Freedom Struggle and the Methods of Mass

Mobilisation in Kashmir (1931–1947)

Muhammad Ibrahim Wani
[email protected]

Abstract: The paper aims to explore the methods and

the associated techniques of mass mobilisation used by
the nationalist leadership during the Kashmir freedom
struggle (1931-1947). The focus is on the use of religious
idiom, pro-people demands, press–published from
Punjab and locally, and progressive poetry. The paper
observes that the methods of mobilisation were
pragmatic, non-violent and adaptive. A varied and wide
ranged idiom was used towards the achievement of
freedom from exploitation, corruption and the
autocratic system. And the movement was undoubtedly
committed to the democratic, progressive and pro-
people agenda.

In comparison to the British India which was under direct

British rule, Princely States, which were more than 562 in
number and made up around two-fifth of colonial India, were
generally backward.1 The primary reason for this was that
reforms in governance and education were not introduced in
the same manner as in the British India,2 but there were some
exceptions like Baroda and Mysore.3 Broadly speaking, the
Princes were synonymous with a lifestyle of luxury and
opulence, and were used to a feudal mode of expenditure,
which was a great drain on the resources of their States and
left the people worse off. The backwardness of the States was
all encompassing. It is evident from the fact that while the
Indian National Congress was founded in 1885, most of the
Princely States lacked organized political activity even till the
end of the 1920s. At around the same time, while as British
India was brimming with the freedom of thought and
expression connected to social reform, modernisation,

1
Fiona Groenhout, ‘The History of the Indian Princely States: Bringing
the Puppets Back onto Centre Stage’, History Compass, 2006, Volume
No. 4, Issue No. 4, 629–44.
2
Ibid
3
M. Bhagavan, Sovereign Spheres: Princes, Education, and Empire in
Colonial India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003.
158| Freedom Struggle and the Methods of Mass

matters of governance and civil administration, and

nationalism,4 there was hardly any freedom of expression and
public opinion in most of the Princely States. The case of
Jammu and Kashmir is an apt example, as there was no
freedom of press and political association till 1932.
The state apparatus in Jammu and Kashmir was the most
oppressive and exploitative. Gulab Singh was minded “to reap
commercial benefits from his ‘purchase’ of Kashmir”,5 and
ruled with a tight fist, with exorbitant taxation and
exploitation of its Muslim working class majority population,
so much so that every type of produce was monopolised, even
Muslim marriages were taxed, and above all, the practice of
begar (corvee) reached its climax.6 Due to ruthless taxation,
corruption and recurrent famines, the peasants and artisans
were in extreme distress. Faced with chronic poverty, there
were frequent migrations from Kashmir valley to Punjab,
particularly that of peasants and shawl weavers.7 It is as Bose
explains, “Practically all accounts of J&K in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries paint a grim picture
of a self-absorbed, hopelessly incompetent regime and a
Muslim subject population living in medieval conditions of
poverty and oppression”.8
There was some easing in the prevailing system with
British intervention that facilitated reforms like land
settlements, modern education, construction of roads and
healthcare. However, largely the system continued to be
extremely exploitative, particularly for the vast majority of

4
Bipan Chandra, India’s Struggle for Independence (1857-1947), Delhi:
Penguin Books, 1988. pp. 356-357.
5
Mridu Rai, Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir: Hindu Rulers,
Muslim Subjects, New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2004, p. 63.
6
Ibid.; Muzamil Rashid. The Institution of Begar in Kashmir (1846-1947).
Unpublished Thesis, Department of History: University of Kashmir,
2013.
7
Mridu Rai, Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir: Ibid, p. 65
8
Sumantra Bose, Kashmir: Roots of Conflict, Paths to Peace, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, and London: Harvard University Press, 2003, p. 16.
 M. Ibrahim Wani |159

Muslim peasantry and artisans. It is worthwhile to quote

Prakash Chandra:9

The Maharaja regarded the Kashmiris as a race of

slaves. He did not provide them with equal
opportunities in trade, industry, education, jobs,
agriculture and above all for their upliftment as a
community of culture. In fact, he discouraged the
evolution of a regionalized community of culture in
Kashmir. The Muslims of the state, thus, became the
worst sufferers from the triple dictum of racism,
communalism and casteism. This was inherent in the
legal philosophy of juridical structure under the
Maharaja.

As mentioned earlier, there was no freedom of thought

and expression in Kashmir even till the late 1920s. It is
evident from the following statement of Sir Albion Bannerji,
the former foreign and political minister of Maharaja Hari
Singh, which he issued as late as 1929, after his resignation at
a press conference in Lahore:10

. . . There is no touch between the government and the

people . . . It [government] has at present no sympathy
with the people’s wants and grievances … There is
hardly any public opinion in the state. As regards the
Press, it is practically non-existent with the result that
the government is not benefited to the extent that it
should be by the impact of healthy criticism …

The freedom of thought and expression was granted after

the recommendations of the Glancy Commission (1931-32). It
facilitated the formation of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim
Conference (AJKMC) in October 1932. It was a key
development for political mobilization in the State, and led
towards the crystallization of the freedom struggle against
the autocratic rule. In this struggle, various methods of mass

9
Prakash Chandra, ‘The National Question in Kashmir’, Social Scientist,
1985, Volume N0. 13, Issue No. 6, 35–56, p. 40.
10
Muhammad Yusuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom: Volume 1 (1819-
1946), Ist Edition. Lahore: Ferozsons Ltd., 2005, p. 349.
160| Freedom Struggle and the Methods of Mass

mobilisation were adopted by the nationalist leaders. These

methods included the deployment of religious idiom, pro-
people demands, progressive discourses in local press,
nationalist poetry, and annual sessions of All Jammu and
Kashmir Muslim Conference (1932-1938), Azad Muslim
Conference (1933-1941), and National Conference (1939-1947),
etc. The present paper is aimed to explore the methods and
the associated techniques of mass mobilization that the
freedom struggle of Kashmir used during its checkered span
(1931-1947).

Religious Idiom

The majority population of Kashmir consisted of peasantry,

which was extremely backward with very low rates of literacy.
It was subjugated to exorbitant taxation. Same was true in
case of shawl weavers and various other types of artisans. It
was in reaction to the heavy taxation that the shawl weavers
organized a revolt in 1865.11 The result was that their
procession was fired upon by troops causing the death of
more than 28 weavers and hundreds suffered injuries.12 In
1924, there was another workers revolt at the Silk Factory in
Srinagar. Troops opened fire upon the workers which led to
more than 7 deaths, and around 40 workers were injured.13
Most of the workers were dismissed and faced police
harassment.14 Despite such unrest, there was no organised
movement due to the absence of a political leadership with
modern education. This gap was filled when the All Jammu
and Kashmir Muslim Conference (AJKMC) was formed in

11
Amit Kumar and Fayaz A Dar, ‘Marginality and Historiography The
Case of Kashmir’s History’, Economic and Poiltical Weekly, 2015.
Volume No. 50, Issue No. 39, 37–44.
12
Ghulam Hassan Khan, Freedom Movement in Kashmir: 1931-1940, New
Delhi; Light and Life Publications, 1980, p. 79.
13
Jammu and Kashmir Government: Administrative Report, Samvat 1981,
p. 9; Bandae Matram, 24th August, 1924.
14
Tariq Ahmad Sheikh, ‘Popular Unrest and State Response in Kashmir
(1846-1947)’, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 2013, Volume
No. 74, 522–31, p. 525.
 M. Ibrahim Wani |161

October, 1932. Its objectives, as stated in its Constitution at

the time of its creation, included:15

a. It is an organisation of Muslims of Jammu and

Kashmir.
b. It will maintain and strengthen the unity of Muslims
of Jammu and Kashmir.
c. It will protect the political rights of Muslims in
Jammu and Kashmir.
d. It will struggle for the moral, educational, social,
cultural and economic rights of the Muslims of
Jammu and Kashmir.

These objectives indicate an emphasis on the Muslim

identity of the Muslim Conference (AJKMC). The political
appeal was towards Muslims, and the organisation was aimed
towards the ‘struggle’, as the last objective indicates, for
realisation and protection of their rights.
The appeal to the mass of Muslims came out
pronouncedly in the use of religious idiom at the annual
sessions of the Muslim Conference (AJKMC). The welcome
address and the presidential address at these sessions started
with the recitation of Quran,16 and the leaders frequently
deployed a religious idiom. The intention was to mobilise the
oppressed masses and to develop a sense of belonging and
solidarity. In his presidential address at the first annual
session, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah invoked a religious
idiom to explain the reasons for the decline of the Kashmiri
nation. Reciting Quranic verses17, he explained18:

15
Mirza Shafiq Hussain, Kashmiri Musalmano ki Siyasi Jad-o- Jahad (1931-
1939): Muntakhib Dastawezat, Gaw Kadal, Srinagar: Gulshan Publisher,
1991, p. 235.
16
E.g, See welcome Address delivered by Raja Mohammad Akbar Khan
at the Second Annual Session of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim
Conference, Mirpur (15 – 17 December 1933). ‘Dastawez No 10. 15
December 1933’. Mirza Shafiq Hussain, Kashmiri Musalmano ki Siyasi
Jad-o-jahad (1931-1939): Muntakhib Dastawezat, Gaw Kadal, Srinagar:
Gulshan Publisher, 1991, p 279.
17
Quran, Surah Taha, verses 124 to 126:
But he who turneth away from remembrance of Me [Allah],
his will be a narrow life, and I shall bring him blind to the
assembly on the Day of Resurrection. He will say: My Lord!
162| Freedom Struggle and the Methods of Mass

Brothers … The world considers this nation to be timid

and weak, and bereft of sincerity and loyalty, steeped in
the abyss of lies and falsehoods, distressed and
destitute … but before this period of slavery, this was
not the case. This nation had also nurtured people with
virtues of honesty, resoluteness, good character, who
were prosperous and had a command over learning …
They possessed the power and skill to comprehend,
appreciate, and govern the world … Till the time this
nation followed God and obeyed his commandments
and served his people, the providence supported it, and
made it successful and prosperous. But, when it went
against God, then the providence treated it as per its
eternal laws.

This deployment of religious idiom is clearly visible across

the sessions of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim
Conference (1932-1939). In one of the sessions, Mian Ahmad
Yaar in his presidential address at Sopore in 1934 declared
that “the workers can not succeed in their mission and goal
till they are not guided by the commandments of the
Quran”.19

Nonetheless, even though a religious idiom was used it is

clear that the Muslim Conference was not exclusionary or

Wherefor hast Thou gathered me (hither) blind, when I was

wont to see? He will say: So (it must be). Our revelations
came unto thee but thou didst forget them. In like manner
thou art forgotten this Day.
18
Presidential Address of Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah at the First
Annual Session of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference.
Srinagar (15- 17 October, 1932). ‘Dastawez No 4. 17 October 1932’. Mirza
Shafiq Hussain, Kashmiri Musalmano ki Siyasi Jad-o-Jahad (1931-1939):
Muntakhib Dastawezat, Gaw Kadal, Srinagar: Gulshan Publisher, 1991,
pp. 219-220.
19
Presidential Address delivered by Mian Ahmad Yaar delivered at the
Third Annual Session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim
Conference, Sopore (11-13 November 1934). ‘Dastawez No 14. 13
November 1934’. Mirza Shafiq Hussain, Kashmiri Musalmano ki siyasi
Jad-o-jahad (1931-1939): Muntakhib Dastawezat, Gaw Kadal, Srinagar:
Gulshan Publisher, 1991, p. 344.
 M. Ibrahim Wani |163

communal in its ideological and practical political outlook.20

This is evident when at the inception of the All Jammu and
Kashmir Muslim Conference itself, it was declared and
emphasized in clear terms that this movement was in no way
communal.21 The leaders of the Muslim Conference (AJKMC)
stressed on the need of unity, even though the Dogra rule was
clearly comfortable with the projection of a Hindu religious
divinity, the bureaucracy was predominantly Hindu, and
there was a clear discrimination towards Muslims in State
jobs and the award of land grants.The Kashmiri Pandits, with
some exceptions, opposed the Glancy Commission
recommendations and created political pressure against the
implementation of reforms.22 It was so because the
Commission, in view of the backwardness of Muslims in
modern education, had recommended some concessions for
appointment of educated Muslims to lower grade
government services. Also, the relaxation was made to
address the acute discrimination faced by the educated
Muslims.23 Despite the opposition to such humanitarian
reforms, many leaders of the Muslim Conference, on the
advice of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, the outstanding
leader of the Kashmir freedom struggle, maintained close

20
Muhammad Yusuf Ganai, ‘Kashmiri Nationalists and Their Vision
(1931-1947)’, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 2003, Volume
No. 64, 1003–14, p. 1004.
21
Welcome Address of Ghulam Mohammad Ashai at the First Annual
Session of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, Srinagar (15- 17
October, 1932). Mirza Shafiq Hussain, Kashmiri Musalmano ki siyasi
Jad-o-jahad (1931-1939): Muntakhib Dastawezat, Gaw Kadal, Srinagar:
Gulshan Publisher, 1991, p 21. The First Annual Session was extended
by two days.
22
Ian Copland, ‘Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-34’,
Pacific Affairs, 1981, Volume No. 54, Issue No. 2, 228–59, pp. 244–45.
23
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah explains the discrimination and
subterfuge faced by Muslims in appointment of government positions,
and states, “the government could recruit 60 per cent of the candidates
without referring their applications to the [recruitment] Board. The
remaining 40 per cent were required to furnish details about their
family background. Finally, the government also had the power to
reject candidates without stating any reasons”. Sheikh Mohammad
Abdullah: Flames of Chinar - An Autobiography. Translated by
Khuswant Singh. New Delhi: Penguin, 1993, pp. 17-20.
164| Freedom Struggle and the Methods of Mass

contact with the non-Muslim leaders, and attempted to

persuade them to join the freedom struggle led by the
Muslim Conference.24
Undoubtedly, the reason of the deployment of religious
idiom was to connect to the masses, and to broaden the social
basis of the movement. It was basically the inherent secular
character of the Muslim Conference that led to its
transformation into the National Conference in 1939. It was
not an event where Muslim leaders abandoned the interests
of mass majority of Muslim poor. In this context it is
worthwhile to quote Balraj Puri:25

The change in the name of the party from 'Muslim

Conference' to 'National Conference' did not involve
giving up or diluting any original demand. The same
demands were now pursued more vigorously, with the
help of the new supporters.Just as the advent of Islam
in Kashmir did not weaken its traditional identity,
similarly the secular ideologies did not undermine the
basic character and objectives of the mass Muslim
movement.

Starting from AJKMC (1932-1939), both the National

Conference (1939-1947) and the revived Muslim Conference
(1941-1947)26 carried forward the strategy of exerting influence
over religious events, and religious sites like mosques and
shrines for conduct of political activity and for dissemination
of their political agendas. On the occasion of Eid-e-Milad
(birth anniversary of Prophet Muhammad), processions were
organized.27 For the National Conference, which had veered
closer to the Indian National Congress, this was a strategy to

24
Aijaz Ashraf Wani, ‘The Popular Voice: Secular-Progressive Discourse
in Kashmir (1932–47)’, Indian Historical Review, 2007. Volume No. 34,
Issue No. 1, 244–69, p. 249.
25
Balraj Puri, ‘The Era of Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah - I’, Economic and
Political Weekly, 1983. Volume No 18, Issue No. 6, p. 187.
26
Muslim Conference was revived by Choudhary Ghulam Abbas and
Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah in 1941.
27
Abdul Rouf Dar. Political Elite and The Mass Mobilisation in Kashmir:
A Study of Techniques and Methods (1931-1986), 2008. Unpublished
Thesis; Department of History, University of Kashmir
 M. Ibrahim Wani |165

assert that it had not compromised Muslim interests. But it

was also sensitive as not to give an overt religious colour to its
politics. For this, it also organized public rallies in Pandit
majority pockets in Srinagar, and alongwith a display of
Hindu symbolism, there were recitations from the Hindu
scriptures at these events.28 For the revived Muslim
Conference (1941-47), religion was the main plank of
mobilisation, and it instrumentalised Eid-e-Milad as well as
other festival celebrations towards political mobilisation.
Like religious events, religious sites had an important role
in the political mobilisation in Kashmir. “A feature of the
post-Glancy period was a markedly more aggressive strategy
adopted by Kashmiri Muslims” as Mridu Rai explains “in
relation to their shrines. Muslim control over these was
asserted as a chapter in a wider struggle for rights”. 29 After
they were successful in gaining control of their religious sites,
the leaders of the freedom struggle deployed these sites as
centres and platforms of political activity. The first Annual
session of the Muslim Conference (AJKMC) was held at
Pather Masjid in Srinagar. The most prominent site for
political mobilization was the Jamia Masjid (Central Grand
Mosque located in the heart of the old town Srinagar). The
congregational prayers on Fridays were particularly
important for political parties and actors to disseminate their
messages. Alongside the grand mosque, religious sites which
became platforms for political mobilization included
Khanqah-i-Muallah shrine, Naqsband Sahib Shrine and the
Hazratbal Dargah, all located in Srinagar city. Naqsband
sahib shrine at Khawaja Bazaar in Srinagar entered
prominence at the time of commemoration of the Martyrs
Day on 13 July each year as the 1931 martyrs had been buried
in close proximity to the shrine. The Hazratbal Shrine,
especially after the split between Sheikh Abdullah and
Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah in 1933,30 became a platform for Sheikh

28
Ibid.
29
Mridu Rai, Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir: Hindu Rulers,
Muslim Subjects, New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2004, pp. 221–222.
30
After splitting from AJKMC, Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah established the Azaad
Muslim Conference in 1933. See Mirza Shafiq Hussain, Kashmiri
166| Freedom Struggle and the Methods of Mass

Abdullah led AJKMC and later the National Conference. The

National Conference created an alternative religious authority
for itself parallel to the authority of the old religio-feudal
elite. This included the formation of the institution of Auqaf
to manage the shrines, establishing authority over the
Hazratbal shrine, and providing patronage to the Anjuman-i-
Tabligh-ul-Islam (An association of Ulema aimed at
propogation of Islamic teachings).31
The use of religious idiom and religious sites for popular
mobilisation was a means to appeal to a population which
was largely backward, inorder to gain social legitimacy and to
give a mass orientation to the struggle. Even the revived
Muslim Conference, led by Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah and
Chaudhary Abbas (1941–47) kept its focus on issues like
discrimination towards Muslims in government jobs, demand
for abolition of heavy taxation, repeal of Arms Act, etc, during
its mobilizations.32 The religious idiom, without any iota of
doubt, was used to orient the struggle towards the
progressive demands. It is worthwhile to quote Sheikh
Mohammad Abdullah33:

… We had learnt from experience that the real reason

for conflict was not religion but a clash of interests
between different classes and groups. The primary
objective of our movement was to oppose oppression
and support the oppressed …

Pro-People Demands

The Kashmir freedom struggle was a movement for the rights

of have-nots, the majority peasant class, the artisans, and
workers, who toiled under difficult conditions. The middle-

Musalmano ki Siyasi Jad-o-Jahad (1931-1939): Muntakhib Dastawezat,

Gaw Kadal, Srinagar: Gulshan Publisher, 1991, pp. 22-25.
31
Aijaz Ashraf Wani, ‘The Popular Voice: Secular-Progressive Discourse
in Kashmir (1932–47)’, Indian Historical Review, 2007. p. 266-267.
32
Abdul Roaf Dar, Political Elite and The Mass Mobilisation in Kashmir,
2008, p. 207.
33
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah: Flames of Chinar - An Autobiography.
Translated by Khuswant Singh. New Delhi: Penguin, 1993, p. 57.
 M. Ibrahim Wani |167

class leadership therefore articulated and channeled the

demands for political, economic, and social rights of the
masses. Some of the methods it employed were submission of
memorandums to the government, writing of letters and
articles to the Punjab press informing about the plight of
Kashmiris, and circulation of banned newspapers, etc.
The pro-people demand was the agenda of the freedom
struggle right from its inception. The joining of the socialists
since the mid 1930s added a new dimension to it.34 An
increasing focus on pro-people and secular idiom facilitated
the transformation of the Muslim Conference (AJKMC) into
the National Conference. In the progressive focus of the
movement, the focus was on peasants and their exploitation
by the State and its privileged landholders, the issue of
peasant/farmer debt, rural development, and the rights of
workers. The Naya Kashmir manifesto of the National
Conference that it adopted since 1944, clearly reflects this
pro-people agenda, and stands as a tall exemplifier of an
inclusive and egalitarian mobilizing agenda of the
organisation. The manifesto envisaged total abolition of the
feudal economic system, and promised that all the land under
landlords “will revert to the peasant, when social parasitism is
abolished”.35 It laid down progressive plans for agricultural
and rural development inorder to free the masses from
chronic poverty and deprivation. In its National Economic
Plan, the section on agriculture encapsulates the basic
principles as “abolition of landlordism, land to the tiller, co-
operative association … and people’s control of the forests”.36
Associated to its progressive socialist ideals, there was also a
Charter of rights for workers and women. Embodied to this
programme was the Charter of educational reforms, which
envisaged the creation of National Educational Council and a
University, along with the focus on technical educational and
female literacy.37

34
Aijaz Ashraf Wani, ‘The Popular Voice: Secular-Progressive Discourse
in Kashmir (1932–47)’, p. 256.
35
New Kashmir/Naya Kashmir Manifesto, 1944, p. 28.
36
New Kashmir Manisfesto, p. 25.
37
M. Y. Ganai, Kashmiri Nationalists and Their Vision (1931-1947)’, 2003,
p. 1009.
168| Freedom Struggle and the Methods of Mass

The Naya Kashmir Manifesto added to the progressive

character of the freedom struggle, as its appeal was more
widespread than that of religion, caste, or creed. The
manifesto also gave a political framework to the definitions of
citizenship and identity for the Princely State of Jammu and
Kashmir in its section on ‘Citizenship: Its Basic Rights and
Obligations’38. This positioned the ideas of national
belonging, and egalitarian rights into the political arena, and
promoted a national consciousness into public discourse.
The National Conference used the Manifesto as a key
instrument for mobilisation, and peasant’s plough was
positioned as a symbol of progressive agenda, and the pro-
people programme of the national movement. The manifesto
and the mass connect of the political leadership of the
National Conference was at full display at the time of the
launch of the ‘Quit Kashmir Movement’ in 1946 inorder to
overthrow the unjust and exploitative system enforced upon
the people by virtue of bianamai Amritsar (sale-deed of
Amritsar) which sold the Valley of Kashmir to Raja Gulab
Singh of Jammu in 1846. As part of this program, the National
Conference increasingly used non-violent methods like that
of hartals, demonstrations, processions, and civil
disobedience. These methods were popular in the
mobilizations carried out during the struggle for freedom
against autocratic rule.39

The Use of Press

Before the local press emerged, the Punjab press, even though
it was banned frequently, played a key role in the
development of public opinion in Kashmir. Kashmiri
immigrants in Punjab, in association with various political
associations started articulating their dissent and opposition
to the autocratic rule. This was most visible in the critical
reports of the Punjab press and the criticism of the Dogra rule
by various Punjab based Muslim religious and political

38
New Kashmir Manifesto, p. 13.
39
Abdul Roaf Dar, p 217
 M. Ibrahim Wani |169

groups like Kashmir Committee, Ahmaddiyas and Ahrars.40

Newspapers from Punjab, smuggled into Kashmir due to the
ban on their entry, were very popular in the absence of a local
press, and influenced public opinion as they highlighted the
exploitation of Kashmiri Muslims.41 These newspapers
included: Khair-Khawwah-i-Kashmir (1882–1883), Hamdard-e-
Hind (first newspaper stopped from entry into the state),
Kashmir Darpan (1898–1904), Kashmir Prakash (1899–1951),
Panjai Faulad (1901–1902), Kashmir Gazette (1901–1904),
Kashmir Magazine, Mazlum-i-Kashmir, Inquilab (1929–1931),
Kashmiri Musalman, Kashmir, Maktoob-e-Kashmir.42
Prominent mention is that of Munshi Mohammad Din Fauq,
who edited various newspapers like Panjai Faulad, Kashmiri
Gazette (started by Chaudhary Jan Mohammad Ganai) and
Kashmiri Magazine. Kashmir Magazine, started in 1906 by
Fauq as a monthly, became a weekly in 1912 and was renamed
as the weekly Akhbaar-e-Kashmir in 1912.43 Explaining the role
of this newspaper, Sufi Mohi-udin states: “The newspaper
covered political, social and historical themes, and its articles
left an indelible mark on the Kashmiri public opinion at the
time”.44
These papers provided space to the educated Muslims in
Kashmir, who wrote articles and sent letters to them
highlighting the problems of governance, maladministration
and discrimination in Kashmir. It is worthwhile to quote
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah:45

I made contact with the Inqilab of Lahore. This paper

was edited by two bold journalists, Ghulam Rasool

40
Ian Copland, ‘Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-34’,
Pacific Affairs, 54.2 (1981), 228–59.
41
Muhammad Yusuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom: Volume 1 (1819-
1946), Ist Edition. Lahore: Ferozsons Ltd., 2005, p. 360.
42
Muhammad Yusuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, pp. 193–94.; Sufi
Mohi-udin. Jammu and Kashmir Mei Urdu Sahafat (1924-1986),
Srinagar: Haji Sheikh Gulam Mohammad and Sons, 2013, p. 48.
43
Sufi Mohi-udin, Jammu and Kashmir Mei Urdu Sahafat (1924-1986),
Srinagar: Haji Sheikh Gulam Mohammad and Sons, 2013,p. 47.
44
Ibid.
45
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah: Flames of Chinar - An Autobiography.
Translated by Khuswant Singh. New Delhi: Penguin, 1993, p. 19.
170| Freedom Struggle and the Methods of Mass

Mehr and Abdul Majid Salik. I started contributing

articles to this paper through Abdul Majid Qureshi of
Jammu. When the entry of this paper into the State
was banned, they retaliated by issuing a new weekly,
Kashmir, which became very popular in the Valley

Among the educated Muslims of the time who contributed

and edited articles for these newspapers, mention maybe
made of Maulana Mohammad Sayid Masoodi (who wrote
under the pseudonym of Rejlan Yesa), Mohammad Afzal
Makhdoomi, Mohammad Maqbool Bayhaqi, Mohammad
Yahya Rafiqi.46 Sufi Mohi-din throws some light on the
methods used by the contributors to send their articles from
Kashmir: “Articles were sent to Lahore in great secrecy. The
work of transporting these articles was carried out by Haji
Mohammad Ishaq who was associated to various transport
companies of Srinagar at the time”.47
After the Glancy Commission recommendation of freedom
of expression, the local press came into existence, and many
newspapers started getting published from 1932 onwards.
Vitasta, started by Prem Nath Bazaz in 1932 was the first
newspaper published from Kashmir, but had to be stopped
after a year due to the opposition of reactionary Pandits to its
progressive agenda.48 From 1933 onwards various newspapers
were started. Some of the newspapers published from
Kashmir include: Hamdard, Martand, Kesari, Khalid,
Khidmat, Muslim, Haqeeqat, Kesari, Chand, Sadaqat (official
organ of AJKMC), Noor, Jehangir, Islam, Rehnuma, Quami
Dard, Hurriyat, Dehqaan, Tawheed, Hidayat, Sudhaar, Islah,
Vakil, Roshini, Khalsa Gazette, Desh, Amrit, Santoor, Such,
Millat, Samsheer, Vichaar, Tabiyat, Masiha, Nishaat, Kong
Posh, Paigaam, Kashmir Al-Barq, Kashmir Chronicle, Jauhar,

46
Sufi Mohi-udin, Jammu and Kashmir Mei Urdu Sahafat (1924-1986),
2013, p. 48.
47
Ibid, p. 49.
48
Bhushan Bazaz. ‘Life and Works of P N Bazaz’. Rising Kashmir dated
January 10, 2020.
 M. Ibrahim Wani |171

etc, were started and entered circulation.49 Amongst these

newspapers, Hamdard was most circulated. Khidmat and
Javed were also popular. Khidmat was the official organ of the
National Conference, and the party deployed it as a key
instrument of mass contact and mobilisation. Javed,
published by A. R. Saghar from Jammu, was the unofficial
organ of the revived Muslim Conference.50 Other prominent
newspapers which fulfilled various political roles included;
Ranbir (published from Jammu; pro-government), Martand
(official organ of Kashmiri Pandits), Al-Islah (of Ahmaddiya
community) and Shamsheer (Sikhs).51 There were also English
language newspapers like Kashmir Times, Kashmir Chronicle,
Sentinel, and papers published by individuals like Desh (run
by Kashyap Bandu), Such (by Mohammad Akbar Khan),
Millat and Jauhar (run by Abdul Aziz Mir and close to the
revived Muslim Conference).52
Hamdard was started as a weekly by Prem Nath Bazaz in
collaboration with Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in 1935. The
launch of Hamdard saw a large public gathering in August,
1935, at Hazuribagh, Srinagar. The formal inauguration of the
paper was made by Saif-ud-din Kitchlew, a prominent leader
of the Punjab Congress. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, owing
to his differences with Bazaz, parted ways from the Hamdard
in January, 1941. Hamdard was converted into a daily
newspaper in May 1943, and continued to publish regularly
till 1947, when it started facing greater censorship.53
Hamdard had a broader developmental focus, alongside
the focus on political rights. Through its articles the citizens
were informed of local as well as national and international
events. Informed commentaries and articles in these
newspapers set the public agendas on issues connected to
peasants, dissemination of modern education, literature,
culture, and the scientific outlook. The Hamdard, since 1935,

49
Ishaq Khan. History of Srinagar, 1846-1947: A Study in Socio-Cultural
Change, Srinagar: Aamir Publications, 1978, p. 194; Sufi Mohi-udin,
Jammu and Kashmir Mei Urdu Sahafat, p. 60.
50
Muhammad Yusuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, p. 582 – 583
51
Ibid
52
Ibid
53
Ibid
172| Freedom Struggle and the Methods of Mass

was supportive of the Muslim Conference (AJKMC), and it

had a sustained focus on progressive issues. Such sustained
work on the demand of responsible and representative
government was re-iterated in the ‘Special Responsible
Government Number’ of Hamdard issued in August, 1939.
This was dedicated to the demands of a responsible and
representative government which had assumed the form of a
broad and inclusive political movement since 1936 under the
leadership of the Muslim Conference. The paper also played a
role in the transformation of AJKMC into the National
Conference through its progressive agenda. However, after
the political falling out between Prem Nath Bazaz and Sheikh
Mohammad Abdullah, it gradually became critical of the
National Conference.
The local press moulded public opinion. Further, they gave
a medium to the leaders of the freedom struggle to
communicate political agendas to the masses. However, these
newspapers functioned under a strict system of censorship
and surveillance and were often gagged for reporting on
political protest. Nevertheless, the readership of these papers
was not limited to the small literate section of the society, but
they also passed to the large pre-literate audience through
the tradition of group readings.

Progressive Poetry

It is pertinent to mention that the poetry became a powerful

tool of political mobilisation in the movements for
independence against foreign rule in the colonies. The role of
the vernacular poetry across regional publics in India in
invoking a nationalist idiom is well defined in the Indian
freedom movement.54 Similarly, in Kashmir, progressive
poetry became a key instrument of awakening of the

54
Akshaya Kumar. Poetry, Politics and Culture: Essays on Indian Texts
and Contexts, New Delhi: Routledge, pp 15-43.
 M. Ibrahim Wani |173

oppressed masses, and helped in the mobilisation during

freedom struggle.55
It was in the Special Responsible Government Number of
Hamdard that the poem ‘Arise O Gardener’ by Mehjoor was
published. Newspapers were a platform for Kashmiri poets
and writers, and they carried sections on poems composed by
Kashmiri poets, in Kashmiri, Urdu, and Persian. This became
a medium to connect the poets as well as masses to the
freedom movement (1931-1947). Despite the miniscule literacy
of the time, these papers enjoyed immense popularity, and
the poems became a popular means of public discourses. The
poem ‘Arise O Gardener’ gained such popularity that it came
to be sung at political meeting and functions of the National
Conference and invigorated a nationalist sense. It is
worthwhile to refer to some of its verses:56

Arise, O Gardener! And usher in

the glory of a new spring.
Create conditions for 'bulbuls' to
hover over full-blown roses.
…
Total immersion in the love of
The motherland behoves man.
If you create this faith, surely
You shall attain the goal

Who will set you free you, O 'bulbul',

While you bewail in the cage?
With your hands,
work out your own salvation.
…
If you must awaken this rosy habitat, give up the harp.
Bring about earthquakes and thunder, raise a tempest!

55
Triloki Nath Pandita. Social Ideas in Kashmiri Poetry (1931-1947).
Unpublished M. Phil Thesis, Department of History, University of
Kashmir, 1982
56
T. N. Kaul. Gems of Kashmiri Literature, New Delhi: Sanchar
Publishing House, 1996, pp 123-125.
174| Freedom Struggle and the Methods of Mass

The popularity and the appeal of Mehjoor’s poems57 lay in

the use of cultgural tropes and metaphors which were
connected to sub-altern everyday life. These poems employed
the symbols of geography: the garden, weather, flowers, and
streams to portray the motherland, and of the caged Bulbul
(nightingale) and gardener to represent the Kashmiris. It is
through these poems that ideas of national belonging and
freedom were presented to the masses, calling for liberating
Kashmir from its state of oppression. In addition to Mehjoor,
the poems of Abdul Ahad Azad extolled revolutionary zeal
and socialist fervor among the masses, and in four of his
poems, Azad made a call for revolution. In one of the poems,
he declared:58

What is life? A book of revolution,

Revolution, revolution and revolution.
Really life means tumult,
The essence of agitation is revolution.
Law protects those who suck blood of others,
A mean jackal sucks the blood of a fierce tiger,
Break the curtains and enjoy to the brim,
Foster a revolution, a revolution.

Conclusion

The paper attempted to explore the diverse methods which

were used as the tools of mass mobilization during the course
of the freedom struggle (1931-1947) in Kashmir. It mainly
brought about the use of religious idiom and the pro-people
demands. Simultaneously, it also described methods of
mobilisation like the local press and nationalist poetry. All
these reflect a pragmatic and value based politics that clearly
indicates that the leadership of the freedom struggle was
mature and adaptive. It could introduce a varied and wide
ranged idiom, towards the freedom from exploitation,
corruption, and the autocratic system, notwithstanding the

57
Poems like ‘Arise O Gardenor’, ‘Our Country is a Garden’, ‘Own
Garden’,etc.
58
Manzoor A. Fazili. Socialist Ideas and Movements in Kashmir 1919-1947,
New Delhi: Eureka Publications, 2018, pp. 183-184.
 M. Ibrahim Wani |175

ideological differences. At the same time, it was attached to

the grassroots and the concerns of the have-nots, even
though the leadership consisted of the educated middle-class.
More importantly, despite rigid and oppressive power
structures, the movement remained steadfast, non-violent
and welded to the democratic, progressive and pro-people
agenda.