Default Saving of User Interface State
14.3 The Bundle Class
14.4 Saving the State
14.5 Restoring the State
14.6 Testing the Application
14.7 Summary
15. Understanding Android Views, View Groups and Layouts
15.1 Designing for Different Android Devices
15.2 Views and View Groups
15.3 Android Layout Managers
15.4 The View Hierarchy
15.5 Creating User Interfaces
15.6 Summary
16. A Guide to the Android Studio Layout Editor Tool
16.1 Basic vs. Empty Activity Templates
16.2 The Android Studio Layout Editor
16.3 Design Mode
16.4 The Palette
16.5 Pan and Zoom
16.6 Design and Layout Views
16.7 Text Mode
16.8 Setting Attributes
16.9 Configuring Favorite Attributes
16.10 Creating a Custom Device Definition
16.11 Changing the Current Device
16.12 Summary
17. A Guide to the Android ConstraintLayout
17.1 How ConstraintLayout Works
17.1.1 Constraints
17.1.2 Margins
 17.1.3 Opposing Constraints
17.1.4 Constraint Bias
17.1.5 Chains
17.1.6 Chain Styles
17.2 Baseline Alignment
17.3 Working with Guidelines
17.4 Configuring Widget Dimensions
17.5 Working with Barriers
17.6 Ratios
17.7 ConstraintLayout Advantages
17.8 ConstraintLayout Availability
17.9 Summary
18. A Guide to using ConstraintLayout in Android Studio
18.1 Design and Layout Views
18.2 Autoconnect Mode
18.3 Inference Mode
18.4 Manipulating Constraints Manually
18.5 Adding Constraints in the Inspector
18.6 Deleting Constraints
18.7 Adjusting Constraint Bias
18.8 Understanding ConstraintLayout Margins
18.9 The Importance of Opposing Constraints and Bias
18.10 Configuring Widget Dimensions
18.11 Adding Guidelines
18.12 Adding Barriers
18.13 Widget Group Alignment
18.14 Converting other Layouts to ConstraintLayout
18.15 Summary
19. Working with ConstraintLayout Chains and Ratios in Android Studio
19.1 Creating a Chain
19.2 Changing the Chain Style
19.3 Spread Inside Chain Style
19.4 Packed Chain Style
19.5 Packed Chain Style with Bias
19.6 Weighted Chain
 19.7 Working with Ratios
19.8 Summary
20. An Android Studio Layout Editor ConstraintLayout Tutorial
20.1 An Android Studio Layout Editor Tool Example
20.2 Creating a New Activity
20.3 Preparing the Layout Editor Environment
20.4 Adding the Widgets to the User Interface
20.5 Adding the Constraints
20.6 Testing the Layout
20.7 Using the Layout Inspector
20.8 Summary
21. Manual XML Layout Design in Android Studio
21.1 Manually Creating an XML Layout
21.2 Manual XML vs. Visual Layout Design
21.3 Summary
22. Managing Constraints using Constraint Sets
22.1 Java Code vs. XML Layout Files
22.2 Creating Views
22.3 View Attributes
22.4 Constraint Sets
22.4.1 Establishing Connections
22.4.2 Applying Constraints to a Layout
22.4.3 Parent Constraint Connections
22.4.4 Sizing Constraints
22.4.5 Constraint Bias
22.4.6 Alignment Constraints
22.4.7 Copying and Applying Constraint Sets
22.4.8 ConstraintLayout Chains
22.4.9 Guidelines
22.4.10 Removing Constraints
22.4.11 Scaling
22.4.12 Rotation
22.5 Summary
23. An Android ConstraintSet Tutorial
 23.1 Creating the Example Project in Android Studio
23.2 Adding Views to an Activity
23.3 Setting View Attributes
23.4 Creating View IDs
23.5 Configuring the Constraint Set
23.6 Adding the EditText View
23.7 Converting Density Independent Pixels (dp) to Pixels (px)
23.8 Summary
24. A Guide to using Instant Run in Android Studio
24.1 Introducing Instant Run
24.2 Understanding Instant Run Swapping Levels
24.3 Enabling and Disabling Instant Run
24.4 Using Instant Run
24.5 An Instant Run Tutorial
24.6 Triggering an Instant Run Hot Swap
24.7 Triggering an Instant Run Warm Swap
24.8 Triggering an Instant Run Cold Swap
24.9 The Run Button
24.10 Summary
25. An Overview and Example of Android Event Handling
25.1 Understanding Android Events
25.2 Using the android:onClick Resource
25.3 Event Listeners and Callback Methods
25.4 An Event Handling Example
25.5 Designing the User Interface
25.6 The Event Listener and Callback Method
25.7 Consuming Events
25.8 Summary
26. Android Touch and Multi-touch Event Handling
26.1 Intercepting Touch Events
26.2 The MotionEvent Object
26.3 Understanding Touch Actions
26.4 Handling Multiple Touches
26.5 An Example Multi-Touch Application
26.6 Designing the Activity User Interface
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 26.7 Implementing the Touch Event Listener
26.8 Running the Example Application
26.9 Summary
27. Detecting Common Gestures using the Android Gesture Detector
Class
27.1 Implementing Common Gesture Detection
27.2 Creating an Example Gesture Detection Project
27.3 Implementing the Listener Class
27.4 Creating the GestureDetectorCompat Instance
27.5 Implementing the onTouchEvent() Method
27.6 Testing the Application
27.7 Summary
28. Implementing Custom Gesture and Pinch Recognition on Android
28.1 The Android Gesture Builder Application
28.2 The GestureOverlayView Class
28.3 Detecting Gestures
28.4 Identifying Specific Gestures
28.5 Building and Running the Gesture Builder Application
28.6 Creating a Gestures File
28.7 Creating the Example Project
28.8 Extracting the Gestures File from the SD Card
28.9 Adding the Gestures File to the Project
28.10 Designing the User Interface
28.11 Loading the Gestures File
28.12 Registering the Event Listener
28.13 Implementing the onGesturePerformed Method
28.14 Testing the Application
28.15 Configuring the GestureOverlayView
28.16 Intercepting Gestures
28.17 Detecting Pinch Gestures
28.18 A Pinch Gesture Example Project
28.19 Summary
29. An Introduction to Android Fragments
29.1 What is a Fragment?
29.2 Creating a Fragment
 29.3 Adding a Fragment to an Activity using the Layout XML File
29.4 Adding and Managing Fragments in Code
29.5 Handling Fragment Events
29.6 Implementing Fragment Communication
29.7 Summary
30. Using Fragments in Android Studio - An Example
30.1 About the Example Fragment Application
30.2 Creating the Example Project
30.3 Creating the First Fragment Layout
30.4 Creating the First Fragment Class
30.5 Creating the Second Fragment Layout
30.6 Adding the Fragments to the Activity
30.7 Making the Toolbar Fragment Talk to the Activity
30.8 Making the Activity Talk to the Text Fragment
30.9 Testing the Application
30.10 Summary
31. Creating and Managing Overflow Menus on Android
31.1 The Overflow Menu
31.2 Creating an Overflow Menu
31.3 Displaying an Overflow Menu
31.4 Responding to Menu Item Selections
31.5 Creating Checkable Item Groups
31.6 Menus and the Android Studio Menu Editor
31.7 Creating the Example Project
31.8 Designing the Menu
31.9 Modifying the onOptionsItemSelected() Method
31.10 Testing the Application
31.11 Summary
32. Animating User Interfaces with the Android Transitions Framework
32.1 Introducing Android Transitions and Scenes
32.2 Using Interpolators with Transitions
32.3 Working with Scene Transitions
32.4 Custom Transitions and TransitionSets in Code
32.5 Custom Transitions and TransitionSets in XML
32.6 Working with Interpolators
 32.7 Creating a Custom Interpolator
32.8 Using the beginDelayedTransition Method
32.9 Summary
33. An Android Transition Tutorial using beginDelayedTransition
33.1 Creating the Android Studio TransitionDemo Project
33.2 Preparing the Project Files
33.3 Implementing beginDelayedTransition Animation
33.4 Customizing the Transition
33.5 Summary
34. Implementing Android Scene Transitions – A Tutorial
34.1 An Overview of the Scene Transition Project
34.2 Creating the Android Studio SceneTransitions Project
34.3 Identifying and Preparing the Root Container
34.4 Designing the First Scene
34.5 Designing the Second Scene
34.6 Entering the First Scene
34.7 Loading Scene 2
34.8 Implementing the Transitions
34.9 Adding the Transition File
34.10 Loading and Using the Transition Set
34.11 Configuring Additional Transitions
34.12 Summary
35. Working with the Floating Action Button and Snackbar
35.1 The Material Design
35.2 The Design Library
35.3 The Floating Action Button (FAB)
35.4 The Snackbar
35.5 Creating the Example Project
35.6 Reviewing the Project
35.7 Changing the Floating Action Button
35.8 Adding the ListView to the Content Layout
35.9 Adding Items to the ListView
35.10 Adding an Action to the Snackbar
35.11 Summary
36. Creating a Tabbed Interface using the TabLayout Component
36.1 An Introduction to the ViewPager
36.2 An Overview of the TabLayout Component
36.3 Creating the TabLayoutDemo Project
36.4 Creating the First Fragment
36.5 Duplicating the Fragments
36.6 Adding the TabLayout and ViewPager
36.7 Creating the Pager Adapter
36.8 Performing the Initialization Tasks
36.9 Testing the Application
36.10 Customizing the TabLayout
36.11 Displaying Icon Tab Items
36.12 Summary
37. Working with the RecyclerView and CardView Widgets
37.1 An Overview of the RecyclerView
37.2 An Overview of the CardView
37.3 Adding the Libraries to the Project
37.4 Summary
38. An Android RecyclerView and CardView Tutorial
38.1 Creating the CardDemo Project
38.2 Removing the Floating Action Button
38.3 Adding the RecyclerView and CardView Libraries
38.4 Designing the CardView Layout
38.5 Adding the RecyclerView
38.6 Creating the RecyclerView Adapter
38.7 Adding the Image Files
38.8 Initializing the RecyclerView Component
38.9 Testing the Application
38.10 Responding to Card Selections
38.11 Summary
39. Working with the AppBar and Collapsing Toolbar Layouts
39.1 The Anatomy of an AppBar
39.2 The Example Project
39.3 Coordinating the RecyclerView and Toolbar
 39.4 Introducing the Collapsing Toolbar Layout
39.5 Changing the Title and Scrim Color
39.6 Summary
40. Implementing an Android Navigation Drawer
40.1 An Overview of the Navigation Drawer
40.2 Opening and Closing the Drawer
40.3 Responding to Drawer Item Selections
40.4 Using the Navigation Drawer Activity Template
40.5 Creating the Navigation Drawer Template Project
40.6 The Template Layout Resource Files
40.7 The Header Coloring Resource File
40.8 The Template Menu Resource File
40.9 The Template Code
40.10 Running the App
40.11 Summary
41. An Android Studio Master/Detail Flow Tutorial
41.1 The Master/Detail Flow
41.2 Creating a Master/Detail Flow Activity
41.3 The Anatomy of the Master/Detail Flow Template
41.4 Modifying the Master/Detail Flow Template
41.5 Changing the Content Model
41.6 Changing the Detail Pane
41.7 Modifying the WebsiteDetailFragment Class
41.8 Modifying the WebsiteListActivity Class
41.9 Adding Manifest Permissions
41.10 Running the Application
41.11 Summary
42. An Overview of Android Intents
42.1 An Overview of Intents
42.2 Explicit Intents
42.3 Returning Data from an Activity
42.4 Implicit Intents
42.5 Using Intent Filters
42.6 Checking Intent Availability
42.7 Summary
43. Android Explicit Intents – A Worked Example
43.1 Creating the Explicit Intent Example Application
43.2 Designing the User Interface Layout for ActivityA
43.3 Creating the Second Activity Class
43.4 Designing the User Interface Layout for ActivityB
43.5 Reviewing the Application Manifest File
43.6 Creating the Intent
43.7 Extracting Intent Data
43.8 Launching ActivityB as a Sub-Activity
43.9 Returning Data from a Sub-Activity
43.10 Testing the Application
43.11 Summary
44. Android Implicit Intents – A Worked Example
44.1 Creating the Android Studio Implicit Intent Example Project
44.2 Designing the User Interface
44.3 Creating the Implicit Intent
44.4 Adding a Second Matching Activity
44.5 Adding the Web View to the UI
44.6 Obtaining the Intent URL
44.7 Modifying the MyWebView Project Manifest File
44.8 Installing the MyWebView Package on a Device
44.9 Testing the Application
44.10 Summary
45. Android Broadcast Intents and Broadcast Receivers
45.1 An Overview of Broadcast Intents
45.2 An Overview of Broadcast Receivers
45.3 Obtaining Results from a Broadcast
45.4 Sticky Broadcast Intents
45.5 The Broadcast Intent Example
45.6 Creating the Example Application
45.7 Creating and Sending the Broadcast Intent
45.8 Creating the Broadcast Receiver
45.9 Registering the Broadcast Receiver
45.10 Testing the Broadcast Example
45.11 Listening for System Broadcasts
 45.12 Summary
46. A Basic Overview of Threads and AsyncTasks
46.1 An Overview of Threads
46.2 The Application Main Thread
46.3 Thread Handlers
46.4 A Basic AsyncTask Example
46.5 Subclassing AsyncTask
46.6 Testing the App
46.7 Canceling a Task
46.8 Summary
47. An Overview of Android Started and Bound Services
47.1 Started Services
47.2 Intent Service
47.3 Bound Service
47.4 The Anatomy of a Service
47.5 Controlling Destroyed Service Restart Options
47.6 Declaring a Service in the Manifest File
47.7 Starting a Service Running on System Startup
47.8 Summary
48. Implementing an Android Started Service – A Worked Example
48.1 Creating the Example Project
48.2 Creating the Service Class
48.3 Adding the Service to the Manifest File
48.4 Starting the Service
48.5 Testing the IntentService Example
48.6 Using the Service Class
48.7 Creating the New Service
48.8 Modifying the User Interface
48.9 Running the Application
48.10 Creating an AsyncTask for Service Tasks
48.11 Summary
49. Android Local Bound Services – A Worked Example
49.1 Understanding Bound Services
49.2 Bound Service Interaction Options
 49.3 An Android Studio Local Bound Service Example
49.4 Adding a Bound Service to the Project
49.5 Implementing the Binder
49.6 Binding the Client to the Service
49.7 Completing the Example
49.8 Testing the Application
49.9 Summary
50. Android Remote Bound Services – A Worked Example
50.1 Client to Remote Service Communication
50.2 Creating the Example Application
50.3 Designing the User Interface
50.4 Implementing the Remote Bound Service
50.5 Configuring a Remote Service in the Manifest File
50.6 Launching and Binding to the Remote Service
50.7 Sending a Message to the Remote Service
50.8 Summary
51. An Android 8 Notifications Tutorial
51.1 An Overview of Notifications
51.2 Creating the NotifyDemo Project
51.3 Designing the User Interface
51.4 Creating the Second Activity
51.5 Creating a Notification Channel
51.6 Creating and Issuing a Basic Notification
51.7 Launching an Activity from a Notification
51.8 Adding Actions to a Notification
51.9 Bundled Notifications
51.10 Summary
52. An Android 8 Direct Reply Notification Tutorial
52.1 Creating the DirectReply Project
52.2 Designing the User Interface
52.3 Creating the Notification Channel
52.4 Building the RemoteInput Object
52.5 Creating the PendingIntent
52.6 Creating the Reply Action
52.7 Receiving Direct Reply Input
 52.8 Updating the Notification
52.9 Summary
53. An Introduction to Android Multi-Window Support
53.1 Split-Screen, Freeform and Picture-in-Picture Modes
53.2 Entering Multi-Window Mode
53.3 Enabling Freeform Support
53.4 Checking for Freeform Support
53.5 Enabling Multi-Window Support in an App
53.6 Specifying Multi-Window Attributes
53.7 Detecting Multi-Window Mode in an Activity
53.8 Receiving Multi-Window Notifications
53.9 Launching an Activity in Multi-Window Mode
53.10 Configuring Freeform Activity Size and Position
53.11 Summary
54. An Android Studio Multi-Window Split-Screen and Freeform Tutorial
54.1 Creating the Multi-Window Project
54.2 Designing the FirstActivity User Interface
54.3 Adding the Second Activity
54.4 Launching the Second Activity
54.5 Enabling Multi-Window Mode
54.6 Testing Multi-Window Support
54.7 Launching the Second Activity in a Different Window
54.8 Summary
55. An Overview of Android SQLite Databases
55.1 Understanding Database Tables
55.2 Introducing Database Schema
55.3 Columns and Data Types
55.4 Database Rows
55.5 Introducing Primary Keys
55.6 What is SQLite?
55.7 Structured Query Language (SQL)
55.8 Trying SQLite on an Android Virtual Device (AVD)
55.9 Android SQLite Classes
55.9.1 Cursor
55.9.2 SQLiteDatabase
 55.9.3 SQLiteOpenHelper
55.9.4 ContentValues
55.10 Summary
56. An Android TableLayout and TableRow Tutorial
56.1 The TableLayout and TableRow Layout Views
56.2 Creating the Database Project
56.3 Adding the TableLayout to the User Interface
56.4 Configuring the TableRows
56.5 Adding the Button Bar to the Layout
56.6 Adjusting the Layout Margins
56.7 Summary
57. An Android SQLite Database Tutorial
57.1 About the Database Example
57.2 Creating the Data Model
57.3 Implementing the Data Handler
57.3.1 The Add Handler Method
57.3.2 The Query Handler Method
57.3.3 The Delete Handler Method
57.4 Implementing the Activity Event Methods
57.5 Testing the Application
57.6 Summary
58. Understanding Android Content Providers
58.1 What is a Content Provider?
58.2 The Content Provider
58.2.1 onCreate()
58.2.2 query()
58.2.3 insert()
58.2.4 update()
58.2.5 delete()
58.2.6 getType()
58.3 The Content URI
58.4 The Content Resolver
58.5 The <provider> Manifest Element
58.6 Summary
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59. Implementing an Android Content Provider in Android Studio
59.1 Copying the Database Project
59.2 Adding the Content Provider Package
59.3 Creating the Content Provider Class
59.4 Constructing the Authority and Content URI
59.5 Implementing URI Matching in the Content Provider
59.6 Implementing the Content Provider onCreate() Method
59.7 Implementing the Content Provider insert() Method
59.8 Implementing the Content Provider query() Method
59.9 Implementing the Content Provider update() Method
59.10 Implementing the Content Provider delete() Method
59.11 Declaring the Content Provider in the Manifest File
59.12 Modifying the Database Handler
59.13 Summary
60. Accessing Cloud Storage using the Android Storage Access Framework
60.1 The Storage Access Framework
60.2 Working with the Storage Access Framework
60.3 Filtering Picker File Listings
60.4 Handling Intent Results
60.5 Reading the Content of a File
60.6 Writing Content to a File
60.7 Deleting a File
60.8 Gaining Persistent Access to a File
60.9 Summary
61. An Android Storage Access Framework Example
61.1 About the Storage Access Framework Example
61.2 Creating the Storage Access Framework Example
61.3 Designing the User Interface
61.4 Declaring Request Codes
61.5 Creating a New Storage File
61.6 The onActivityResult() Method
61.7 Saving to a Storage File
61.8 Opening and Reading a Storage File
61.9 Testing the Storage Access Application
61.10 Summary
62. Implementing Video Playback on Android using the VideoView and
MediaController Classes
62.1 Introducing the Android VideoView Class
62.2 Introducing the Android MediaController Class
62.3 Creating the Video Playback Example
62.4 Designing the VideoPlayer Layout
62.5 Configuring the VideoView
62.6 Adding Internet Permission
62.7 Adding the MediaController to the Video View
62.8 Setting up the onPreparedListener
62.9 Summary
63. Android Picture-in-Picture Mode
63.1 Picture-in-Picture Features
63.2 Enabling Picture-in-Picture Mode
63.3 Configuring Picture-in-Picture Parameters
63.4 Entering Picture-in-Picture Mode
63.5 Detecting Picture-in-Picture Mode Changes
63.6 Adding Picture-in-Picture Actions
63.7 Summary
64. An Android Picture-in-Picture Tutorial
64.1 Changing the Minimum SDK Setting
64.2 Adding Picture-in-Picture Support to the Manifest
64.3 Adding a Picture-in-Picture Button
64.4 Entering Picture-in-Picture Mode
64.5 Detecting Picture-in-Picture Mode Changes
64.6 Adding a Broadcast Receiver
64.7 Adding the PiP Action
64.8 Testing the Picture-in-Picture Action
64.9 Summary
65. Video Recording and Image Capture on Android using Camera Intents
65.1 Checking for Camera Support
65.2 Calling the Video Capture Intent
65.3 Calling the Image Capture Intent
65.4 Creating an Android Studio Video Recording Project
 65.5 Designing the User Interface Layout
65.6 Checking for the Camera
65.7 Launching the Video Capture Intent
65.8 Handling the Intent Return
65.9 Testing the Application
65.10 Summary
66. Making Runtime Permission Requests in Android
66.1 Understanding Normal and Dangerous Permissions
66.2 Creating the Permissions Example Project
66.3 Checking for a Permission
66.4 Requesting Permission at Runtime
66.5 Providing a Rationale for the Permission Request
66.6 Testing the Permissions App
66.7 Summary
67. Android Audio Recording and Playback using MediaPlayer and
MediaRecorder
67.1 Playing Audio
67.2 Recording Audio and Video using the MediaRecorder Class
67.3 About the Example Project
67.4 Creating the AudioApp Project
67.5 Designing the User Interface
67.6 Checking for Microphone Availability
67.7 Performing the Activity Initialization
67.8 Implementing the recordAudio() Method
67.9 Implementing the stopAudio() Method
67.10 Implementing the playAudio() method
67.11 Configuring and Requesting Permissions
67.12 Testing the Application
67.13 Summary
68. Working with the Google Maps Android API in Android Studio
68.1 The Elements of the Google Maps Android API
68.2 Creating the Google Maps Project
68.3 Obtaining Your Developer Signature
68.4 Testing the Application
68.5 Understanding Geocoding and Reverse Geocoding
 68.6 Adding a Map to an Application
68.7 Requesting Current Location Permission
68.8 Displaying the User’s Current Location
68.9 Changing the Map Type
68.10 Displaying Map Controls to the User
68.11 Handling Map Gesture Interaction
68.11.1 Map Zooming Gestures
68.11.2 Map Scrolling/Panning Gestures
68.11.3 Map Tilt Gestures
68.11.4 Map Rotation Gestures
68.12 Creating Map Markers
68.13 Controlling the Map Camera
68.14 Summary
69. Printing with the Android Printing Framework
69.1 The Android Printing Architecture
69.2 The Print Service Plugins
69.3 Google Cloud Print
69.4 Printing to Google Drive
69.5 Save as PDF
69.6 Printing from Android Devices
69.7 Options for Building Print Support into Android Apps
69.7.1 Image Printing
69.7.2 Creating and Printing HTML Content
69.7.3 Printing a Web Page
69.7.4 Printing a Custom Document
69.8 Summary
70. An Android HTML and Web Content Printing Example
70.1 Creating the HTML Printing Example Application
70.2 Printing Dynamic HTML Content
70.3 Creating the Web Page Printing Example
70.4 Removing the Floating Action Button
70.5 Designing the User Interface Layout
70.6 Loading the Web Page into the WebView
70.7 Adding the Print Menu Option
70.8 Summary
71. A Guide to Android Custom Document Printing
71.1 An Overview of Android Custom Document Printing
71.1.1 Custom Print Adapters
71.2 Preparing the Custom Document Printing Project
71.3 Creating the Custom Print Adapter
71.4 Implementing the onLayout() Callback Method
71.5 Implementing the onWrite() Callback Method
71.6 Checking a Page is in Range
71.7 Drawing the Content on the Page Canvas
71.8 Starting the Print Job
71.9 Testing the Application
71.10 Summary
72. An Introduction to Android App Links
72.1 An Overview of Android App Links
72.2 App Link Intent Filters
72.3 Handling App Link Intents
72.4 Associating the App with a Website
72.5 Summary
73. An Android Studio App Links Tutorial
73.1 About the Example App
73.2 The Database Schema
73.3 Loading and Running the Project
73.4 Adding the URL Mapping
73.5 Adding the Intent Filter
73.6 Adding Intent Handling Code
73.7 Testing the App Link
73.8 Associating an App Link with a Web Site
73.9 Summary
74. An Introduction to Android Instant Apps
74.1 An Overview of Android Instant Apps
74.2 Instant App Feature Modules
74.3 Instant App Project Structure
74.4 The Application and Feature Build Plugins
74.5 Installing the Instant Apps Development SDK
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prepared for the union of Church and State, and the subordination of
the latter to the former, whensoever "prudence" shall warrant him or
his successors in commanding it. If this does not propose to erect an
alien and antagonistic Government within ours, upon the principle
that "the Church is not in the State, but the State in the Church," it
would require the introduction into our language of a new set of
words to tell its meaning. That it makes religion the pretext for
gradually undermining our civil institutions, any man can see who
has intelligence enough to travel away from home without an
attendant. Those engaged in this work—no matter who they are or
where—are the sappers and miners of an aggressive army. At the
command of the pope and Jesuit general—both in Rome—they are
striving, day and night, to reduce the whole body of our Roman
Catholic population—from the bulk of whom they conceal their actual
purpose—to the low and humiliating attitude of Jesuit emissaries,
with no sentiments, opinions, or thoughts of their own, but the mere
silent, passive, and uninquiring slaves of papal and imperial
authority.
After laying down the foregoing general propositions, based upon
the teachings of the "Holy Doctor" and "Angel of the Schools,"
Balmes—guided by the same authority—proceeds to explain the
circumstances which justify resistance to the civil authority of
Governments. In order to make himself explicit upon this important
subject, he designates a class of Governments which he calls de
facto; that is, such as are formed by revolution against legitimate
authority, and are able to maintain their existence against all
opposition, like that of the United States. These, according to him,
have no right to exact obedience to their civil authority or laws,
merely because of the fact of their existence. Not having been
founded upon the principles of the divine law, as defined by the
infallible popes, and, consequently, not being de jure, they are to be
regarded as illegitimate; and, on that account, no obligation of
obedience to them, in so far as they violate the divine law, can be
created even by an oath of allegiance. They are only to be obeyed
"from motives of prudence," until de jure or legitimate Governments
can be substituted for them. In his view, a Government which
possesses the right to require and enforce obedience to its laws,
must have the legitimate authority to command; and this it can not
acquire unless it conforms to the divine law as the pope shall define
it. "Consummated facts"—that is, the actual existence of an
independent de facto Government—can not confer this right, no
matter how well and permanently established it may be. The period
of its duration, whether long or short, is of no consequence; for, by
the Canon law doctrine of prescription, no length of time can be set
up against the Church or the pope. Nevertheless, as those who pay
obedience to the pope are sometimes compelled to live under the
protection of what he calls de facto and not under de jure
Governments, he recommends Jesuitical obedience to them although
illegitimate, because "resistance would be useless," and "would only
lead to new disorders." It must be observed, however, that this
obedience involves policy and expediency merely, and not the
obligation of duty. It is only to be yielded when unavoidable, in
consequence of the fact that the illegitimate authority is too strong
and well-established to be overcome. It would be otherwise if it
were too feeble to defend itself against aggression. And to enforce
these doctrines and principles more thoroughly as religious dogmas,
he states the fact that when the Archbishop of Palmyra wrote a book
to prove "that the mere fact of a Government's existence is sufficient
for enforcing the obedience of subjects," the "work was forbidden at
Rome," and placed, of course, upon the Prohibitory Index.[221]
He refers very sparingly to the methods of resisting illegitimate or de
facto Governments. As the exponent of doctrines approved by the
Jesuits, the infallibility of the pope was accepted by him as the
doctrine of the Church, although it had never been so decreed or
accepted by the whole Church. This was necessary to his main
premise, which was that as the pope represented God on earth, all
the power of the Church must, from necessity, be centered in him,
so that whatsoever he declared the divine law to be must be
assented to as such by all the faithful. If the pope possessed that
power then, he possesses it more emphatically now, since his
infallibility has been made a part of the faith, and, therefore, all who
accept that doctrine are bound to do whatsoever he shall command
with reference to submitting to or resisting the constitutions and
laws of civil governments whensoever his jurisdiction, as he defines
it, shall be invaded by them. Consequently, the true Church teaching
is, that the pope alone is permitted, as the sole earthly interpreter of
the divine law, to decide whether Governments are de jure or de
facto, and what constitutions and laws are to be obeyed or
disobeyed; and no appeal is allowed from his decision. With this final
arbiter of the fate and destiny of nations constantly present to guide
the faithful, through the agency of a vigilant and watchful hierarchy,
the teachings of Thomas Aquinas, the Jesuits, and divers popes,
they are required to cultivate, with the utmost diligence, the habit of
obedience to papal authority, so as to keep themselves in constant
preparation for future emergencies. What those emergencies shall
be will depend upon the progressive Governments themselves, and,
in this country, upon the people; who should not, even seemingly,
acquiesce in any measures of either Church or State, priests or
laymen, which shall unsettle or endanger any of the fundamental
principles upon which their civil institutions are planted. There is no
room in this country which can be appropriated as a burial-place for
popular government; but there is room for the still further
outspreading of the influences of the form of government which is
now sending its light over the world, advancing civilization where it
exists, and creating it where it does not.
Gathering the papal doctrines from these sources, authoritatively
commanded by Leo XIII to be considered as the foundation of all
Roman Catholic education, a man must stultify himself not to see
that the fundamental principles of our Government can not enter
into and become a part of that education. The Roman Catholic youth
are forbidden by the papal system from accepting as true the
principles of the Declaration of Independence, or of the Constitution
of the United States. Both of these instruments would have to be
excluded from Roman Catholic schools, or the pope be disobeyed. Or
if introduced there, the pupils would have to be taught that they
contain irreligious principles, which the Church had always
condemned, and still condemns. The Jesuit preceptor would tell
them that the American Revolution was a sin in itself, because it was
rebellion against the existing principles of monarchical government,
which alone have the divine approval; that all men are not created
free and equal, because some are born to command, and others to
obey; that governments do not derive their just powers from the
consent of the governed, but the multitude of the governed are
bound to obey their superiors, and they the pope; and that when
our fathers appealed to "Divine Providence" for the support of our
national independence, their appeal was blasphemous, because the
pope, who represents God on earth, has anathematized the
principles they have announced. And with the Declaration of
Independence thus disposed of, they would be further instructed
that the first article of the amendments to the Constitution is null
and void, because it is the duty of the Government to establish the
Roman Catholic religion by law, inasmuch as it is the only true
religion ever revealed, and the Protestant religions are false and
heretical; that these false religions ought to be prohibited by law,
and that the freedom of speech and of the press should be so far
restrained as not to allow the Roman Catholic religion to be assailed,
the authority which the pope claims for himself to be questioned, or
the Roman Catholic priesthood to be subjected, like other people, to
obedience to the public laws.
Upon the great work of building for themselves and us a
Government based upon the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution of the United States, our fathers entered, as we verily
believe, under the protection of Divine Providence. Are we prepared
to have the youth of this country taught that this is such delusion as
can only exist in the minds of "the dreamers of unprofitable
dreams?" Unless we are, we must discard the advice of any alien
power, either spiritual or temporal, hostile to the progressive spirit
which has thus far assured our growth and greatness, and promises
still greater progress and development in the future. A century of
experience has taught us that the founders of our Government were
not only skillful builders, but wise and prudent counselors. When
they shunned the pathways along which other nations had wrecked
their fortunes, they, as we believe, displayed a degree of wisdom
never excelled in the previous history of the world, by building up a
system of secular government which centers in the hands of the
people—a free, intelligent, and patriotic people—entire sovereignty
over the laws. There can be no attack upon any material part of that
system, without assailing this popular sovereignty, and denying to
the people the right of self-government.
When, therefore, we are told—as the Jesuits now tell us—that these
secular institutions created by our fathers are sinful and heretical,
because they violate the divine law as Leo XIII, Pius IX, and Gregory
XVI, in our own time, and numerous other popes before them, have
defined that law, we are confronted by the alternative of either
resisting this assault in some effective method becoming to
ourselves, or of consenting to the papal policy of retrogression,
which proposes to lead us back into a condition of humiliating
dependence upon an alien power which teaches that popular
governments contravene the divine law, and have the curse of God
resting upon them. We are no longer left to surmise this, or to draw
inferences with regard to it, which may be ingeniously and
Jesuitically met by the pretense that they proceed from Protestant
prejudices. The doors have been thrown open so wide by our
liberalism and toleration that the ultimate end which the papacy
seeks after is not brooded over in silence as it formerly was, but is
plainly and distinctly avowed, so that it will be our own fault if we
fail to discover the points at which our civil institutions are assailed.
Our Government has been so well and wisely constructed that it
does not interfere, in any respect whatsoever, with the freedom of
conscience. On the contrary, it is protected by constitutional
guarantees, which we preserve with the most assiduous care. But
the papal assailants of some of its most cherished principles avail
themselves of this freedom to justify their united exertions to restore
the temporal power of the pope, well knowing that if that can be
accomplished so that his authority could be established here, as they
desire it to be, he would exercise his prerogative right to deny this
same freedom of conscience to all except those obedient to himself,
and would arraign us at the bar of the Roman Curia, because under
our constitutional guarantees we tolerate all the varieties of religious
belief.
Without the least disguise, these same assailants openly declare
their purpose not to slacken their efforts until our system of popular
education is entirely uprooted from the foundation, and our public
schools are converted into papal conventicles, where the disciples of
Loyola shall have supreme rule and be permitted to plant the
principles and theological doctrines of Thomas Aquinas in every
youthful mind. This accomplished, they would expect that the
coming generations, instead of deriving patriotic instruction from the
example of those who founded the Republic, would bow their heads
in absolute and uninquiring obedience to all the doctrines and
dogmas of the pope—substitute the decrees and encyclicals of the
popes and the Canon law of Rome for the Constitution and laws of
the United States—and, discarding entirely the admonitions of our
Revolutionary fathers, would accept as infallibly true whatsoever the
pope should declare concerning the relations between the spiritual
and the temporal powers; that is, between the Church and the
State.
In this work of plucking out every germ of patriotism which
instinctively grows and bears fruit in youthful minds, the Jesuits have
been experts, ever since Julius III and Loyola established a college
at Rome to teach treason to the German youth. Time and practice
have increased their skill, and their disappointment at being
compelled to witness the triumph of Protestantism, while they have
become fugitives among the nations, has intensified their hatred of
all free and independent Governments. Leo XIII—not forgetful of his
own early training—has signified his purpose to select them as the
educators of American youth, so that they may be trained in the
religious belief that our national independence is leading us to
"libertinism" and ruin; and that they can only serve God rightly by
forgetting home and country, and by plucking out from their minds
all sense of personal manhood and every ennobling quality; so that,
instead of becoming influential citizens of a free and progressive
country, they may fit themselves for "uninquiring obedience" to a
foreign and alien power, as the Jesuits themselves have done. This
country, so blessed by the abundant fruits of the Reformation and of
popular government, must not be permitted to turn back to the old
paths, which papal and imperial despotism has filled with pitfalls.
The principles of the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution of the United States must not be supplanted by papal
and Jesuit dogmas—such as have been set forth by the ambitious
popes and by Loyola, in order to secure the complete triumph of
monarchism over popular liberty.
The sentiment of patriotism is well-nigh universal among the people
of the United States—Roman Catholics as well as Protestants. The
former have the same desire as the latter to participate in making
the laws that govern them. Their Italian brethren had this desire so
intensely that they resorted to revolution, and thus secured it in the
only possible way by abolishing the pope's temporal power. Why,
then, should they be urged, with such untiring tenacity, to restore
again this temporal power and revive its evils? Why should it be
demanded of them that they organize into a politico-religious party,
obedient to a papal envoy from Rome, and pledged under the
solemn obligations of religious duty to reverse the judgment of their
Italian brethren, and fasten upon them a burden they have thrown
off? Why should they be required to accept a religion which teaches
that mankind are by nature unequal, with some born for dominion
and the multitude for obedience only? Why should they be
commanded to treat as sinful and heretical civil institutions which
now protect them and increase their temporal happiness? Why
should it be continually sounded in their ears that the divorce of the
State from the Church, religious liberty, the freedom of speech and
of the press, are such offenses against the divine law as must not be
condoned in this life, and will not be forgiven in the next?
These questions are not idle, but are full of meaning to those to
whom they are addressed, and could be multiplied almost
indefinitely. They are sufficiently suggestive to show—what there are
few so blind as not to see—that the existing agitation about the
rights of the Church, and the passionate declamation employed by
the Jesuits to maintain it, have but a single object—the re-
conversion of the pope into a temporal and imperial ruler of the
Italian people, against their consent. This—with these agitators—
must be accomplished at every hazard, no matter what other
consequences may follow. It is inculcated as religious duty, which
can not be neglected without disobeying God! All the obedient,
therefore, are commanded to take part in it, in disregard of all
human laws forbidding the people of one nation from interfering
with the domestic affairs of another. The reverend author of the
pope's biography—speaking for and by the express authority of Leo
XIII himself—says that the abolition of the temporal power "is an
international wrong which all Catholics are bound to denounce and
oppose until it is done away with."[222] This is the command of the
pope, authoritatively uttered in imperial tones. It is sent out to all
the Roman Catholics throughout the world, who are required by it to
defy the laws of the countries which protect them, because they are
mere human laws, and to restore absolute monarchism to the pope,
because the divine law provides that mankind shall be ruled by kings
and not by themselves.
The Roman Catholic part of our population are seemingly content as
they are, in their peaceful and quiet homes, where, with their wives
and children around them, they are secured by Protestant laws in
the right to worship God unmolested and according to their own
consciences, as well as in their pursuit after happiness and
prosperity. Are they prepared to place all this in jeopardy, to minister
to the pride and vanity of those who assume to be their rulers, who
know nothing of domestic joys, or peaceful homes, or such
sympathetic affections as grow out of the tenderest relations of life,
or of the laughter and chattering of innocent children, which make
the heart glad? All the means that learning and eloquence and
authority can employ will be invoked to make them so; and it is
considered one of the most effectual of these to instruct them—as
the pope's biographer does with singular complacency—that the
Church at Rome has been always found upon the side of free
thought in religion and popular self-government in civil affairs! And
to maintain this marvelous assertion, he boastingly claims that the
great English Magna Charta—the foundation of our civil and religious
liberty—was written "with a Catholic pen;"[223] when he must have
known, and undoubtedly did know, that Innocent III—who claimed,
as Leo XIII does, to be "God's vicegerent," with the apostolic power
to build and destroy nations, to plant and overthrow kingdoms—
cursed and anathematized that charter because, as he said, it
violated the divine law; declared it to be null and void for that
reason; excommunicated its authors and defenders as heretics; and
said that if that charter had been carried to Rome it would have
been consumed in flames kindled by a common hangman, as would
also have been the bodies of the earls and barons who extorted it
from a craven-hearted king. The decree abolishing the temporal
power of the pope was also written by a Catholic pen.
Nevertheless, it is true—and no fair-minded man will deny it—that
there have been multitudes of Roman Catholics in all parts of the
world who have been intense lovers of civil and religious liberty, and
who have defended their cause with courage and fidelity. There are
many of these in the United States—men who every day feel the
warm and friendly grasp of Protestant hands. With all patriotic
Americans the welfare of these is close akin to their own. But how
many of these have been found upon the papal throne, or among
those who claim the divine right to dictate the religion of the world,
and exact implicit obedience from its professors? The echo which
comes back from the pages of history is—How many? If Leo XIII is
one of them, the announcement of a fact so important to the world
should come from himself, not from others who exhibit no letter of
authority which commissions them to retract, in his name, his well-
matured and frequently-expressed official opinions. If he has—now
that his mind has become matured by the reflections of a long and
well-spent life—found that the separation of Church and State and
the freedom of religious belief are not violative of the divine law; if
he has become convinced that a government "for the people, of the
people, and by the people," like that of the United States, is not
heretical,—then let the announcement of these facts come directly
and authoritatively from the Vatican. There are multitudes of Roman
Catholics in this country whose hearts would leap with intense joy at
such an announcement, and Protestants would hail it as a sure
harbinger of future concord, peace, and quiet among all classes of
professing Christians, such as existed among the Protestants and
Roman Catholics of Germany before the social atmosphere was
contaminated by the poison of Jesuitism. Thousands who are
inclined to acknowledge the pope's authority over their consciences,
within the proper circle of his spiritual domain, would prize an
encyclical to that effect, as if each letter were of gold or precious
stones, because it would prove to the world that Pius IX was moved
only by his own impulsive nature and excited imagination when he
declared that the papacy could not become reconciled to, "and agree
with, progress, liberalism, and civilization" as they prevail among the
modern nations. But until this has been done—regularly and
authoritatively—he must be judged alone by the record he has
made, and of which his enthusiastic admirers boast as if every word
uttered by him was written with the pen of an angel. If the
Protestants of the United States still find in these either an open or
concealed attack upon the most cherished principles of their
Government—the separation of the State from the Church, the
freedom of religious belief, of speech, and of the press, the popular
right of self-government—they can not be rightfully accused of
intolerance when they announce their determination to stand by and
maintain these principles to the last. This they must and will do, as
their fathers did before, against all the combined powers of the
world, no matter from what arsenals their adversaries shall draw
their weapons. Nor should they forget that "eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty."
 FOOTNOTES:
[212] Life of Leo XIII. By O'Reilly. Page 151.
[213] De Montor, Vol. I, p. 495.
[214] O'Reilly, pp. 482-483.
[215] Balmes, pp. 411-412.
[216] Ibid., p.v.
[217] Ibid., p. 320.
[218] Balmes, p. 326.
[219] Balmes, p. 328.
[220] Balmes, pp. 329-330.
[221] Balmes, p. 333.
[222] Life of Leo XIII. By O'Reilly. Page 471.
[223] Life of Leo XIII. By O'Reilly. Page 409.

CHAPTER XXIII.
PAPAL INFALLIBILITY.
There are few things so important to the people of the United States
as that they shall intelligently understand what consequences will
inevitably follow the successful termination of Mgr. Satolli's mission
to this country in his capacity of deputy-pope. If he shall succeed in
breaking down our system of common schools, or in drawing away
from them all the children of our Roman Catholic citizens, and in the
general or partial substitution of the papal for the American system
of education, what will follow? There is but one answer to this
question, which is, that religion will be taught in the schools; not the
religion of Christ, or the apostles, or the martyrs, or that which
prevailed throughout the Christian world for the first five hundred
years of our era—up till the fall of the Roman Empire—but that
which originated in the ambition of emperors and popes, and
culminated in such a union, of Church and State as required that the
popes should be temporal monarchs, with plenary power to rule over
the consciences of mankind. That is what Leo XIII is striving after,
and what he has sent Mgr. Satolli to the United States to accomplish.
And it was to achieve this that Pius VII united with the arbitrary
monarchs of the "Holy Alliance," and re-established the Jesuits; and
Pius IX forced through the Vatican Council of 1870 the decree which
declares that all the popes who have ever lived and all who shall
hereafter live, are, and must be, absolutely infallible. This doctrine of
papal infallibility, therefore, is hereafter to constitute the great
fundamental feature in every system of Roman Catholic education,
the central fact from which all intellectual culture shall radiate, as the
rays of light do from the sun. What it is requires no learning to
explain, and what effect it would have upon our institutions, if
taught in all our schools, it does not require the spirit of prophecy to
foretell. That it would undermine and destroy them is as palpable as
that poison diffused throughout the body will, if not removed,
produce death.
The struggle between the popes—that is, the papacy—and the
Church as an organized body of Christian people, for a conciliar
decree of the pope's infallibility, was continued through a period of
more than a thousand years, during which some popes exercised it
without authority as a cover for persecution, and to justify their
unlimited ambition; others to assure themselves of impunity in the
commission of enormous crimes; while others, influenced by honest
Christian instinct and sentiment, repudiated and condemned it as
demoralizing and antichristian. The Church suffered most when this
struggle was at its highest, as is evidenced by the seventy years'
residence of the popes at Avignon; the forty years' schism; the claim
of the pontifical seat by John XXII, Gregory XII, and Benedict XIII,
at the same time; the imprisonment of John XXII by the Council of
Constance; the burning of Huss and Jerome at the stake; and the
general demoralization of the clergy, to say nothing of other things
with which all intelligent readers of ecclesiastical history are familiar.
When the Church recovered from these and other afflictions, it
would be tedious to enumerate; it was done by the influence of the
good and unambitious popes, together with that of the great body of
its membership, who combined to rebuke the claim of infallibility,
because it was founded upon the vain assumption that a mere man,
with the passions and impulses of other men, was the equal of God
in wisdom and authority.
When this decree was obtained by Pius IX from the Vatican Council,
twenty-three years ago, the Jesuits won their proudest triumph since
their restoration. It made no difference with them, or with Pius IX,
or with their obedient followers, that Clement XIV was decreed to
have been also infallible when he suppressed them by a solemn
pontifical decree, reciting how they had disturbed the peace of the
Church and of the nations by their multitude of iniquities, nor how
one act of infallibility could be set aside and abrogated by another.
Not even a single thought was incited by so inconsequential a matter
as this, because everything was centered in the great object of
achieving a triumph over liberalism and modern progress, upon the
Jesuit theory that "the end justifies the means." Pius IX was present
in the Council, and one of the enthusiastic defenders of the decree
afterwards gave full vent to his extraordinary imaginings by declaring
that the souls of all present were "overwhelmed by the brilliant
effulgence of the sun of righteousness and eternal truth, reflected
to-day from one greater than Moses, the very vicar of Christ Jesus
himself."[224] It is not surprising that an author like this should have
become the historian of such a Council, but it is a little so that his
book should have been published in this country about two years
after, in a form so cheap as to assure it a large circulation among our
Roman Catholic population. The motive of this, however, manifestly
was that the volume should become educational in the papal
schools, to take the place of the histories which point out the
advantages we have derived from Protestantism, and at the same
time stamp the impression upon the minds of old and young, that
the pope, as the only guardian and dictator of true Christian faith is
and must continue to be—no matter whether as a man he possesses
good qualities or bad—a "greater man than Moses," because he is
infallible and Moses was not. This character of the work is well
established by the fact that, among the deplorable evils of the times,
it specifies the usurpation of the education of youth "by unbelieving
seculars;" that is, by those who, notwithstanding their professions,
know nothing of true religion because they are Protestants; and by
the further fact that the chief remedy for these evils pointed out by
him is the establishment of the "pope's sovereign power over the
world;" and by the still additional fact that, when referring to those
Roman Catholics who live under the protection of Protestant
institutions, he adds: "The Church has ever regarded it as a matter
of importance that the laws of those civil powers, to which her
spiritual children are subjected, should be formed in perfect
accordance with her own laws;"[225] that is, that as the pope has at
last, after more than a thousand years of hard struggle, been
decreed to be infallible, they shall not be considered by "the faithful"
as binding upon their consciences unless approved by him. And
then, establishing it as the foundation-stone upon which the
superstructure of the papal system rests, that the Church "has ever
proved herself the most powerful bulwark of the temporal power of
temporal princes," he proceeds to instruct those who had not then
learned what was meant by the pope's infallibility, in what sense the
Church expected them to accept it. His words should sink deeply into
the mind of every citizen of this country who desires to know what
principles of government would be instilled into the minds of
American youth if Mgr. Satolli and his Jesuit allies should succeed in
destroying our common schools, and substituting for them parochial
or religious schools. Here is what he says:
"The Church may not wish to interfere in the purely secular concerns
of other States, or in the enactment of purely secular laws, for the
government of foreign subjects, but she claims a right, and a right
divine, to prevent any secular law, or power, being exercised for the
injury of religion, the destruction of morals, and the spiritual ruin of
her children. She claims a right to supervise such laws, to support,
their use, if salutary, to control their abuse. In the domain of morals,
it is the province of the Church to reign. Wherever there is moral
responsibility, it is her prerogative, by divine commission, to guide
and to govern, to sanction, to command, or to condemn, to reward
merit, and to punish moral delinquency."[226]
And, in further definition of infallibility, he says:
"The Council will vindicate its authority over the world, and prove its
right, founded on a divine commission, to enter most intimately into
all the spiritual concerns of the world; to supervise the acts of the
king, the diplomatist, the philosopher, and the general; to
circumscribe the limits of their speculative inquiries; to hold up the
lamp which is to light their only path to knowledge and education; to
subjugate human reason to the yoke of faith; to extinguish liberals,
rationalists, and deists by one stroke of her infallibility. Infallible
dogma is a brilliant light, which every intellect must recognize,
whether willingly or reluctantly.... The Church claims its right to
enter the world's domain, and recognizes no limits but the
circumference of Christendom; to enforce her laws over her
subjects; to control their reason and judgment; to guide their
morals, their thoughts, words, and actions, and to regard temporal
sovereigns, though entitled to exercise power in secular affairs, as
auxiliaries and subordinates to the attainment of the end of her
institution, the glory of God and the salvation of the immortal souls
of men, and to secure for them their everlasting happiness. And this
order of things she regards as true liberty—Ubi Spiritus Domini ibi
libertas."
He insists that the Church has the right to intrude "into the social
relations of the general community of worldings;" and has also the
"right to supervise the lectures of the professor, the diplomacy of the
statesman, the government of kings, and to scrutinize their morality
and punish their faults."
Referring to the union of Church and State, and the manner in which
politico-religious opinions are brought within the papal jurisdiction,
he says:
"Political theorists nowadays presume so far as to proclaim the right
of secular States to be what they call free and independent of the
Church's laws; that is, they profess to take their temporal
governments out of the Church in which God intended to place and
to bless them, and to consecrate them in and through the Church.
There are even those who have the temerity to advocate the
deordination of a Church dependent on the legislative enactments of
a secular State! Statesmen know the objects of your transitory
existence: it is to enact secular laws, for secular jurisprudence, and
for the secular commonweal, and then to live in the Church; to co-
operate with the Church; to be sanctified through the Church; and
by this happy union to enjoy the reciprocity of the Church's influence
over the consciences of your subjects, which is the solid foundation
of their loyalty and your stability; and to assist the Church in
promoting what is useful for saving their souls, which should be to
you also an object of paramount solicitude. Is the world, then, come
to this!—that social diplomatists should sever the State from the
Church, or domineer over Christian society? Is nature to separate
from grace, and set up a dynasty for itself? No, no; Quis separabit?
The holy alliance of Church and State constitutes the union of the
soul and body—the life and vigor of Christian society! It is time that
a General Council shall teach statesmen this salutary lesson, and
that they may not put their foot on the steps of Peter's throne; that
it is their duty to co-operate with the Church; and that in all matters
appertaining to the order of grace, their position is, to sit down and
listen respectfully before the Church's teaching chair."[227]
Nothing short of the importance of the matters involved in the
doctrine of the pope's infallibility, and the consequences which are
expected to follow it, can justify such lengthy extracts from a single
book. But these considerations do, for the reason that as books like
this are seen by few, and read by still fewer, a better opportunity for
understanding the objects to be accomplished by them is furnished
by this method to both Protestants and Roman Catholics. Multitudes
of the latter are deceived and misled into the belief that the doctrine
of the pope's infallibility is necessary to the Church, whose Christian
teachings they revere; whereas, if they, by intelligent instruction and
thoughtful reflection, were assured, as the fact really is, that it
pertains alone to the power and authority of the popes—that is, to
the papacy, and not the Church—it is believed they would neither
assent to it themselves, nor allow it to be taught, as a necessary
dogma of faith, to their children, either in schools under the auspices
of the Church or elsewhere. It would be unfair to them to doubt that
they would reject it, if assured, as these extracts would assure them,
that infallibility requires the destruction of every form of popular
government in order that a grand papal confederation may be
constructed for the government of the world, under the sole
dominion of the pope. They would, upon proper investigation, see
and know that the Council which passed the decree was not a
representative body with authority to bind their consciences, but that
it was, on the other hand, composed of those who were indebted
alone to the pope for all the authority they possessed, and that he
could strip them of their robes at his own pleasure in case of
disobedience to his commands. And they would learn also that
instead of the decree having been passed unanimously by the whole
Council—as they have been instructed—there were 157 absentees,
who withdrew because of it, leaving those only to vote who were in
its favor; that, in point of fact, it was a conflict between the Church,
as it had existed under more than 250 popes before Pius IX, and the
papacy, and that the victory was won by the latter, to the
discomfiture and regret of vast multitudes of their devout Christian
brethren in all parts of the world. The Council consisted of 692
members. There were but 535 present when the decree was passed,
showing, as stated, 157 absent. Of these, 63 of the diocesan bishops
and representatives of what are called "the most illustrious sees in
Christendom," signed a written protest against papal infallibility. Of
those present, 533 voted for the decree, and 2 against it—one of
whom was from the United States—but these were so carried away
by the excitement that they gave in their adhesion. Many of the
absentees had left Rome in disgust, having signified their opposition
before leaving. On the day of the vote, there were 66 in Rome who
refused to attend the session. Among these were 4 cardinals, 2
patriarchs, 2 primates, 18 archbishops, and the remainder were
bishops. The result, consequently, was a mere triumph of the
majority over the minority, as occurs in legislative bodies. The
pretense of unanimity is without foundation, except as regards the
votes actually cast. To compare a result thus obtained to the direct
intervention of Providence, in imitation of the delivery of the law to
Moses, indicates the possession of an exceedingly high faculty of
invention; it borders closely upon delusion. Therefore, it may well
and appropriately be said that the description of the scene by the
author, from whose book the foregoing quotations are extracted,
has, in calling Pius IX "greater than Moses, the very vicar of Christ
Jesus himself," so far transcended the bounds of reason as to make
their author appear like one who lives only in an ethereal
atmosphere. There is no authority for saying that he is a Jesuit; but
if he were found in companionship with one known to be so, it
would be puzzling to tell which was "the twin Dromio," because,
beyond all doubt, they would be "two Dromios, one in semblance."
What was expected to be accomplished by the decree of the pope's
infallibility, by solemnly declaring that God had but one
representative upon earth, and that he was so endowed with divine
wisdom that he alone could prescribe the universal rule of faith, and
was endowed with sufficient authority to enable him to exact and
enforce obedience to his commands? Let the thoughtful mind,
desirous to obtain a satisfactory answer to this question, ponder well
upon the teachings of universal history—the birth, growth, and
decay of former nations. Upon innumerable pages he will find it
written, more indelibly than if it had been carved upon metal by the
engraver's tool, that, from the very beginning of the Christian Church
at Rome—whensoever that was—papal infallibility had never been
recognized or established as a dogma of religious faith. If the
Apostle Peter was the first of the popes—as alleged—then, up till the
pontificate of Pius IX, there were two hundred and fifty-eight popes,
to say nothing of the numerous anti-popes. There were, besides,
numerous General and Provincial Councils, beginning with that at
Nice, under Constantine, in 325, and ending with that of the Vatican,
in 1870—the period between the two being one thousand five
hundred and forty-five years. And yet, during all this long, protracted
period, there is not to be found, among the articles of religious faith
announced from time to time by the Church, one single sentence or
word or syllable which requires it to be believed that the pope is
infallible! Is all this history mythical? Has it led "the faithful" into
error and sin? Were only those popes obedient to the divine law who
believed themselves infallible, and acted accordingly, while those
who did not were heretics? Why were General Councils necessary to
obtain the universal consent of the Church, if the popes were
infallible and could decree the faith of their own accord? When
popes disagreed—as did John XXII and Nicholas III and Innocent III
and Celestine and Pelagius and Gregory the Great—upon important
questions, how were they to be decided?[228] Were the popes who
denied their own infallibility destined to be cut off in eternity from
the presence of God for their heresy? Edgar enumerates eight of
these who directly disaffirmed their belief in it,[229] and there were
many others who did not affirm it. Were all these heretics? And were
also the great Church historians, such as Launoy, Almain, Marca, Du
Pin, Bossuet, and others—and the whole body of French or Cisalpine
Christians—all heretics? And what is to be said of the General
Councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basel, all three of which denied the
pope's infallibility in terms of strong condemnation? It would be easy
to multiply these questions; but it is sufficient to say that if the
popes who denied infallibility were heretics, then the line of apostolic
succession is broken by the removal of several important links in the
chain, and the attempt to trace back the present Roman Church to
the apostolic times, and to the Apostle Peter, is an entire and
humiliating failure. And it is an unavoidable inference from a long
line of facts, well proved in history, that but for the unfortunate
alliance between the ambitious popes and the Jesuits to build up
and strengthen their power at the expense of the Church, the
Christian world of the present day would have taken no interest in
the prosecution of that inquiry. The Church is of less consequence to
the Jesuits than their own society, and as they have invariably
condemned it when not upon their side, so there has been no time
since the death of Loyola when they did not consider its humiliation
by them as promotive of "the greater glory of God," when thereby
their own power and authority could be enlarged.
When Pius IX, in 1854, signalized the close of the eighth year of his
pontificate by issuing his decree to the effect that thenceforward the
Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary should be accepted as a
dogma of faith, he acted of his own accord and without convening a
General Council. It is fair to say, therefore, that he considered this an
act of infallibility, then, for the first time, put in practical execution. It
was, doubtless, an experiment, practiced with the view to ascertain
whether or no it would obtain the approbation of those whose
consciences were to be influenced by it. The experiment was
successful, and inasmuch as it involved only a question purely of a
religious character, no special or injurious consequences followed.
Protestants did not regard themselves warranted to complain of it,
for the plain reason that the religious faith of Roman Catholics
concerned themselves alone. Pius IX, however, intended by this
decree something more than merely to add a new dogma to the
faith. Undoubtedly, his object was to employ this exercise of infallible
power, so that, if accepted with unanimity by the membership of the
Church, that might be considered such an indorsement of the
doctrine as would justify him in convening a General Council, and
having it decree that, not himself alone, but all other popes, both
good and bad, were infallible.
This is not said reproachfully, but rather to indicate the shrewdness
and sagacity practiced by him to influence the large body of
believers in the Church. The whole history of the papacy at that time
proved that it was essential to its future success that the doctrine of
infallibility should be extended beyond mere questions of religious
belief, so as to embrace other matters connected with the
revolutionary movements then in progress in Europe, which were
threatening to undermine, if not destroy, the papal power; that is,
the temporal power of the pope. Revolutionary disturbances are
always threatening to those against whom they are directed, and
Pius IX, believing, as he undoubtedly did, that such as then existed
in Europe were directed, or would be if not checked, against his
temporal power, deemed it necessary to obtain, if possible, the
sanction of a conciliar decree to the exercise by him of new powers
in addition to those then universally conceded to him over religious
questions and affairs. Thus he designed to obtain the express or
implied assent of the Church to his exercise of jurisdiction over
politico-religious matters, in order that he might be enabled to
promulgate such decrees as would, through the agency and
influence of "the faithful" among the different European nations,
arrest the progress of the revolutionary movements, and save his
temporal power. Hence, when the decree of infallibility was
interpreted by him in the light of these events and his own purposes,
he had no difficulty in concluding that it had given him jurisdiction
over all such politico-religious questions as bore, either directly or
indirectly, upon the spiritual or temporal interests of the Church in all
parts of the world. That his successor, Leo XIII, agrees with him in
this interpretation no intelligent man can deny. If he were not
influenced to do this by his desire to regain the temporal power
which was taken away from his predecessor, his education and
training by the Jesuits would impress his mind with the conviction
that a temporal crown upon his head is a positive necessity, in order
that he may promote "the greater glory of God." Consequently,
when it is thus made too plain and palpable to admit of fair denial,
that the infallibility of the pope is the chiefest and most fundamental
dogma of faith—the foundation of the whole system of papal belief—
it is positively obligatory upon us, in this country, to understand its
full import and meaning. If anything were required to make this
obligation more binding than it is, it is found in the facts now
confronting us, that our public schools are pronounced "godless"
because this religious dogma is not taught to our children, and that
it is taught to Roman Catholic children in parochial schools, mainly
under Jesuit control.
Tedious as the evidence already adduced may seem to be to those
who look at such matters as these only by casual glances, it is
indispensable to a thorough knowledge of the truth that the politico-
religious matters which this decree has brought within the
jurisdiction of the pope should be plainly and distinctly made known.
Without this knowledge, our tolerance may seem to invite dangerous
encroachments, by the Jesuits and those obedient to them, upon
some of the most highly cherished principles of our Government. We
have seen, from one papal author, what is meant at Rome by a
religious education, and shall, in the next chapter, see cumulative
proof from another, probably more influential.
From this latter author, even more distinctly than from the former,
we shall see how absolutely we should be subject to the commands
of the pope; how we should be domineered over by his ecclesiastical
hierarchy and their Jesuit allies; how all our actions, thoughts, and
impulses, would be held in obedience to ecclesiastical and
monarchical dictation; and how we should have, instead of a
Government of the people, one under the arbitrary dictatorship of a
foreign sovereign, who can neither speak our language nor
understand our Constitution and laws. We might be permitted to
manage our secular affairs—such as relate to the transaction of our
ordinary business—but in everything we should consider as
pertaining to the Church or himself, he would become our absolute
and irresponsible ruler. Church and State would be united, and all
the measures provided by the framers of our Government for the
protection of our natural rights—such as the freedom of religious
belief, of the press, and of speech—would be destroyed. Free
government would be at an end, and a threatening cloud would
hover over us like the pall of death. We should be turned back to the
Middle Ages, and all the fruits of the Reformation would be lost,
without the probability of ever being afterwards regained by our
posterity. A careful scanning of what follows will show that this
picture is not overdrawn. And if it is not, the obligation to see that
these calamities shall not befall us, rests as heavily upon the Roman
Catholic as it does upon the Protestant part of our population. A
common spirit should animate the hearts of all, no matter what their
religious belief, and stimulate them to joint protest and mutual
defense. Those who brave the dangers of navigation upon the same
vessel at sea, must, when the storm rages, unite together in heart
and hand, or run the risk of sinking in a watery grave. So it is with
those whose lives and fortunes and earthly interests are under the
protection of the same civil institutions; if they become divided into
angry and adverse factions, under the dominion of unrestrained
passions, they invite the spoiler to undermine the foundations of the
fortress which shelters and protects them.
That the Jesuits, in the war they are now making, and have always
made, against civil and religious liberty, constitute such a spoiler,
history attests in numerous volumes. Wheresoever civil government
has been made obedient to the popular will, they have labored
indefatigably for its overthrow. To that end monarchism has been
made the central and controlling principle of their organization—so
completely so that their society never has existed, and could not
exist, without it. They warred malevolently upon the best of the
popes, and defied the authority of the Church for more than a
hundred years—never abating their vengeance, except when the
pontifical chair was occupied by a pope who submitted to their
dictation. They are, to-day—as at every hour since the time of
Loyola—compactly united to destroy, as sinful and heretical, all civil
institutions constructed by the people for their own protection, and
substitute for them such as are obedient to monarchs and their own
interpretation of the divine law. And now, when the pontifical
authority is vested in a pope whose youthful mind was impressed
and disciplined by their teachings, and they stand ready to subvert
every Government which has separated the State from the Church,
and secured the freedom of conscience, of speech, and of the press,
and are straining every nerve to obtain the control of our system of
common-school education, so as to instill their doctrines into the
minds of the American youth—the times have become such that all
the citizens of the United States, irrespective of their forms of
religious belief, should form a solid and united body in resistance to
their un-American plottings.
Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, who signed our Declaration of
Independence, was a Roman Catholic, but not a Jesuit. He loved his
Church, and adhered to its faith, which did not then require him to
believe that its pope was infallible; and with his mind filled with
patriotic emotions, he stood by the side of Thomas Jefferson,
Benjamin Franklin, and fifty-four other patriots, and united with
them in separating Church and State, in establishing a Government
of the people, in guaranteeing the absolute freedom of religious
belief; and when he and they looked upon the great work they had
accomplished, they solemnly declared that it was in obedience to
"the laws of nature and of nature's God." He who now insists, as the
Jesuits do, that in all this he violated his Christian conscience by
offending God in the perpetration of an act of heresy, not only
asperses unjustly the memory of this unselfish patriot, but wounds
the sensibilities of every true American heart. At the time our
independence was established Pius VI was pope. He had not been
declared to be infallible, and the Jesuits did not exist as a society
under the protection of the Church; for they had been suppressed
for their innumerable offenses against the Church and the nations,
by his immediate predecessor Clement XIV, and were wanderers
over the earth, seeking shelter under heretical princes and States,
where they were allowed to plot against the Church. The pope,
therefore, possessing only spiritual jurisdiction, did not pronounce a
pontifical curse upon our infant institutions, not only because they
were not within that jurisdiction, but because they secured, by
proper guarantees, the freedom of religious belief to Roman
Catholics. He had his hands full in attempting to deal with the
French Revolution, over which he supposed his jurisdiction to
extend, because France had, for several centuries, recognized the
spiritual dominion of his predecessors and their right to regulate its
faith. Consequently, he took the side of Louis XVI against the people
of France, and denounced the Legislative Assembly, and avowed his
purpose to maintain all the prerogative rights of the "Holy See." He,
accordingly, issued an encyclical proclamation, in which he
condemned the efforts of the French people to establish a Republic,
and the Legislative Assembly, in these words: "That Assembly, after
abolishing monarchy, which is the most natural form of government,
had attributed almost all power to the populace, who follow no
wisdom and no counsel, and have no understanding of things." He
further instructed the bishops that all "poisoned books" should be
removed "from the hands of the faithful by force and by stratagem."
He declared that "the priesthood and tyranny support each other;
and the one overthrown, the other can not long subsist." He
denounced the liberty after which France was striving, in imitation of
our Revolutionary example, as tending "to corrupt minds, pervert
morals, and overthrow all order in affairs and laws," and the equality
of man as leading to "anarchy" and the "speedy dissolution" of
society.[230]
And inasmuch as this same pope, Pius VI and the present pope, Leo
XIII, have been solemnly decreed to be infallible, incapable of error
in matters of faith, and standing in the place of God upon earth—
and Leo XIII has never repudiated these teachings of Pius VI or
many others of like import by other popes—and the decree of
infallibility has so enlarged his spiritual jurisdiction as to bring all
politico-religious matters throughout the world within its circle, and
the Jesuits have been re-established under their original constitution
as it came from the hands of Loyola, and are still full of life and
vigor, which they constantly display in their tireless efforts to control
the education of American youth, the obligation imposed upon all
our people, of every religious creed, to discover in what direction we
are drifting, is positive, absolute, and indispensable.

FOOTNOTES:
[224] The Council of the Vatican. By Thomas Canon Pope. Page
272.
[225] The Council of the Vatican. By Thomas Canon Pope. Page
10.
[226] The Council of the Vatican. By Thomas Canon Pope. Page
11.
 [227] The Council of the Vatican. By Thomas Canon Pope. Pages
12 to 15.
[228] Ecclesiastical History. By Du Pin. Vol. XV-XVI, p. 260.
[229] Variations of Popery. By Edgar. Page 188.
[230] Lives and Times of the Roman Pontiffs. By De Montor. Vol.
II, pp. 461 to 470.

CHAPTER XXIV.
THE CHURCH AND LITERATURE.
It is of the highest importance that the papal interpretation of the
decree of infallibility should be understood. This can be ascertained
only by obtaining information from authoritative sources, from those
who bear such relations to the pope as entitle what they say of the
intentions and purposes of those charged with the administration of
Church affairs, not merely at Rome but elsewhere throughout the
world, to the highest consideration. In the absence of any direct
avowal sent forth from the Vatican, the next best evidence is
embodied in the papal literature, manifestly provided to explain the
character of such teachings as it is designed to introduce into Roman
Catholic religious schools in the United States, and into our common
schools, provided Mgr. Satolli should make his mission here a
success. The conscientious "searcher after truth"—whether
Protestant or Roman Catholic—will find himself well rewarded for
whatsoever labor he may expend in this method of investigation. If
he be a Protestant, he will see that all the principles of
Protestantism, religious and civil, are threatened; and if he be a
Roman Catholic, not belonging to the ecclesiastic body, he will be
likely to discover that his silence is construed by his Church
authorities into acquiescence in politico-religious opinions which his
conscience repudiates and condemns.
During the progress of the Italian revolution in 1868, a work
appeared in Italy from the pen of P. Franco, wherein the relations
between the Church and secular Governments, as well as individuals
and communities, were elaborately discussed. This work was
evidently authoritative, and if it did not have the special approval of
Pius IX, it undoubtedly had that of those high in position at the
Vatican. It had two controlling objects: First, to check the revolution,
and to bring the Italian people into a proper state of obedience to
the pope, as a temporal monarch with absolute authority; second, to
prepare the way for the acknowledgment of the infallibility of the
pope, which was then in contemplation. It failed in the first, because
that involved the civil and political rights of the Italian people, which
they had determined not to leave longer under the dominion of
irresponsible monarchical power; and aided, it is supposed, in
accomplishing the second, because it was asserted and believed that
it had reference only to matters of religious faith. At all events, the
passage of the decree encountered no direct resistance from the
Italian people, as it would undoubtedly have done if they had
supposed it intended to counteract and destroy the influences of the
revolution, in so far as they affected their political rights.
After the decree was passed, it was considered important that this
work of Franco should be translated into the English language, so as
to bring all English-speaking Roman Catholics to the point of
accepting papal infallibility, both as an accomplished fact and the
only true religious faith; and to convince them of the enormous sin
they would commit by refusing to do so. Lord Robert Montagu, a
Roman Catholic member of the British Parliament, became the
translator, following the original, as far as he considered it expedient,
upon points of religious doctrine, and adding some reflections of his
own. It was published in London in 1874—four years after the
passage of the decree—in order to create English opinion in favor of
the restoration of the temporal power of the pope, and the
recognition of his infallibility. This work has 428 pages, almost every
one of which contains assertions designed to prove that the spirit of
the present progressive age is offensive to God, and that mankind
can be saved from eternal perdition in no other way than by
conceding to the pope the universality of dominion which it claims
for him, and which, if granted, would overturn every Government
existing in the world, and, first of all, the present Government of
Italy. It is almost impossible, within a reasonable compass, to
explain anything more than his general ideas, and such of these only
as are intended to show how the powers and authority of the Church
and the pope—made equivalent terms by the decree—are viewed by
those whose position and character entitle them to speak knowingly
and authoritatively. For the want of such information as this volume,
and others of the same kind, contain, multitudes of good-intentioned
people, both Protestants and Roman Catholics, are misled.
He attributes the present "spread of false principles," now prevailing
in the progressive nations, to two causes: First, "modern
civilization;" and second, "freedom of conscience," or "the right of
private judgment." He considers all who "respect every religion" as
guilty of "formal apostasy;" and says that "Catholics certainly are
intolerant, and so they ought to be," because "if a Catholic is not
intolerant, he is either a hypocrite, or else does not really believe
what he professes."[231] He insists that when a contest shall arise
"between an ecclesiastical and a lay authority, the Church knows
infallibly that it belongs to her to determine the question," not only
over "spiritual matters," but "whether the point in dispute be a
spiritual matter, or necessarily connected with a spiritual matter."
Hence he argues, in explanation, that "therefore the temporal
authority must be subordinate to the spiritual; the civil authority, and
its rights and powers, must be placed at the absolute disposal of the
Church;" that is, the State must obey the pope in whatsoever he
shall command or exact. Consequently, says he, "the Church, whose
end is the highest end of man, must be preferred before the State;
for all States regard only a temporary or earthly end. If, then, we
have to avoid an imperium in imperio, it is necessary that the
temporal State should give way to the eternal Church;" that is, the
laws of the Church must be obeyed before those of the State. He is
careful to designate the duties of a secular Government like ours as
follows: "Let it look to the civil and criminal laws, its army, its trade,
its finance, its railways, its screw-frigates, and its telegraphs; but let
it not step out of its province, and, like Oza, put forth its hand to
hold up the ark of God." To make the Church free, the pope must be
absolutely independent, and not "in the power of any Government—
with the control of education, and the right to 'administer and
dispose of her own property.'" Referring to a free Government, such
as that of the United States, he says: "A State which is free from the
Church is an atheistical State; it denotes a godless Government and
godless laws, ... which knows nothing of any kind of religion, and
which, therefore, determines to do without God." In order to avoid
confusion, the State must be subordinate to and dependent upon
the Church, because, "by separating Church and State, you cut man
in two, and make inextricable confusion," and because also "a
separation of Church and State is the destruction both of the State
and the religion of the people." And so he argues that "the State can
not be separated from the Church without commencing its
decadence and ruin;" wherefore "the State must obey the legitimate
authority of the Church, and be in subordination to the Church, so
that there may be no clashing of authorities, or conflict of
jurisdictions."[232]
He fiercely denounces secret societies, such as the Freemasons, but
strangely omits the Jesuits, whose proceedings have always been
sheltered behind an impenetrable veil. All such as are not favorable
to the papal demands he calls the "slaves of the devil," and
represents them as belonging to "the synagogue of Satan," only for
the reason that they do not bow their necks to the pontifical yoke—a
method of denunciation as persistently indulged in by such writers,
as if Christ had commanded the passions of hatred and revenge to
be cultivated, and not suppressed. Referring to the bulls of Clement
IX, Benedict XIV, Pius VII, and Leo XII, excommunicating all who
show favor to or harbor them, he declares that any oaths they may
take are not binding. He does not base this upon the conclusion that
they are not authorized by law, and are merely voluntary, but upon
the third canon of the Third Council of Lateran, which applies to all
oaths of whatsoever character, and provides that "it is not an oath,
but an act of perjury, when a man swears to do anything against the
Church;" as, for example, our oath of naturalization and allegiance,
which requires fidelity to heretical institutions, and the maintenance
of the atheistical principle, which requires the State to be separated
from the Church.[233]
The "liberty and independence of the pope in his spiritual
government," he makes to mean "not only the liberty and
independence of his own person, but also that of the numerous
great dignitaries of the Church who assist him, and of the officials
and ministers and employees of every order whom he requires, and
who are required by the numerous ecclesiastical institutions which
surround him, and which extend their operations over the whole
world." In this extraordinary and pretentious claim there is no
disguise—not even equivocation. All appointed by the pope,
including a whole army of employees, of every grade, are to be
exempt from the operations of the public laws of all Protestant
Governments and answerable alone to the pope! Let the friends of
popular government mark well the reason for this universality of the
pope's absolute jurisdiction over the world. It is this, that "if any
Government were to have jurisdiction over them, except that of the
pope alone, or if any Government were able to impede their action,
then the pope would have less immunity and freedom of action than
an ambassador of the meanest power in the world," because he
could not compel them to obey his laws and commands—that is, the
Canon law—instead of those of the State. And he carries this idea of
antagonism between the laws of a State and the Canon laws, to the
extent of the excommunication of the former for "sanctioning some
antichristian principle;" such, for example, as the separation of
Church and State, secular education, or civil marriages. In any of
these cases, "that luckless State may find itself confronted by the
two hundred million Catholics in the world, and the God of armies,
who protect the Church!"[234] And because these "two hundred
million Catholics"—which exceeds the actual number by twenty-five
million—do not protest against such vain threats as this, the Church