Chinese Religion in Malaysia:

A General View

By

C h e e -B e n g T a n
University of M alaya，K uala Lumpur

I n t r o d u c t io n
Chinese Malaysians are followers of different religions, but the majority
practice what may be called “ Chinese Religion.” 1 Unlike Christianity
and Islam, Chinese Religion is part and parcel of Chinese ways of life,
a Chinese tradition inherited from the ancient past. One of the most
widely practiced but least understood religions in the world, Chinese
Religion involves the worship of Chinese deities of both Taoist and
Buddhist origins, nature spirits, and the ancestors.
This paper will aim at a description of the nature of this religion:
What is the Chinese Religion in Malaysia? In the course of my dis­
cussion I will point out various misconceptions about the religion. My
attempt here is to explain the need to view Chinese Religion in Malaysia
as a whole system and to put to rest once and for all misleading classifica­
tions of Chinese worshipers as Buddhists, Taoists or Confucianists.
While various prominent scholars have already pointed out the fallacy
of such an approach in writing about Chinese religion in pre-communist
modern Cnina, it is still unfortunately very prevalent in studies of
Southeast Asia. The perpetuation of this fallacy is partly due to a lack
of good studies on Chinese religion in tins region, and some writers
who follow it do so out of convenience because they have not done
proper research. It is unfortunate that these people do not have a
sufficient background in Chinese religion in general.
Many writers have described the religion of China, but space con­
siderations prohibit me from dealing with their findings and opinions
here.2 Before going into my discussion of the elements that make up
Chinese Religion and their origins, it would perhaps be in order to

Asian Folklore Studies’ V o l . 42，1983: 217—252.

218 CHEE-BENG TAN

present a brief description of the practice of this religion. It should

be noted that in addition to visiting temples, Chinese Religion followers
normally also worship deities and ancestors at home, and so it is possible
to study Chinese Religion in two spheres, that of domestic worship and
that of public worship.

A Chinese household may have a picture of, for example, the Goddess
of Mercy at its main altar in the living room, an altar for the Earth God
below the main altar, and an altar for ancestors to the right of the main
altar.3 In addition to the main deity, there may be smaller statues of
other aeities from various traditions at the main altar. In the kitchen
there may be an altar for the Kitchen God. In daily worship, the wor­
shipers first worship Tiangong 天公，or the God of Heaven, by standing
on the front porch and facing the sky, raising burning joss sticks a few
times in suplication. Either one or three joss sticks from those the
worsmper is holding are then placed at a plaque which bears the charac­
ters Tianguan C iju 天官賜福，or “ Heavenly officials grant good fortune
and happiness， ” wmch is usually fixed at the left front side of the house.
The joss sticks here are offered to the God of Heaven and the Heavenly
officials.
Then the worshiper will enter the living room to pray at the main
altar. After that he or she goes to the kitchen to pray to the Kitchen
God, then returns to the living room to pray to the Earth God, and
finally to the ancestors. If ghosts (i.e., the deceased who are not being
looked after by their descendants) are also to be propitiated, they are
offered joss sticks after the worship of one’s own ancestors is com­
pleted, usually in the back yard.
In normal worship the daily ritual involves only placing a joss stick
(or more than one, but in odd numbers) at the altar of the deities, and
two joss sticks (or more, but in even numbers) at the ancestral altar.
(Odd numbers belong to the yang principle while even numbers belong
to the yin principle, and hence deities are always offered an odd number
or joss sticks while ancestors and ghosts are offered an even number).

As we can see, then, the traditional religion of Chinese Malaysians is

above all syncretic; it is a loosely unified system which is a product of
the intermixing of various religions throughout the centuries of Chinese
civilization. Essentially it consists of indigenous Chinese cults and
Buddhist beliefs and practices. As we will see, the former includes
both Taoist beliefs and rituals as well as other popular cults. Chinese
Religion in Malaysia also contains other cults of Malaysian origin, such
as the worship of the Nadu Gong 拿督公，which may be considered as
 CH IN ESE R E L IG IO N IN M A LA YSIA . 219

Malaysian earth gods and which are usually though not always associated
with Malay (Muslim) elements, and the Xian Si Shiye 仙四師爺，who
are a good example of the deification of Cninese heroes in a Malaysian
rather than Chinese context.4
The syncretic nature of Cninese Religion is seen in its material
and social manifestation. For example, Chinese temples generally
reflect Taoist, Buddnist and other Chinese religious traditions. Since
Chinese Buddhism was originally introduced from India, most Buddhist
deities and rituals remain rather distinct from the other components
of Chinese Religion. iNevertheless, Buddhist aeities are found even
in those Chinese temples which are not otherwise Buddhist at all. While
few non-Buddhist Chinese deities are found in ‘‘ pure， ’ Buddhist tem­
ples, they are found in great number in the more “ marginal ’’ Buddnist
temples. Most Cninese temples house a number of deities which can
be traced to the various traditions now incorporated in Chinese Religion.

T he C h in e s e R e l i g i o n
Chinese Malaysians do not have a definite term for their traditional
religion, which I have been referring to here as “ Chinese Religion.”
The fact that they do not is not surprising, for the religion is diffused
into various aspects of Chinese culture, and is confined to those Malay­
sians of Chinese descent. It is simply the Chinese religion, just as the
religion of the Yao minority in Thailand is the Yao religion. The
first fallacy in studying this religion is to expect its practitioners to have
a name for it, a specific name that separates it from their ethnic label，
as is the case with the Malays, whose religion is Islam.
Chinese Malaysians refer to their religion in their own languages
and dialects as the equivalent to the Mandarin Chinese terms bat shen
拜神 or bat fo 拜佛. The former means “ worsniping deities ” and is
more general, referring to the worship of any kind of deity within the
Chinese religious system, including those of Buddhist origin. The
latter literally means “ worshiping Buddhas or Bodhisattvas， ” but in
practice, when Chinese Malaysians say this, they may be including the
worship of all deities, be they of Buddhist or Taoist origins. Shen is the
general term for any deity, including the Islamic and Christian “ God•”
Since there is no specific name for their “ popular ” religion, Chinese
Malaysians and Singaporeans describe it by referring to their religious
behavior of “ bai shen， ” which has prompted Elliott (1955: 29) to sug­
gest the term ‘‘ shenism.”
Ih is however, is not the way the Chinese refer to their religion,
and it seems more logical to me to simply call it “ Cninese Religion,”
which I will do throughout this paper. I nevertheless agree with
220 CHEE-BENG TAN

Elliott’s observation (1955: 29) that “ few Chinese concur with the
tripartite division of their national religion into Confucianism, Taoism
and Buddhism,” and that “ they explain that their religion is a mixture
of Buddhism, Taoism and the worship of local deities.” Chan (1953:
141) has in fact accurately described the religion of China as a “ syncretic
religion embracing the ancient cult as its basis and Buddhist and Taoist
elements as secondary features•”
A serious error in classifying Chinese worshipers is to expect them
to conform to the stereotype of the three religions that supposedly make
up their culture. An investigator who begins by asking “ What is your
religion? ” may be frustrated when an informant answers “ don’t know,”
or describes Chinese Religion in too much detail. The investigator
may end up asking, “ So what is your religion ? Buddhism, Taoism,
or Confucianism? ” at which point the informant usually chooses one.
Those who erroneously think that Confucius and his followers introduced
ancestor worship and funeral rites may choose the category “ Confucian­
ism,M but the majority will choose either “ Taoism ” or “ Buddhism,”
since most Chinese deities and cults today are derived from these two
religious traditions, which were originally independent systems of
religion in China.
Those who want to portray the image of “ not superstitious ” may
prefer the category “ Buddhism,” for most shamanistic cults in Chinese
Religion are of Taoist or other indigenous Chinese origins. Others
will simply choose any category merely for the sake of answering. The
investigator, who may be a census taker or a student, is then pleased
that he can fill in the proper category. The informant, however, knows
very well that his religion cannot be accurately described by any one
of these categories. The most common mistake in social science research
on the religions of the Chinese Malaysians is to hint or even tell the in­
formants what categories of religion they belong to. It may be due to
a recognition oi this problem that the 1947 census of Malaya lists “ Chi­
nese national religion ” as a choice rather than Buddhism, Taoism or
Confucianism (Del Tufo 1949:124). On the other hand, if we do
not list Buddhism, there is no way to obtain information on those
Buddhists of the Theravada tradition.
1 he 1970 Malaysian census classifies Chinese Malaysians by religion
as follows: Muslim 0.2%, Hindu 0.1%, Christian 3.5%, Buddhist
78.9%, No religion 4.9% and Others 12.4% (Dept, of Statistics 1977:
452). Those who follow the traditional Chinese religion obviously had
to choose either “ Buddhist ” or “ Other,” which accounts for the
rather high percentage of the latter. The category “ No religion ” no
doubt includes both atheists and agnostics, but perhaps also includes
 CH IN ESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 221

those who did not feel like answering the rather irrelevant question.
The category “ Buddhist ” includes not only those who follow traditional
Chinese religion, but also Theravadins and followers of other Buddhist
sects.
The categorization in this census could be improved by introducing
the category “ Chinese Religion， ” and thus reserving “ Buddhism ” for
the Theravadins and other Buddhists. Overall we could say that 80­
90 percent of the Chinese Malaysians are followers of Chinese Religion，
since followers of Theravada Buddhism and other Buddhist sects form
only a small minority.
The notion that there are three distinct religions in China— Con­
fucianism, Buddhism and Taoism— is an old and well known one, and
I will not deal with it here. In spite of the fact that three such systems
did exist (and the reader will soon note that I object to referring to
Confucianism as a “ religion ”)，the movement in China was from a
very early period toward syncretism, or a “ popular religion， ” and this
tendency is particularly notable in Malaysia, for it was brought in by
lower class Chinese immigrants. In order to clarify the misconception
of the so-called “ three religions ” of the Chinese Malaysians, it will
be necessary to describe these briefly. The description will also serve
to provide a historical perspective to our analysis of the Chinese religion
as a whole system.

C o n f u c ia n is m
The treating of Confucianism as a religion is partly due to a wrong
perception of the Chinese word jiao 教. The Chinese do describe their
religion as having the components of Ru 儒，Dao 道 and Shi 釋，which
are usually translated into English as Confucianism, Taoism and Bud-
dnism respectively and are collectively Known as the “ san jiao ” 三教，
or “ three teachings.” Various “ syncretic” religious sects have de­
veloped out of these three systems.
The term san jiao should not, however, be translated as ‘‘ three
religions，’’ for in Chinese the word jiao means “ teaching,” whether re­
ligious or not. As pointed out by Chan (1953: 140)，when the word
jiao is used for Confucianism, “ it means culture and moral education
and almost never has the sense of religion,” and when a person is labelled
a Confucianist, “ it means that he is a follower of Confucian doctrines,
which include religion as an element, but not a follower of an organized，
institutional religion.” Furthermore, Dao’ or Taoism, includes both
Taoist philosophy and Taoist religion in the context of san jiao. Hence
the “ three teachings ” actually refers to Confucian philosophy, Taoist
philosophy, Taoist Religion and Buddhism.
222 CHEE-BENG TAN

The confusion of Confucianism with religion is also due to the

failure of most people to read the works of Confucian scholars at first­
hand. Those who read the basic Confucian texts known collectively
as S i Shu 四 書 {The Four Books) will know that Confucius and his dis­
ciples did not create a system of religion, and that Confucianism is rather
a system of ethics and philosophy.5 The references to Heaven and an­
cestor worship in the texts are merely reflections of the classical religion
which Confucius accepted.
The lack of familiarity with Confucian philosophy and Chinese
history is a reason some people think that Confucius and his followers
created a cult to worship Heaven, ancestor worship and funeral rites,
and hence a system of religion. In actual fact, these cults and rituals
were already extant at the time of Confucius. Confucius did not chal­
lenge the existing religious ideas and practices and in fact endorsed
some of t h e m . 1 his is understandable since his philosophy is founded
on the idea of unity and harmony of families. Ancestor worship and
the observation of funeral rites certainly serve to promote and perpetuate
his idea of filial piety and other aspects of social relation.
Furthermore, Confucius was a man very much concerned with the
prescribed and proper rules of behavior. In chapter ten of Confucian
Analects，we are told that Confucius would not eat meat which was not
cut properly, nor sit on a mat which was not straight (see Legge 1960a:
232-233). Everything had to be proper. He was preoccupied with
upholding li ネ しor the existing codes of etiquette, the ways of the sages.
Confucius was therefore a rather orthodox person. It is this attitude
which accounts for his strong support of the existing system of ancestor
worship and funeral rites, for to do otherwise would be a violation of
li and could only be interpreted as unfilial. When his disciple Zai Wo
宰我 suggested modifying the three-year mourning system because it
was too long, Confucius was not happy and told ms other disciples that
Zai W o， s attitude showed ms want of virtue. He said，“ It is not till
a child is three years old that it is allowed to leave the arms ot its parents.
And the three years’ mourning is universally observed throughout the
empire” (Confucian Analects, chapter seventeen; Legge 1960a: 327­
328).
It was his preoccupation with li which led Confucius to accept re­
ligious rites and encourage people to observe them. He was more
concerned with the proper exhibition of attitudes and performance of
rites than with the reality of deities and spirits. Hence, he said,
“ sacrifice to the dead, as if they were present， ” and “ sacrifice to the
spirits, as if the spirits were present ” {Confucian Analects，chapter three;
Legge 1960a: 159). He praised Yu 禹，the founder of the legendary
 CHINESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALA YSIA 223

Xia 夏 dynasty, for offering the best to the spirits, and “ displayed the
utmost elegance in ms sacrificial cap and apron” (Confucian Analects，
chapter eight; Legge 1960a: 215). Yet Confucius’ real attitude towards
religion was rather agnostic, as is illustrated in his famous advice: To
give one， s self earnestly to the duties due to men, and, while respecting
spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them, may be called wisdom (Con-
fucian Analects，chapter six; Legge 1960a: 191).
The teachings of Confucius and his followers were agreeable to
the ruling elite of China and were encouraged, hence the dominant
position of Confucianism in Chinese culture. Confucianism was com­
patible with the classical religion, which included a cult of Heaven. In
fact, it was in their interest for the Confucian elite to promote the state
cult of Heaven. This cult was the affair of the imperial court, for em­
perors were regarded as sons of Heaven, whence came their mandate
to rule. The cult was linked to the political legitimation of the ruling
class and should be differentiated from the present-day cult of the God
of Heaven or Tiangong 天公，the heavenly ruler.6
Another source of the confusion of Confucianism with religion is
the worship of Confucius as a aeity. In the Later Han Dynasty, Con­
fucius was made the patron god of scholars by a decree of the emperor,
and from the time of the Northern Qi dynasty (北齊 a .d . 550~5フ7),
sacrifices were made to Confucius twice a year, in the Spring and the
Autumn. By then there were public temples dedicated to the sage、
Nevertheless, from the very beginning, there were Confucian scholars
who objected to the deification of Confucius (Smith 1968: 145-147).
In 1906，the Manchu government even tried, but unsuccessfully, to
introduce the worship of Confucius on an equal level with sacrifices to
Heaven (cf. Chan 1953: 4).
Today, Confucius is one of the many Chinese deities. In Malaysia,
he is worshiped as a minor deity in a number of temples. Confucius
as a deity is associated with education. In Guang Fu Gong 廣福宮
of Penang, where the Goddess of Mercy is the main deity, both Con­
fucius (Kongzi Gong 孔子公）and Wen Chang (Wen Chang Gong 文昌公）
are worshiped as minor deities. The latter is also a god of letters.
Before children attend school for the first time, some parents bring them
to the temple to worship these deities, hoping that they will do well
in their studies (Cheng 1982: 88). However，it would be false for one
to argue that there is a religion called Confucianism simply because
Confucius is worshiped, for this ignores the fact that Chinese Religion
is polytheistic. Chinese Malaysians worship many deities, such as
Guanyin (Goddess of Mercy), Guandi Ye, Dabogong and so on. It
is ridiculous to classify Chinese worshipers according to the name of
224 CHEE-BENG TAN

these individual deities and call them Guanyinist, Debogongist or

Confucianist.
But the attempt to make Confucianism a state religion in China and
the formation of Confucian associations, called Kongjiao H ui 子L教会，
further perpetuated the fallacy that Confucianism is a religion. Toward
the end of the Qing dynasty, China was weak and chaotic. The ruling
elite and some scholars therefore proposed to return to the teachings of
Confucius in order to restore taxth and order. Notable among these
was Kang Yuowei 康 有 為 （ 1858—1927). Kang’s attempt at political
reforms through Confucianism endea in tailure, but his campaigns had
considerable influence both in China and in Southeast Asia. In 1907,
a Chinese graduate student called Chen Huanzhang 陳焕章（ 1881-1931)
formed a Kongjiao Hut in New York, which Yen Ching-Hwang (1976:
34) has aptly labelled in English as “Association of the cult of Confucius ”
rather than “Association of Confucian Religion.” Subsequently, similar
societies were formed in China.
A further attempt was made to turn Confucianism into a state
religion, and a Confucian calendar which began at the birth of Confucius
was introduced (cf. Chan 1953: 7).7 I h e movement to revive Confu­
cianism and to turn it into a national religion ended in failure, for Con­
fucianism was seen as being too closely associated with the imperial
system, which the Chinese abolished in 1911. There was also much
opposition against treating Confucianism as a religion. Nevertheless,
it was not impossible to organize a religious movement which centered
on the worship of Confucius by reorganizing the indigenous beliefs in
Heaven, the cult of ancestor worsmp and so on. But any sect established
in this way is different from the Confucian system of philosophy and
should not be called Confucianism.
The Confucian revival movement in China had consideraole impact
on the Chinese in Southeast Asia, especially in Singapore, Malaya and
Indonesia. In Singapore and Malaya, the Confucian movement began
in 1899 and the early campaigns concentrated on establishing Confucian
temples and schools (Yen 1976: 37). This was a direct result of Kang
Youwei’s reform movement in C h i n a . I h e leaders like Khoo Seok-
Wan 邱 菽 園 （ Qiu Shuyuan) and Dr. Lim Boon-Keng were supporters
of Kang Youwei. They were also reform leaders in Singapore and
Malaya, and the latter, who was a Peranakan (Baba) Chinese, was es­
pecially active in calling for social and educational reforms among the
Straits Chinese.8 Confucianism was used as an organizing principle
for social reforms, modernization and supporting the reform movement
and revolution in China.
The movement declined after the 1911 revolution in China and
 CHINESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 225

was dealt a fatal blow by the May Fourth movement in the 1920s. I a
fact the criticism of Liang Oichao in 1902, a leading figure of the
Confucian revival movement in China, against making Confucianism a
national religion, also affected the movement in Singapore and Malaya
(Yen 1976: 46). As pointed out by Yen (1976: 45)，a weakness of the
movement was that it was “ neither a religious nor a political movementト
but a combination of cultural, religious, and social ferments•” Never­
theless, the movement succeeded in promoting the worship of Confucius
in the early part of the twentieth century.
The Confucian movement in Singapore had some influence on
similar movements in Indonesia (cr. Kwee 1969: 4-6), where there has
in fact been a great effort to make a religion out of C onfucianism .1 he
Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan (Chinese Association) was formed in 1900 “ to
promote Chinese education and social reforms， ” and its main objective
was “ to improve the customs of the Chinese, insofar as possible in
keeping with those principles of the prophet Confucius so necessary to
civilized conduct, and to broaden the knowledge of the Chinese language
and literature ” (Kwee 1969: 6). The formation of T H H K was closely
linked to the movement to make Confucianism a religion.
Later on, Confucian societies called Khong Kauw Hwee (1 he
Hokkien pronunciation of Kongjiao H ui) were established in J a v a . 1 he
first Khong Kauw Hwee was founded m Solo in 1918 (Coppel 1981:
180). In 1923, a central body called Khong Kauw Tjong Hwee 孔教
總 会 {Kongjiao Zonghui) was formed in Bandung. This central body
was short-lived and in 1938, a new Khong Kauw Tjong Hwee or
“ Federation of Confucian Religion Societies ” was formed at Solo at
the initiative of the Khong Kauw Hwee there.
The present M AT A K IN (Majelis Tinggi Agama Khonghucu
Indonesia) or the “ Supreme Council for the Confucian Religion in
Indonesia ” was formed in 195b, under the name Perserikatan K ’ung
Chiao Hui Indonesia (Federation of Confucian Religion Societies in
Indonesia), also at the initiative of the Khong Kauw Hwee at Solo
(Coppel 1981:179). Now M A T A K IN is a federation which comprises*
M A K IN (Majelis Agama Khonghucu Indonesia or “ Councils of Con­
fucian Religion in Indonesia), kebaktian (congregations), and kelenteng
(Chinese temples), but M A K IN s form the key units of this federation.
In 1971, there were thirty-six member organizations of M A T A K IN
(Coppel 1979: 744).
From the very beginning, the leaders of the Confucian movement
in Indonesia tried to create a religion comparable to Islam and Chris­
tianity. Ihere were Chinese in Indonesia who opposed treating Con­
fucianism as a religion. Nevertheless, from the description of Coppel
226 CHEE-BENG TAN

〈1979), there is no doubt that a religion which centers on the worship

of Confucius has been created. This religion or religious sect (if it
•can be viewed as a unit within the larger Chinese religious system in
Indonesia) should be distinguished from Confucianism the system of
philosophy. It may be called Confucian religion. This “ new ’ ，
religion is in fact a reorganization and modification of the ancient Chinese
religious system. Confucius is seen as a prophet (nabi) and Tian or
Heaven is the supreme Ruler, now regarded as the Almighty God com­
parable to that in Christianity and Islam. The Four Books are ac­
cepted as the “ Holy Books,” and Confucian etnics have conveniently
become the ethical teaching of the religion, the words of the Divine.
Services are held every Sunday in halls of worship called litang. The
Confucian religion is therefore an ‘ institutional religion,” having an
independent theology, an independent form of worship and an in­
dependent organization of religious personnel (Yang 1961:294). In
1965，“ Confucianism” was stated in an Indonesian regulation as one
of the six officially recognized religions, together with Islam, Protes­
tantism, Catholicism, Hindu-Bali and Buddhism, although since then
there has been some resistance to the official recognition of “ Confucian­
ism ” as a religion (Leo 1978: 59-60，Coppel 1979: 742). More research
should be done to find out to what extent this Confucian movement and
religion has reached the grass roots and been accepted by the majority
ot the Chinese in Indonesia. While the Confucian movement in China
railed to create a “ Confucian religion,” the movement in Indonesia
succeeded. Tins is due to historical, political and social factors which
are unique to Indonesia, and they need deeper investigation. The
relationship between Confucian religion and the traditional Chinese
religious system should also be examined.
In Singapore today there is still a Kongjiao Hui. It is called
JNanyang Kongjiao Hui 南洋孑L教会，and known in English as “ Nanyang
Confucian Association.” 9 It was established in 1917 at the Chinese
Chamber of Commerce and the members were mostly from this im­
portant organization of Chinese businessmen.10 The association has
been inactive and has been held together in the last few years by a
founding member (Mr. Cai Duohua 蔡多華）who passed away in 1981
at the age of ninety-three.11 The altar of Confucius is not placed in
a building used exclusively for the activities of the association, but rather
is in the building now used by another Chinese religious organization
called Shengjiao Hui 聖教会 or “ Sacred Union.” There are at present
fewer than 200 members and the annual membership fee is six Singa­
porean dollars.
Its only significant activity is the celebration of Confucius，birth­
 CH IN ESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 227

day, which falls on the twenty-seventh day of the eighth Chinese month.
In conjunction with this, there is an annual essay competition, and
recently calligraphy has also been included. The birthday worship
ceremony is a simple one, involving the presentation of joss sticks and
flowers at the altar of Confucius by the chairman of the association.
The members who attend the ceremony then bow three times to the
portrait of Confucius. No ceremonial robes are used although some
people may wear Western suits. The worship is followed by some
speeches before a dinner begins. According to Leo Juat-Beh (1977:
84)，more people attend the dinner.12 The association as it is today is
certainly not a religious sect. The topics for essay competitions are
Confucian ethics rather than religion. The publications of the associa­
tion also deal with Confucian philosophy, not Confucian religion (cf.
Showbin W. Chang 1960, 1962).
There is also a Confucian association in Penang called Binglangyu
Kongjiao Hui 檳榔噢孔教会 or The Confucian Association, Penang
( F i g . 1 ) . Its predecessor was Kongsheng Miao 孔聖廟 or Confucian
Temple, but we do not know when the temple was built. In 1902，
the temple built a Chinese primary school called Kongsheng Miao
Zhonghua Xiaoxue 孔聖廟中華小学 and in 1927 the Confucian Associa­
tion added a secondary school.13 Even though the temple no longer
exists, both the primary and the secondary schools continue to bear the
name “ Confucian Temple ” and in English are known as “ Chung
Hwa Confucian School•” The founding of a Confucian Temple and
the establishment of the “ Chung Hwa ’，Chinese schools must be the
products of the Confucian movement in Penang before the 1911 revolu­
tion in China. The movement was led by pro-Qing merchants, the
most prominent among them being Zhang Bishi 張弼士，also known as
Zhang Zhenxun 張 振 敷 (cf. Yen 1976: 48).14
At “ Chung Hwa ” primary school today, there is a hall where the
altar of Confucius is kept. This is also the conference room and the
office of the Confucian Association, Penang. The association was formed
in 1922,15 and as stated in its consititution its aims include the promotion
of the teacnings of Confucius, the cultivation of morality, wisdom, filial
piety, brotherly love and the promotion of the welfare of members.16
There is no mention of religion. There are now around 180 members
but most are not active. The entrance fee is three Malaysian dollars,
the annual membership fee two dollars, and the fee for life membership
is thirty dollars. There is a steering committee elected every other
year on Confucius’ birthday. The association is even less active than
the one in Singapore and its only important activity is the celebration of
しonfucius’ birthday. As in the case of Nanyang Confucian Associa­
228 CHEE-BENG TAN

tion in Singapore, the ceremony is simple, without the use of any cere­
monial gowns.
From my observation and interviews, it is obvious that the two
Confucian associations described above are not associations of any
“ Confucian religion， ” nor do they aim to be so. In fact, it is difficult
even to classify them as either religious associations or ordinary associa­
tions since they are so inactive. In my opinion, these two associations
could be reactivated to form dynamic associations concerned with the
stuay of Confucian philosophy. Tms is especially so in Singapore now
that the government is trying to propagate the philosophy of しonfucius.
Above I have noted various misconceptions of Confucianism. It
remains to be mentioned that there are some people who view Con­
fucianism not in the theistic sense but in the sense of a non-theistic
religion, just as some people consider communism a religion. In this
sense, Confucianism is a system of ethics which for centuries have had
tremendous influence on the thinking and behavior of the Chinese.
Confucianism viewed in this way is not within the scope of our study
and is beyond our definition of religion. We should note, however,
that there is a relationship between Confucianism and Chinese Religion.
The striking feature of Chinese Religion is its relative lack of a coherent
system of ethics as found in the more “ organized ” religions like Chris­
tianity and Islam. The source of Chinese ethical values is mainly
derived from Confucianism, not religion. Tms is because in traditional
Chinese society, religion and ethics “ belong to two separate aspects of
the institutional structure of traditional Chinese society” (Yang 1961:
291). Nevertheless, Chinese Religion is an important institution which
sanctions the ethical system.17

T a o is t R e l ig io n
The term “ Taoism ” is misleading because it does not distinguish
Taoism as a school of philosophy from Taoism as a system of religion.
Chinese scholars normally refer to the former as daojia 道家 and the
latter as daojtao 道教. The philosophy of Taoism is represented by two
early classic works, Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子. 1 he former, also
known as Daode Jing 道徳経 is commonly believed to be the thought
of Laozi, said to be the older contemporary of Confucius. The work
Laozi, however, is actually much later than the time of Confucius, even
though some of the sayings may be the thought of Laozi the man (cf.

Dao (or tao in the Wade-Uiles system) is a crucial concept in

Taoism, and is usually translated in English as “ Way.” While the
dao of Confucianism refers to the way of righteousness and benevolence,
 CHINESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 229

the dao in Taoism is rather abstract. It refers to the attainment of

non-differentiation and identification with nature. When one has
achieved this dao, one is eternal and there is no place in him for death,
since dao the unnameable is eternal.18 Taoist philosophy is rather
abstract but its metaphysics facilitates religious reinterpretation. Thus
the eighty-one chapter Daode Jing became the first sacred book of Taoist
religion, with of course much reinterpretation.
A main concern of the early Taoist followers was to find ways to
avoid death and become immortals called xian 彳山(hsien in the Wade-
Giles system). Ih is goal of physical immortality and craving for life
is certainly against Taoist philosophy, which teaches men not to work
against nature. In order to distinguish Taoism as a system of religion
from that which is philosophy, scholars on Chinese religion usually
refer to the former as “ religious Taoism， ” while Creel (1970: 7) prefers
to call it “ Hsien Taoism ” since the aim of the early followers was to
become xian or immortals. I prefer to use the term “ Taoist religion,”
which obviously cannot be taken to mean the non-theistic Taoist phi­
losophy. It refers to the system of religion which is known as daojiao
in Chinese. The term Taoism should preferably be used for the system
of philosophy but in certain contexts it may refer to either or both
depending on the context it is used.
Taoist religion is of ancient origin, growing out of indigenous
Chinese beliefs and occult practices which were systematized by the
Yinyang school of thought. These occult practices included astrology,
the art of the almanac and the five elements (wuxing 五行)，physiognomy,
geomancy (fengshui 風水）and various forms of divination (cf. Fung 1966:
129-130). The fangshi 方土 or “ magicians ” of the Qin and Han
dynasties further fused ancient indigenous beliefs and practices with
the beliefs and practices of longevity and immortality as well as the
teachings ot Laozi and Zhuangzi. The result was a religious system
which assumed the concept dao as its name. Taoist religion became an
organized religion of salvation with its own hierarchy of pantheon at
the beginning of the Christian era, when the Han Dynasty was dis­
integrating. The magicians (Jangshi) began to call themselves daoshi
or “ Taoist priests” (Fu 1937: 54). Since the “ Taoist specialists”
accepted Daode Jing as their basic scripture and even regarded Laozi
as a deity and founder of their religion, it is not surprising that the
word dao was used to refer to the various Taoist movements (cf. Sun
1965: 4-5). Furthermore, the Chinese word dao conveys various con­
cepts and can be used in both the philosophical and religious sense.
The name Daojtao is of later origin.
While the origin of Taoist religion can be traced back to the classical
230 CHEE-BENG TAN

religion of China, its formation as a system of religion distinct from other

popular beliefs and practices is certainly linked to the association with
Laozi the work and Laozi the man deified. Taoist works such as
Laozi and Zhuangzi were important sources from which Taoist practi­
tioners derived their theistic philosophy. The philosophy of Huang
Lao 黄老 of the early Han dynasty must have also influenced many fol­
lowers of “ Taoist religion•” This was a form of Taoism based on the
works Laozi and Huangdi Stjtng 黄帝四経，a work of the Warring States
Period, probably around the fourth century B.C. (cf. Ren 19oi: 29i>-
3 0 1 ;Wei 1980: 179-191). Huang Lao refers to the legendary Yellow
Emperor called Huangdi and Laozi. In Taoist beliefs, Huang Lao
was regarded as a deity, with Laozi as one of his avatars, but eventually
Hung Lao was simply regarded as Laozi (cf. Welch 1966: 107, 136).
The arts of longevity and immortality practiced by the fangshi
were important to the development of Taoist beliefs and practices. As
each Taoist leader had different patron deities and practiced different
magical cults as well as having different interpretations of Taoist texts,
early Taoist religion was never a unified religion. Different Taoist
leaders introduced different “ fo lk ， ’ beliefs and shamanistic cults into
Taoist religion, and this also gave rise to a large number of Taoist deities.
For example, the Lord of the Stove, one of the earliest Taoist deities,
was introduced by a fangshi who practiced alchemy. During the reign
of Han Wudi 漢 武 帝 （ 140-87 B.C.), a fangshi called L i Shaojun 李少君
proposed that the emperor sacrifice to the stove as a first step in the
transmuting of cinnabar {dansha 丹沙）into gold so as to make a arinking
vessel. It was believed that drinking out of such a vessel would ensure
longevity (Fu 1937: 50，Welch 1966: 99). The Lord of the Stove or
Kitchen Kjrod has remained an important deity in the Chinese pantheon，
and is still worsmped in many Chinese Malaysian households today.
In order to attain longevity and immortality, the early Taoists not
only practiced alchemy, but also breath and dietary observances, and
observed the art of sexual activities.19 Such practices are important for
preserving vital energy and are important to the hygiene school of
“ Taoism•” A branch of this school was what Welch (1966: 105-112)
describes as the interior gods hygiene school. According to this school,
the human body has three vital centers, one in the head, one in the
chest and another one in the abdomen. These centers are called dantian
丹田 or “ fields of cinnabar.” The body is conceived of as a microcosm
of the universe, for the deities of the universe also inhabit the body.
The deities must be prevented from leaving the body if one wishes to
attain longevity and immortality. Gymnastic exercises are performed
to insure the circulation of breath while food which the gods detest
 CHINESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 231

must be avoided. As the body is also inhabited by three worms, one

in each field of cinnabar, a serious follower should also avoid eating
grains, for these worms, which cause disease and death, survive on them.
The practitioners also do good deeds such as repairing roads, for these
deeds please the gods.
An important art of the hygiene school is called neidan 内丹 or
“ internal cinnabar,” in contrast to the waidan 外丹 or ‘‘ external cin­
nabar ’，practiced by the alchemists. Both are means to achieve im­
mortality, but in neidan, the art involves achieving the union of breath
with semen to create a mysterious embryo in the body. Tms gives
rise to a new immortal body which is released when a person dies (cL
Fu 1937: 131-132; Kaltenmark 1969: 132-136).
The formation of the Taoist movements 1 aiping Dao 太平道(1 he
Way of Great Peace) and Wudoumi Dao 五斗米道(The Way of Five-
Peck-Rice) marked the beginning of organized Taoist religion. The
leader of 1 aiping Dao in East China was Zhane Tiao 張角，who led a
militant Taoist movement and clashed with the Han government.
His doctrine was influenced by the work of Yu Ji 于吉，called Taiping
Oins Ling Shu 太平清領書. In a.d. 184，Zhang Jiao led an unsuccessful
rebellion and was finally executed. This rebellion is known as the
Yellow Turban Rebellion, for the rebels wore yellow turbans for
identification.
The tive-Peck-Rice sect was established by Zhang Line, also known
as Zhang Daoling 張道陵. He practiced health cults and healed the sick
in Sichuan 四川. As he collected five pecks (wudou) of rice from each
of his followers, the movement was known as Wudoumi Dao. The
later Taoists called him Tianshi 天師 or “ Heavenly Master,” a title which
his hereditary successors adopted for themselves too. The movement
is therefore also known as Tianshi Dao 天師道 or “ The Way of the
Heavenly Master.” This movement turned militant and was very-
successful under Zhang Lu 張魯，the grandson of Zhang Ling. In fact
the movement led a rebellion in a . d . 189 although Zhang Lu finally
surrendered his territory to Cao Cao (a.d. 155-220).
Both Taiping Dao and Tianshi Dao were able to form their own
theocracies, having their own hierarchy of militant and religious per­
sonnel. Both Zhang Ling ana Z/hang Jiao honored Huang Lao, prac­
ticed health cults and cured sickness. Tiansni Dao also required its
members to read Daode Jing and stressed the importance of redeeming
sin through rituals and doing charity. Since Taiping Dao was sup-
pressed while 1 lanshi Dao yielded peacefully to the civil authority and
was allowed to grow, it is not surprising that the latter flourished and
has survived to this day, at least in the form of Taoist priests who claim
232 CHEE-BENG TAN

to follow the sect.20

The first few centuries a .d . were an important period in the de­
velopment of Taoist religion. This was also the period when Buddhism
was expanding in China. At first Taoist religion and Buddhism rein­
forced one another mutually. Buddhist concepts were expressed in
Taoist terms while Taoist religion incorported many ideas from Bud-
•dhism. The Taoist pantheon was expanded and the idea of hells
developed in Taoist religion. We should remember that other than
Taoist religion and Buddhism, there existed a diffused system of popular
beliefs and practices (continuity of classical religion) which continuously
influenced the two more organized religions. As pointed out by Stein
(1979: 68)，“ the Taoists’ attitude toward popular cults contained not
only the negative element of prohibition but the positive element of
adoption.’’
Taiping Dao and Tianshi Dao are not the only important early
Taoist sects. Maoshan Dao 茅山道 and Wudang Dao 武当道，for
example, were two other important Taoist movements (cf. Fu 1937:
■97-98). During the Northern Dynasties (北朝)，Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之
attempted to reform Tianshi Dao. His reforms were aimed at gettng
rid of mercenary and sexual irregularities. He stressed the importance
of doing good deeds. A form of sexual irregularity was the group
sexual orgy called nannii heqi 男女合® or “ union of breaths between
men and women ” (cf. Welch 1966 120-121). While K ou， s reforms
were temporary, his contribution to Taoist religion was significant.
Scholars like Fukui Kojun and Mather even consider him as converting
primitive Taoism into an established church (Mather 19フ9 : 108，122).
In fact Kou persuaded the Northern Wei emperor to adopt the Taoist
title Taiping Zhen Jun 太平真君 or “ Perfect Ruler of Great Peace ” as
the title for the reign-period of 440-451 (Fu 1937: 95-96，Mather 1979:
118).
Both Taoist religion and Buddhism continued to prosper until
the Song dynasty, when the rise of so-called JNeo-Confucianism of the
Song Dynasty was already influenced in many respects by Taoism
{philosophy and religion) and Buddhism. During the twelfth century,
there were two main schools of Taoist religion, namely the northern
school and the southern school. Ih e northern school was founded by
Wang Zhe 王嘉 and was known as Quan Zhen 全真 or “ Perfect Realiza­
t i o n , a l s o called Chun Yang 純陽 or “ Pure Yang.” The less im­
portant southern school was founded by Liu Haichan 劉海擔. In the
Yuan Dynasty (a .d . 13 century), the Zhang Heavenly Master of Jiangxi
江西 was given jurisdiction over the Taoists in Jiangnan 江南，that is,
the territory south oi Yangtze River. He called himself “ Zhengyi
 CHINESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 233

Zhenren” 正一真人，hence his sect was called Zhengyi or “ Proper

Unity.n This sect traced its origin to the Tianshi Dao of Zhang Ling.
Quan Zhen and Zhengyi have remained the main divisions of Taoist
religion up to the present. The monks of Quan Zhen stayed in mon­
asteries, were vegetarians, abstained from wine and observed celibacy.
The priests of “ Proper U n ity ， ’ did not live in monasteries and were
huoju daoshi 居道士 or “ fire dwellers,” that is Taoist priests who stayed
at home. They did not observe vegetarian rules all the time. Ih e y
married and handed down their arts hereditarily. They also performed
magical rites and sold talismans (Fu 1937: 207-211, Welch 1966: 145­
151).
The famous White Cloud Monastery or Baiyun Guan 白雲觀 in
Peking was the center of “ Perfect Realization， ” while the center of
“ Proper Unity ” was Longhu Shan 音I 虎山 or ‘‘ Dragon and Tiger
Mountain ” in Jiangxi. When the communists took over mainland
China, the sixty-third hereditary Zhang Heavenly Master, Zhang Enpu
張恩溥，escaped to 1 aiwan where he continued to claim to be the de­
scendant of Zhang Heavenly Masters (cf. Welch 1958，Kaltenmark
1969: 146). He died in 1970 and was succeeded by his nephew who
is now the sixty-fourth “ Heavenly Master ” (Vinecour 1981).
In the last few centuries Taoist religion has declined, especially in
the Qing Dynasty and in modern times.21 Today, the huge collection
of the Taoist Canon draws the attention of scholars ot laoist religion
rather than that of laoist priests.22 Taoist religion survives in Taiwan
although its future is bleak (cf. Kaltenmark 1969:147—148). In Malaysia,
there is no distinct Taoist sect although Taoist beliefs and practices
exist in Cninese Religion, while there are various religious specialists
who claim to follow the traditions of sects such as Tianshi Dao or Mao­
shan. Zhang Daoling, also known as Zhang Tianshi or “ Heavenly
Master Zhang," is worshiped as a deity in many Chinese temples. He
is especially known for his power to exorcise evil, and charm papers of
the Heavenly Master tradition are popularly distributed by both Taoist
priests and spirit mediums. While there are individuals who may say
that they are Taoists, what they actually mean is that they are followers
of Cninese Religion.
The Taoist priests in Malaysia are religious practitioners within this
general system of Chinese Religion, and not practitioners of separate
Taoist sects. Chan (1953:146) argues that the decline of Taoist religion
is “ tantamount to the collapse of the people’s religion as a whole ”
since, according to h im ,1 aoist religion is at the foundation of the religion
of the masses. This is not true in the case of Malaysia, for the traditional
religion of Chinese Malaysians is very much alive. We may say that
234 CHEE-BENG TAN

Taoist religion grew out of the “ popular religion ” of ancient China,

succeeded in forming an independent religious system which, however,
was never really independent from the influence of popular religion,
and in modern times was merged again into the popular religion, thus
losing its independent identity (as in the case or Malaysia) but enriching
the popular religion. Yet before its decline, Taoist religion was, in
the words of Kaltenmark (1969: 147), ‘‘ the only truly national religion ’，
of the Chinese.

Buddhism
It is not clear exactly when Buddhism was introduced to China, although
we know that by the first century a.d., it had already appeared in the
country (Ch’en 1968: 136).23 By then, Taoist religion had already
developed in its primitive form, and the worship of Laozi and the Yellow
Emperor (Huangdi) was popular. The Chinese probably worshiped
Buddha as they did Laozi and other deities, that is, Buddhism was not
seen as a very different religion. In fact, Huandi 桓帝 made sacrifices
in the palace not only to Huangdi and Laozi but also to Buddha (cf.
Huang Chanhua 1980: 89，Nogami et a l 1978: 12). During the Later
Han period, tnere were already foreign monks and scholars who had
translated Buddhist scriptures into Chinese. The most famous of these
foreign translators was a Partman called An Shigao 安 世 高 (cf. Huang
Chanhua 1980: 6-8, Ch’en 1964: 43^44). The first few centuries a . d .
(from the Later Han Dynasty to the establishment of the Sui Dynasty
in 589 a . d .) were a crucial period in the history of Buddhism in China.
This was the period when many Buddhist texts were translated by foreign
and local Buddnist scholars,24 and also a period when Buddhism really
expanded and took root in China.
The first few centuries a.d. were a period of disunity in China,
especially after the fall of the Han Dynasty. By the time of the Eastern
Jin 東 晉 （ 317420)，Buddhism in China was divided into Buddhism of
northern China and Buddhism of southern China. North China was
controlled by people of Turkic and Tibetan origins while South China
was under the Eastern Jin government, a continuation of the Earlier or
Western Jin (205-316). The non-Han Chinese in North China com­
peted among themselves to rule Cnina. They welcomed Buddhist
monks as advisors and promoted Buddhism. It was during this period
that the famous Indian monk Kumarajiva (344-413) arrived in China
and translated many Hinayana and Mahayana Buddhist texts into
Chinese. His translations of such Mahayana Buddhist texts as Ami-
tabhasutra and Lotus Scripture were influential in the development of
such famous Chinese Buddhist sects as the Pure Land School and
 CHIN ESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 235

Tiantai 天 台 （ cf. Ch’en 1964: 81-83; Nogami et al. 1978: 18-19). In

South China, Buddhism was opposed by people of various interests as
a foreign religion, especially the Confucian scholars (Ch*en 1%8: 142—
145). The intellectual aspects of the religion, however, attracted the
elite. Various aspects of Buddhist thought are compatible to Chinese
thought. For example, the teaching of sunyata or “ emptiness ” in the
Prajna or “ Wisdom Sutras， ，
，w hich is a Mahayana Buddhist text, is
easily compared to the Taoist concept wu 無 or “ non-being ” (cf. C h， en
1968: 140-141).25
Buddhism continued to expand until it reached its golden era in
the Tang Dynasty, but not without discrimination and persecution.
Throughout the first few centuries a . d ., it had to compete with Taoist
religion which also had influential people in the courts of the rulers.
In 446, Buddhism was persecuted under the reign of Tai W u D i 太武帝
of Northern Wei, who, as we have seen, adopted a Taoist title for his
reign period. During this persecution, many monks were killed and
temples destroyed (cf. Ch’en 1964: 147-151, Nogami et al. 1978: 32­
33).
Buddhism prospered under the atmosphere of religious toleration
during the Tang Dynasty (618-907). According to Ch， en (1964: 213)，
Buddhism finally came of age during the Tang Dynasty and ‘‘ it was
supported by all elements of society—by the imperial household, the
nobility, the great and wealthy families, and the common people.” It
was during this dynasty that the famous monk Xuan Zhuang 玄奖 set off
for India in 629 and returned in 645. Toward the end of the dynasty,
however, Buddhism was suppressed again.26 I his suppression in 845
a . d . was one of the worst in the history of Buddhism in China, and it

marked the beginning of the decline of Buddhism in the country (Ch’en

1968: 156). By then, Buddnism in China had already developed into
various schools such as Tiantai 天台，Jingtu 浄土，Huayan 華嚴，Chan
禪 (known in Japanese as Zen) and others.27 Of these Jingtu or the
Pure Land School had the greatest impact on the masses.
After the suppression in 845 and with the rise of Neo-Confucianism
during the Song Dynasty (960-1279), Buddhism in China began to
decline. During the Song dynasty, only Chan and Jingtu continued
to be active (Ch’en 1964: 389). This remained largely so during the
Yuan Dynasty (1260-1368) when Lamaism flourished (Nogami et al
1978: 142-143). During the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)，Buddhism
was even more incorporated into the popular religion of the masses.
The process of syncretizing the various doctrines of China was also
important. In fact, during this dynasty, Lin Zhao’en 林 兆 恩 (1517-
1598) preached the doctrine of “ Three Teachings” and the modern
236 CHEE-BENG TAN

cult of Sanyi Jiao 三一教 or “ Three-in-One Teaching ’’ can be traced

to his doctrine. He tried to syncretize the so-called san jiao or “ three
teachings ”一 Confucianism, Taoism (philosophy and religion) and
Buddhism— into a single system (cf. Berling 1980).
There were more “ syncretic ” religious sects during the Qing
Dynasty (1644-1911), most of which were seen by the Manchu govern­
ment as heretical. There were therefore many religious suppressions
during the dynasty. In order to contain “ heretical ” movements, Con­
fucian doctrines rather than Buddnism or Taoist religion were promoted,
even though the early Manchu rulers patronized Lamaism. It may be
said that by the nineteenth century, Buddhism in Cnina had been
largely reduced to folk religion, and both Amitabha and Guanyin 觀音
(better known in English as the goddess of Mercy) were popularly
worsmped by the Cninese, together with other Chinese deities. Both
Amitabha and Guanyin are Buddnist deities of the Pure Land School
and the latter is considered the cmef assistant of the former. Guanyin
is the Chinese expression for the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, but is now
more known in the female form than the original male form of the
bodhisattva. This transformation occurred during the Tang dynasty
under the influence of Tantric Buddhism (cf. Ch’en 1964: 340-342).
This was the state of Buddhism in twentieth century China (cf.
Welch 196フ）when the communists took over the mainland and dealt
a serious ir not fatal blow to both Taoist religion and Buddhism. There
were of course attempts to revive Buddhism (cf. Welch 1968，Chan
1953: 54-92), but as Chan (1953: 62-63) notes, Chinese Buddhism in
the last few hundred years has been reduced to the Pure Land School
or more specifically “ T ’ein-t’ai and Huayen in doctrines and Medita­
tion and Pure Land in practice.”
In Malaysia today, “ Chinese Buddhism ” hardly exists as an in­
dependent system of religion and its distinctiveness is to be found only
in certain Cninese Buddhist temples and associations. Yet Chinese
Religion and Chinese ways of life in general are heavily colored by
Buddhism. For example, the Buddhist concept narma is often expressed
by Chinese Malaysians as when they ask, “ What have I done to deserve
this? ” The Buddhism which has become part of Chinese Religion in
Malaysia is essentially that derived from the Pure Land School of
Mahayana Buddhism. Namo Emituofo 南無阿弥陀佛，the important
expression of this school, is familiar to most Chinese Malaysians. This
may be translated as “ I devote myself entirely to Amitabha Buddha.”
It expresses the love and the salvation spirit of Amitabha Buddha, the
most important Buddha in the Pure Land sect of Chinese Buddhism.
It is not uncommon to see stone slabs bearing these characters erected at
 CH IN ESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 237

certain roadsides in Malaysia (Fig. 2). These are places which attract
accidents and where people have been killed. Chinese Malaysians
erect these slabs to seek the blessing of Amitabha, the Buddha of the
Western Paradise.
There are a number of “ pure ” Chinese Mahayana Buddhist tem­
ples in Malaysia and they are largely based on the Pure Land tradition.
For example, in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, there is a fairly large temple
of this tradition, called Puh Toh Sze 普 陀 寺 （ Putuo Si Fig. 3).28 It is
situated on a hillock at Jalan Tuaran (sixth mile). The main hall of the
temple is called Daxiong Baodian 大雄宝殿. At the main altar, there is
a big statue of Amitabha Buddha, with a statue of Bodhisattva Guanyin
at his left and Bodhisattva Da Shi Zhi 大勢至 or Mahasthama, who
represents the Buddha-wisdom of Amitabha, on his right. They are
the ‘‘ three pure ones ” of the Western Paradise. In the hall, there
are other smaller statues of various bodhisattva and arhats, called “ pusa ”
菩薩 and “ luohan ” 羅漢 in Chinese.29 A big statue of Sakyamuni
Buddha is placed in a small room at the back of the main altar, not
visible from outside. In Chinese Buddnist temples or in fact Chinese
temples in general, statues of Sakyamuni Buddha are normally not
placed in prominent places although smaller ones may be placed on the
main altar in front of those of the main deities. Tms is an influence of
the Pure Land tradition.30 In fact since the Tang dynasty, Amitabha
and Avalokitesvara had become more popular than Sakyamuni and
Maitreya in Chinese Buddhism (Ch’en 1964: 172).
“ Pure ” Buddhist temples are few in number. There are, how­
ever, many temples which house a large number of both Buddhist
and non-Buddhist deities, but whose patron deity or deities are of
Buddhist origin. These temples have been described by various people
as Buddhist” temples, and the Chinese word si 寺，which refers to
Buddhist temples, is normally used to describe them. Ih e main
(patron) deity in these marginal Buddhist temples is usually Guanyin,
and so worshipers often refer to these temples as “ Guanyin temples,”
known in Hokkien as either Koan-Im Bio 觀音廟 or Koan-Im Theng
觀音亭•
Cheng Hoon Teng (Uingyun Ting 青雲亭）in Malacca is a good
example of this kind of temple. There are three altars in the main
hall of the temple. The main altar in the center is for worshiping
Guanyin, the patron deity of the temple. In front of this altar, there
are two statues of Sakyamuni Buddha but they are smaller than the
statue of G u a n y i n . 1 he other two altars are at the left and right of the
main altar and at these altars the Taoist deities 1 lanhou Shengmu
天后聖母（ i.e. Mazu 碼袓）and Tai Sui 太歳 are worshiped, while there
238 CHEE-BENG TAN

are statues of other deities too, such as Shuixian Niangniang 水仙娘娘

and Xietian Dadi 協天大帝(more popularly known as Guandi Ye 関帝爺)，
and others. In the side halls, other deities are worshiped. There are
ancestral halls too.
A few monks and nuns live in the temple but they are neither
preachers or Buddnist doctrines nor do they represent a particular
Buddhist school, although their religious practices are derived from
certain traditions. They are religious practitioners who can be seen
in the temple, at funerals and other Chinese functions. Nevertheless,
the presence of these monks and nuns at the temple make it appear
Buddhist, at least when they perform their daily rituals and chanting.
Most marginal Buddhist temples in Malaysia do not have resident
monks, but it is fairly common to find a temple of this nature managed
by a resident nun. Those without any resident monks or nuns are
even less distinct from other Chinese temples. Each Chinese temple,
be it of Buddhist or non-Buddhist origin, is distinct according to the
patron deities it worships. The worshipers have to adjust their religious
behavior according to the traditions of these patron deities. Thus
meat dishes are not offered to Buddhist deities, just like pork is not
offered to aeities of Malay origin.31 Buddhist temples are built by
Chinese worshipers as one of their places of worship. By and large,
Chinese Buddhism in Malaysia is part of Chinese Religion rather than
an independent religious system. While there are some Buddhist
monks and nuns at certain ‘‘ Buddhist ” temples, there is no independent
body of Chinese Buddhist laity, except some individuals who may claim
to be “ pure ” Chinese Buddhists.
There are many Chinese Buddhist Associations in Malaysia. Their
central body, Malaixiya Fojiao Zonghui 馬来西亜佛教總会，was formed
in April 1959 at Kek Lok oi in Penane. it has more than 300 institu­
tional members representing more than 100,000 individual members
(Huang Yinwen 1982: 197). There are also Young Buddhist Associa­
tions, abbreviated in Cninese as Foqing 佛青. Their central body,
“ The Young Buddhist Association of Malaysia ” or Malaixiya Foqing
Zonghui 馬来西亜佛青總会 was established in 1970. The central body
has 81 institutional members representing 25,000 individual members
and comprises various Young Buddhist Associations throughout
Malaysia (Huang Yinwen 1982: 198). The parent bodies of both the
Chinese Buddhist Associations and the Young Buddnist Associations
are in Penang. Both these Buddhist organizations seek to promote
Chinese Mahayana Buddnism, especially Buddnist theology. They
organize Buddhist classes and invite local and occasionally foreign
monks and Buddhist scholars to give lectures. The young Buddnist
 CH IN ESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 239

Association of Malaysia publishes a very successful journal in Chinese,

called “ Buddhist D igest， ’’ or Fojiao Wenzhai 佛教文摘.
The activities of the Buddhist associations and the Young Buddhist
Associations as well as those few Chinese Mahayana Buddhist monks
who are concerned with Buddhist teachings may be seen as attempts
to bring back “ real ” Buddhism as an independent religion of the
Chinese. Chinese Religion has so far met the needs of early immigrants
and the present generation of Chinese Malaysians, but with higher
education and more modern influences there is a trend for young Chinese
Malaysians to seek a religion which has a more coherent system of
theology. In the light of this, Chinese Buddhism in Malaysia may
have a future. However, Chinese Buddhism is so tied to Chinese
Religion that it is still rather difficult for it to get an independent body
of followers.
Theravada Buddhism in Malaysia has learned much from Chris­
tianity about Church organization and missionary activities, and has
successfully attracted many young people, especially nigh school and
college students. Nowadays it is common to find the youth wing of
Theravada Buddhist temples singing Buddhist hymns and playing
modern musical instruments in the temples, practices which cater to
both the spiritual and the social needs of young people. Buddhist
classes are also well organized.
The “ church ” of Nicniren D aish6nin， s Buddhism, a school of
Mahayana Buddnism introduced from Japan, is even more highly
organized at both the local and national levels and its missionary activities
are effective. Most of the followers are Chinese, and in Mandarin this
school of Buddhism is called Rilian Zhengzong Fojiao 日蓮正宗佛教.
It is an independent system of religion in Malaysia and is still ex­
panding.32
Those organizations involved in promoting “ Chinese Buddhism ’’
as an independent system of religion of Chinese Malaysians certainly
have much to learn from both Theravada Buddhism and Nichiren
D aish6nin，s Buddhism. Up to now these organizations have not been
very successful, especially in the propagation of Buddhist teachings.
The Chinese Buddhist organization accepts members freely, and any
follower of Chinese Religion who pays the membership fee is called
a “ member， ” a Buddhist in name. It ism therfore not surprising that
various leaders of Chinese Buddhist associations regret that “ Chinese
Buddhism exists only in the form of reciting Buddha’s name and con­
ducting funeral and post-funeral rites” (Huang Yinwen 1982: 198).
In fact Teo Eng-Soon (I9t>3: 33, 52) even suggests that drastic measures
are necessary in order to get rid of u superstitions and the host of other
240 CHEE-BENG TAN

nonsense ” for the survival of Buddhism.

C o n c l u s io n
Chinese Religion in Malaysia should be viewed historically as a con­
tinuity in the development of the major religions of China. If we view
the original religion of the Chinese (classical religion and its develop­
ments) as “ popular religion， ” then the three main religious traditions
of China were popular religion, Taoist religion and Buddhism.
The rise or laoist religion and Buddhism did not displace the
popular religion of the Chinese. Instead they were continuously in­
fluenced by it and pulled in its direction. At the same time Taoist
and Buddhist beliefs and practices were absorbed into the folk religion,
and tms in turn threatened the purity of both Buddhism and Taoist
religion.
Although Taoist religion and Buddhism were more “ organized， ”
there was not a strong ideology of exclusiveness as in Islam and Chris­
tianity, and the continual intermixing of the three main religious tradi­
tions of China was thus more favorable to the success of popular religion.
W ith the gradual decline of Taoist religion and Buddhism in the last
few centuries, especially their intellectual aspects, popular religion
emerged again as the most viable Chinese religion, despite its rather
diffused nature. In fact, it is the diffused nature which accounts for the
endurance of popular religion because it is so diffused into the social
lile of the Chinese masses that its existence does not rely on the existence
of any church or missionary activities.33
While the communist revolution dealt a serious blow to all religious
raiths on mainland China, traditional Chinese religion in the form of
“ popular religion ” continues to be viable in Chinese communities
outside mainland China, especially in Taiwan, Hongkong and Southeast
Asia. This is certainly so in Malaysia, where it is already irrelevant to
distinguish the popular religion of the Chinese from Taoist religion
and even Chinese Buddhism; hence I suggest using the term “ Chinese
Religion.”
While I have described this Chinese Religion as a loosely unified
system, we should include in it various more organized Chinese religious
sects. Dejiao 徳 教 （ Doctrine of Morals), Zheng Kong Jiao 真空教
(Doctrine of the True Void), Tiandao Jiao 天 道 教 （ Doctrine of the
Heavenly Way) and other religious sects should be regarded as branches
of Chinese Religion because they basically share its system of symbols,
and their followers are followers of Chinese Religion. What is different
is that they are more organized, both in terms of doctrines and hierarchy,
than the other more diffused cults of Chinese Religion. Their pantheon
 CH IN ESE R E L IG IO N IN MALAYSIA 241

may also have been slightly reorganized by the addition of a few new
deities.
These sects are products of attempts to syncretize the “ three
teacnings ” (san pao) or the “ five teachings ” (wu jiao 五教)，the “ five
teacnings ” referring to the “ three teachings ” plus Christianity and
Islam. In actual fact, this boils down to addition of Jesus Christ and
the Prophet Mohammad as deities in the Chinese religious system rather
than any incorporation of Christian and Islamic theology.
The use of the “ five teachings ” to form Chinese sects is a modern
phenomenon and is important in the development of Dejiao in Malaysia,
and Singapore. The Dejiao h u i or “ Dejiao Association ” is usually
known in English as “ Moral Uplifting Society,” a name which hardly
portrays the religious nature of the organization. This sect worships
all the Chinese deities known in Chinese Religion with the addition of
Jesus Christ and the Prophet Mohammad. The Jade Emperor we
know is considered to have abdicated as ruler of the court in heaven
and his throne has been taken over by Guan Sheng Dijun 関聖帝君，who
is the new Jade Emperor, more accurately known as “ Jade Emperor
the Great Heavenly Honored One ” (Yuhuang Da Tianzun 玉皇大天尊)—
He is considered to be the chairman of De De She 徳徳社，the Associa­
tion of Deities in Heaven.
Guan Sheng Dijun, Popularly known by Chinee Malaysians as
Guan D i Ye 関帝爺，is a famous deified hero of the Chinese, originally
a warrior by the name of Guan Yu 関羽 during the second and early
third century a .d . In Dejiao, this hero has achieved the highest level
of deification. All Dejiao temples (called ge 閣）have well defined ways
of worship and divination, but they are all practices of Chinese Religion,
only more systematized by the sect. It is only proper to consider the
various Cninese religious sects, of which Dejiao is an example, as sects
within Chinese Religion rather than as independent systems of religions.
It is not surprising that “ deities ” of other religions have been
accepted as “ Chinese ” deities because of the syncretic and polytheistic
nature of Chinese Religion. The ideology of polytheism means that
many deities exist in the universe and therefore the existence oi deities
in other religions must also be accepted. Hence, polytheistic religions
are tolerent of other raiths. While the more exclusive religions may
deny the existence of Chinese deities, Chinese Religion does not deny
the existence of the deities of other religions, but treats them as belonging
to the religions of other ethnic groups. Tms also means that Chinese
Malaysians do not see it inappropriate to worship at, say, certain Hindu
shrines whicn are known to be very efficacious.
This does not mean that the Chinese worshipers have incorporated
242 CHEE-BENG TAN

the Hindu deities into the Chinese religious system. Only persistent
and widespread worship of certain non-Chinese deities may eventually
lead to the incorporation of these deities into Chinese Religion, such
as in the case of Nadugong worship mentioned earlier. While Jesus
Christ and the Prophet Mohammad are incorporated as “ Chinese ”
deities in Dejiao, they are not so significant as deities, but are more
honored as founders of religions. Outside Dejiao and other “ syncretic ’ ，
sects, the Prophet Mohammad, who is not considered a aeity in Islam,
is regarded by many Chinese Religion followers as merely a Muslim
deity, not worshiped by the Chinese. Jesus Christ is also not treated
as a deity in Chinese Religion other than by those sects that base their
doctrines on the “ five teachings.” The Peranakan Chinese (Baba) in
Melaka, however, treat Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mother, represented
by the statues at Saint Peter’s Church, as efficacious Christian deities
known to many Peranakan Chinese there as Datuk Kristian or “ Chris­
tian Deities.” Once a year on Good tnday, when the church is open
to the public, the non-Christian Baba visit the church to pray to these
ィ ‘ Christian deities ” to ask for blessing, especially in their children’s
education. That the “ Christian deities ’，are associated with education
may be due to the “ traditional ” stereotype that colonial masters were
well educated and these “ Christian deities ” were regarded as the
deities of the Europeans. '
On the whole, Chinese Religion is a diffused system even though
it has a number of organized sects. It basically lacks a coherent system
of ethics due to the traditional separation of Chinese ethics from religion.
Hence what Granet (1975: 146) notes concerning religion in early
twentieth-century China still applies here: neither dogma nor clergy
presides over the religious life of the Chinese. Compared to Christianity
and Islam, Chinese Religion worshipers are more concerned with material
welfare than life after death. Even funeral rites are performed not
only for the deceased but also for the prosperity and general welfare of
the living. This is not a case of man serving the supernatural as much
as it is of the supernatural serving man.
When Chinese worshipers give offerings to deities, they expect
them to reciprocate by protecting them and fulfilling their requests.
Except in special cases, Cninese Malaysians are not bound to worship
any particular deity (Fig. 4). They worship those that are popular and
can serve them most. This rather secular orientation of Chinese
Religion may be due to the rather this-worldly Chinese world view which
has been partly influenced by Confucian ideology. Furthermore,
Chinese Religion in Malaysia had been shaped by the experience of the
immigrants who sought divine protection and blessing in their worldly
 CHINESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 243

ventures. In fact, folk religions grow out of the experience of the

masses and therefore reflect their worldly concerns for peace, pro­
sperity and security.
To conclude, I would like to stress again the need to see Chinese
Religion as a system. It is a system in the sense that it has an unified
symbolic system of its own and the religious behavior of the worshipers
show it to be so. If I may repeat Geertz’s (1966: 4) words, Chinese
Religion is a “ system of symbols which acts to establish powerful,
pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by formu­
lating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing these
conceptions with such an aura of factuality that moods and motivations
seem uniquely realistic•” One can then study how the symbols are
employed to cope with spiritual and social problems, how religious
power is derived and used, and how the cults make the religion believable.
In other words, various aspects of Chinese Religion can be analyzed
systematically as parts of a whole rather than separate unrelated parts.

NOTES

1 . This paper is in fact the first part of a rather long draft, of which the second
part deals with the pantheon, the nature of worship and Chinese religious sects in
Malaysia. M y serious attempt to understand Chinese Religion began with my research
on the Peranakan Chinese (Baba) in Malacca in 1977. I have so far visited many
Chinese shrines and temples as well as interviewed people in various parts of Malaysia.
In 1981,I studied a Chinese religious sect called Dejiao H ui and visited the temples
of this sect throughout Malaysia and Singapore. M y contacts with students and
various scholars who are interested in studying or merely understanding Cninese
Religion in Malaysia, have convinced me of the urgent need for a paper on the Chinese
religious system in Malaysia. W hile the title mentions only Chinese Religion in
Malaysia, I will also refer to the religion in Singapore when it is useful to do so. The
Chinese worshipers in Malaysia and Singapore share basically the same Chinese religious
system.
2. See Freedman (1974) for a description of the sociological study of Chinese
Religion. To briefly mention just a few of the more famous works, the reader is
advised to consult de Groot (1892-1910，see 1976)，Granet (1922, see 1975)，Chan
(1953) and Yang (1961). For Malaysia and Singapore the studies of Elliott (1955)，
Freedman and Topley (1961), and Topley (1952, 1953, 1954, 1956，1957, 1961) are
among the most important ones. There are also three theses, by Choo (1968), Wee
(1977) and Cheu (1982). W ee， s study is the most interesting because she attempts to
view Chinese Religion in aingapore as a coherent symbolic system.
3. In Chinese ritual context, the left and right positions follow the traditional
Chinese system, that is, right refers to the right side of a person standing in the living
room and facing out of the house directly in front. Left is the seat of honor. Ancestors
are low in rank below the deities and their altar is placed on the right side of the principal
altar for deities.
4. According to Choo (1968: 137-138)，Xian Si Shiye refers to the deified duo
244 CHEE-BENG TAN

who were good friends of Yap Ah Loy 葉 亜 来 (Ye Yalai), the pioneer of Kuala Lum pur.
In Kuala Lum pur, there is a temple which honors this duo and Yap Ah Loy.
5. The Four Books consists of Daxue 大 学 (The Great Learning), Zhongyong
中庸（ The Doctrine of the Mean), Lunyu 論 語 （ Confucian Analects) and Mengzi 孟子
(The Works of Mencius). For a translation of these texts, see Legge (1960a, 1960b,
1966) and Chan (1963: 14-114).
6. The worship of the God of Heaven is especially important to Hokkien (Fujian)
Chinese who called him T in-Kong. His “ birthday ” on the ninth day of the first
Chinese month is widely celebrated by Hokkien families in Malaysia, and to a lesser
extent by other Chinese speech groups. He is generally regarded as the same deity
as Yuhuang Dadi 玉皇大帝 or “ Jade Emperor,” the Taoist deity still regarded by
Chinese Malaysian worshipers as the ruler in heaven.
7. In January 1978, I saw a number of tombstones bearing Confucian dates at
the graveyard in Cipinang Muara, East Jakarta.
8. Straits Chinese leaders, however did not play a significant role in the Con­
fucian movement (cf. Yen 1976: 51). Dr. j_,im Boon-Keng was an exception. He
published a number of articles on social reforms in Straits Chinese M agazine，of which
he and Song Ong-Siang were editors.
9. I visited this association on 2d December 1981.
10. The Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce, which was pro-Manchu
government, had already supported the Confucian revival movement (see Yen 1976:
46), For a brief history on Nanyang Confucian Association, See Wang (1978).
1 1 . For memorial speeches on Cai Duohua, see Shengdan Jin ian Zhengwen Yu
Shufa Bisai 聖誕紀念徽文与書法比赛 （ Birthday Celebration Essay and Calligraphy
Competition). Singapore: Nanyang Confucian Association, 1981, pp. 52-57.
12. For a fuller description of the ceremony, see Leo Juat-Beh (1977: 84). I
have not attended any ceremony of Confucius，birthday but have interviewed an inform­
ant about this.
13. See Kongsheng M iao Zhonghua Zhongxue X in Xtaoshe Luocheng D ianli Tekan
孔聖糜中華中学新校舍落成典礼特刊 （
Souvenir Magazine for the Inauguration Ceremony
of Confucian Temple Zhonghua Secondary School JNew Building), 1972:1.
14. There is a small statue of Zhang Bishi in a glass case at the office of the
Confucian Association, Penang.
15. See Souvenir M agazine in Commemoration of the 2521び Birthday of Con­
fucius and the 48^ Anniversary of the Confucian Association, Penang，1970, p . 13. The
magazine is published in Chinese and some English.
16. The description here is based on a copy of the constitution (in Chinese)
given to me by the Secretary of the association. I interviewed the secretary, who
is a retired headmaster of “ Chung Hwa ” primary school, on 19 April 1982. The
secretary rejects the idea that the association promotes Confucian religion. According
to him, the members either honor Confucius or worship him as a deity, and the “ Straits
Chinese ” are especially serious about praying to him whenever they enter the office.
17. See Yang (1961:2 十ト293) for a detailed description on the religious aspects
of Confucianism and its relationship to the traditional moral order. See also Yang
(1957).
18. See Chapter 16 and 50 of Daode Jing. There are many English translations.
See, for example, Legge (1959) and Chang Chung-Yuan (1975). For a brief dis­
cussion on the Taoist concepts of being {you 有) , non-being (wu 無 ) and non-action
(wuwei 無為 )，see Fung (1966: 93-117).
19. D u rin g the first four centuries a .d ., there were two im portant works on
 CHINESE R E L IG IO N IN M A LA Y SIA 245

Chinese alchemistry. The first one is Can Tong Q i 参 同 契 (approximately second

century A.D.) by Wei Boyang 魏伯陽 . The second is Bao Pu Z i 抱朴子 ，by Ge Hong
葛洪（ 284~364) of the Eastern Jin 東晉 Dynasty. In the latter work, Ge Hong brought
together the different traditions of Taoist beliefs and practices. It is an important
work on Taoist Immortals and the methods of attaining longevity and immortality.
It also contributed much to the development of Taoist religion.
20. For descriptions on the rise of collective Taoist movements, see Fu (1937:
54-98), Saso (1978: 17-61), Welch (1966: 113-123) and Yang (1961: 112-115). O n
the history of Taoist religion, F u，
s work (1937) is the most important and has facilitated
more research by other scholars. X u ， s paper (1927) is a very useful work on the early
development of Taoist religion. O f the Western works, Maspero’s book (1950) is most
known, while Welch’s book (1957, see 19oo; is especially important to those who have
no access to Maspero’s original work which is written in French. Masp る ro，s book
has now been translated into English as Taoism and Chinese Religion (1981), but it is
not yet available in Malaysia. Today we have a long list of works on various aspects
of Taoist religion in different languages. See, for example, the articles in Welch and
Seidel (1979), See also Sakai and Noguchi (1979) on Taoist studies in Japan. I should
also mention the comprehensive study on the Taoist Canon by Chen Guofu (1963).
2 1 . See Chan (1953:146-156) on the reasons for the decline.
22. O n the Taoist Canon，see Chen Guofu (1963) and Ofuchi (1979).
23. For a general introduction to Buddhism, see Schumann (1973).
24. In his description of Buddhism during Later Han, Three Kingdoms, Western
Jin, Eastern Jin, Southern Dynasties and Northern Dynaties, nuang Chanhua (1980:
3-53) has mentioned the many texts translated by these scholars.
25. I should mentioned two famous monks in South China, namely H ui Yuan
慧遠（ 334-416) and Fa Xian 法顕 . The former was later regarded as the founder of
the Pure Land School (Ch’en 1964: 103—112). The latter was the first Chinese pilgrim
not only to go to India (in 399) but also to return with Buddhist scriptures (414).
26. For a description of Buddhism during the Tang Dynasty, see C h’en (1964:
213—240, Nogami et al. 1978: 55—96).
27. For descriptions of the various schools of Buddhism in China, see C h， en
(1964: 297-364)，Zhongguo Fojiao Xiehui (1980: 227-394).
28. I investigated this temple on 28 August 1981.
29. “Arhats ” or “ arahants ” are beings who have attained enlightenment and
liberation through instruction in Buddhist teachings. “ Bodhisattvas” are beings
who are striving for enlightenment or who have obtained it but postponed their nirvana
in oder to help to liberate other beings. For a brief description of the Pure Land
School and Mahayana Buddhist deities, see McDougall (1956: 18-25).
30. O f course there are certain Chinese Buddhist temples where Sakyamuni
Buddha is given prominence. For example, in the temple of The Sandakan (Sabah)
Buddhist Association in Sandakan, the statue of Sakyamuni Buddha is placed in the
most prominent place at the principal altar, with the statue of Amitabha to his right
and the statue of the Buddha of Medicine (Yaoshi L iuli Guang Rulaifo 薬師琉璃光
如来佛 ）to his left. According to the resident nun I interviewed on 30 August 1981,
this temple was founded by the monk Shi Daguang 擇大光 from Hualian (華蓮）Temple
in Hong Kong.
3 1 . I n Malaysia, Malay identity is equated with M uslim identity since Malays
are Muslims.
32. I have done some preliminary research on Nichiren Daish6nin， s Buddhism
and interviewed the leaders of Nichiren Shoshu 日蓮正宗 in Kuantan (Pahang) on
246 CHEE-BENG TAN

15 November 1980. I also attended a religious meeting there.

33. However, Yang (1961:300) argues the contrary. He argues that Chinese
diffused religion does not have the enduring quality of the universal religions due to
its dependence on the fate of the secular institutions. He argues that in the modern
period, the emphasis on science has caused the decline of diffused religion which to
him “ seems to have lost irrecoverable grounds.” We should note that the situation
in modern China is unique because of the anti-religion ideology of Communism. It
is the Communist ideology which has caused the weakness of religions in China.

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 CHINESE R E L IG IO N IN M ALAYSIA 249

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 CHINESE R E L IG IO N IN MALAYSIA

F i g . 1 . Confucius’ altar at The Confucian Association, P e n a n g . (19 April

1982)

Fig. 2. A stone slab bearing the characters Namo Emituofo by the roadside
at Sungai Penjuring New Village in Pahang (9 April 1981).
252 CHEE-BENG TAN

I
* ニ

ノ * •' • 1 一
' 叫
爾^，
.

Ilf Ij
Fig. 3. Puh Toh Sze Buddhist Temple in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah. (28
August 1981).

Fig. 4. Domestic altars in the living room of a Hokkien Chinese family in

Sungai Ayam, Batu Pahat, Johor. The patron deity is Dabogong 大伯公
or God of Prosperity. O n his far right side is the altar of ancestors. In front
of the picture of Dabogong and his assistants are the statues of Ne Zha 哪托
(also known as San Taizi or The Third Prince), Guanyin or the Goddess of
Mcrcy, and the black statue with long hair and beard is Fazhugong 法主公,
a popular deity among the Hokkien of Yongchun 永春 descent, especially
among the Zhang 银 families for the surname of the deity is Zhang. (8 May
1983).