Religious Symbolism of Indus Valley Civilizations

Name .Hammad Inayat

Session.2019/2023

Supervisor.MR Imran Shabir

Department of Archaeology

University of Balochistan Quetta

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List of tables

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 ABSTRACT

This thesis examines the concept of the state and religious Symbolism of in the context of the
Indus River Valley, located in northwest India and Pakistan. In the first section, I synthesize
several popular trends in state discussion from both inside and outside of archaeological
theory. I then apply my synthesized approach to religious symbols of indus valley civilization
definition to the archaeological record from the Indus River Valley. The resulting work visits
both the concept of the state and the rich cultural history of the Indus Civilization. determine
that there was a state in the Indus River Valley, but that the Indus state was very different
from others scholars have identified in the archaeological record.

Chapter 1:

Introduction and Overview

Introduction

Thousands of years ago, the people of the Indian subcontinent began writing down sacred
hymns. These sacred hymns, known as the Vedas, were spiritual fables, stories that taught the
listeners lessons about the nature of the universe. These texts not only form the basis of the
world's largest and oldest religion, but are also the earliest decipherable records of India's rich
cultural history. But the Vedas were also written in a much earlier period in India's past, in a
time when little is told in historical records, when only the remains of broken texts remain, and
in a language that is very mysterious to modern scholars. It shows how the ancient civilization
was formed. That's what created it. The Rig Veda, the oldest of the Vedas, appeared several
generations after the collapse of this ancient civilization. His hymns refer to empires of
fortresses that watched over the mighty rivers of ancient India. The following is an excerpt from
a popular translation of the Rig Veda about this mysterious ancient civilization. I roared and
spat out the water. The gods obeyed my wishes. Inspired by Soma, I crushed nine and 90

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strongholds of Sambara at once, sending residents to the 100th stronghold while providing aid
to Divodasa Atitiguf. This document describes the enduring cultural memory of an ancient
people who once lived in northwestern India (Wheeler 1968). To the authors of the Rig Veda,
this once great civilization was but a vast ruin, silently guarding the Indus and Saraswati rivers.
History has little more to say about who these people were and what they were like. To
uncover the secrets of this once great civilization, we must rely on other sources. This study
shows that the Indus Valley Civilization can be considered a state, although it shares many of
the same socio-economic advantages as other primitive civilizations, it lacks the defining
characteristic of social control that defines a state in social theory. We are dealing with the
question of whether or not. Was there a state in the Indus Valley? If so, why were they able to
enjoy the benefits of the state while avoiding the negative aspects of social complexity? Why
was the Indus Valley Civilization an exception to the obvious laws of socio-economic evolution?
Defining the Indus Valley Civilization in Time and Space In the northwestern states of Punjab
and Sindh in India and Pakistan, the floodplains surrounding the Indus River are covered with
ruins. are scattered. Many titles have been given to the civilizations that produced these ruins
by archaeologists and other scholars. The most popular title is the "Harappan" civilization,
named after the first site to receive widespread attention from archaeologists. The first
archaeologists to conduct research in the region believed that Harappa was the capital of
civilization. Shortly after work began at Harappa, another large archaeological site was
discovered, known as Mohenjo-daro ("Mountain of the Dead" in the local language). For this
reason, some archaeologists and other scientists have collectively referred to these sites as the
"Indus" civilization, thereby identifying a major geographic region containing both sites. Since
the beginning of the 21st century, the number of archaeological sites studied along the now-
dry Saraswati River has increased dramatically, leading some scientists to refer to these sites as
the "Indus-Saraswati River Civilization." became. I do not call the subject of this work the
"Harappan" civilization. Because the assumption that the cultural groups under discussion are
culturally, politically and economically concentrated in the city of Harappa is wrong. Nor do I
refer to the "Indus-Saraswati River Civilization," as that is the most accurate term for the
subject matter of this project. It is too cumbersome and so far no ruins along the ancient
Saraswati have been excavated that would justify such a title. Further archaeological work
along the Saraswati River could reveal the civilization's true 'capital'. In that case, it may be
necessary to change the terms. This time I will use the term "Indus Valley Civilization".
Maintains a reasonable level of accuracy in locating ancient cultural complexes without
becoming too cluttered.

The Indus Valley Civilization was located on one of the most fertile flood plains in the world.
Thousands of years ago, the Indus and Saraswati rivers flowed at high speed in the foothills of
the Himalayas. They gathered fresh, fertile soil from the fertile foothills of the mountains across
what is now northern Pakistan and deposited it on floodplains as they reached the lower, flatter

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areas approaching the coastline. A rich layer of river silt formed around the slower part of the
river. The combination of the warm and temperate climate imparted to the region by ocean
currents from the Arabian Sea and the rainfall formed by the Himalayas made these river
floodplains most advantageous. Climate and geography converged to form the most
productive breadbasket in northern India. These fertile floodplains were the perfect draw for
the budding agriculturalists of Northwest India and Pakistan The Indus and Saraswati were
mountain rivers; their output varied from year to year with the various tectonic and glacial
processes that shaped and reshaped the Himalayas. Today, the very processes that gave life to
these rivers have all but taken it from the Saraswati, and drastically altered the course of the
Indus. Tectonic activity stripped the Saraswati from its source springs, reducing it to a trickle
(McIntosh 2002). Despite the difficulty tectonic activity added to predicting the rivers’ flood
cycles, the ancient Indus and Saraswati formed the backbone of an agricultural society that
grew into the Indus Civilization. Over generations, Indus farmers developed the skills necessary
to deal with erratic flooding (McIntosh 2002). The Indians made extensive use of the lands in
and around the flood plains. The archaeological site stretches along the entire course of the
ancient Saraswati River and extends along the Indus River to the coastline. The Arabian Sea
forms the southernmost border of civilization. The remains of an ancient fort were discovered
in the far northwest, at the foot of a grassy mountain in Balochistan. The area is named after
the tribe that historically farmed and lived here. The northeastern region extends into the
Himalayas. Overall, the Indus Valley Civilization controlled a larger area than any other
civilization in ancient Mesopotamia or Egypt (Kenoyer 1998; McIntosh 2002). It is clear from
archaeological evidence that the Indus people at the height of their ancient civilization were
skilled farmers and fishermen. They were masters of divination who maintained a tenuous
relationship with the periodic flooding of the river that gave life to the city (McIntosh 2002).
Their skillful planning paid off in the form of a manageable foundation of existence that has
sustained their civilization for thousands of years. They produced enormous amounts of food.
The efforts of Indus farmers made it possible to increase the population by tens of thousands.
Food surpluses enabled the growth of many specialists, including bead makers, potters,
lapidaries, metalworkers, flintworkers, and numerous other specialized specialists. Generations
of artisans, economically boosted by the hard-working farmers of the Indus and Saraswati
floodplains, lived comfortably within the high walls of their monumental cities. Before they
built their cities, they were skilled gatherers and herders. The Indus Valley people developed
numerous domestic animals, including cattle, goats, and many other animals. Indeed, even as
the boundaries of the cities of Harappa and Mohenjo-daro grew, entire nomadic societies
traveled between the Indus cities, trading goods and providing economic development
(Kenoyer, 1998).

The people of the Indus Valley Civilization were technologically advanced. Harappan experts
were masters of metallurgy. They produced large quantities of copper and gold jewelry.

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Bracelets and bracelets adorned wealthy citizens. They were also masters of craftsmanship and
carving. Small soapstone beads have been found in many ancient Indus houses. (Mackay 1935)
The Indus Valley Civilization had a writing system that took the form of complex soapstone and
clay seals. Each small square has a printed or engraved pictogram, surrounded by engravings or
other symbols. These complex symbols were used to seal flower pots and mark walls. Some of
them consisted of long rows that decorated city entrances and other structures. Scientists have
yet to translate the ancient Indus script. Numerous complex clay spheres and cubes have been
discovered at cultural sites in the Indus Valley. These artifacts form what many scientists
consider a unified metrological system. Based on food remains and artifacts discovered by
archaeologists, the Indus Valley Civilization not only had the ability to produce enormous
amounts of food and trade goods, but also recorded the amount of food. and the goods they
produced. The economic development of the civilization of that era is most impressive. The
Indus cities were a model of planning and organization. The accommodations were very similar
in proportion, with wide passageways and uniform buildings. Houses were built with complete
drainage systems leading to the street to collect waste water (Mackay 1935). Without these
various rain and runoff control systems, dense mud brick structures would melt under heavy
rain. Modern urban planners can learn from ancient architectural masters. Scholars often
describe the people of the Indus Valley Civilization as religious (Kenoyer 1998, Mackay 1935,
McIntosh 2002). Many of the seals found at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro depict slender, seated
figures, often with many arms. Some scholars suggest that this icon represents Shiva, one of the
central gods of the Hindu pantheon (Mackay 1935). This motif is also repeated on flower pots
and buildings. The Indus Valley Civilization built what some scholars believe was a public
bathhouse in one of its largest cities (Possehl 2002). It may have been used in ritual bathing, a
social institution associated with India's modern caste system (McIntosh 2002). The Indus
Valley Civilization was the first large-scale socio-political entity to arise in or around the Indian
subcontinent. The earliest phase of the Indus period, Mehrgarh, began as early as 6500 BC.
Civilization reached its peak around 2600 BC when Harappa experienced its greatest expansion.
Unraveling the Mysteries of the Indus The Indus civilization left an archaeological mark that
distinguishes it from all other civilizations that emerged independently or from primitive
civilizations. The states that came to dominate the other five primitive civilizations (Egypt,
South America, Mesoamerica, Mesopotamia, and China) all left behind archaeological remains
filled with violence and oppression. Extreme social and political differentiation characterized
these ancient states. In some civilizations, hundreds of people were sacrificed after the elite
died. The rich were very rich and the poor were very poor. Some people lived long and healthy
lives, while others lived with weak, diseased bones. Traditions of warfare and violent expansion
are recurring themes in the archaeological remains of these civilizations. Compared to the
cultural remains of other ancient civilizations, the Indus Valley Civilization is free from such
forms of violence and inequality. This does not mean that the archaeological assemblage of the

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Indus Valley Civilization is devoid of violence or inequality, but rather that the evidence for
these phenomena is of little significance compared to other assemblages. Violence and
inequality are difficult to detect in Indus cultural sites.This is problematic because the Indus
Valley Civilization developed in many ways in parallel with other civilizations, and because it
cost more than most other primitive civilizations could afford. Their primitive civilization. The
people of the Indus floodplain possessed most, if not all, of the technologies used by other
ancient civilizations. They built cities that, like other primitive civilizations, spread throughout
the region as larger, more populous, and more vibrant civilizations. The Indus Valley Civilization
followed the same river survival strategies as many other primitive civilizations, but faced the
same environmental and demographic pressures. They had to set planting times and manage
the flow of rural goods into and out of the cities, just as other civilizations did. However, the
Indus Valley Civilization appears to have avoided the pitfalls associated with statehood in other
ancient civilizations. The Indus peoples lived a life relatively free from oppression and extreme
inequality. There was no warfare in the sense of organized campaigns or territorial expansion,
and very little violence appears to have occurred (Cork 2005).

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 Chapter 2:

The Indus Civilization

The Indus Civilization

The first reports of the Indus Valley Civilization appeared in the fragmentary records of British
army deserters in the early 19th century (Kenoyer, 1998). Travelers to the Punjab region of
what is now northwestern India and southern Pakistan told stories of a great ruined city just
outside the city limits called Harappa. Bricks have been quarried in the area for centuries, and
many of the buildings of modern Harappa were built with bricks from one of the largest cities of
the Indus Valley Civilization. The British took note of the ruins and obtained bricks to build the
Indian railway system (Kenoyer, 1998). The first archaeologists began work at this site decades
later. The working hypothesis was that the ruins belonged to the ancient Maurya Empire, the
oldest civilization in the region at the time. Several small excavations were carried out and
ruins were discovered a few miles to the south. The first site became known as Harappa, after
the modern city located nearby, while the southern site became known in the local language as
Mohenjodaro (Hill of the Dead). The serious work did not begin until an archaeologist named
John Marshall compared data from the two sites and determined that they belonged to an as-
yet-unnamed civilization. In 1924, he announced to the world the discovery of the “Harappan”
civilization (Kenoyer 1998, McIntosh 2002). Marshall was the first scholar to link these sites
together and began writing about the Indus Valley Civilization (Possehl 2002). Marshall carried
out many excavations in the Harappan region. His methods were as primitive as those of his
contemporaries. Incomplete artifacts were discarded. Today, the fragments used for stylistic
analysis remain intact, having lost their original location. Charcoal samples that could be used
for modern radiocarbon dating were ignored or discarded. Early archaeological techniques
combined with brick quarrying damaged much of the original evidence from Harappa and
Mohenjo-daro. However, Marshall was the first archaeologist to bring a specific paradigm to
the excavations of Harappa (Possehl 2002). Marshall was an environmental determinist and
argued that the Indus Valley Civilization was the result of the favorable climate that once
persisted in the region. He used data from the field to support his environmental analysis. The
fired bricks used in the houses of Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro were a response to the rainy
climate. Street gutters and complex drainage systems were needed to compensate for the rain.
According to Marshall, this, along with the conspicuous absence of the lion, a dry season
animal, in Indus iconography was evidence that the Indus Valley Civilization was a response to
the favorable climate of the region today (Possehl 2002). Marshall's analysis of the socio-
political structure of the Indus Valley Civilization is based primarily on comparisons with
Mesopotamian communities. Marshall's paradigm became the basis for subsequent research by

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archaeologists. His ideas were followed in the work of others. But it wasn't his environmental
determinism that scientists remembered. With his initial account of the Harappa excavations,
Marshall made a statement that lasted in Indus archeology for many years. Harappa was home
to a peaceful people who knew nothing about war and conquest (Cork 2004). He made this
claim by comparing archaeological assemblages from Mesopotamia and Egypt. There is much
evidence of violence and warfare in other ancient civilizations. Because the Indus Valley
Civilization did not have such rates of violence and warfare, Marshall theorized that the Indus
Valley Civilization was home to a peaceful people.

Later, archaeologists began working in the Indus region with the idea that the Indus Valley
Civilization was an idyllic and peaceful utopia. Based on these assumptions, they conducted a
research project to confirm this point of view. Thus arose a whole tradition of archaeologists
depicting the Indus as unique and utopian. Of course, this very project does not claim that the
Indus Valley Civilization is an idyllic utopia, but it operates from the perspective that it is
different from other civilizations. Marshall's statement established a theme that continued
throughout the work until the paper written by Mackintosh (2002). Not all Middle East scholars
have been influenced by Marshall's original paradigm. Some have tried very hard to look
critically at early works written about the “peaceful Harappans” (Basham 1949). Sir Mortimer
Wheeler of the British colonial army was another important figure in the early archaeological
work carried out in the Indus Valley. The Archaeological Survey of India had undertaken many
projects before Wheeler came to the field. Unfortunately, reports on these projects are difficult
to obtain. The poor state of field reporting and data preservation in archeology at the time led
Wheeler to write several articles that were harshly critical of his fellow archaeologists. To
Wheeler, an undisclosed dig was worse than no dig at all. Wheeler was a prominent
archaeologist long before he reformed and reorganized the Archaeological Survey of India. He
has experience working in the Mesopotamian complex. Comparison with this material guided
much of his work in the Indus Valley. His initial analysis of the socio-political organization of the
Indus Valley Civilization was based on the concept of a priest-king state such as that which
existed in ancient Sumer. Wheeler's greatest contribution to Indus archeology was his careful
and detailed work in writing and preparing site reports. He also began a detailed analysis of the
weapons and tools found in the Indus Valley. Wheeler (1968) argued that the knives and arrows
found in the Indus vein were artisans' tools and not soldiers' weapons. Indus bows and arrows
would have been much more useful to hunters than to warriors. Since Wheeler was an
important figure in interpreting archaeological data on the Mesopotamian civilization, a highly
warlike and violent group of states, it is logical to assume that he was adept at analyzing the
military capabilities of the Indus people (McIntosh 2002). Wheeler confirmed Marshall's claim
that the Indus Valley Civilization was home to a peaceful people, but he did so with a caveat.
Wheeler discovered layers of corpses at Harappa that had not undergone proper morgue
processing. He believed these bodies were the remains of massacre victims. He also argued that

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the massacre marked the Aryan invasion and the end of the Indus State (Wheeler 1968). The
work at Mohenjo-Daro represents an expansion of archaeological fieldwork in the Indus River
basin. Wheeler himself led many of the excavations at Mohenjo-Daro. Thanks to his publication
campaign, the quality and reliability of this site's reports are much higher than those of many
other Indus sites. Mohenjo-Daro was organized in the same way as Harappa. Although
Mohenjo-Daro is somewhat younger than Harappa, both cities share many similarities (Possehl
2002). Both were well-planned cities with large public structures that archaeologists call
"citadels." Each of them is strategically located along the Indus River. In the city's heyday, both
city buildings had observation decks on the upper floors that could see all the way down to the
river. The building consists of integrated areas. Both cities cover an area of approximately 100
hectares. Harappa and Mohenjo-daro are the largest Indus monuments. This led many
archaeologists during early excavations to refer to these cities as the "twin capitals" of the
Indus Valley Civilization.

With the excavation of Mohenjo-daro, archaeological research on the Indus Valley Civilization
expanded to the region known as Sindh. Archaeologists have investigated ruins along the
ancient channels of the Indus and Saraswati rivers. Currently, between 1200 and 1500
archaeological sites associated with the Indus Valley Civilization have been identified (Kenoyer
1998, McIntosh 2002). The ruins that archaeologists believe constituted the Indus Valley
Civilization covered an area twice that of Mesopotamia or Ancient Egypt. Many of his 1,500
ruins are not located along the ancient Indus River. Rather, they drew their lives from the
ancient Saraswati stream (McIntosh 2002). Work in this region is characterized by time bias.
Today, the Indus River is a much more impressive river system than the Saraswati River.
Therefore, archaeological research has focused on sites along the Indus River. Ironically, the
Saraswati River was a much more productive river during the Indus Valley Civilization (McIntosh
2002). The true capital of the Indus Valley Civilization may still lie beneath the thousands of
years old Saraswati deposits. Harappa, Mohenjo-daro, and other cities along the Indus River
may have been just outposts of the Indus Valley Civilization. Activities in the Indus Valley
continue today. Although it has been several years since any research has been conducted at
Mohenjo-Daro or Harappa, many archaeologists now focus on remote sites (McIntosh 2002).
There's only so much you can learn about a civilization from the capital. It is important to look
at how the dominant culture changed as it spread across the country. Recent research has also
achieved great success in identifying the source of raw materials for the Indus Valley
Civilization. These recent projects provide new perspectives on the expansion and subsequent
defense of the Indus Valley Civilization. The Archaeological Survey of India maintains many
records and reports regarding excavations in the Indus Valley. Indian archaeologists have
published extensive literature on this site. The relationship between the fall of the Indus Valley
civilization and the Vedas is of great interest today. Many archaeologists no longer believe that
the Aryans came into direct contact with the Indus Valley Civilization and migrated to the

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region thousands of years ago. Rather, the Aryan invasion was a much slower process of mixing
populations and merging cultures.

Chapter 3

Geography of indus valley civilization :

Geography of indus valley civilization

The Indus Civilization represents the earliest manifestation of urban development in the plains
of the Indus valley and its extension along the Arabian sea-coast. The four principal settlements
so far excavated provide the material to reconstruct the cultural content of the civilization. Two
lie in Pakistan: Harappa, usually identified with Hariyupiya of the Rigveda, is situated on an old
bed (sukbrawa) of the river Ravi in Sahiwal District of Punjab, and Mohenjo-daro4 (literally
‘mound of the dead’) is on the right bank of the Indus river in Larkana District of Sind. The other
two sites are in western India; Lothal is situated on the Sabarmati river at the head of the gulf
of Cambay on the west coast of India, and Kalibangan6 (literally ‘black bangles’) lies some 310
km north-west of Delhi along the left bank of the now-dry Ghaggar (old Sarasvati) river in
northern Rajasthan. it is not clear how and under what conditions a transition of the urban
development took place. Trade through land connections across Afghanistan with eastern Iran
and Turkmenistan was noted in the previous cultures. The Indus Civilization, for the first time,
also established overseas trade. The advantaged gained through new mechanics of trade may
have enabled an adventurous community to make a bid for the mastery of their resources and
lay the foundation of a political system that imposed their supremacy over the entire Indus
zone. Such is the case from the available evidence at Harappa, where a new citadel complex
had been imposed on an earlier village settlement. The Kalibangan evidence again shows a new
pattern of urban planning on an earlier fortified settlement.Such a sudden change is also
noticed at Amri, Balakot and Kot Diji.It is the Kot. New urban developments such as Kulli and
Dabar Kot in Balochistan and Gumla and Hishamderi in the Gomal Plain showed the influence of
the Indus Valley Civilization. On the other hand, late Harappan material has been produced
from as far away as Daimabad in Godavari. Simply put, of all the civilizations of the ancient
world, Indian civilization extended over the widest territorial boundaries.

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This vast territorial area of the Indus Valley Civilization remains unnamed due to the
indecipherability of modern inscriptions on the Indus seals. However, contact with
Mesopotamia, either direct or indirect, provided some important evidence. The contemporary
documents there speak of ships coming from Dil-mun, Makan and Meluha or Melukhkha;
Sargon the Great boasts The ships from Meluha The ships from Makan The ships from Dilmun
He made tie up up alongside the quay of Agade.Dilmun or Tilmun, which is usually identified
with the island of Bahrain, is supposed to be the clearing-house for goods bound for Sumer
from the east. From Makan and Meluha the ships brought copper ingots and implements in
huge quantities – carnelian, ivory, shell, lapis lazuli, pearls, spices, etc. – materials specific to the
Indus Civilization. On these grounds Makan and Meluha have been taken to mean ‘Indus
country’. Particularly Meluha or Melukhkha, which suggestively resembles the much later
Prakrit ‘Milakkha’ or Sanskrit ‘Mlechchha’ – a name meaning ‘a stranger of ill-pronounced
speech’, and applied to foreigners in Sanskrit literature – has the strongest possibility to be the
oldest name of the Indus country. Makan could be a western coastal region, which still bears
the name of Makran. The Indus country, or the ancient Meluha, lies within 25 ◦ and 35 ◦ N.
latitude – a range which also covers the oldest civilizations of Mesopotamia and Egypt, the
areas which today have almost desert climatic conditions and which would have been complete
deserts but for the great rivers that bring seasonal floods to revivify the parched lands that
have themselves been built up by silt deposits. These areas are supposed to have been
subjected to severe Possibility of its identification with the Oman coast cannot be ruled out as
M. Tosi’s excavations at Ra’sal-Junayz have been very significant, producing also Indus writing
on potsherds. (Personal communication.) Parpola and Parpola, dry 197Post-Pleistocene. But a
recent study makes a different suggestion: “Environmental degradation in the region is more
likely to be related to human overexploitation than to changes in precipitation and temperature

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patterns.” On the other hand, pollen analysis of the lakes of Rajasthan by Gurdip Singh and the
meteorological considerations of C. Ramaswamy led them to confirm the earlier view of Sir
John Marshall, and to suggest that there had been a period of higher rainfall a little in Pakistan
and in western India between 3000 and 2000 BC. although Ramaswamy wanted to put the date
of the wet period back to 500 BC. Undoubtedly, some rivers, such as the Sarasvati and
Drishadvati, known to the Rigvedic Aryans, are now dry and are represented by the Ghaggar of
Hakra. This drying process may be a result of reduced rainfall during the post-Indian period. R.L.
However, Raikes and others have explained this drying process by postulating some tectonic
activity in northern Punjab, which may have caused the Himalayan waters to bifurcate from
the northern drainage system. west of the Indus River to the eastern drainage of the Ganges
River. Faced with these conflicting opinions, it is difficult to be dogmatic about actual climate
conditions. However, the Indus people knew animals such as elephants, rhinos and tigers had
disappeared from the region in recent centuries. They took steps to protect the exposed brick
walls and were also extremely meticulous in providing drainage and pipes in their towns to
facilitate the flow of excess water. . The Indus Valley receives moderate rainfall, ranging from
125 to 625 mm per year. Rainfall in the northern hills is much higher, creating a forest belt of
the hills. The grassland hillsides are inhabited by sheep, goats and cattle. Floodplains produce
many varieties of wheat, barley and oats. While sheep and goats dominated the ancient
civilizations of West Asia, cattle were characteristic of the Indus. The Indus Valley has its own
character arising from the construction of the Himalayas branching towards the Arabian Sea,
thus providing a cultural context south of the Hindu Kush and between the deserts of Iran and
'India' . Such a wide cultural zone shows variations in climate from extreme cold winters in the
north to more mild temperatures along the sea-coast. The urban development in the Indus
valley introduced the pattern of the earliest urbanization in this part. Two things are clear: the
first is the surplus food-production in the fertile soil of the river-irrigated plains, mainly yielding
wheat and barley and cotton as the cash crop. The surplus was stored in granaries, two of
which have been exposed, one at Mohenjo-daro and another at Harappa. Whether there was
any centralizedcotton-manufacturing industry or handlooms were used in the villages is difficult
to say. In any case cotton fabrics, including those of printed designs, appear to have been
produced. The second aspect of urban life was craft specialization and industrialization of the
cities. Copper, which was available from Baluchistan and neighbouring Rajasthan, was the basic
metal for industrial and commercial development. There is little doubt that timber, probably
from the deodar tree was obtained in the northern hills, as in the excavations at Mohenjo-daro
timber beams are known to have been used in brick masonry. Carpenter’s tools are evidence of
skill in carpentry. These three products – copper, cotton and wood – seemed to be the
mainstays of urban prosperity. For luxury goods, people took shells, ivory, lapis lazuli, carnelian
and other precious stones as well as gold and silver to make common hobby items. The bead
making industry is well established. The tradition of making painted pottery speaks to another

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specialized craft. Two types of stone were widely used: soapstone, probably from the Tepe-
Yahya district in eastern Iran, used to make seals, and plaster to make cups and vases.
Limestone statues, musical instruments, and dancing figures tell the story of the development
of fine arts in cities. Except for the latter, other items were used in pre-Indus cultures but
during this period we are witnessing acceleration and standardization of these products. The
origin of the food surplus is unclear because there is no information on irrigation. Mining,
logging, and import of raw materials from distant regions indicate increased trade. The sea
provides an outlet for foreign markets. Nothing in this economic exploitation requires foreign
influence Material evolution from indigenous sources is well documented.It is only when we
turn to the other aspects of culture that the Indus Civilization shows no precedents, but they
are again so individualistic and rooted in the local fauna and flora that, as far as material
content is concerned, it wholly derives from the local elements. However, an extremely
interesting development is the production of steatite seals which have no earlier precedents,
but depict local art and writing. The purpose of these seals is not at all clear. However, if they
were meant as signet seals for stamping on commercial goods, pots and other objects, they
may have had administrative significance.On the other hand, the standardization of goods,
enforcement of a definite system of weights and measures, and above all formulation and
execution of municipal rules in the cities, speak of the emergence of a political system that
must be credited to a determined community of people whose main support lay in the surplus
of the Indus plain, but whose prosperity depended on the growth of the industrial urban
centres and a peaceful atmosphere foroverseas trade and commerce. Such an enterprising
people must have felt the need to develop a system of writing to meet their commercial and
administrative requirements. As we will explain below, there are no earlier beginnings of
writing, other than a few incidental symbols found on pottery fragments.36 On the other hand,
the seals themselves provide many images. Animal statues and human scenes appear to have
had religious and mythological significance. There is no doubt that some of the icons on the
pedestals and real figures were objects of worship. The use of such religious symbols in
commercial transactions suggests a religiously oriented society, although little evidence of
institutionalized religion has been found in architectural remains. the city's architecture. Our
choice of the West Asian model of a temple-dominated social structure is hitherto unproven in
the Indus Civilization. Some features of religion can be traced back to earlier rural social
systems. Across the vast expanse of the Indus system, this practice would have persisted and
even influenced new urban beliefs and rituals. In other words, the Indus countryside played an
important role in the formation of the Indus Civilization. On the other hand, urban centers had
to appear as cultural centers that served administrative purposes to provide comfort to a
group of people determined to lay the foundations for new cities unprecedented in the Orient.
ancient. These cities exhibit a dual settlement pattern – a “stronghold” and a “lower city,” as
excavated remains from the sites of Mohenjo-daro, Harappa and Sutkagen Dor in Pakistan

15
show. Although Thapar traces the origin of the citadel or mound to the Mesopotamian
“ziggurat” model, the two formations have a completely different concept. In the case of
Kalibangan, this higher elevation is due to previous occupation below. But in the case of
Harappa and Sutkagen Dor, these two locations were intentionally divided. At Mohenjo-daro
they are separated by a large space in the middle, which must have been flooded and thus R. E.
M. Wheeler designed a canal38 or branch of the Indian River between them. It is possible that
these two sites were occupied simultaneously on both sides of the canal. Mainly at the level of
the citadel mound, a mud brick pedestal was placed. Over seven successive stages of
excavation at Mohenjo-daro, Marshall identified the foundation between the 6th and lower 7th
floors - a 6 m gap built almost entirely of raw brick and alluvial mud. The same foundation was
identified by Wheeler in his 1950 excavations, beneath a giant modern granary, and he
attributed it to the "middle period" of Marshall's chronology. Still below are older buildings and
stages in unexplored depths. These unexcavated stages continue to a depth of 12 m below the
plain. Wheeler believes that the construction of the citadel does not correspond to any break in
the cultural sequence, but that material from lower levels still needs to be properly recovered,
analyzed and studied. The structures exposed on this high mound are all later than the
granary, so they appear taller than the "lower town".The purpose of this high mound is not at
all clear, as main buildings still remain unrelated. On the other hand, several adjacent areas of
the eastern ‘lower mounds’ have been partly excavated. All through this lower mound a wide,
straight street has been traced running north and south. A second possible north-south street
has also been located at some distance. The long cross streets as shown by Wheeler, still
remain hypothetical because the suggested lines follow only the contour of the mound but they
remain to be proved by excavation. It is therefore not at all clear whether the two settlement
sites were planned on one grid pattern, as is generally assumed. The grid system has not been
proved in any of these I ndus Civilization sites. If this grid presumption is set aside, the growth
of the city plan of Mohenjo-daro can be reached with reasonable understanding on the basis of
an earlier continued occupation of the two sites on either side of a small channel – an
experience that led to the Indus concept of twin settlements – a ‘citadel’ and a ‘lower town’ as
we like to call them. B. B. Lal believes that at least half of Kalibangan's citadel hill has religious
significance, but no such idea has yet been proposed for other parts of the city. Indus cities are
unique in their concept. There is no precedent in history for a long north-south trunk road to be
constructed at such an early stage. The only other place where such a plan appears to have
taken place is evident from aerial photographs of Rahman Deli. Following this plan, the walls of
the house were placed straight along the street. More importantly, a long covered public sewer
system was constructed in the middle of the wide street, with manholes in between for final
waste disposal. Such drains were successfully connected to drains and water slides in private
houses with a sophisticated brick floor system in the bathroom. The long boulevards seem to
be determined by the direction of the wind. The street pattern was designed by people familiar

16
with the local climate and environment to let in fresh breezes, and the vents in the houses on
the sides of the main street were opened, presumably for the same purpose. This arrangement,
a high sense of hygiene, and strict adherence to regularity suggest a community of people who
were certainly disciplined and conscientious in their behavioral patterns, at least during the
mature period of the Indus Valley Civilization.

Chapter 4:

Religious Symbolism of Indus Valley Civilizations.

Religious Symbolism of Indus Valley Civilizations.

There is a consensus among researchers that certain religious practices were practiced during
the Indus Valley Civilization (IVC), and the seals found at Mohenjo-daro (an IVC city founded
around 2500 BC) , is known as Pashupati. The seal depicts a person sitting in the center
surrounded by animals. The sitting position is considered yogic. Pashupati is a compound word
from Sanskrit. Pashu means animal and Pati means king or husband. Therefore, Pashu Pati
means king of animals or ruler of animals. J. Marshall tried to trace many of the later Indian
practices to these ideas, but prefers to limit himself to the construction of a great religious
tradition of the Indus peoples, in which small traditions of various communities were
integrated. Some people. From this point of view, major traditions could be attributed to the
nature of the urban structure, while minor traditions could be related to the large population of

17
villages, where they coexisted with their own humble beliefs. It must be. The concept of fertility
worship must have had a great influence on such an agricultural society. The discovery of
numerous terracotta statues depicting nearly naked women suggests the idea of a village
mother goddess. These include a terracotta statue of a pregnant woman with a child

. Two main culture of the indus valley civilization

The Harappan seal depicts a remarkable scene (Fig. 3a) depicting a birth scene. The seal is
engraved with an inscription consisting of six characters that has not yet been deciphered. On
one side there are two genies, and on the other side there is a man with a cutting instrument in
his right hand. In front of him sits a displeased woman with her hair tousled and her hands
raised. The scene above shows the same woman upside down with something appearing to be
coming out of her genitals, which is clearly a depiction of childbirth. It is impossible to say
exactly what thoughts are behind such scenes, but the idea of fertility is certainly at the center
of attention here and is expressed within this amazing seal. . Marshall also attributes his
perception of the phallus (lingam) and ring stones to similar beliefs.. The second major element
commonly believed is the many animals depicted on seals. Some animals have multiple heads,
some have multiple bodies, and some are definitely mythical in that he combines features of

18
multiple animals into one figure. there is. Among these animals bulls certainly predominate.
Why unicorns are depicted on many seals remains a mystery. Although these animals were not
actually worshiped, animal spirits seem to have been an integral part of religious beliefs and
can be seen in the figures of many horned gods. Another popular idea is also seen in depictions
of seal trees and logs, with trees in the railing being a common feature. These may not be of
great importance on their own, but when combined with the appearance of the moss leaf motif
carved into some painted pots and seals, they begin to take on some significance. One seal (Fig.
3b) actually shows his two heads coming out of the tree, suggesting the idea of a living spirit in
the tree. The concept of a tree god dates back to other seals with a horned figure standing
within a tree motif (Figure 1). 3c). Here, the modest traditions of the villagers are integrated
into a celebratory performance that showcases urban sophistication. A wooden god with horns
and braids hanging down his sides stands in a pot with leaves. In front of her, a horned figure
kneels and supplicates, seemingly invoking God through the mythical animal standing behind
it. In the bottom row are seven figures with wings and pigtails, presumably waiting for their
chance. It is difficult to determine whether these minor characters are intended for worship or
sacrifice. However, the entire scene is a remarkable depiction of a highly emotional ritual. Such
tree gods are also drawn individually. In another example, a kneeling man with a sharp knife in
his hand pushes a deer before a god as if it were a sacrifice. Many seals display a "standard"
under the unicorn's mouth. The symbolic nature of this object is made clear by the bull on the
central altar and another seal carried in conjunction with the fluttering flag in front of it. The
other seal is from Harappa44, and in addition to some lettering, it also depicts two scenes. The
image below shows a horned bull on the left, with a man standing between them looking out
at a building, probably wooden, with battlements and a vestibule in front. On the top tier, two
snarling tigers flank a remarkable figure sitting on a long-legged seat, heels on the seat, toes on
the seat, knees bent. is depicted. His bound hands are placed on his knees, and his head, which
is not very clearly visible, appears to have horns. In another seal, the same horned man is
worshiped in a similar pose by two men, one on each side with his hands folded. These
worshipers wear cobra hoods on their backs, reminiscent of the Naga Devas (serpent gods) of
later times. The seated pose is much simpler. Marshall suggested looking at it as a yoga pose.
This deity has a remarkable history, dating back to horned deities found on painted sherds
from the pre-Indus period. The iconography of the figure reveals the various assembled
elements. On the Kalibangan tablet, the figure is crowned by a simple tree. In the seal of
Mohenjodaro, the crown has horns. However, a more stylized figure appears on a separate seal
(Figure 3d). The seated god here has erect male limbs, is polymorphic, has a stylized stump in
the center of his horned crown, and has a series of torcs around his neck. There are two ibex
under the seat. Four animals surround a sitting figure, but the figure appears to be absorbed
and motionless. Of the four animals, the elephant is in retreat, while the tiger, rhino, and bull
are in an aggressive mood. Marshall considers him a "prototype of Shiva," a concept consistent

19
with modern Indian beliefs. On the one hand, various elements in it are already modern beliefs.
The expression here is a sophisticated and integrated concept of nature that is thought to have
developed in the urban environments of the Indus Valley Civilization.

1: The Dravidian Solution

Iravatham Mahadevan shows the Dravidian solution for interpreting Indus script 2. He said that
the Indus Valley Civilization was a pre-Aryan civilization and the important one was the
Dravidian Civilization. Aryans (carriers of haplogroup R1a from western Eurasia, depending on
population genetics) arrived in India in several waves, with three to five arriving around 2000
BC. (+ or - 200?) was key because it changed India's very demography. Indo-European
languages probably came to India 6 with the Aryans. Asko Purpola identifies two waves of
migration from the northwest to India: the first wave of Asura Aryans between 1700 and 1900
BC and the second wave of Summa Aryans between 1500 and 1700 BC. The migrating Aryans
continued to interbreed genetically with the Indus peoples until 1500 AD. Therefore, the so-
called Pashu Pati seal discovered at Mohenjodaro (2500 BC) must have had a Dravidian name.
Potu Raju in Telugu (Dravidian language) roughly translates to Pashu Pati. Pashu means animal
and Potu means male animal. Potu Raju is a deity who is still worshiped in villages of Andhra
Pradesh even today. The upright stone symbolizing Pothu Raju (ruler of male animals) may be a
symbol of “phallus” meaning “lingam” (Dravidian) representing fertility. In other words,
Poturaju is the god of fertility. Potu Raju is the youngest of his seven sisters who are also gods.
Her older sister is the most powerful of them all and is called Poleramma, Polymeramma or
Polamma. Polymera or Poly is the boundary or outer boundary of a village. Polama stands at
the border of the village and protects it from evil spirits and diseases. The Polerama worship is
“Kolupu” and the associated (harvest) celebration is “Jatara”. It is also believed that Polamma's
six sisters are avatars/images of herself. The seven sisters are called in various places by various
names such as Bangaramma, Ankamma (Ankallamma), Gajulamma (mother with bracelets,
reminiscent of Harappan female deity, Figure 2), etc. Polamma usually takes the name of the
specific village she guards. In Valluru (Andhra) village, she is the mother Valluramma of Valluru
village. The story of the Younger Brothers and Seven Sisters God is not limited to Andhra
Pradesh. In the mines of Jawar (Rajasthan) she is Jawar Mata, the mother of Jawar village. In
modern Pakistan, she is Hinglaz Mata along with her sisters and her younger brother. Hinglaz is
most likely Singlaz (since Sindhu became a Hindu) or Singala Ji or Singama. Singala Ji/Singamma
may be the title of a woman/god who fought against tigers and protected the villagers. Singalu
is the plural of Singa. From Deshnok (Bikaner, Rajasthan) she is Avadi Mata. Amma and Mata
mean mother, so Polamma is the mother goddess. In many villages these female deities and
Potu Raju are represented in stones. The important thing is that the older sister is omnipotent,

20
and Potu Raju and the other sisters are her subordinates. In the Madiga community, Polamma
is called Yellamma. Yella also means border. The female deity must maintain peace and
contentment through animal sacrifices, and the animals are always male, buffalo, goats, sheep,
or poultry. If the Mother Goddess was not satisfied with animal sacrifices, the villagers had to
face her mother's wrath in the form of droughts, floods, and other disasters. Diseases such as
smallpox can affect villages. The "smallpox" epidemic is believed to have originated from the
displeasure of the mother goddess Amma Vaaru. Every village in Yellamma has a high priest
named Matangi. Kolupu (a deity presided over by the Mother Goddess) sacrifices a male
animal, pours blood on cooked rice, and sprinkles the rice soaked in animal blood along the
village border called 'Poly Petadamu'. It is a type of food offered to Polamma.

2: Aryanisation of Indus Religion

Potu Raju, who became Pashu Pati, is the first evidence of Aryanization of an indigenous belief
system. Another form of Potu Raju is Shiva or Shiva Lingam, worshiped by the Chenchu tribe of
Andhra Pradesh. The Shiva temple at Srisailam was built by the Chenchu tribe. Similarly,
Ahobilam Shiva temple belongs to Chenchu tribe. It is important to note that the Bhil people of
North India are genetically identical to the Chenchu people of Andhra Pradesh. The omnipotent
female deity Polerama is Adi Shakti in the Aryan version. Adi means first and Shakti means
strength. The mother goddesses Durga and Mahankali are different forms of Adi Shakti. An
important 'correction' to Indian mythology is that Potu Raju/Shiva becomes the husband of a
modified form of Durga/Parvati Polamma. Thus Shakti (Tantra) worship becomes Shiva-Shakti
worship. According to Boppuri Nagai, belonging to the Madiga community (from
Cherukumpalem village near Ongole, Andhra Pradesh), who narrates the Jamukula Katha (folk
tale) during the Kolupulu period, Poleramma has a third central eye and if anyone opens it, she
can be burned alive. . ) Third eye. Centuries ago, Polerama was alone in the universe and there
was water everywhere. An egg (Gudu/Andam) appeared and from that egg came Brahma.
Polamma expresses her wish to live with him as her husband and wife. Since Brahma did not
accept it, he was burned with his middle eye opened by Polaramma. Another egg is born and
Vishnu is born from that egg. Poleramma expresses her wish to live with Vishnu again. Vishnu,
like Brahma, turns to ashes after rejecting Polerama's offer. A third egg appears and Shiva is
born from it. Poleramma also expresses her wishes to Shiva. Since Shiva is the most powerful,
he goes against Polaramma's wishes and offers to accept her if she is willing to share his power.
Polerama is inferior. Thus, Shiva gains half of Polamma's spiritual and magical powers, including
the third eye. Now Poleramma has no third eye. Shiva asks Polerama to return after bathing in
the sea. Siva first resurrects Brahma and Vishnu from their ashes with the powers he got from
poleramma. When Poleramma returns, Siva reduces her to ashes by opening his newly acquired
third (median) eye. Siva makes four parts of the ashes of Poleramma and creates Saraswati
(who becomes the consort of Brahma), Laxmi (who becomes the consort of Vishnu), Parvati

21
(who becomes the consort Siva) and Poleramma is resurrected from the fourth part of the
ashes albeit with reduced powers. There are several other examples of Aryanisation of the
beliefs of Native Indian Tribes Folk tales that are carried from generation to generation by the
word of mouth but folk tales do contain traces of ancient beliefs. Converting Poleramma to
Parvati and making her the consort of Siva may be the indication of matrilineal (Dravidian)
Indus society transforming into patrilineal (Aryan) upon the arrival Aryans into India. Moreover,
Vedic Brahma and Vishnu are identified with Potu Raju/Shiva of Dravidian origin. Ramachandra
Rao8 wrote: “But what is interesting is that some (but not all) of the people depicted in the
older parts of the Ajanta paintings are similar to the present-day Malas and Maharas. In terms
of certain cultural elements, there is a connection between Malla and the god Betal (also
known as Betal), who is dismissed as a "bogey" by upper-class scholars. However, he is actually
a prehistoric hunter god. Bethal is also depicted as a horseman and appears to be related to
the old Malamahar. Vetal shrines are very common in the Deccan region, especially
Maharashtra. Additionally, from my observations, during the medieval period the important
Vetala sanctuary was converted into a famous Hindu pilgrimage site (Pandharpur). The name
was changed to Vitthala. . Every year, processions of pilgrims still follow the old route. During
the Middle Ages, reformers included this shrine in their movements for social reform. Likewise,
another ancient cultural element that can be associated with the Mala Maharas is the god
Khandoba, a sword-bearing guardian. There is also a connection between hunting and military
affairs. (Khandoba is the familiar Skanda/Kartik/Murgan in other parts of India).Then comes the
cycle of Parsuram legends, especially his mother Renuka. This group of legends is associated
with the Yellama cult. Perhaps these stories represent a residual history from very ancient
times, as they are shared by other older communities.” Likewise, Matangi, the high priest of the
Madiga community, becomes one of the “Dasa Maha Vidya” and further takes the form of
Saraswati.

22
 Chapter 5:

Arts and craft of indus valley civilization

Arts and craft of indus valley civilization

There are some extraneous elements, such as the figures of Gilgamesh and Enkidu, that are also
found on the Indus Seal. But the religious repertoire would be incomplete without mention of
limestone statues.

23
One example shows a bearded figure with half-closed eyes. In the second example, the man is
half-kneeling, his hands are on his knees, his body is covered with a shawl, and his right
shoulder is bare. The third is a very complex male bust (Figure 1). 4), with his beard trimmed,
upper lip shaven, half-closed eyes looking at the tip of a sharp nose, hair combed and held by a
gold fillet, ears imitating a shell design, a ring armlet on his right arm, and a shawl over his body
except for the right shoulder. The shawl is decorated with the trefoil design. It is this statue that
has been taken to be a ‘priest king’ though we have no evidence of any priestly dominance in
the Indus Civilization. The statuettes, seals, terracotta figurines and several other decorative
objects also reveal the artistic trends of the time. A total number of eleven stone statuettes
have been recovered at Mohenjo-daro, nine of which are human or parts of human figures and
two are animals. One was made of soapstone, two were made of alabaster, and the rest were
made of limestone. One animal is clearly a ram, while the other is a complex animal with ram
horns and an elephant trunk. These paintings are all painted in a traditional manner and show a
tendency to leave little room for freedom. Although they have their own individuality in
physical depiction, some correspondences with Mesopotamian figures can be found, for
example in the shaved upper lip, strong neck, trefoil on the shawl, and the use of inlays for the
eyes. All figures are modeled and belong to the tradition of clerical origin. Meanwhile, two
more dolls belonging to a completely different school were discovered in Harappa. The first is a
young gray stone dancer with some of his legs broken and his head cut, showing off his
incredible movements reconstructed by Marshall. The second figure, headless and without
arms or legs, is carved from red sandstone and shows the arms attached using a tubular drill.
His muscles look natural and are well depicted. These naturalistic depictions are also observed
in the case of animals and seals. In particular, the picture of the two-horned bull shows keen
observation. Indus art appears to be a departure from the general tendency of Indian art to be
generally stylized and full of iconographic details. The Indus art shown on the seals exudes
naturalism and the scenes depicted on the seals are derived from ordinary human activities.
Unfortunately, the sculptures are limited to small figures. Nothing can compare to the colossal
statues of Egyptian civilization. Movements associated with dancers. His bracelet-wearing left
hand appears to make a tinkling musical sound as he strikes his thigh with his wrist, and his
plump, plump lips are open to the soft melody of a song. The completely nude figure has her
hair stylishly pulled to one side. She has been compared to temple girls of later periods.
Physiognomatically he differs from other figures, but in the free movement of his limbs he
carries within him the active spirit of his time. Terracotta figurines of people and animals
represent the folk art of the time. Among them, cattle predominate, mainly humpback bulls,
but short-horned bulls and buffalo are also found. Cows are not depicted at all. Other animals
include dogs, sheep, elephants, rhinos, pigs, monkeys, turtles, and birds. Human dolls are
mostly women in various activities or poses.

24
Standing female figurines (Figure 5) with loincloths fastened with belts, a series of beaded necklaces, ear panniers
and scalloped headdresses are very common. All figures are hand sculpted using the pin-on applique technique.
Some of them are so attractive that they hint at something more than an ordinary toy.

25
. However, there was no shortage of toys, including birdsong and wheeled carts (Figure 1). 6)
And animals with perforated legs for children to draw. Terracotta was a means of representing
the poor. Practical items such as baby bottles, rattles, women's bracelets, cubic or tabular disks,
spoons, mousetraps, meat rubber bands, etc. were also made. The most common are carrot-
shaped cones made of simple terracotta, triangular-shaped terracotta cakes, etc. d. round
rocket. The cone resembles a carrot and is expected to be used as a stylus, while the cake is
intended to be used as an oven tray or toilet. Earthenware is another material used to model
animals or make other items such as bracelets, rings, cufflinks, buttons, boxes, and furniture
inserts. Pottery consisted of ground soapstone, compressed and modeled to create the desired
object. It was then glazed and fired in a kiln. Today's color is light blue or green. The
earthenware materials are generally small and produce small figurines of sheep, monkeys,
dogs, and squirrels. Beads in the shape of barrels or convex double cones were also made of
earthenware, with drilled trefoil carved on them. Bead-making technology was highly
developed in the Indus Civilization. In addition to earthenware, other materials such as gold,
silver, copper, steatite, semi-precious stones, shells, and ceramics are also used. E.J. McKay45
provides details of a beadmaker's workshop from the Chanhu-daro excavations, which clearly
show the processes of sawing, stripping, grinding and drilling stone beads. The treasure trove
discovered at Mohenjodaro contained a series of gold beads. Silver beads are typically spherical
or barrel-shaped. Another important type of earthenware is segmented beads. Carnelian
decoration and etched beads are well known. The ant bird pattern on the beads is identical to
the pattern on the shawl. At Harappa, huge quantities of jewelry made of gold and semi-
precious stones were discovered beneath workers' quarters. There were about 500 gold coins,
from bracelets to beads, as well as numerous beads and entire necklaces made of metal. Two
other materials used by the Indus people to make jewelry are lapis lazuli and seashells. Lapis
lazuli from the Badakh Shan was used sparingly, but seashells were plentiful on the coast. It was
used to make various types of bracelets, rivets, cones and was carved into various designs for
decorative purposes. The silk industry is very developed. The steel industry of the Indus people
has many interesting and interesting features. S. Piggot46 reports that blacksmiths made
products from raw and refined copper as bronze (copper with about 10% tin added, either
intentionally or accidentally). In copper-arsenic alloys it imparts additional hardness to the
metal, although this is almost certainly accidental. The most common metallurgical methods
were casting and forging. Casting was done by pouring molten metal into a mold. This process
appears to have been used very sparingly because small amounts of tin or arsenic were added,
requiring special care to avoid foaming. However, good results could have been obtained using
the lost wax method. This is the method used to create the statue of the dancing girl. However,
other tools made of copper or bronze were cast using simple techniques. These included simple
flat axes, pointed spear heads, barbed harpoons, arrowheads, razors, knives, mirrors with

26
handles, and sometimes axes with holes for hilts. Copper and bronze were widely used to make
metal pots, pans, bowls, cups, plates, and bottles.

The find ofspindle-whorls and many cloth impressions in the Indus cities is evidence of the
growth of textile manufacture out of the good-quality cotton produced in the Indus plains.For
means of transport the Indus people used carts with solid wheels that were tied to the axle and
which turned round along with the axle, a type of small cart that is still in use in the villages of
Sind. Two types of river-going ships have been noted. One depicted on a seal shows the high
prow, central cabin and double steering oar. Before the cabin are poles apparently to hold the
standard. At Lothal other terracotta ship models have also been found. A few stone tools were
found, but the main product was pottery. About six pottery kilns were discovered during the
late construction of Mohenjodaro. It was originally circular in shape with a firebox and oven
beneath a perforated floor covered by a domed roof. Indus pottery is mostly simple and mass-
produced for utilitarian purposes. A thick-walled bowl is well-cooked and makes a ringing sound
when struck with a finger. The most common type is the offering bowl with a narrow, tapered
base, which is probably an evolution of bowls from earlier times. Other types include beakers,
pointed glasses, cups with handles, bottle holders, perforated cylindrical containers, and
various vases, pans, and plates. Special types include cone ceramics and porous vessels. Most of
the materials were spun on a potter's wheel, but some hand-made vessels were also found
downstairs. Cups with pointed bottoms and notches on the outside can be found a lot in later
levels. Some of them bear short inscriptions. Most pottery is a pinkish color made from alluvial
river clay mixed with other materials. Covered with a bright red overlay. Decorated pottery has
patterns painted in black on a red background. The designs are equally divided between
geometric and natural, including trees, birds, fish and animals. Indus pottery is heavy and well-
made, and stands in stark contrast to the delicate vessels of pre-Indus cultures. Among the
characteristic patterns, intersecting circular patterns, tubular leaves, checkered patterns, and
kidney-shaped patterns are found in the clumps of leaves and tendrils. Among birds, the
peacock takes its place. Some paint fragments also depict human figures. A pottery fragment
from Harappa depicts a fisherman carrying two nets hanging from poles on his shoulders, with
fish and turtles at his feet. Another sculpture depicts a doe nursing her young, two birds, a fish
and a star at the top of the panel, a second man with his hand raised and the other touching his
head, and a child with his hand raised with a fish. There is. Rooster in the field. Wheeler noted
that the lower layers of Mohenjodaro that have been explored to date have higher quality
paintings. These various tools of urban civilization are virtually uncontrollable without a writing
system. It is therefore not surprising that the Indus people adopted a writing system that suited
their own purposes.However, this written system has been found in a fully developed form as
seen in the many steatite seals and sealings, copper tablets and somestamped on pots and
other objects. In the absence of its earlier evolutionary process the beginning of the writing
remains unknown, though we have been able to trace some pot marks47 which bear some

27
resemblance to symbols used in the Indus writing. The inscriptions so far discovered are limited
to a few signs on the seals and there is a lack of longer inscriptions with the result that great
difficulty is faced in the structural analysis of the writing. However, attempts have been made
to make a full list of the inscriptions, 48draw up a comparative chart and to break the sign lists
into suffixes, main stem, accent marks and numerals.49There have also been attempts to
decipher50them on the basis of analogies and on the supposed basis of the language being
some form of proto-Dravidian or some other language. Failing in these deciphering attempts,
some scholars51 have tried to interpret them directly on the basis of their own understanding
of the cultural pattern. However, without bilingual inscriptions, the phonetic meanings assigned
to the various symbols cannot be ascertained. Until now, the Indian script remained
undeciphered because it was written in an unknown script and an unknown language. The
writing system is neither pictographic nor alphabetic. This is at an intermediate stage, called
logographic or logosyllabic, and appears to have been confined primarily to the literary class,
which exercised professional control in relation to the urban environment. Since writing began
to develop during the Indus Valley Civilization, no trace of the post-urban landscape that
developed in the region remained after its decline.

28
Conclusions

(1) Population genetic studies show that the Bhils, Chenchu, Madiga and Mala communities
have the least genetic content of North Indian ancestry (genetically similar to Middle Eastern,
Central Asian and Europeans or simply Western Europeans or carriers of haplogroup R1a) and
thus can be classified as indigenous Indians of the Indus Valley Civilization.

(2) The indigenous Indian religion before 2000 BC which most likely belongs to the Indus was
the Mother Goddess/Amma Vaaru//Polamma/Yellamma and Amba Mata/Ambaji/Maata Ji in
the Aryan version. The seven sister deities and their younger brothers are still worshiped in
India today.

(3) Despite all this, Indians (Hindus) do not accept Shruti scriptures and Vedic gods like Brahma,
Varuna, Mitra, Indra etc. This led to the Aryanization of indigenous deities through the Smriti
scriptures, myths and epic Puranas (worshiping indigenous legendary heroes such as Krishna
and the dark-skinned Rama) since 1500 CE. Krishna's family followed Dravidian kinship ties,
such as Abhimanyu, son of Subhadra (Krishna's sister) married Sasi Rekha, daughter of Balaram
(Krishna's brother).

(4) Hinduism or Hinduism is not a religion. Hindu simply means India.

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Reference

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