Positive Organization
Positive Organization
editor-in-c hie f
Peter E. Nathan
are a e ditors:
Clinical Psychology
David H. Barlow
Cognitive Neuroscience
Kevin N. Ochsner and Stephen M. Kosslyn
Cognitive Psychology
Daniel Reisberg
Counseling Psychology
Elizabeth M. Altmaier and Jo-Ida C. Hansen
Developmental Psychology
Philip David Zelazo
Health Psychology
Howard S. Friedman
History of Psychology
David B. Baker
Industrial/Organizational Psychology
Steve W. J. Kozlowski
Neuropsychology
Kenneth M. Adams
The Oxford
Handbook of Positive
Organizational
Scholarship
Edited by
Kim S. Cameron
Gretchen M. Spreitzer
1
1
Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further Oxford University’s
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HD58.82.O95 2012
302.3’5—dc22 2010054131
_________________________________________
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Acknowledgments xi
Contributors xiii
Contents xxi
Chapters 1—79
Index 1049
v
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O X F O R D L I B R A R Y O F P S YC H O L O G Y
vii
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quality, as exemplified by the Oxford Library of Psychology.
Peter E. Nathan
Editor-in-Chief
Oxford Library of Psychology
Kim S. Cameron
Kim S. Cameron is William Russell Kelly Professor of Management and
Organization at the Ross School of Business and Professor of Higher Education
in the School of Education at the University of Michigan. His past research on
organizational effectiveness, downsizing, culture, and the development of leader-
ship competencies has been published in more than 120 academic articles and
14 scholarly books. His current research focuses on the virtuousness of and in
organizations and their relationships to organizational performance. He is one of
the co-founders of the Center for Positive Organizational Scholarship at the
University of Michigan, and consults with organizations throughout the United
States, Europe, Asia, South America, and Africa.
Gretchen M. Spreitzer
Gretchen M. Spreitzer is Area Chair and Professor of Management and
Organizations at the Ross School of Business at the University of Michigan, where
she also received her Ph.D. Gretchen’s research focuses on employee empower-
ment and leadership development, particularly within a context of organizational
change and decline. Her most recent work is looking at positive deviance and how
organizations enable employees to flourish. This work fits within a larger effort at
Michigan’s Business School to develop a Scholarship of Positive Organizing that
is dedicated to understanding how work organizations contribute to the develop-
ment of human strengths and virtues.
ix
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AC K N OW L E D G M E N TS
Kim S. Cameron
Gretchen M. Spreitzer
Ann Arbor, Michigan
2010
xi
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CO N T R I B U TO R S
xiii
Heike Bruch David L. Cooperrider
Institute for Leadership and Human Department of Organizational
Resource Management Behavior
University of St. Gallen Weatherhead School of Management
Zurich, Switzerland Case Western Reserve University
Kim S. Cameron Cleveland, Ohio
Stephen M. Ross School of Business Stephanie J. Creary
University of Michigan Organization Studies Department
Ann Arbor, Michigan Carroll School of Management
Melissa S. Cardon Boston College
Lubin School of Business Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts
Pace University Miguel Pina e Cunha
New York, New York Nova School of Business and Economics,
Arne Carlsen Lisbon, Portugal
SINTEF Technology and Society Jared R. Curhan
Oslo, Norway Sloan School of Management
Brigid Carroll Massachusetts Institute of Technology
School of Business Cambridge, Massachusetts
University of Auckland Stacy E. Davies
Auckland, New Zealand Department of Psychology
Arran Caza University of Minnesota
Schools of Business Minneapolis, Minnesota
Wake Forest University Jeff DeGraff
Winston-Salem, North Carolina Stephen M. Ross School of Business
Brianna Barker Caza University of Michigan
Schools of Business Ann Arbor, Michigan
Wake Forest University D. Scott DeRue
Winston-Salem, North Carolina Stephen M. Ross School of Business
Marlys K. Christianson University of Michigan
Rotman School of Management Ann Arbor, Michigan
University of Toronto Rebekah Dibble
Toronto, Ontario, Canada Thunderbird School of Global
Stewart Clegg Management
Centre for Management and Organization Glendale, Arizona
Studies Research Jane E. Dutton
University of Technology, Sydney Stephen M. Ross School of Business
Sydney, Australia University of Michigan
Cary L. Cooper Ann Arbor, Michigan
Lancaster University Management Amy C. Edmondson
SchoolLancaster University Harvard Business School
Lancaster, England Boston, Massachusetts
Cecily D. Cooper Julie J. Exline
Department of Management Department of Psychology
University of Miami Case Western Reserve University
Coral Gables, Florida Cleveland, Ohio
xi v con t r ibutors
Martha S. Feldman Debra Guckenheimer
School of Social Ecology Department of Sociology and
University of California, Irvine Anthropology
Irvine, California Bowdoin College
Barbara L. Fredrickson Brunswick, Maine
Department of Psychology Aina Landsverk Hagen
University of North Carolina SINTEF Technology and Society
Chapel Hill, North Carolina Oslo, Norway
Philip Gibbs Nardia Haigh
School of Management College of Management
Lancaster University Department of Management and Marketing
Lancaster, United Kingdom University of Massachusetts Boston
Cristina B. Gibson Boston, Massachusetts
School of Business Douglas T. Hall
University of Western Australia School of Management
Crawley, Western Australia Boston University
Jody Hoffer Gittell Boston, Massachusetts
The Heller School for Social Policy and Scott C. Hammond
Management Woodbury School of Business
Brandeis University Utah Valley University
Waltham, Massachusetts Orem, Utah
Mary Ann Glynn Celia V. Harquail
Organization Studies Department Authentic Organizations
Carroll School of Management Montclair, New Jersey
Boston College Spencer Harrison
Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts Organization Studies Department
Roger D. Goddard Carroll School of Management
College of Education and Boston College
Human Development Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts
Texas A&M University Emily Heaphy
College Station, Texas Department of Organizational Behavior
Paul C. Godfrey School of Management
Marriott School of Management Boston University
Brigham Young University Boston, Massachusetts
Provo, Utah Andrew J. Hoffman
Lindsey N. Godwin Stephen M. Ross School of Business
Division of Business School of Natural Resources &
Champlain College Environment
Burlington, Vermont University of Michigan
Karen Golden-Biddle Ann Arbor, Michigan
School of Management Quy Nguyen Huy
Boston University Department of Strategic Management
Boston, Massachusetts INSEAD
Adam M. Grant Fontainebleau, France
Management Department Remus Ilies
The Wharton School Broad College of Business
University of Pennsylvania Michigan State University
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania East Lansing, Michigan
co ntr ibuto r s xv
Erika Hayes James Jacoba M. Lilius
Darden Business School School of Policy Studies
University of Virginia Queen’s University
Charlottesville, Virginia Kingston, Ontario, Canada
Jason Kanov Fred Luthans
Western Washington University College of Business Administration
College of Business and Economics University of Nebraska
Bellingham, Washington Lincoln, Nebraska
Ronit Kark Sally Maitlis
Department of Psychology Sauder School of Business
Bar-Ilan University University of British Columbia
Ramat Gan, Israel Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada
Kerk F. Kee Jina Mao
Department of Communication Studies School of Management
Chapman University Boston University
Orange, California Boston, Massachusetts
Jessica Keeney David M. Mayer
Department of Psychology Stephen M. Ross School of Business
Michigan State University University of Michigan
East Lansing, Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan
Shirli Kopelman Ketan H. Mhatre
Stephen M. Ross School of Business Kravis Leadership Institute
University of Michigan Claremont McKenna College
Ann Arbor, Michigan Claremont, California
Ethan Kross Laurie P. Milton
Department of Psychology Haskayne School of Business
University of Michigan University of Calgary
Ann Arbor, Michigan Calgary, Alberta, Canada
Chak Fu Lam Aneil Mishra
Stephen M. Ross School of Business 2tor, Incorporated
University of Michigan New York, New York
Ann Arbor, Michigan Karen Mishra
Mireia Las Heras School of Business
IESE Business School Meredith College
University of Navarra Raleigh, North Carolina
Barcelona, Spain G. H. Morris
Marc Lavine Department of Communication
Department of Management and Marketing California State University,
University of Massachusetts Boston San Marcos
Boston, Massachusetts San Marcos, California
Hannes Leroy Tord F. Mortensen
Research Centre for Organisation Studies SINTEF Technology and Society
Catholic University of Leuven Oslo, Norway
Leuven, Belgium Karen K. Myers
Marianne W. Lewis Department of Communication
College of Business University of California,
University of Cincinnati Santa Barbara
Cincinnati, Ohio Santa Barbara, California
1. Introduction 1
Introduction: What Is Positive About Positive Organizational Scholarship?
Kim S. Cameron and Gretchen M. Spreitzer
xxi
11. The Neuroscience Underpinning of POS 138
Exploring the Minds of Managers: Insights from Three
Neuroscience Studies
Richard P. Bagozzi and Willem J.M.I. Verbeke
co ntents xxiii
34. Trust 449
Positive Organizational Scholarship and Trust in Leaders
Aneil K. Mishra and Karen E. Mishra
35. Trustworthiness 462
Perspective Taking: Building Positive Interpersonal Connections and
Trustworthiness One Interaction at a Time
Michele Williams
36. Humor 474
The Laughter Advantage: Cultivating High-quality Connections and
Workplace Outcomes Through Humor
Cecily D. Cooper and John J. Sosik
37. Psychological Safety 490
Psychological Safety: A Foundation for Speaking Up, Collaboration, and
Experimentation in Organizations
Ingrid M. Nembhard and Amy C. Edmondson
co ntents xxv
57. Positive Change Attributes 751
Seeing and Acting Differently: Positive Change in Organizations
Robert E. Quinn and Ned Wellman
58. Implementing Positive Change 763
What Makes an Organizational Change Process Positive?
Karen Golden-Biddle and Jina Mao
59. Authentic Leadership 773
Advances in Theory and Research on Authentic Leadership
Bruce J. Avolio and Ketan H. Mhatre
60. Leadership Development 784
Toward a Positive and Dynamic Theory of Leadership Development
D. Scott DeRue and Kristina M. Workman
61. Peak Performance 798
Organizational Sustainability: Organization Design and Senior Leadership
to Enable Strategic Paradox
Wendy K. Smith, Marianne W. Lewis, and Michael L. Tushman
62. Strategic Change 811
Emotions and Strategic Change
Quy Nguyen Huy
63. Strengths-based Strategy 825
Positive Strategy: Creating and Sustaining Strengths-based Strategy that
SOARs and Performs
Jacqueline M. Stavros and Lynn Wooten
Index 1049
co ntents xxvii
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C HA P T E R
1 Introduction
What Is Positive About Positive Organizational Scholarship?
Kim S. Cameron and Gretchen M. Spreitzer
Abstract
The Oxford Handbook of Positive Organizational Scholarship synthesizes much of the knowledge that has been
generated after approximately ten years of research in the area of study called Positive Organizational
Scholarship (POS). The Handbook identifies what is known, what is not known, and what is in need of
further investigation going forward. The Handbook clarifies the definition and domain of POS, takes special
care to define what is and is not meant by the term “positive,” describes the history and development of
this area of scientific inquiry, and explains why research in POS is so important as a scientific endeavor.
Positive organizational scholarship rigorously seeks to understand what represents the best of the
human condition based on scholarly research and theory. Just as positive psychology focuses on
exploring optimal individual psychological states rather than pathological ones, organizational scholarship
focuses attention on the generative dynamics in organizations that lead to the development of human
strength, foster resiliency in employees, enable healing and restoration, and cultivate extraordinary
individual and organizational performance. POS emphasizes what elevates individuals and organizations
(in addition to what challenges them), what goes right in organizations (in addition to what goes wrong),
what is life-giving (in addition to what is problematic or life-depleting), what is experienced as good (in
addition to what is objectionable), and what is inspiring (in addition to what is difficult or arduous).
While note ignoring dysfunctional or typical patterns of behavior, examines the enablers, motivations,
and effects associated with remarkably positive phenomena—how they are facilitated, why they work,
how they can be identified, and how organizations can capitalize on them. The Handbook is intended to
be the “go-to” place for scholars and others interested in learning about POS.
key words: Positive Organizational Scholarship, positive, POS, POS history, POS domain, positive
organizational psychology
In 2003, positive organizational scholarship was adopted a POS perspective. This introductory chap-
first introduced as a new field of study in the ter clarifies the definition and domain of POS, why
organizational sciences. The primary objective of it is an important field of study, and why POS
the Oxford Handbook of Positive Organizational emerged as a discipline in the first place. This volume
Scholarship is to compile and synthesize much of the is divided into nine parts to organize the chapters’
knowledge that has been generated regarding this themes. The concluding chapter summarizes major
distinctive focus of inquiry in the past 10 years. This contributions, key findings, and explanations for
Handbook identifies what is known, what is not the results discussed in the volume’s chapters.
known, and what needs further investigation in
positive organizational scholarship (POS). The 79 What Is POS?
chapters in this Handbook are not intended to be a Positive organizational scholarship is an umbrella
comprehensive summary of all related POS topics, concept used to unify a variety of approaches in orga-
but they represent a good sampling of work that has nizational studies, each of which incorporates the
1
notion of “the positive.” In previously published work, opening up, rather than restricting, organizational
several descriptions have been used to define the studies (Dutton & Glynn, 2007; Caza & Cameron,
domain of POS, including, “the states and processes 2008). These contradictions have arisen at least partly
that arise from and result in life-giving dynamics, because of the definitional ambiguity surrounding
optimal functioning, and enhanced capabilities and this term.
strengths” (Dutton & Glynn, 2007, p. 693); “an A review of dictionary definitions of “positive”
emphasis on identifying individual and collective reveals that the concept has such a wide range of
strengths (attributes and processes) and discovering connotations and so many applications that it defies
how such strengths enable human flourishing (good- establishing precise conceptual boundaries (e.g.,
ness, generativity, growth, and resilience)” (Roberts, Webster’s, Oxford, American Heritage). Literally
2006, p. 292); “the study of especially positive out- scores of meanings are offered. Precise conceptual
comes, processes, and attributes of organizations definition, however, does not necessarily provide
and their members,” and a “focus on dynamics that scientific clarity: Consider, for example, definitions of
are typically described by words such as excellence, terms such as “love” or “effectiveness.” People know
thriving, flourishing, abundance, resilience, or virtu- what love is through experience rather than through
ousness” (Cameron, Dutton, & Quinn, 2003, p. 4); an explanation of its conceptual boundaries or nomo-
and “organizational research occurring at the micro, logical network.
meso, and macro levels which points to unanswered On the other hand, some convergence on the
questions about what processes, states, and conditions meaning of “positive” has begun to occur as the term
are important in explaining individual and collective has been employed in scholarly work over the past
flourishing. Flourishing refers to being in an optimal decade. The convergence can be summarized in four
range of human functioning” (Dutton, 2010, OMT approaches to help specify the domain of POS.
website). These descriptions all emphasize similar Identifying these themes helps provide a conceptual
terms that describe processes, dynamics, perspectives, explanation of what “positive” means in the context
and outcomes considered to be positive. of POS.
In brief, the “O” (organizational) in POS focuses One approach to “positive” is adopting a unique
on investigating positive processes and states that lens or an alternative perspective. Adopting a POS lens
occur in association with organizational contexts. It means that the interpretation of phenomena is altered.
examines positive phenomena within organizations For example, challenges and obstacles are reinterpreted
and among organizations, as well as positive organi- as opportunities and strength-building experiences
zational contexts themselves. The “S” (scholarship) in rather than as tragedies or problems (Gittell, Cameron,
POS focuses on pursuing rigorous, systematic, and Lim, & Rivas, 2006; Lee, Caza, Edmondson, &
theory-based foundations for positive phenomena. Thomke, 2003; Sutcliffe & Vogus, 2003). Variables
Positive organization scholarship requires a careful not previously recognized or seriously considered
definitions of terms, a rationale for prescriptions become central, such as positive energy (Baker,
and recommendations, consistency with scientific Cross, & Wooten, 2003); moral capital (Godfrey,
procedures in drawing conclusions, a theoretical 2003); flow (Quinn, 2002); inspiration (Thrash &
rationale, and grounding in previous scholarly work. Elliot, 2003); compassion (Dutton et al., 2006);
The most controversial concept associated with elevation (Vianello, Galliani, & Haidt, 2010); and
POS is the “P”—positive. Most of the misunder- callings (Wrzesniewski, 2003) in organizations.
standings and criticisms of POS have centered on Adopting a POS lens means that adversities and dif-
this concept, creating controversy in organizational ficulties reside as much in the domain of POS as do
studies and spawning both skeptics and advocates. celebrations and successes, but a positive lens focuses
The term “positive” is accused of having a potentially attention on the life-giving elements or generative
restrictive connotation and values bias (Fineman, processes associated with these phenomena. It is the
2006; George, 2004) and as being a naïve and danger- positive perspective—not the nature of the phenom-
ous term producing more harm than good (Ehrenreich, ena—that draws an issue into the POS domain.
2009). It is criticized as implying that most organiza- A second consensual approach to the concept of
tional science is negative, that an ethnocentric bias is “positive” is a focus on extraordinarily positive outcomes
being represented, or that a narrow moral agenda is or positively deviant performance (Spreitzer &
being pursued. The term has been credited, on the Sonenshein, 2003). This means that outcomes are
other hand, with expanding and enriching the domain investigated that dramatically exceed common or
that explains performance in organizations and with expected performance.
c a m ero n, spreitzer 3
domain that POS scholars are attempting to map. Positive organizational scholarship also arose
Similar to other concepts in organizational science because the outcome variables that dominated the
that do not have precisely bounded definitions (e.g., organization literature focused mainly on profitability,
culture, innovation, core competence), this mapping competitive advantage, problem solving, and eco-
provides the conceptual boundaries required to nomic efficiency (Davis & Marquis, 2005; Goshal,
locate POS as an area of inquiry. 2005; Jensen, 2002). Granted, outcomes such as
It is important to underscore that POS is not job satisfaction, justice, and teamwork have appeared
value-neutral. It advocates the position that the frequently in the organizational studies literature
desire to improve the human condition is universal (Guzzo & Dickson, 1996; Kramer, 1999; Smith,
and that the capacity to do so is latent in almost all Kendall, & Hulin, 1969), but alternative outcomes
human systems. Thus, whereas traditionally positive such as psychological, social, and eudaemonic well-
outcomes such as improving the organization, and being (Gallagher, Lopez, & Preacher, 2009; Keyes,
achieving goals or profitability are not excluded from 2005)—including social integration, social contri-
consideration, POS has a bias toward life-giving, bution, social coherence, social actualization, and
generative, and ennobling human conditions regard- social acceptance—as well as human sustainability
less of whether they are attached to traditional (Pfeffer, 2010), were largely outside the purview of
economic or political benefits. mainline organizational science. The best of the
human condition—what people care about deeply
How Did POS Emerge? and profoundly—was much less visible in organiza-
Unlike positive psychology, POS did not emerge as an tional scholarship. The famous statement by Robert
attempt to rebalance the prodigious emphasis on ill- Kennedy in a March 18, 1968 speech at the
ness and languishing in organizations. Organizational University of Kansas is illustrative:
research has not been focused overwhelmingly on
The gross national product does not allow for the
failure, damage, and demise. In fact, studying orga-
health of our children, the quality of their education,
nizational decline was first introduced in organiza-
or the joy of their play. It does not include the beauty
tional studies in 1980 (Whetten, 1980) because most
of our poetry or the strength of our marriages, the
organizational theories focused almost exclusively
intelligence of our public debate, or the integrity of
on growth. Big was assumed to be better than small;
our public officials. It measures neither our wit nor
getting more was preferable to getting less. Negative
our courage, neither our wisdom nor our learning,
phenomena did not dominate organizational studies
neither our compassion nor our devotion to our
literature as it did in psychology, even though plenty
country. It measures everything, in short, except that
of attention had been paid to alienation, stress,
which makes life worthwhile.
injustice, and the evils of bureaucracy in traditional
organizational studies (e.g., Weber, 1997). Positive organizational scholarship might be argued
Rather, POS arose because an array of organiza- to have a long history, dating back to William
tional phenomena was being ignored; consequently, James’ (1902) writings on what he termed “healthy
such phenomena were neither systematically studied mindedness,”
nor valued. It was usually not considered legitimate Allport’s (1960) interest in positive human char-
in scientific circles, for example, to discuss the effects acteristics; Jahoda’s (1959) emphasis on prevention-
of virtues in organizations or to use terms such as based community psychology; Maslow’s (1968)
“flourishing” or “positive deviance” to describe out- advocacy for studying healthy people in lieu of sick
comes. Studies of compassion and forgiveness—two people; Diener’s (1984) investigations of happiness
of the early studies in the POS literature (Cameron and subjective well-being; and Organ (1988) and
& Caza, 2002; Dutton et al., 2002)—certainly Batson’s (1994) consideration of “citizenship behav-
diverged from the mainstream of organizational iors” and “prosocial” activities.
science. Similarly, certain kinds of organizational Similarly, the early foundations of the organiza-
processes—for example, generative dynamics— tional development field advocated a “new attitude of
remained largely uninvestigated, including high- optimism and hope” (Bennis, 1969, p. 3) and empha-
quality connections (Dutton & Ragins, 2007); sized The Human Side of Enterprise (McGregor, 1960)
thriving (Spreitzer, Sutcliffe, Dutton, Sonenshein, as a reaction to the dehumanizing and economically
& Grant, 2005); connectivity (Losada & Heaphy, directed emphases in work organizations. Cooperrider
2004); and positive energy networks (Baker et al., and Srivastva’s (1987) introduction of appreciative
2003). inquiry spotlighted the positive dynamics associated
c a m ero n, spreitzer 5
verbal discrimination, organizational behavior, or positive appears to be a natural human inclination,
judging emotion—than negative information and empirical evidence suggests that positivity is the
(Matlin & Stang, 1978). People think about a greater preferred and natural state of human beings, just as
number of positive things than negative things, and it is among other biological systems.
each positive thing is thought about for a longer Emerging empirical evidence also shows that orga-
period of time. People are more accurate in learning nizations respond in a way similar to individuals in the
and remembering positive terms than neutral or neg- presence of positive influences (see Cameron, 2008a,
ative terms (Kunz, 1974; Matlin, 1970; Taylor, for references). The irony in these findings is that, by
1991). When presented with lists of positive, neutral, definition, positive influences do not need to produce
and negative words, for example, people are more traditionally pursued organizational outcomes in
accurate over time in recalling the positive (Akhtar, order to be of worth. An increase in profitability, for
1968; Rychlak, 1977; Thompson, 1930), and the example, is not the criterion for determining the value
longer the delay between learning and recalling, the of positivity in organizations. Positivity is inherently
more positive bias is displayed (Gilbert, 1938). valued because it is eudaemonic.
People reported thinking about positive state- Nevertheless, studies have shown that organiza-
ments 20% longer than negative statements and tions in several industries (including financial services,
almost 50% longer than neutral statements, so that health care, manufacturing, and government) that
mental rehearsal is biased toward positivity, and implemented and improved their positive practices
positive information can be recalled more easily and over time also increased their performance in desired
more accurately (Matlin & Stang, 1978). Positive outcomes such as profitability, productivity, quality,
phenomena are learned more quickly than are nega- customer satisfaction, and employee retention. That
tive phenomena (Bunch & Wientge, 1933; Rychlak, is, positive practices that were institutionalized in
1966), and people judge positive phenomena more organizations, including providing compassionate
accurately than negative phenomena. Managers, support for employees, forgiving mistakes and avoid-
for example, are much more accurate in rating sub- ing blame, fostering the meaningfulness of work,
ordinates’ competencies and proficiencies when they expressing frequent gratitude, showing kindness, and
perform correctly than when they perform incor- caring for colleagues, led organizations to perform at
rectly (Gordon, 1970). significantly higher levels on desired outcomes
People tend to seek out positive stimuli and (Cameron, Bright, & Caza, 2004; Cameron, Mora, &
avoid negative stimuli (Day, 1966; Luborsky, Leutscher, 2010; Gittell, et al., 2006).
Blinder, & Mackworth, 1963), such that people Several explanations have been proposed for why
judge from two-thirds to three-quarters of the events heliotropic tendencies exist and why individuals
in their lives as positive (Bradburn & Noll, 1969; and organizations are inclined toward the positive.
Havighurst & Glasser, 1972; Meltzer & Ludwig, For example, Erdelyi (1974) explained that mental
1967). Further, most people judge themselves to be processes develop in a way that favors the positive
positive, optimistic, and happy most of the time over the negative. Most information available to
(Goldings, 1954; Johnson, 1937; Wessman & human beings is disregarded, so what is retained
Ricks, 1966; Young, 1937). Positive words have tends to life-giving rather than life-depleting. Becker
higher frequencies in all the languages studied, and (1973) explained natural positive biases result from
positive words typically entered English usage more the fear of death, meaning that the negative is
than 150 years before their negative opposites (for repressed and the positive—or the life-preserving—
example, “better” entered before “worse”) (Boucher is reinforced; consequently, people develop a bias
& Osgood, 1968; Mann, 1968; Zajonc, 1968). toward the positive. Learning theorists (e.g., Skinner,
Central nervous system functioning (i.e., vagus 1965) explained positive biases as being associated
nerve health) is most effective when positive emo- with reinforcement; that is, positive reinforcement
tions are fostered (Kok & Fredrickson, 2010), and leads to repetitiveness. Further, Sharot, Riccardi,
bodily rhythm “coherence” is at its peak when in a Raio, and Phelps (2007) found that the human brain
positive or virtuous state (McCraty & Childre, has a tendency to produce optimistic and positive
2004). orientations in its natural state. More mental acuity
A bias toward the positive, in other words, appears and mental activation occurs in a positive compared
to characterize human beings in their thoughts, to a negative condition.
judgments, emotions, language, interactions, and Social process theorists have explained positive
physiological functioning. A tendency toward the biases on the basis of the functions they perform in
c a m ero n, spreitzer 7
guaranteed success in organizations, excuses excess and interpretations embedded in negative phenom-
and folly, denies reality, mitigates against hard work, ena.
implies pride and boastfulness, avoids difficult ques- A second criticism of POS is that it adopts an
tions, invites unpreparedness, assumes that all suc- elitist perspective. Critics claim that POS is oriented
cess is deserved, and leads to “reckless optimism” and toward exploiting human beings in favor of corporate
“delusional thinking.” Little evidence exists, accord- profits and productivity, and maintaining power for
ing to these critics, that positivity fosters success the advantaged over the disadvantaged. Perpetuating
(Ehrenreich, 2009; Hackman, 2008). the positive for the sake of organizational success, to
To be sure, empirical evidence exists that bad is make managers look good, to manipulate the work-
stronger than good (Baumeister, et al., 2001). That force, or to reinforce unequal employment status are
is, human beings react more strongly and more common criticisms (e.g., Ehrenreich, 2009; Fineman,
quickly to negative phenomena than to positive 2006; George, 2004). These critiques fundamentally
phenomena because existence is threatened. When center on the claim that POS narrowly focuses on
equal measures of good and bad are present, the managers rather than on the exploited underclass.
psychological effects of the bad outweigh those of Detractors accuse POS of not asking the question,
the good. For example, negative feedback has more “Positive for whom?” and suggest that unexamined
emotional impact on people than does positive assumptions are biased toward Western philosophies
feedback (Coleman, Jussim, & Abraham, 1987), and toward power elites.
and the effects of negative information and negative On the other hand, this criticism seems to miss
events take longer to wear off than do the effects of the unequivocally stated focus of POS on life-giving
positive information or pleasant events (Brickman, dynamics, generating resources, and flourishing
Coates, & Jason-Bulman, 1978). The negative tends outcomes whether for workers or managers, the
to disrupt normal functioning longer than does the underclass or the upper class, the individual or the
positive, such that a single traumatic event usually organization (e.g., Cameron, et al., 2003; Dutton
has longer lasting effects on behavior than does a & Sonenshein, 2009; Roberts, 2006). The funda-
single positive event. When negative things happen mental assumption of POS is a eudaemonic one: all
(for example, people lose a wager, endure abuse, or human systems are biased toward achieving the
become a victim of a crime), they spent more time highest aspirations of humankind or excellence and
trying to explain the outcome or to make sense of it goodness for its own sake. Adopting an affirmative
than when a positive outcome occurs (Gilovich, bias prioritizes positive energy, positive climate,
1983; Pratto & John, 1991). Moreover, undesirable positive relationships, positive communication, and
human traits receive more weight in forming positive meaning for individuals and organizations.
impressions than do desirable traits (Hamilton & Indeed, exploitation that allows one party to achieve
Huffman, 1971). advantage over another is inconsistent with the fun-
It is inaccurate, however, to argue that POS damental assumptions of POS. Thus, the answer to
ignores negative phenomena inasmuch as some of “Positivity for whom?” is not exclusive.
the greatest triumphs, most noble virtues, and high- Fletcher (1998), for example, documented how
est achievements have resulted from the presence of positive practices actually reverse the disadvantaged
the negative (e.g., Cameron & Lavine, 2006). status of underprivileged employees. Positive energy
Common human experience and abundant scien- (Baker, et al., 2003), flourishing relationships (Dutton
tific evidence supports the idea that negativity has & Heaphy, 2003), empowerment (Spreitzer, 1992),
an important place in investigating positive pro- and virtuousness (Cameron, 2003) all represent
cesses and outcomes. Developing positive identities non-zero-sum dynamics that benefit all parties.
in negative environments, organizational healing Moreover, abundant research has examined cultural
after trauma, and achieving virtuous outcomes in differences regarding positive phenomena, including
the face of trials exemplify cases in which negative employee well-being in more than 50 countries
conditions have been investigated with a POS lens (Diener, 2009a; Diener & Suh, 1997; Veenhoven,
(Kanov, Maitlis, Worline, Dutton, Frost, & Lilius, 1996, 2010) and has identified universal attributes
2004; Powley & Cameron, 2006; Powley & Taylor, and predictors, as well as unique cultural differences
2006; Weick, 2003, 2006). Positive organizational across a wide variety of cultures. Non-Western cultures
scholarship does not ignore the negative; instead, it are well-represented in positive research (including
seeks to investigate the positive processes, outcomes, in some chapters of this Handbook).
c a m ero n, spreitzer 9
These chapters treat the individual as the relevant level organizational processes that relate to relationships.
of analysis but position individuals in the context of The chapters examine these topics:
work organizations. Chapters address these themes:
• High-quality connections
• Psychological capital • Relational coordination
• Prosocial motivation • Reciprocity
• Callings in work • Intimacy
• Work engagement • Civility
• Positive identity • Trust
• Proactivity • Trustworthiness
• Creativity • Humor
• Curiosity • Psychological safety
• Positive traits
• The neuroscience underpinnings of POS Positive Human Resource Practices
The chapters in this section provide perspective on
Positive Emotions practices within organizations that relate to manag-
The second section focuses on aspects of positive ing human capital and human resource systems.
feelings, sentiments, and affect among individuals Topics of potential interest to human resource pro-
and groups in organizations. Examining emotions and fessionals, and that are addressed in human resource
subjective experience are the themes these chapters management functions, include:
have in common. Topics addressed include:
• Career development
• Positive energy • Mentoring
• Positive emotions • Socialization
• Subjective well-being • Diversity
• Passion • Communication
• Socioemotional intelligence • Conflict resolution
• Group emotions • Negotiating
• Work–family dynamics
Strengths and Virtues
The third section addresses the concepts of virtuous- Positive Organizational Processes
ness in organizations and virtues in the individuals This section contains chapters that examine the
who work in organizations. Prior research has pro- dynamics in organizations that are not usually consid-
posed that various virtues are universal; this section ered to fall into the positive domain. The chapters
therefore contains just a limited sampling of topics, address organization-level topics, and by adopting a
including: positive lens, the chapters highlight how POS is rele-
vant to a broad variety of phenomena. They include:
• Virtuousness
Symbolism in organizations
• Forgiveness
• Humility • Resourcefulness
• Compassion • Collective efficacy
• Hope • The design of work
• Courage • Mindful organizing
• Justice • Goal attainment
• Integrity • Organizational identity
• Positive ethics • Organizational energy
• Leveraging strengths • Innovation
• Character strengths in global managers • Organizational boundaries
c a m ero n, spreitzer 11
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2 Psychological Capital
Meaning, Findings and Future Directions
Carolyn M. Youssef and Fred Luthans
Abstract
Although the value of positivity has always been recognized, only in the past decade has there
been renewed interest and a refocus in both psychology as a whole and in organizational studies.
This chapter summarizes the theory-building and research findings to date on positive organizational
behavior (POB) and psychological capital (PsyCap). The chapter then concludes by featuring a number
of future directions for needed research and extensions of the domain of psychological capital.
Keywords: Positivity, positive organizational behavior, psychological capital, self-efficacy, hope,
optimism, resilience
Over the last decade, led by the field of psychology As inferred in this definition, the motivation behind
and soon followed by organizational studies, there initiating POB was to address the underrepresented
has been a surge of interest and refocus on positive- positive perspective, approach, and constructs in
oriented research. Although positivity is certainly not the organizational literature (Luthans, 2002a, b).
new to either of these disciplines, the positive psy- We briefly describe these perceived needs here, and
chology movement (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, revisit them throughout the chapter.
2000; Snyder & Lopez, 2002) has rekindled a passion
for further understanding the unique contributions • The need for more positivity: Although positivity
of positive constructs in various life domains, is recognized to be foundational to the field
including the workplace. The first part of the chapter of organizational behavior since its inception
defines what is meant by positive organizational (e.g., the Hawthorne studies and seminal
behavior (POB) and psychological capital (PsyCap). motivation and leadership theories), a
Then, we give an overview of the theory-building preoccupation with negativity appears to have
and research findings to date on PsyCap and con- been incessantly creeping and threatening to
clude by featuring future needed directions for dominate the field, at least in the academic
research and suggested extensions of the domain literature. This trend of seemingly moving
of PsyCap. away from the positive has been referred to
in psychology as the “forgotten mission.”
Meaning of Positive Organizational Although dealing with dysfunctional
Behavior employees, ineffective leaders, abusive
Positive organizational behavior is defined as “the study supervision, unethical behaviors, stress and
and application of positively oriented human resource burnout in the workplace are invaluable topics
strengths and psychological capacities that can be to address, the relatively less attention given
measured, developed, and effectively managed for to positive organizational research signaled the
performance improvement” (Luthans, 2002b, p. 59). need for a more balanced research agenda.
17
• The need for evidence-based positivity: It did (1) agency (goal-directed energy) and (2)
not take long for the gap in the positivity pathways (planning to meet goals)” (Snyder,
academic literature, both in psychology and Irving, & Anderson, 1991, p. 287).
in organizational research, to be filled by the • Efficacy: Drawing from Bandura’s (1997)
popular self-help literature, which almost social cognitive theory, efficacy or confidence
universally lacked scientific rigor. On the applied to the workplace can be defined as:
other hand, POB made the case for “one’s belief about his or her ability to
evidence-based positivity, placing theory, mobilize the motivation, cognitive resources,
research, and valid and reliable measurement and courses of action necessary to execute a
as key selection criteria for the psychological specific action within a given context”
resources to be included in its domain of (Stajkovic & Luthans, 1998b, p. 66).
study and application. • Resilience: Drawing from developmental
• The need for uniqueness: Related to the psychology (Masten, 2001; Masten & Reed,
previous two points, it appeared that 2002), we define resiliency as “the
organizational research was ripe for developable capacity to rebound or bounce
introducing and integrating new or unique back from adversity, conflict, and failure, or
perspectives, approaches, and constructs to even positive events, progress, and increased
meet challenges associated with the newly responsibility” (Luthans, 2002a, p. 702).
emerging 21st century environment. This is • Optimism: We integrate two prevailing views
what Luthans and Avolio (2009) referred to of optimism, as a generalized positive
as “old wine, old bottles, but perhaps a new expectancy (Carver & Scheier, 2002), and as
restaurant.” an optimistic explanatory (attributional)
• The need for a developmental approach: style (Seligman, 1998).
Although positivity is not new to
organizational sciences (including human These four widely recognized resources in posi-
resource management and organizational tive psychology (Snyder & Lopez, 2002), when
development), for a long time the relative combined, form what we have termed psychological
emphasis has been on stable traits and capital or simply PsyCap (Luthans, Luthans, &
selection-based approaches. On the other Luthans, 2004; Luthans & Youssef, 2004; Luthans,
hand, POB seeks to build, develop, and Youssef, & Avolio, 2007).
nurture positivity in the workplace.
• The need for a performance orientation: Meaning and Conceptual Development of
Although positivity may be important and Psychological Capital
valuable in its own right, the realities of Using POB and its inclusion criteria as a framework
today’s competitive environment make it and point of departure, PsyCap expands and applies
necessary to link it to performance outcomes the POB theory and research. In terms of theory
with measurable impact on the bottom line. and construct validity, the four psychological
Positive organizational behavior recognizes resources of hope, efficacy, resiliency, and optimism
and addresses this need by focusing on have been found to constitute the measurably reli-
psychological resources that can have a able and valid higher-order, latent multidimensional
quantifiable performance impact and that construct of PsyCap (see Luthans, Avolio, Avey, &
can yield an attractive return on investment. Norman, 2007 for this research). We have defined
this core construct of PsyCap as “an individual’s
Four specific positive psychological resources have
positive psychological state of development that is
been determined to best fit the inclusion criteria of
characterized by: (1) having confidence (self-efficacy)
being theory and research-driven, measurable, devel-
to take on and put in the necessary effort to succeed
opmental, and related to performance and other
at challenging tasks; (2) making a positive attribution
desirable work-related outcomes. These psychological
(optimism) about succeeding now and in the future;
resources are:
(3) persevering toward goals and, when necessary,
• Hope: Based on Snyder’s (2000) theory- redirecting paths to goals (hope) in order to succeed;
building and research, hope is defined as and (4) when beset by problems and adversity, sustain-
“a positive motivational state that is based ing and bouncing back and even beyond (resiliency)
on an interactively derived sense of successful to attain success” (Luthans, Youssef, et al., 2007, p. 3).
yo ussef, luth a ns 19
we can draw from Pfeffer’s (1997) five models of (Luthans, Avolio, et al., 2007). Two samples were
behavior and the classic Burrell and Morgan (1979) utilized, including one with 144 employees in various
sociological paradigms. Pfeffer (1997) posits that functions and levels of a midsized insurance services
models attempting to understand the nature of firm. The analysis supported PsyCap as a higher-
behavior in organizations, as well as their underly- order construct, manifested in its four constituent
ing assumptions and premises for their development psychological resources of efficacy, hope, optimism,
and testing, can be based on economic, social, moral, and resilience. The composite PsyCap factor was
interpretive cognitive, or retrospectively rational, also shown to be a better predictor of performance
theoretical lenses. Burrell and Morgan (1979), on and satisfaction than its four individual facets.
the other hand, offer four paradigms for the analysis Broadly defined, outcomes in most of the PsyCap
of social theories in organizations: functionalist, studies refer to immediate in-role productivity, as
interpretive, radical structuralist, and radical humanist. well as various desired (e.g., satisfaction and com-
These two classic typologies can be used to further mitment) and undesired (e.g., cynicism) attitudes,
elaborate and understand the philosophical foun- intentions (e.g., intent to quit) and behaviors (e.g.,
dations underlying POB and PsyCap. desired organizational citizenship behaviors, unde-
The emphasis on demonstrating the objective sired counterproductive behaviors) that are closely
work-related outcomes of PsyCap best fits Pfeffer’s associated and have empirically supported relation-
(1997) economic model of behavior. Furthermore, ships with organizational performance. This broader,
in PsyCap, work-related positivity is viewed as ante- holistic approach to positivity has been conceptu-
cedent not only for proximal work outcomes, but ally (Youssef & Luthans, 2009) and, as discussed
also for overall well-being over time (Avey, Luthans, earlier, empirically supported (e.g., Luthans, Youssef
Smith, & Palmer, 2010). Our recent POB theory- et al., 2011). For example, in a study of 336 employ-
building is also exploring reciprocal relationships ees from a broad cross-section of organizations and
between various life domains, such as work, relation- jobs, Avey, Luthans, and Youssef (2010) found
ships, and health, with higher levels of positivity, PsyCap to be positively related to extra-role organi-
thriving, and well-being evolving over time from zational citizenship behaviors (OCBs) and nega-
various psychological resources and mechanisms, tively related to organizational cynicism, intentions
such as human agency and malleability (Youssef & to quit, and counterproductive workplace behaviors
Luthans, 2010). Empirical research is also indicating beyond what can be accounted for by demograph-
that positive appraisals of life domains besides work ics, personality traits, and person–organization fit
(i.e., Relationship PsyCap and Health PsyCap) and person–job fit. Another study found that
impact on employee’s overall well-being (Luthans, PsyCap is negatively related to occupational stress
Youssef, Sweetman, & Harms, 2011). This approach symptoms, intentions to quit, and job search behav-
to positivity in PsyCap theory-building and empirical iors (Avey, Luthans, & Jensen, 2009).
research can be best aligned with Burrell and Initial experimental (Luthans, Avey, et al., 2010)
Morgan’s (1979) functionalist paradigm. and longitudinal (Peterson, Luthans et al., in press)
research also supports the causality between PsyCap
Summary of Research Findings on and performance. Although positivity may have a
Psychological Capital terminal value for individuals at and beyond the
As indicated, a PsyCap measure has been developed workplace, the economic lens (Pfeffer, 1997) of
and validated (Luthans, Avolio, et al., 2007; Luthans, POB and alignment with a functionalist paradigm
Youssef, et al., 2007). Furthermore, PsyCap devel- (Burrell & Morgan, 1979) are necessary for resource
opment interventions have been supported by allocation in bottom-line–oriented organizational
experimental studies in a variety of work and train- settings. Return on investment (ROI) in PsyCap
ing settings (Luthans, Avey et al., 2010), including development has been determined, through utility
delivery online (Luthans, Avey, & Patera, 2008). analysis using real data, to be over 200% (Luthans,
Besides meeting the criteria of valid measurement Youssef, et al., 2007). This impressive ROI on
and being open to development, a growing number PsyCap, of course, would be substantially higher
of studies have clearly demonstrated that PsyCap than other investments, and is likely to powerfully
has impact on desired outcomes in the workplace. resonate with financially minded, pragmatic practi-
For example, in one major study, PsyCap, mea- tioners in organizational settings.
sured using the PCQ, was shown to be positively Although PsyCap primarily focuses on positivity
related to employee performance and satisfaction at the individual level, it has also been supported as
yo ussef, luth a ns 21
resilience, and optimism have been identified validity and applicability of PsyCap can be
(and empirically verified) as the best-fit significantly enhanced by replicating these
positive psychological resources to be studies in new organizational contexts, such
included in the core construct of PsyCap. as nonprofits, hospitals, governmental and
Other positive constructs have also been regulatory agencies, and educational
evaluated, and the potential for their institutions. Furthermore, since positivity
inclusion has been assessed (see Chapters 6 may be culturally sensitive, if not
and 7 of Luthans, Youssef, et al., 2007, determined, examining the underlying
which feature the cognitive resources of assumptions of U.S.-based positive models
creativity and wisdom; the affective resources in other cultures is necessary for better
of well-being, flow, and humor; the social understanding and extensions of positive
resources of gratitude, forgiveness, and constructs and models.
emotional intelligence; and the higher-order • Expanding the boundaries of PsyCap to other
resources of spirituality, authenticity, and levels of analysis: Individual-level PsyCap is
courage). Research should continue to influenced by a wide range of contextual
further investigate these and other factors at the group and organizational
psychological resources for potential levels, and is affected by and can affect
integration into PsyCap, both conceptually, positivity at these levels as well. Theories and
and in terms of meeting the inclusion empirical studies of positivity should
criteria of valid measurement, development, account for such linkages through multilevel
and performance impact. conceptual frameworks and empirical
• Expanding the scope of the PsyCap construct to analyses. Moreover, although collective
other domains: Although the workplace is PsyCap has very recently been found to be
certainly one of the most important domains related to group citizenship behavior and
of life, PsyCap is applicable to other domains group performance (Walumbwa, Luthans
as well. For example, very recent theory et al., 2011), the construct validity of
(Youssef & Luthans, 2010) and research PsyCap and its measurement scales should
(Luthans, Youssef et al., 2011) have included be tested further at the group and, especially,
relationships, health, and overall well-being. organizational levels, and in the future, at
Some of PsyCap’s constituent resources also community and even country levels.
need to be explored in relation to academic • Examining new theoretical lenses and
and athletic performance. Future research paradigms for POB and PsyCap: Integration
should assess the validity of PsyCap in these of other theoretical lenses and paradigms (as
other life domains that are beyond the we touched on in this chapter with Burrell
workplace. Furthermore, the relative & Morgan, 1979 and Pfeffer, 1997) into
contribution of PsyCap in these life domains POB and PsyCap beyond the economic,
to overall positivity, as well as the spillover functionalist approach can help expand its
effects of PsyCap across these domains, understanding as a multifaceted approach.
would seem to be interesting extensions to Future theory-building can facilitate its
be tested by future research. development into a multidisciplinary
• Expanding the boundaries of PsyCap to other approach with other related fields such as
contexts: The empirical studies conducted to sociology, anthropology, political science,
date mainly utilized samples from for-profit economics, and others. For example, a social
organizations in the United States. The lens can produce more contextualized
exceptions were a couple of published studies conceptual frameworks. An interpretive lens
conducted in China (Luthans, Avey, with a humanistic paradigm may promote a
Clapp-Smith, & Li, 2008; Luthans, Avolio, wider range of research methods.
et al., 2005) and preliminary research in • Examining new approaches and methodologies
Southeast Asia (Tantiukoskula et al., 2010), for POB and PsyCap: Related to the point
and some conceptual developments in above, limiting PsyCap to deductive
relation to South Africa (Luthans, Van Wyk, hypothesis testing may not be the most
& Walumbwa, 2004) and the Middle East effective approach in the development of a
(Youssef & Luthans, 2006). The external relatively new area of inquiry. Instead,
yo ussef, luth a ns 23
examples that raise a number of research questions effects (Bakker, Westman, & Van Emmerik,
for future testing: 2009). For example, there may be a cross-over
from an employee’s work affect to a spouse’s
• Cross-level facilitators and blockages: Although work outcomes. Similar to the cross-level
it is generally recognized that positive linkages discussed in the point above, the
individuals do not automatically create dynamic mechanisms that may either
positive organizations, and that positive accelerate or block cross-domain linkages
organizational initiatives do not need to be explored. Moreover, research
automatically translate into increased should investigate the causal directions and
positivity in individual employees, the thresholds for such cross-domain linkages to
underlying mechanisms that facilitate or occur, as well as their overall impact on
hinder such cross-level transfer of positivity positivity. For example, how many positive
remain largely unexplored. This goes beyond interactions at work can compensate for one
the integration of organizational- and negative social interaction with family
individual-level constructs into more members or friends? How positive does one’s
comprehensive models (e.g., see Youssef & relationship with a spouse or child need to
Luthans, 2009). Mechanisms that may be before it can render positivity at work
accelerate or block cross-level linkages would redundant or unnecessary for increasing
be dynamic in nature, requiring unique productivity or enhancing desired work
research methodologies (e.g., growth attitudes? Does positivity across life domains
models), rather than traditional multilevel qualitatively differ from “concentrated”
research. This is not to deny the importance positivity in one domain (e.g., work,
of exploring contextual factors, antecedents, personal relationships) in terms of impact on
and outcomes at various levels of analysis, employee productivity and/or well-being? Is
but rather to promote exploring the there a point at which an employee’s level of
interrelationships of these constructs within negativity, due to personality dispositions,
dynamic frameworks. For example, how does mental or physical illness, broken social
time as a variable affect the interrelationship relationships, or other reasons, renders any
between a positive organizational culture and positive initiatives in the workplace
individual employees’ level of positivity? Is ineffective for that employee? How can
there a tenure effect, in which employees organizations mitigate the potentially toxic
become more in tune with their impact of jobs that require negativity
organization’s positivity over time? Is there a (e.g., safety and security, auditing, quality
“honeymoon effect,” in which employees’ control) on employees’ other life domains
positivity receives an initial boost upon or overall positivity and well-being?
joining a positive organization? Is there a • Bridging the academic–practitioner divide:
self-selection, congruence, or “fit” effect, in The need for scientist–practitioners and
which positive employees “click” with practitioner–scientists has been recognized
positive organizations, and thus both the over the years. However, recently, an added
employee and the organization become more emphasis has been placed on linking
positive, whereas negative employees are academic research with practice, particularly
alienated or self-select out of the in the area of positivity, as evidenced by the
organization? These types of questions could themes selected over the last few years for
provide a starting point for researchers and predominantly academic forums such as the
practitioners interested in exploring such Academy of Management, the Positive
cross-level linkages. Psychology Summit, and handbooks such as
• Cross-domain facilitators, blockages, and the this and others (e.g., Linley et al., 2010).
overall impact on positivity: Positive and Even with this emphasis on the need to close
negative spillover and/or interactive effects the theory–practice gap, positive psychology,
between work and other life domains have POS, and POB still need to engage in
been recognized and supported (Judge & continuous dialogue with professionals and
Ilies, 2004; Luthans, Youssef, et al., 2011). thought leaders in practice, in order to foster
Also emerging is the recognition of cross-over the relevance of positivity to their everyday
yo ussef, luth a ns 25
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C HA P T E R
Abstract
This chapter examines the nature, contextual and dispositional antecedents, contingent
behavioral consequences, and moderating effects of prosocial motivation at work. Prosocial
motivation—the desire to protect and promote the well-being of others—is distinct from altruism
and independent of self-interested motivations. Key antecedents include relational job design,
collectivistic norms and rewards, transformational leadership, and individual differences in other-
oriented values, agreeableness, and conscientiousness. Prosocial motivation more strongly predicts
persistence, performance, and productivity when it is intrinsic rather than extrinsic; citizenship
behaviors when it is accompanied by impression management motivation; and performance when
manager trustworthiness is high. Prosocial motivation strengthens the relationships of intrinsic
motivation with creativity, core self-evaluations with performance, and proactive behaviors with
performance evaluations. Future directions include studying the conditions under which prosocial
motivation fuels unethical behavior and harm-doing, collective prosocial motivation, behavior as a cause
rather than consequence of prosocial motivation, new organizational antecedents of prosocial
motivation, and implications for social entrepreneurship, corporate social responsibility, and the natural
environment.
Keywords: Work motivation, prosocial behavior, job design, organizational citizenship,
other-orientation
It really makes a difference if you have a good anesthesiologist in the operating room. . . .
I’ve had so many important moments, incidents where I helped someone. . . . And many
of these trauma cases have happened where I’ve thought, ‘I’m glad I was there to make a
difference,’ you know? I really, really enjoy taking pain away from people . . . my favorite
operation is childbirth. Because you give something to the patient. You take away pain
and help give them a baby.
—Anesthesiologist (Bowe, Bowe, & Streeter, 2000, pp. 620–621)
This is a dream job for me. It’s the best job in the world. It doesn’t change the world for
the better, but it’s at least giving people some enjoyment for a couple of hours a day. . . .
I’m all for education, but I’m also for entertainment. I’m for a balanced life, you know?
And these things are really entertaining. People love them, and it’s such a great feeling to
make something that people love.”
—Video game designer (Bowe et al., 2000, pp. 377–378)
28
What motivates employees to care about making a whether prosocial motivation leads to higher levels of
positive difference in the lives of others, and what persistence, performance, productivity, citizenship,
actions and experiences does this motivation fuel? and initiative. Fourth, we discuss research on proso-
Our chapter focuses on prosocial motivation, the cial motivation as a moderator of the effects of other
desire to have a positive impact on other people or traits, states, and behaviors on performance and cre-
social collectives (Batson, 1987; Grant, 2007). ativity. Finally, we identify unanswered questions
Theoretically, research on prosocial motivation and new directions to be explored in future research.
begins to illuminate when, why, and how employees’ We hope that our chapter will motivate other schol-
thoughts, feelings, and actions are often driven by a ars to pursue new lines of inquiry that advance
concern for benefiting others, answering calls to knowledge about—and provide practical implica-
explain the motivations underlying individual and tions for managing—prosocial motivation at work.
organizational behavior through perspectives other
than rational self-interest (Kahn, 1990; Meglino & Definition and Dimensions
Korsgaard, 2004; Shamir, 1990, 1991). Practically, Motivation denotes a desire or reason to act, and
prosocial motivation is a timely topic, given the “prosocial” literally means for the benefit of others or
international growth of the service sector and the with the intention of helping others (Oxford English
rise of teamwork; both of these trends have increased Dictionary, 2009). As such, prosocial motivation is
employees’ interpersonal interactions and provided the desire to benefit other people or groups (Batson,
new work relationships in which employees can 1987; Grant, 2007). To gain a deeper understanding
experience and express prosocial motivation (Grant, of the construct, it is useful to situate our view of
2007; Kanfer, 2009). prosocial motivation in basic frameworks of motiva-
Furthermore, prosocial motivation is a theoreti- tion. Psychologists have argued that motivation
cally and practically significant phenomenon operates at three hierarchical levels of generality:
because it has a substantial influence on employees’ global, contextual, and situational (Vallerand, 1997).
work behaviors and job performance. Recent Global motivation focuses on an employee’s relatively
research suggests that prosocial motivation can drive stable dispositional orientation toward particular
employees to take initiative (De Dreu & Nauta, goals and actions across time and situations.
2009), help others (Rioux & Penner, 2001), persist Contextual motivation focuses on an employee’s
in meaningful tasks (Grant et al., 2007), and accept motivation toward a specific domain or class of
negative feedback (Korsgaard, Meglino, & Lester, behavior, and is moderately variable across time and
1997). Evidence also indicates that prosocial moti- situations. Situational motivation focuses on an
vation can enable employees to receive more credit employee’s motivation toward a particular behavior
for proactive behaviors, such as helping, voice, in a particular moment in time, and is highly vari-
issue-selling, and taking charge (Grant, Parker, & able. Thus, at the extremes, global motivation can be
Collins, 2009); prevent employees with positive viewed as a trait-like concept, whereas situational
self-concepts from becoming complacent (Grant & motivation matches prototypes of psychological
Wrzesniewski, 2010); channel the efforts of employ- states (Chaplin, John, & Goldberg, 1988).
ees who care about managing impressions toward Prosocial motivation can be conceptualized and
becoming better citizens (Grant & Mayer, 2009); studied at all three levels of generality. Global proso-
direct intrinsically motivated employees toward cial motivation refers to an employee’s tendency to
greater task persistence, performance, and produc- care about benefiting others and is thus perhaps best
tivity (Grant, 2008a); and focus intrinsically moti- conceptualized in terms of prosocial values, or plac-
vated employees on developing ideas that are not ing importance on protecting and promoting the
only novel, but also useful, thus fostering greater well-being of others in general (Schwartz & Bardi,
creativity (Grant & Berry, 2011). 2001). Contextual prosocial motivation refers to an
Our chapter unfolds in the following steps. We employee’s desire to benefit a particular category of
begin by discussing definitional and dimensional other people through a particular occupation, job,
issues: What are the key features of prosocial motiva- or role. For example, contextual prosocial motiva-
tion? Second, we turn our attention to the contextual tion would capture a nurse or doctor’s concern for
and dispositional antecedents of prosocial motivation helping patients, a musician’s quest to entertain and
at work. Third, we consider the behavioral conse- move audiences, a banker’s goal of helping clients
quences of prosocial motivation at work, with par- finance the purchase of a home, or a teacher’s pas-
ticular reference to the contingencies that moderate sion for educating students. Situational prosocial
g r a nt, berg 29
motivation refers to an employee’s desire to benefit 2000). However, we recognize that, inevitably, situ-
a specific group of other people in a specific situa- ations arise in which employees face conflicts
tion. For example, returning to the previous exam- between expressing prosocial and self-interested
ples, situational prosocial motivation would capture motivations.
the nurse or doctor’s desire to cure the patient in At the contextual and global levels, these con-
room 231, the musician’s desire to entertain the flicts appear to disappear—or at least become
audience at an 8 o’clock show, the banker’s desire to resolved. Over time and across situations, employees
help Lois and Clark afford a home, and the teacher’s can make choices to pursue actions that benefit
desire to help her classroom of 25 kindergartners others independent of—and often in conjunction
learn to read today.1 with—their choices about actions that benefit
themselves. For example, Sheldon, Arndt, and
Relationship with Self-interest Houser-Marko (2003) found that over time, indi-
These distinctions help to resolve a debate about viduals gravitate toward, and self-select into, situa-
whether prosocial motivation is the opposite of, tions that allow them to simultaneously benefit
or independent of, self-interested motivations. others and themselves. Similarly, McAdams and de
A number of scholars have assumed that high proso- St. Aubin (1992) presented evidence that individu-
cial motivation involves low self-interested motiva- als with strong communal (prosocial) and agentic
tion, and vice versa (e.g., Cialdini et al., 1997; (self-interested) motivations achieve generativity by
Meglino & Korsgaard, 2004; Schwartz & Bardi, selecting activities that allow them to express both
2001). However, other scholars have argued that sets of motivations. In addition, studies have shown
these motivations are independent or even orthogo- that contextual prosocial motivation in work set-
nal (Bolino, 1999; Crocker, 2008; De Dreu, 2006; tings is independent of—and even positively corre-
Deutsch, 1973; Grant, 2007, 2008a, 2009; lated with—self-interested motivations such as
McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1992). For example, self-concern (De Dreu & Nauta, 2009) and impres-
Shamir (1990, p. 314) explained: sion management motivation (Grant & Mayer,
2009). Finally, studying dispositional values,
. . . between totally selfish work behaviors and pure
Schwartz et al. (2001) found a manifold of weak
altruistic behaviors that are specifically performed for
correlations between prosocial and self-interested
the benefit of others, many organizationally relevant
values. Thus, although prosocial motivation is often
actions are probably performed both for a person’s
confused with altruism, Grant and Berry (2011)
own sake and for the sake of a collectivity such as a
summarized that “prosocial motivation can involve,
team, department, or organization . . . with a wide
but should not necessarily be equated with, altru-
range of motivational orientations that are neither
ism; it refers to a concern for others, not a concern
purely individualistic (concerned only with one’s
for others at the expense of self-interest.”
satisfaction) nor purely altruistic (concerned only
Building on these arguments, Batson and col-
with maximizing the other’s satisfaction).
leagues have proposed that prosocial motivation can
We propose that the relationship between proso- be based on one or more of four different ultimate
cial and self-interested motivations is likely to vary goals (Batson, 1994; Batson, Ahmad, Powell, &
as a function of the hierarchical level of motivation Stocks, 2008): altruism, egoism, principlism, and
under consideration. The negative, bipolar relation- collectivism. Prosocial motivation serves altruistic
ship between the two motivations is most likely to goals when it protects or promotes the well-being of
occur at situational levels, where there are moments other individuals without the intention of personal
and circumstances in which prosocial motivation benefit. It serves egoistic goals when it increases
and self-interested motivation guide employees positive affect, reduces negative affect, boosts self-
toward conflicting courses of action. For example, esteem, provides material rewards, or prevents mate-
social dilemma situations are explicitly defined as rial punishments. It serves principlistic goals when
those in which employees are required to choose it advances a moral value or ethical cause. And it
between personal and collective welfare (e.g., Weber, serves collectivistic goals when it defends or strength-
Kopelman, & Messick, 2004). It is worth noting ens one’s bond with a group. In short, Batson and
that even in these situations, prosocially motivated colleagues (2008) suggest that employees can be
employees are sometimes able to identify integrative prosocially motivated for any combination of these
solutions that “expand the pie,” aligning their goals four reasons: to genuinely help another in need, to
with others’ (e.g., De Dreu, Weingart, & Kwon, protect and enhance their egos, to uphold moral
g r a nt, berg 31
other people (Hackman & Oldham, 1976), and nondonors who rarely gave money to the university.
contact with beneficiaries is the extent to which a The effects were even more dramatic in a subsequent
job provides opportunities to communicate with experiment in which callers were contacting repeat
these people (Gutek, Bhappu, Liao-Troth, & donors who gave in higher frequencies and amounts.
Cherry, 1999). When callers contacting repeat donors met a single
Grant (2007) proposed that task significance scholarship recipient, their average weekly revenue
provides employees with knowledge about how increased more than fivefold from $411.74 to
their work affects beneficiaries, strengthening per- $2,083.52 (Grant, 2008c). In both field experi-
ceived impact on beneficiaries, and contact with ben- ments, callers in the control condition showed no
eficiaries enables employees to identify and statistically significant changes in either persistence
empathize with beneficiaries, strengthening affective or performance.
commitment to beneficiaries. These two psychological To rule out Hawthorne effects by demonstrating
states fuel prosocial motivation, thereby increasing that these effects were caused by the human connec-
effort, persistence, and helping behavior. In the lan- tion with the scholarship recipient, and not by
guage of expectancy theory (Van Eerde & Thierry, extraneous factors such as increased managerial
1996; Vroom, 1964), perceived impact constitutes attention, Grant et al. (2007) included a third con-
instrumentality beliefs (“My performance has con- dition in which the callers read a letter by the schol-
sequences for beneficiaries”), and affective commit- arship recipient but did not meet him in person.
ment constitutes valence beliefs (“I care about Thus, the callers received equivalent information
beneficiaries”). As such, prosocial motivation—and content across the two conditions; the only differ-
thus effort, persistence, and helping behaviors ence was the physical presence of the scholarship
directed toward having a positive impact on benefi- recipient. The callers’ persistence and performance
ciaries—should be highest when jobs are relation- increased only in the interpersonal contact condi-
ally designed to provide both task significance and tion. However, subsequent experiments showed that
contact with beneficiaries. For example, an automo- the letter, if it contained adequately vivid and emo-
tive engineer should experience the strongest proso- tionally evocative cues, was sufficient to increase
cial motivation when she is responsible for designing perceived impact and thus motivate higher perfor-
safety mechanisms that have the potential to pre- mance (Grant, 2008b). Finally, the Grant et al.
vent deaths and serious injuries and has the oppor- (2007) experiment involved callers who knew each
tunity to meet actual drivers of her company’s cars. other, which raises the possibility of implementa-
To test these hypotheses, Grant et al. (2007) tion threats related to callers in one condition
conducted a field experiment and two laboratory changing their behavior as a result of learning about
experiments. The field experiment focused on fund- the treatment given to those in another condition
raising callers responsible for soliciting alumni (see Cook & Campbell, 1979). To prevent these
donations to a university. The callers had no contact threats, the Grant (2008c) experiment took place in
with student scholarship recipients, the primary different shifts, so the callers did not interact with
beneficiaries of the funds they raised. In the contact each other and thus could not learn about alterna-
condition, callers spent 5 minutes interacting with a tive treatments. Such a balance of randomization
scholarship recipient, learning about how he within a single organization and stratified random-
received his scholarship and how it had improved ization at the site level strengthened conclusions
his life. In the control condition, callers had no con- about internal validity.
tact with the scholarship recipient. The callers in the Another limitation of a randomized, controlled
contact condition showed substantial increases in field experiment is that the involvement of research-
task persistence and performance over the following ers (Argyris, 1975), or even their mere presence
month: Meeting a single scholarship student moti- (Rosenthal, 1994) can change participants’ experi-
vated the average caller to spend 142% more weekly ences, threatening the external validity of the results
time on the phone, resulting in average increases of by calling into question whether the effects will gen-
171% in weekly revenue raised. More specifically, eralize to organizations in which researchers are not
the average caller increased in weekly phone time involved. Thus, whereas the original field experi-
from 1 hour and 47 minutes to 4 hours and 20 min- ment was a randomized, controlled experiment
utes, and in weekly donation money raised from designed by researchers (Grant et al., 2007), the
$185.94 to $503.22 (Grant et al., 2007). Notably, next field experiment was a naturally occurring quasi-
in this experiment, the callers were contacting experiment (Grant, 2008c). While planning the
g r a nt, berg 33
after we did their project . . . I’m proud of that” prescriptively dominant—there is a shared belief
(Bowe et al., 2000, p. 36). Similarly, an assistant that employees do and should pursue their own
director of a boys and girls club expressed, “What I independent interests (Miller, 1999). Individualistic
get out of it is the personal satisfaction of watching norms can signal to employees that expressing
them grow up into mature young adults . . . you end prosocial motivation is inappropriate, which may
up over a period of time developing relationships lead them to suppress their desires to benefit others
with certain kids. There’s an impact on their life, and the organization, and focus on taking actions
and they’ll come down to me when they’re adults to that advance their personal utility (Ferraro, Pfeffer,
talk to me about it. The reward is teaching a kid a & Sutton, 2005; Miller, 1999). For example, when
new skill” (Colby, Sippola, & Phelps, 2001, p. 476). an accountant notices a marketing manager appear-
These examples convey how meeting past beneficia- ing dejected during a discussion of a new product
ries can cultivate prosocial motivation by reminding launch, if the company maintains individualistic
employees of how their work is appreciated. norms, she may withhold inquiring about the prob-
Connecting employees to present beneficiaries lem because she wishes to avoid appearing overly
may serve the function of cultivating feelings of concerned about an issue in which she has no vested
empathy by highlighting how beneficiaries are cur- interest (Ratner & Miller, 2001). As an illustration
rently in need or distress (Batson, 1998). As a police of the power of norms, Kay and Ross (2003) dem-
officer in a Chicago housing project articulated, “I onstrated in laboratory experiments that the mere
extend myself quite a bit for people through my job. title of a “prisoner’s dilemma” task was sufficient to
I spent three years trying to help this one girl and influence participants’ construals of appropriate
her kids . . . She was a witness in a murder case; I was responses and their actual behaviors. When the pris-
there for her, took her shopping every week . . . oner’s dilemma task was introduced using prosocial
People are hungry” (Colby et al., 2001, p. 477). labels (e.g., the “Community Game” or the “Team
This example illustrates how meeting present bene- Game”), participants construed the labels as more
ficiaries can cultivate prosocial motivation by foster- appropriate and acted more cooperatively as com-
ing feelings of empathy. Indeed, a recent experiment pared to when the game was called the “Wall Street
with radiologists showed that when patient photos Game,” “Battle of Wits,” or “Numbers Game.”
were included with x-rays, radiologists reported Parallel evidence suggests that collectivistic
more empathy and achieved greater diagnostic accu- rewards can increase prosocial motivation. In a series
racy (Turner, Hadas-Halperin, & Raveh, 2008). of laboratory experiments, primarily using negotia-
tion role-plays, psychologists have shown that pro-
Collectivistic Norms and Rewards viding collective incentives increases participants’
Research also suggests that employees are more likely prosocial motivation (De Dreu et al., 2000). For
to experience prosocial motivation when organiza- instance, De Dreu, Giebels, and Van de Vliert
tions maintain collectivistic rather than individualis- (1998) found that when negotiators were rewarded
tic norms and rewards. Norms influence motivation as pairs rather than as individuals, they experienced
by specifying shared standards and expectations for more concern for each other’s outcomes and
appropriate behavior (Ajzen, 1991; Hackman, exchanged more information. Similarly, Weingart,
1992). Collectivistic norms emphasize the impor- Bennett, and Brett (1993) found that when negotia-
tance of contributing to group goals, whereas indi- tors were told that their success—and thus their
vidualistic norms emphasize the importance of payoffs—depended on maximizing group rather
prioritizing self-interest (Chatman & Barsade, 1995). than individual outcomes, they reported more con-
When collectivistic norms are prevalent, employees cern for group outcomes and thus engaged in more
are more likely to experience and express prosocial cooperative behaviors, experienced greater trust,
motivation (Batson, 1994; Miller, 1999) because and enacted more perspective-taking. These experi-
they feel it is appropriate and legitimate to feel con- ments highlight how rewarding employees in
cerned about the well-being of others. For example, groups, rather than as individuals, can increase their
when engineering companies emphasize collectivis- prosocial motivation to benefit each other.
tic norms, it appears that employees are more likely
to experience prosocial motivation toward helping Transformational Leadership
colleagues (e.g., Perlow & Weeks, 2002). Although this link has rarely been made explicitly,
On the other hand, when individualistic norms theory and research suggests that transformational
are prevalent, self-interest is descriptively and leadership may also play an important role in shaping
g r a nt, berg 35
(Barrick & Mount, 1991; Costa, McCrae, & Dye, associated with the pressure-based feeling (Gebauer
1991). Conscientiousness refers to dependability, et al., 2008) of “having to help” (Cunningham
and is manifested in higher tendencies toward duti- et al., 1980). Grant (2008a) proposed that intrinsic
fulness, competence, self-discipline, achievement motivation is more sustainable than extrinsic
striving, orderliness, and cautiousness (Barrick & motivation, as the pressure associated with the latter
Mount, 1991; Costa et al., 1991). We expect that causes stress and depletes energy. He thus hypothe-
these two traits tend to foster prosocial motivation sized that prosocial motivation would be more
toward different targets. Agreeable employees typi- positively associated with persistence, performance,
cally focus on relationships with other people, and and productivity when it was accompanied by
thus tend to direct their prosocial motivation toward intrinsic rather than extrinsic motivation, and stud-
individuals (Graziano, Habashi, Sheese, & Tobin, ies of both firefighters and fundraisers supported
2007; LePine & Van Dyne, 2001). Conscientious this hypothesis (Grant, 2008a). This research identi-
employees typically focus on being responsible and fies the source of prosocial motivation—intrinsic or
complying with rules, and thus tend to direct their extrinsic—as an important moderator of its effects.
prosocial motivation toward contributions that “are
more impersonal, i.e. not directed to specific per- The Moderating Role of Impression
sons but constitute commendable, constructive Management Motivation
forms of supporting the larger context of organized Research has also investigated whether another type of
efforts” (Konovsky & Organ, 1996, p. 255). Indeed, motivation—impression management motivation,
conscientiousness is a better predictor of citizenship the desire to protect and enhance one’s image—mod-
behaviors directed toward benefiting the organiza- erates the relationship between prosocial motivation
tion than other people (Podsakoff et al., 2000). and organizational citizenship behaviors. Grant and
Mayer (2009) reconciled conflicting findings about
Contingent Consequences of Prosocial whether prosocially motivated employees engage in
Motivation: When Making a Difference more citizenship by arguing that impression manage-
Makes a Difference ment motivation encourages employees to express
Researchers have often assumed that prosocial moti- their prosocial motivation toward affiliative citizen-
vation directly increases task effort, persistence, and ship behaviors such as helping, courtesy, and initiative.
helping and citizenship behaviors (e.g., Grant, 2007; They proposed that in the absence of impression man-
Rioux & Penner, 2001). More recently, however, agement motivation, prosocially motivated employees
researchers have begun to challenge this assumption may be more inclined to undertake self-sacrificing
by examining contingencies that moderate the effects citizenship behaviors—engaging in challenging forms
of prosocial motivation on behavior and perfor- of citizenship such as voice—that run the risk of
mance outcomes. Here, we review evidence about threatening their reputations. When impression man-
intrinsic versus extrinsic forms of prosocial motiva- agement motivation is also present, employees may
tion, impression management motivation, and man- express their prosocial motivations in the form of affil-
ager trustworthiness as important contingencies. iative citizenship behaviors that both do good and
look good. In two field studies, they found support for
The Moderating Role of Intrinsic Motivation this hypothesis: Impression management motivation
Researchers have begun to examine whether the strengthened the relationship between prosocial moti-
relationship between prosocial motivation and per- vation and the affiliative citizenship behaviors of help-
sistence, performance, and productivity varies as ing, courtesy, and initiative (Grant & Mayer, 2009).
a function of whether the source of prosocial moti- Whereas previous research (Bolino, 1999; Rioux &
vation is intrinsic or extrinsic. Building on self- Penner, 2001) suggested that some employees engaged
determination theory (Gagné & Deci, 2005; Ryan in citizenship based on prosocial motivation (good
& Deci, 2000), Grant (2008a) distinguished soldiers) and other employees did so based on impres-
between intrinsic and extrinsic forms of prosocial sion management motivation (good actors), this
motivation. Intrinsic prosocial motivation is auton- research shows that these two motivations can coexist
omous and self-determined, and is associated with in the same employee, interacting to increase the like-
the pleasure-based feeling (Gebauer et al., 2008) of lihood of affiliative citizenship. More generally, this
“wanting to help” (Cunningham, Steinberg, & research reinforces our earlier point that prosocial
Grey, 1980). Extrinsic prosocial motivation, on the motivation should not be equated with altruism and is
other hand, is more externally controlled, and is independent of self-interested motivations. Grant and
g r a nt, berg 37
perspective-taking as a new mechanism for channel- prosocially motivated employees may actually
ing intrinsic motivation in a useful direction. express their proactive behaviors more constructively.
As such, supervisors will evaluate proactive behaviors
Prosocial Motivation Enhances the more favorably when employees are prosocially moti-
Association Between Core Self-evaluations vated. In two field studies with managers and fire-
and Job Performance fighters, employees’ proactive behaviors were more
Recent research has examined how prosocial moti- positively associated with supervisors’ performance
vation influences the performance of employees evaluations when employees were prosocially moti-
with high core self-evaluations. Research shows vari- vated (Grant et al., 2009). This research shows how
ability in whether employees with high core self- prosocial motivation can not only directly increase
evaluations—positive self-concepts based on high performance; it may also enhance the credit that
self-esteem, general self-efficacy, emotional stability, employees receive for taking the initiative to engage
and an internal locus of control—attain higher per- in anticipatory, change-oriented behaviors.
formance (Judge & Bono, 2001). Although high
core self-evaluations can provide employees with Future Directions
the confidence necessary to be effective, they can Although these findings provide useful insights,
also cause complacency. Grant and Wrzesniewski many exciting questions about prosocial motivation
(2010) examined whether prosocial motivation pre- have yet to be explored. In this section, we call
vents complacency by fostering anticipatory feelings attention to five key categories of future directions:
of guilt and gratitude: Because prosocially moti- studying effects on unethical behavior and harm-
vated employees are more concerned about benefit- doing, examining collective prosocial motivation,
ing others, they are more prone to feeling guilty if reversing the causal arrow between prosocial motiva-
they fail and recognizing that others will feel grate- tion and behavior, considering novel organizational
ful if they succeed. Anticipating these feelings leads influences on prosocial motivation, and studying
those with high core self-evaluations to invest greater prosocial motivation in the context of social entre-
effort in their tasks, thus enhancing their perfor- preneurship, corporate social responsibility, and the
mance. In two field studies with professional fund- natural environment.
raisers and public service employees, prosocial
motivation strengthened the relationship between Ties That Blind: Unethical Behavior and
core self-evaluations and job performance. In a third Harm-doing
field study with outbound call center employees, In our view, the most important new direction for
this moderating relationship was mediated by antic- inquiry involves gaining a deeper understanding of
ipated guilt and gratitude (Grant & Wrzesniewski, the dark sides of prosocial motivation. Although
2010). This research shows how prosocial motiva- little research has explicitly explored this idea, we
tion can channel confidence in productive direc- believe that prosocial motivation is a double-edged
tions, and introduces anticipatory social emotions sword: Many acts of harm and unethical behavior
as important mediators toward this end. are committed under the guise of the desire to make
a difference. We encourage researchers to begin
Prosocially Motivated Employees Get More studying when, why, and how prosocial motivation
Credit for Proactive Behavior can lead to an unwillingness to perform tasks that do
Research has also explored whether prosocial moti- not align with the particular causes and beneficiaries
vation enhances the degree to which supervisors give that one values (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009); a
employees credit for proactive behaviors in perfor- form of “benevolent narcissism” that involves posi-
mance evaluations. Although proactive behaviors tive illusions about one’s capabilities to make a dif-
such as voice, issue-selling, taking charge, and offer- ference and vulnerability to social control (e.g.,
ing help can make important contributions to orga- Ashforth & Kreiner, 1999; Fineman, 2006; Lofland,
nizational effectiveness, these behaviors have the 1977; O’Reilly & Chatman, 1996; Pratt, 2000),
potential to threaten others. Grant, Parker, and such that managers and leaders mistakenly or pur-
Collins (2009) proposed that supervisors make more posefully exploit prosocially motivated employees by
benevolent attributions for the proactive behaviors overworking or underpaying them (e.g., Bunderson
of prosocially motivated employees, whose actions & Thompson, 2009); a tendency to give unwanted
and communications signal that their proactive help that leaves beneficiaries feeling incompetent,
behaviors are driven by good intentions. In addition, dependent, or embarrassed (Beehr, Bowling, &
g r a nt, berg 39
Do organizations encourage employees to express Prosocial Motivation, Social
prosocial motivation in productive ways when Entrepreneurship, CSR, and the Natural
they provide autonomy to pursue unanswered Environment
callings through job crafting (see Berg, Grant, & Research to date has principally focused on the
Johnson, 2010)? Do organizational responses to impact of prosocial motivation on how employees
death affect prosocial motivation? Grant and enact their jobs. However, it is likely that prosocial
Wade-Benzoni (2009) argued that when employees motivation has broader organizational and social
are exposed to mortality cues, those who reflect implications. Indeed, research in public manage-
on death—as opposed to experiencing existential ment has shown that prosocial motivation can affect
anxiety about it—come to think about the mean- the very types of jobs, careers, and industries that
ingfulness of their contributions, which triggers individuals pursue (Perry & Hondeghem, 2008).
prosocial motivation. In the face of tragedies We hope to see researchers begin to study the role of
and accidents, how do organizations walk the prosocial motivation in solving problems of grow-
tightrope of encouraging employees to engage in ing social and societal importance. For example, is
meaningful reflection without distracting their prosocial motivation one of the driving factors that
attention away from work and interfering in their distinguishes social entrepreneurs from business
private lives? entrepreneurs? Do firms run by prosocially moti-
Researchers may also wish to explore how proso- vated executives engage in more corporate social
cial motivation influences—and is influenced by— responsibility and philanthropy (see Agle, Mitchell,
psychological contracts, which capture the unwritten & Sonnenfeld, 1999)? How can social movements
obligations and expectations that employees use increase or tap into employees’ prosocial motiva-
to understand what they will give and receive as tions? The recent movement to “go green” provides
organizational members (Schein, 1980). Scholars a ripe context for studying the intersection of social
have identified three basic types of psychological movements and prosocial motivation. As concerns
contracts: transactional, relational, and principled. about protecting the planet and preventing climate
Transactional contracts are based on economic change rise, how does prosocial motivation influ-
currency, as employees give time and energy in ence individual and organizational actions toward
exchange for pay and benefits (Rousseau & McLean the environment? For individuals who care about
Parks, 1993). Relational contracts are based on the planet primarily because it provides a home for
socioemotional currency, as employees give loyalty current and future generations of people (e.g.,
in exchange for belongingness, personal growth, McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1992), is prosocial moti-
and security (Morrison & Robinson, 1997). vation a catalyst behind care for and action to pro-
Principled contracts are based on ideological cur- tect the environment? All of these questions merit
rency, as employees give initiative and dedication in wider and deeper investigation, and prosocial moti-
exchange for the opportunity to contribute to a vation may be a fruitful conceptual lens for pursu-
valued cause or mission (Thompson & Bunderson, ing them. As an environmental protection agency
2003). We expect that employees with relational specialist reflected (Bowe et al., 2000, pp. 578–579):
contracts are more likely to experience prosocial
I’ve always felt a personal obligation to be doing
motivation toward the organization and its mem-
something that is for the betterment of everyone.
bers, where they define their community, whereas
And the environment is like, well, what could be
employees with principled contracts are more likely
more important than that? So even though it’s
to view the organization as a vehicle for expressing
frustrating sometimes, I couldn’t just stop and follow
prosocial motivation toward valued beneficiaries.
something that might be extremely interesting to me
For instance, many employees have principled
but didn’t help the world . . . I have this deep-rooted
contracts with Google. As research director Peter
need to feel that my job is of public service.
Norwing explained, “we’re all here because we
want to discover and build useful things that will
change the world” (Google Research Blog, 2006). Conclusion
Employees with transactional contracts, on the The research reviewed in this chapter provides
other hand, may experience and express prosocial insights about the antecedents, contingent conse-
motivation primarily outside the domain of work, quences, moderating effects, and mediating psycho-
such as toward their families or causes for which logical mechanisms associated with prosocial
they volunteer. motivation. In terms of antecedents, relational job
g r a nt, berg 41
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Organization Studies, 12, 405–424.
4 Callings
Amy Wrzesniewski
Abstract
The concept of work as a calling has generated considerable interest among researchers, inspiring a
number of new lines of research into this intriguing experience of work. This chapter describes the
different approaches to defining what a calling is, where it comes from, and its effects for individuals
and organizations. Rather than treating the variety of perspectives on callings as a liability, it considers
the many opportunities for rich empirical work that it suggests. The chapter highlights promising areas
for future inquiry while sparking new questions to help spur researchers to continue to deepen our
understanding of the nature of callings.
Keywords: Calling, meaningful work, meaning of work, work orientation
If a man loves the labour of his trade, apart from any question of success
or fame, the gods have called him.
—Robert Louis Stevenson
Few topics inspire as much idealism and positivity are somewhat of a Rorschach test in organizational
as the notion of work as a calling. Practitioners and behavior and psychology—viewed from various
popular authors strive to help seekers find (or create) angles, callings reveal different understandings,
their callings, academics and scholars aim to under- assumptions, and predictions regarding their nature
stand the nature of callings as well as their anteced- and form. Although the variety of viewpoints on
ents and effects, and countless individuals simply callings may seem confusing, I attempt to trace
wonder about what their calling might be, how to these viewpoints to their roots in earlier research and
find it, and, if they have found it, how to success- writing in order to reconcile different approaches to
fully pursue it. Other orientations toward work cer- the topic.
tainly exist; work can be experienced as an alienating The goal of this chapter is to elucidate the
grind, an opportunity for challenge and growth, or construct of callings, defining their structure and
through any number of other framings. But callings content, their antecedents and outcomes, and the
have stolen center stage in our imaginations as offer- debates that continue over their very essence. It is at
ing some sort of special gateway to fulfillment and the intersections of these different findings and
meaning in work. As a window onto the individual viewpoints on callings that the most fruitful ground
experience of work, callings are of central impor- for future empirical research exists. Treating the
tance to positive organizational scholarship (POS), variety of perspectives on callings as a valuable set
because they capture the most positive and genera- of research opportunities, rather than a liability,
tive manifestation of the connection between people I highlight promising areas for future inquiry with
and their work that scholars have studied. Yet, callings an eye toward bringing helpful resolution to some
45
of the debates in this area while sparking new ques- Callings As a Religious Entity
tions to help spur researchers to continue to deepen The term “calling” clearly has religious roots.
our understanding of the nature of callings. Specifically, callings are a product of Christian theol-
ogy. Traditionally, callings were rooted in an under-
What Is a Calling? standing that people were “called” by God to do
There is not, to date, a single universally accepted morally and socially significant work (Weber, 1956,
meaning of the term “callings,” as the term has been 1963). Organizational scholars note that the Protestant
given a broad range of definitions in the organiza- Reformation saw a significant shift in the meaning
tional literature. Many of these definitions differ of work, converting it from a pursuit that lacked
because they are derivative of those offered in the intrinsic value to an activity that was glorified in its
social sciences or in much earlier philosophical own right (Ciulla, 2000). This shift occurred as
and religious works. It is a sign of the evolving and Martin Luther’s theology promoted the concept of
dynamic nature of research on and inquiry into a calling, defined by him as a vocational direction
callings that the definition of callings is the subject from God about how best to serve God and the
of ongoing debate. community (Weber, 1958). Later, John Calvin
Beginning with the social sciences, sociologist defined callings as a divine ordinance to which indi-
Robert Bellah and his colleagues (Bellah, Madsen, viduals have a duty and responsibility. As a result,
Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1985), in the context any activity done to serve God was considered
of their influential discussion of individualism and intrinsically valuable, and failure to fulfill one’s call-
commitment in different domains of life in the ing was seen as immoral (Nord, Brief, Atieh, &
United States, argued that work can be subjectively Doherty, 1990). This perspective suggests that call-
experienced as a calling (see also Baumeister, 1991). ings are revealed by God, either directly or through
In their view, those with callings work not primarily one’s abilities, thus suggesting that callings are
for financial gain or career advancement, but instead religious endeavors rather than expressions of the
for the fulfillment that the work itself brings to the self. Later, Weber suggested that Calvin’s interpreta-
individual. In a sense, the work is an end in itself. tion of callings helped to enable the development of
This definition is emblematic of the largely secular modern capitalism by producing a “Protestant work
and individually based view of work as a calling that ethic” that greatly increased a societal emphasis
has dominated the organizational literature. Later, on the individual pursuit of success. Although the
Wrzesniewski and colleagues (1997) drew on this accuracy of Weber’s interpretation of Calvin has
definition to define callings as work that people feel is been debated, the impact of his perspective on call-
usually seen as socially valuable—an end in itself— ings is hard to overstate.
involving activities that may, but need not be, In modern times, the use of callings in a religious
pleasurable (Wrzesniewski, McCauley, Rozin, & sense has come to be defined as a beckoning from
Schwartz, 1997). More fully, a calling is tradition- God to a vocation, the acceptance and execution of
ally defined as a meaningful beckoning toward which is thought to carry out the will of God (Hardy,
activities that are morally, socially, and personally 1990; Weiss, Skelley, Haughey, & Hall, 2004).
significant (Baumeister, 1991; Bellah et al., 1985; According to this perspective, work, if carried out
Wrzesniewski, Dekas, & Rosso, 2009). A calling is for purposes other than service to God, is of little
assumed to be unique to the person, comprising spiritual significance. However, any work can
activities people believe they must do to fulfill become holy if dedicated to God (Steger, Pickering,
their unique purpose in life, and offering a path Shin, & Dik, 2010), as answered callings are under-
to connect with one’s true self (Bunderson & stood to be a pathway through which individuals act
Thompson, 2009; Levoy, 1997; Novak, 1996). as the hands of God on earth (Dik & Duffy, 2009).
A calling refers to the enactment of personally Even without explicit reference to God or spirituality,
significant beliefs through work (Elangovan, Pinder, a sense of calling as the expression of one’s duty or
& McLean, 2010; Myers, 2007, 2009); an enact- destiny on Earth through work is evident in modern
ment that has been referred to as the highest form society (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009).
of subjective career success (Dobrow, 2006; Hall More recently, organizational scholars have again
& Chandler, 2005). Those who view their work as revisited the traditional religious roots of callings,
a calling understand their work to be an end in itself, reaching a better understanding of the impact of
rather than a means to some other end (Wrzesniewski experiencing a calling in a neoclassical sense—
et al., 1997). reflecting the Protestant Reformation concept of
46 callings
calling as a duty to society rather than as a satisfying Wrzesniewski et al., 1997), a social contribution to
exercise in pleasure in one’s work (Bunderson & others or the wider world (Wrzesniewski et al.,
Thompson, 2009). However, callings have largely 1997; Wrzesniewski, 2003), work that is an expression
lost this religious connotation and tend to be defined of one’s purpose (Hall & Chandler, 2005), or as
in the secular sense as consisting of enjoyable or comprising one’s passion, identity, urgency, engulf-
pleasurable work that the individual believes is ing consciousness, longevity, sense of meaning, and
making the world a better place. Thus, the concept domain-specific self-esteem (Dobrow, 2006). Thus,
of a calling has taken on other forms in the modern it is likely no surprise that many of the most popular
era, and is one of several kinds of meanings that examples of callings draw from work in which
people attach to their work (Wrzesniewski et al., passion and meaning are often assumed, such as the
2009). These meanings may also guide individuals arts or helping professions (e.g., medicine, advocacy
in how they enact the tasks and relationships that work), as individuals in these occupations are
comprise their jobs (Berg, Grant, & Johnson, 2010; thought to be compelled to do expressive work or
Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001). be of service to others. Research has suggested that
A recent review of research on callings in organi- callings can be experienced in work that runs the
zational behavior suggests that the set of definitions gamut from lofty to lowly (e.g., Berg et al., 2010;
of callings in use share three important elements Bunderson & Thompson, 2009; Wrzesniewski &
(Elangovan et al., 2010; Myers, 2007, 2009): First, Dutton, 2001; Wrzesniewski, 2003; Wrzesniewski
callings are action-oriented; second, callings suggest et al., 1997).
a sense of meaning and mission (Dik & Duffy, In this volume, Perttula and Cardon (2011,
2009); and third, callings are prosocial in their Chapter 15) note that passion for work is a hallmark
focus. As well, Dobrow (2006) has suggested a of meaningful work more generally, and consider
broader set of elements of a calling, moving beyond the passion that individuals experience for their
a sense of fulfillment in the work and contribution work in entrepreneurial ventures and in their jobs in
to the greater good to include a sense of urgency general (see also Wrzesniewski, Rozin, & Bennett,
and self-esteem from the activity of work. In the 2002, for a discussion of passion and work). Thus,
next section, I consider the experience of work as a the connection between callings and passions are
calling in relation to other meanings of work. clear. Both involve a sense of meaningful connec-
tion to the work that is often the source of great
Calling As a Work Orientation pleasure. Callings and passions differ, however, in
The concept of work orientation builds on theoretical two important ways. First, callings typically involve
assertions from sociology and psychology that work a sense that the work contributes to the world in a
is subjectively experienced by individuals in one of meaningful way (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009;
three distinct ways: as a job, in which the focus of Wrzesniewski et al., 1997), whereas passions do
the work is on income; a career, in which the focus not necessarily have a social component to them.
is on advancement in one’s line of work; or a calling Second, passions are marked by the experience of
(Baumeister, 1991; Bellah et al., 1985; Schwartz, joy and subjective vitality (Perttula & Cardon,
1986, 1994). These three categories represent three 2010), which may or may not also accompany the
different work orientations, which guide individuals’ experience of work as a calling. In fact, Bunderson
basic goals for working, capture beliefs about the and Thompson (2009) suggest that some may
role of work in life, and are reflected in work-related experience a calling more through a lens of duty
feelings and behaviors (Wrzesniewski, 2003; and destiny, without the deep pleasure that is often
Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). Work orientation pro- assumed to be a part of a calling.
vides a helpful framework with which to understand The evidence of the broad types of work that can
how individuals make meaning of their work and be experienced as a calling is consistent with research
how they enact their jobs to reflect these meanings that suggests that any kind of work can be a calling.
(Scott Morton & Podolny, 2002; Peterson, Park, Work orientations are essentially frames of meaning
Hall, & Seligman, 2009; Wrzesniewski & Dutton, applied to the work one does; thus, it is possible for
2001). different people to do the same work and view it
Callings have come to be defined as work that quite differently, based on which orientation each
is viewed as a duty and destiny (Bunderson & has toward the work. For example, a bank president
Thompson, 2009), a source of fulfillment that is can view the work as a way to enjoy a large income
important to one’s identity (Berg et al., 2010; (job orientation), as a way to move into leadership
wr zesniewsk i 47
positions in national banking organizations that set contribution is evident in the burgeoning career
banking policy (career orientation), or as a way to counseling and coaching industry, to which indi-
carry out the enjoyable, fulfilling work of contribut- viduals flock in the hopes of identifying or creating
ing to the financial security and well-being of a a calling, or turning their current job into a calling.
lifetime of clients (calling orientation). Likewise, a This interest in work as a calling is likely to continue
laborer can view the work as a way to cover the as long as work is emphasized as a source of ful-
mortgage (job orientation), an opportunity to fillment, meaning, and purpose in life, and as
become crew foreperson and someday, a supervisor individuals work more hours than ever (Schor,
(career orientation), or as a way to build the infra- 1992) and change jobs more often than in the past
structure of a city, thus ensuring the safety and (Sennett, 2005), potentially creating a need to
futures of millions of people who will live and work understand one’s own path through the lens of the
there (calling orientation). Regardless of the kind of work in addition to the lens of the organization
work, those with calling orientations are likely to (Pratt & Ashforth, 2003).
experience their work as deeply meaningful. Although religious callings involve a beckoning
from outside of the self that is heeded (or not), secu-
Callings As a Secular Entity lar callings differ in that the pursuit of the calling
Although religious connotations of callings survive, tends to be oriented within the self (e.g., Rosso,
the concept of a calling has taken on stronger secu- Dekas, & Wrzesniewski, 2010). In research on secu-
lar tones over time. This shift is reminiscent of much lar callings, self-fulfillment is the primary focus.
older conceptions of the meaning of work which, Individuals are depicted as following paths chosen
reaching back to the Greek philosophers, including by the self, rather than by God or some other higher
Aristotle, held that authentic fulfillment would be power (Berg et al., 2010; Rosso et al., 2010).
found through personally meaningful and intrinsi- Although the self is most salient in secular callings,
cally motivating pursuits (Aristotle, 1912). Indeed, scholars still define callings both as a source of
much as the Greek philosophers put the individual intrinsic fulfillment and as a way of making a contri-
at the center of meaningful work, modern concep- bution to the wider world. However, the connection
tions of callings emphasize the individual as the between internally directed fulfillment and work
primary entity that defines and is served by callings done in service of others is still unclear in the litera-
as well. ture on callings. Future work that delineates the
There seems to be little disagreement in the nature and forms of calling (e.g., Bunderson &
emerging organizational literature on callings that Thompson, 2009) would mark an important
the sense of calling is defined by the individual research contribution. In the next section, I consider
doing the work. Thus, a humanitarian aid worker related concepts that are different from, but likely
who primarily views the work as a way to advance are related to, the experience of work as a calling.
into a job at the United Nations, for example, does
not have a calling, whereas a groundskeeper at a What Callings Are Not
professional baseball stadium who sees the work as Several constructs from the organizational psychology
deeply enjoyable and essential to the pursuit of the and organizational behavior literatures are likely
country’s favorite pastime could have a calling. Both related to callings. Although these relationships are
religious and secular traditions emphasize that call- instructive for understanding markers of callings
ings include a sense that the work has a positive among existing constructs, these constructs do not,
impact on the world and is intrinsically motivating in part or whole, capture what a calling is. Rather,
as an end in itself. Individuals pursuing their calling they reflect elements of work attitudes and experi-
often feel a great sense of urgency for following ence that individuals with callings might be expected
the path to which they feel intended (Bunderson & to endorse. In most cases, the difference between
Thompson, 2009). each of these constructs and a calling is the fact that
Callings both in the modern secular sense and each of the former is a reflection of how deeply one
the religious sense have enjoyed a surge of interest in is engaged in or committed to work, rather than the
research and the popular press. This is likely due to nature of or reasons for these attachments—which
the pressures that stem from the increasing tendency a calling more clearly captures.
for people to define themselves, and be defined by Work centrality, defined as how work compares
others, through their work (Casey, 1995). The sense with other life spheres in its importance, and
that work ought to represent a meaningful, important work commitment, defined as the importance of
48 callings
work to people’s sense of self (Dubin, 1956; MOW, may emerge can shed helpful light on the nature
1987; Loscocco, 1989), are likely related to callings. of callings more generally. As well, the sources of
Individuals who view their work as a calling would, callings raise important questions about whether
by definition, have high work centrality and high callings are answered, found, or made.
work commitment. However, one could have high
work centrality and commitment for reasons other The Path to Callings: Antecedents and
than having a calling; for example, a mid-level manager Sources
with a strong career orientation (Wrzesniewski et al., A review of the literature quickly reveals an interest-
1997) who is primarily focused in advancement ing distinction between two basic but competing
in her work life would likely report high work cen- assumptions that are made about the very nature of
trality and commitment, but toward quite different a calling. An interesting tension exists regarding
ends than would a manager who views the work as whether callings are found, or discovered, and
a calling. whether they are created, or made. Callings that are
Similarly, work and job involvement (Kanungo, religious in origin are positioned as calls to be
1982; Lodahl & Kejner, 1965), defined as one’s answered that issue forth from a sacred source or an
attachment to work and beliefs about the impor- entity beyond the self (Bunderson & Thompson,
tance of work in life, respectively, are also likely to 2009; Rosso et al., 2010). Callings that are secular
be related to callings. However, like work centrality in focus have also been treated as preexisting entities
and work commitment, they are unlikely to differ- to be discovered by or about the individual
entiate between those with callings and those who (Chandler & Hall, 2005), rather than as under-
are deeply involved in their work and jobs for other standings of the meaning of work to be created or
reasons. In a basic sense, a broad swath of constructs enacted by the individual (Wrzesniewski, 2003;
that represent a unidimensional focus on the Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001). For example, con-
strength of attachment to a job or to work more sider the difference between someone who becomes
generally cannot capture the nature of that attach- a claims administrator because he believes God has
ment. Callings are a special case of a unique kind of called him to do so, someone who takes the same
relationship with and experience of work, with job because a series of occupational and career tests
implications for the strength of one’s attachment to point him to that work as his calling, and someone
work. However, callings are not solely defined by who takes the job because it is the best opportunity
the strength of this attachment. available, but soon changes elements of the job to
Finally, callings are not simply a function of align the work with a passion for helping others in
intrinsic motivation toward one’s work. Although need (Berg et al., 2010). In a basic sense, all three
those who view work as a calling are likely to be are pursuing callings, but whether that calling was
highly motivated by the content of the work itself, it issued, discovered, or created in the work differs.
is the direction toward which this motivation is The differences among these assumptions on the
oriented that defines a calling. One can be motivated sources of callings matter, and the practical implica-
to engage in an activity for its own sake because it is tions are clear. In the first case, one should engage in
engaging or fun, but the personal fulfillment and introspection and reflection so as to better “hear”
social contribution inherent in callings denote a the call that is issuing forth from a sacred source. In
more complex relationship to the activity of work. the second case, one should look deeply within the
An employee in the emergency lending arm of an self and search high and low for feedback and data
institution who enjoys fielding calls from clients that will point one in the correct direction, toward
because it is interesting and absorbing is intrinsi- work that will be experienced as deeply meaningful.
cally motivated; an employee who enjoys fielding In the third case, neither of these requirements
calls from clients because it is engaging and means applies; instead, one is challenged to craft the
that those clients can make the financial arrange- elements of a job—ostensibly any job—to align it
ments necessary to live their lives, thus impacting with one’s sense of a calling.
society in positive and potentially profound ways, Of course, callings may evolve over the course
may have a calling. of one’s working life. Dobrow (2010a) suggests
In the next section, I consider the antecedents of in her research on young musicians that a sense of
a calling orientation. Regardless of whether callings calling changes over time, becoming reinforced
issue forth from a religious entity or well up from or undermined as a result of one’s behavioral invest-
within, considering the sources from which they ments in and social support of the calling. As well,
wr zesniewsk i 49
Wrzesniewski (2002, 2003) suggests that a sense of toward work. In a most obvious example of social
calling can grow or diminish in one’s work as a result learning about work, most children see their parents
of contextual factors ranging from features of the go to and return from work every day over the
work context to shocks in the external environment. course of many years. What their parents do, say,
Whether callings are found or made, and whether and teach (or, conversely, do not do, say, or teach) to
they evolve over time as circumstances change, are their children about their work communicates a
important questions requiring further study (Rosso powerful message about what work is and what it is
et al., 2010). not. Children observe these behaviors of parents
Thus, the origins of callings are represented and other role models (Grusec & Kuczynski, 1997;
differently depending upon researchers’ understand- Higgins, Fazio, Rohan, Zanna, & Gergen, 1998),
ing of what a calling is. In a sense, the debate over and learn how people are rewarded or not rewarded
the sources and nature of callings has limited explo- for the general orientation they bring to their work.
ration of the role of other forces in shaping the Just as orientations toward work may be forming
experience of a calling. This oversight is important, as the life course unfolds, so do individual identities.
for it concerns our ability to comprehend the As Roberts and Creary (2010) suggest in their chapter
origins of callings and the relationships people will on identity in this volume, individuals are motivated
have with their work throughout the course of their to construct and validate positive identities in their
lives. Understanding how it is that one develops an own eyes and the eyes of others. Identity theorists
understanding of what it means to work and how suggest that the pathway to a positive identity is
one’s work relates to the rest of life is a rather lofty guided by the sense that one’s group memberships
goal, and several models can be used to elaborate a create endowments of favorable comparisons with
set of arguments about the development of work others (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Another pathway
orientation. For example, object relations theory suggested by identity theory hinges on one’s proto-
(Masling & Bornstein, 1994) and theories of social typicality as a member of the group—to the extent
representations of reality (Mannetti & Tanucci, that one represents the group prototype, one is eval-
1993) both offer explanations of how people are uated positively by others (Turner, 1987). The
likely to develop a particular kind of relationship to implications for work as a calling are interesting
or representation of their work. when viewed through this lens. Having a calling ori-
Other possible paths of development are sug- entation may endow people with a sense that they
gested by Bandura’s social learning theory (1977). represent the best of their category—the zookeepers
Social learning theory, unlike object relations theory, with callings studied by Bunderson and Thompson
offers a clear argument for the paths of transmission (2009) come to mind as reaping strong benefits
that work values are likely to take. In contrast, object from their sense of themselves (and, likely, others’
relations theory focuses on the complex personal sense of them) as exemplars of their occupational
configurations of one’s inner and outer worlds, group.
without making a statement about how these In addition, social class extends its influence into
configurations are created (Bocknek & Perna, 1994). important areas, including educational opportuni-
The development of a calling may begin long ties, social networks, and opportunity structures
before one enters the workforce. Social learning more generally. It is widely assumed in theories of
theory (Bandura, 1977) maintains that learning social and educational reproduction that parents
takes place via the imitation of observed behavior, use their socioeconomic and cultural standing to
which would predict that parental influences and confer upon their children the necessary educational
early models of what it means to work would act and cultural experiences to secure their places in
together to shape a sense of work as a calling. occupational and class levels close to their own. It is
Powerful influences, such as parental socialization therefore not surprising that most children follow
with reference to the world of work, can shape one’s their parents into the same levels and types of work
expectations and understanding of what the experi- to which they were exposed as children (Sennett &
ence of work will be like (Mannetti & Tanucci, Cobb, 1972; Willis, 1977). Social reproduction theory
1993). Indeed, Baker and Dekas (2009) find (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977) is built around this
evidence that individuals primarily “inherit” their set of assertions, and predicts rather successfully
orientations toward their work from their parents. the occupational levels reached by children based
Specifically, callings seem to be influenced by the on their fathers’ occupational position (Robinson &
interaction of both parents’ own calling orientations Garnier, 1985). The cycle in which this process
50 callings
occurs begins in childhood, but continues through- have largely positive effects in work and life.
out the lives of children as they age and enter the However, researchers have recently begun to theorize
workforce. about the potential drawbacks of callings as well.
After one’s sense of work has started to form in In the next section, I consider the evidence that
childhood, adolescents and young adults experience callings influence positive and negative outcomes
their first few jobs and may find a sense of calling to for individuals and organizations.
be reinforced, invalidated, or simply made more
ambiguous by this set of experiences (see Roberson, Outcomes of Callings
1990, for a discussion of how stable individual dif- To date, much of the empirical research on callings
ferences in work meanings develop through early has been correlational in design. Several positive
socialization and work experiences). For example, a outcomes have been associated with having a calling,
new entrant into the workforce may believe that including higher levels of work, life, and health sat-
work is meant to be a meaningful and fulfilling isfaction (Dobrow, 2006; Wrzesniewski et al., 1997)
experience, only to find that the work is tedious and and lower absenteeism from work (Wrzesniewski
void of positive meaning. In contrast, another new et al., 1997)—effects that remain even when con-
entrant might expect that work is meant to yield a trolling for one’s income, education, and type of
paycheck and nothing more, but find that the work occupation. Callings are also associated with higher
is interesting, enjoyable, contributes to the common levels of intrinsic motivation at work (Wrzesniewski,
good, and is deeply meaningful. Whether one learns Tosti, & Landman, 2011) and the derivation of
that expecting nothing of work but a paycheck is an more satisfaction from the work domain than from
undesirable approach to work, or that attempting to other major life domains (Wrzesniewski et al.,
scale the hierarchical set of positions in an occupa- 1997). Individuals with callings tend to put more
tion is exciting and personally meaningful, one’s time in at work, whether or not this time is com-
expectations are challenged by the experiences pensated, which is perhaps not surprising in light of
encountered in the workplace, which act to further the finding that those with callings are more likely
develop one’s sense of work as a calling. Eventually, to report intentions to keep working even if they
based on what one has learned about work through did not need the money (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997).
learning from role models and from actual work Individuals with callings report higher levels of
experience, a work orientation develops and becomes passion for and enjoyment of their work (Novak,
a guiding principle for making sense of how work 2006; Vallerand et al., 2003), have stronger identifi-
fits in relation to the rest of life. cation and engagement with their work (Bunderson
Dobrow (2010a) also challenges the assumption & Thompson, 2009; Dobrow, 2006), and perform at
that callings are discovered rather than developed. higher levels than do their peers (Hall & Chandler,
In a longitudinal study of young musicians, she 2005). As Bunderson and Thompson (2009) note,
explores the antecedents of callings, suggesting that those with callings are less likely to suffer from
one’s early experiences shape the degree to which stress, depression, and conflict between the work
one views music as a calling over time. Berg and and nonwork spheres of their lives (Oates, Hall, &
colleagues (2010) note in their study of unanswered Anderson, 2005; Treadgold, 1999).
callings that individuals may have multiple callings Although most of the research findings on the
for different occupations and activities, thus suggest- outcomes associated with callings are quite positive,
ing that the roots of a calling may be more complex more recent studies are beginning to consider the
than a single detected signal or discovery of one par- potential drawbacks associated with seeing work as
ticular path. Their study reveals the strategies used a calling (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009; Dobrow,
by individuals in pursuit of unanswered callings to 2006). This research marks an important develop-
craft their work and leisure activities in order to real- ment, as it deepens scholars’ understanding of the
ize their callings (Berg et al., 2010), thus reinforcing nature and impact of callings and challenges an
the importance of understanding how different implicit assumption that callings are universally posi-
understandings of the meaning of work are shaped tive experiences. For example, although Bunderson
over the life course. and Thompson (2009) found that a sense of calling
Whether callings issue forth from spiritual among the zookeepers they studied was associated
sources, the self, one’s upbringing and circum- with a sense of transcendent meaning, identity, and
stances, or some combination of these, one point of significance, the basis of a sense of calling in their
agreement in the literature on callings is that they sample was rooted in a feeling of duty and destiny
wr zesniewsk i 51
to do zookeeping work. This sense of duty and des- issue, in which individuals who experience their work
tiny may explain the sometimes profound experi- as a calling and are still working in their occupations,
ence of sacrifice and vigilance that the zookeepers and thus available for research, are the individuals
also reported; an experience the authors described as researchers have studied. Future research should
a double-edged sword, to reflect the simultaneously assess the extent to which individuals may have
positive and difficult experience of having a neo- experienced their work as a calling in the past and
classical calling (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009). should also include individuals who have exited a
Although Wrzesniewski and colleagues (1997) calling due to their inability to sustain it. These exits
defined callings as an experience of the work as an may be due to lack of ability (Dobrow, 2010b), an
end in itself, in which the activities of the job may unhealthy experience of the calling (Caza &
or may not be pleasurable, most subsequent research Cardador, 2009), or other dynamics. Only through
on callings has primarily highlighted the enjoyment studying those who have experienced the drawbacks
of work as the marker of a calling. Bunderson and of callings can researchers gain a deeper understanding
Thompson’s (2009) study marks an important of the full scope of the construct.
step forward in building a more complete and
nuanced understanding of the nature of callings in Conclusion
modern work. Future Directions: Unresolved Questions
Recent research also suggests that callings may and Promising Threads
limit individuals’ ability to correctly calibrate their As noted above, areas of great promise abound in
abilities in the domain of their calling. Dobrow the future of callings research. Callings represent an
(2010b) finds that, among young musicians, a sense ancient notion, but research on callings is still rela-
of calling is associated with overestimation of one’s tively young. The multiple emerging threads of
own musical ability relative to ability as rated by inquiry are a testament to this, as are the conflicting
outside experts. This discrepancy may be costly, as a assumptions and approaches taken to understand-
sense of calling is also associated with intentions to ing what a calling is and why it matters. Although
pursue and actual pursuit of a professional music callings have captured the imagination of organiza-
career. Given the sense of passion experienced by tional researchers, the current body of work is still
those with callings, it is perhaps not surprising that developing and in need of deeper study. Below,
they are more likely to pursue the calling in their I outline several threads for future research that
occupational path (Berg et al., 2010). But Dobrow could help to increase our understanding of the
(2010b) suggests that a sense of calling may be set- experience of work as a calling.
ting individuals up for a fall if they do not have the First and foremost, more rigorous empirical
requisite talent to succeed. It is possible, however, research on callings is needed. The concept of call-
that those with callings may, even in spite of less ings entered the organizational literature from theo-
objective ability, work harder to develop their abili- retical work in the social sciences (e.g., Bellah et al.,
ties and ultimately be more likely to succeed. 1985) and has been the subject of many empirical
Resolving this question represents a fascinating investigations, as noted here. However, there
opportunity to better understand the link between remains a relative dearth of studies that are empiri-
callings and activities in the work domain, and cal and longitudinal in nature to allow for a deeper
would be relevant to the growing literature about understanding of the nature of callings. Qualitative
people’s ability to build on their talents through studies have shed helpful light on the nature of
their efforts to develop them (e.g., Dweck, 1986). callings in different occupations. Combined with
Finally, emerging theoretical work has taken on careful measurement of the antecedents and effects
the question of whether callings have the potential of callings, this type of inquiry can help build a
to be unhealthy for individuals and organizations if strong body of research in this area of inquiry.
they are taken to an extreme that makes them unsus- Regardless of the nature of the questions outlined
tainable (Caza & Cardador, 2009). Clearly, callings below, careful empirical study marks our best
have all the markings of an orientation toward work opportunity as a field to move this area of research
that could lead to exhaustion and burnout if forward in a meaningful way.
approached as an all-consuming activity in life Second, as might be expected in a relatively
(Maslach, Schaufeli, & Leiter, 2001). Although young area of research, there is work to be done on
most research on callings suggests positive out- the measurement of callings. Although various
comes, the field may be suffering from a sampling measurement instruments have been developed
52 callings
(e.g., Bunderson & Thompson, 2009; Dobrow, what happens to callings in lean economic times.
2006; Wrzesniewski et al., 1997), each emphasizes In economic environments that give rise to layoffs,
different aspects of having a calling. The focus of it is possible that those with callings are both less
recent research on defining, measuring, and validating likely to lose their jobs (if the positive performance
the calling construct (Berg et al., 2010; Dik & effects of having a calling are predictive) and more
Duffy, 2009; Dobrow, 2004) and analyzing how likely to experience unemployment as a particularly
callings are experienced (Berg, et al., 2010; hard time if they do lose their jobs.
Bunderson & Thompson, 2009; Dobrow, 2006) is Fourth, although this chapter has highlighted
likely to usher in a period in which additional the role of callings in work, it would be unfortunate
perspectives and elements of callings are advanced if research on callings advanced without an accom-
before the construct is reduced to its core. This panying focus on other meanings of work. Research
period represents an opportunity to carefully exam- on the positive side of work and organizational life
ine whether we are fully capturing what a calling is is incomplete without an anchoring in the full sweep
in our measurement of it. Specifically, the field of experience of these domains. Although callings
needs to eventually converge on an understanding represent one kind of relationship people can have
of whether callings are a loose amalgamation of with their work, just as worthy of study are relation-
different experiences of work, or whether they have ships to work as a job, a career, or something
particular hallmarks that define them—for example, else entirely. Callings help us to understand the
a sense of the work as being a critically important nature of deep fulfillment and service to others in
end in itself for the individual, as well as a belief that work. But many, even most, people who work do
the work contributes to the greater good in a mean- not have the luxury of finding, pursuing, enacting,
ingful way. Likewise, measurement advances that or creating their callings (Berg et al., 2010;
help differentiate a sense of calling in general from Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). Yet, each has a relation-
the extent to which individuals experience a calling ship to work that has meaning and is deserving
in their current job would be helpful. To date, both of understanding. Indeed, any efforts to create con-
treatments of callings have coexisted, but clearly ditions in which individuals may more likely to
mean different things (Rosso et al., 2010). experience their work as a calling likely depend on
Third, research in organizational behavior contin- understanding the kind of orientation toward work
ually emphasizes the impact of changing structures of they currently have.
careers and work in organizations on any number of Fifth, recent research on moral psychology (e.g.,
variables of interest. In this sense, callings are no dif- Haidt, 2007) presents an interesting opportunity to
ferent, and they represent an opportunity to explore understand the possible moral underpinnings of
whether those with callings enjoy an additional callings. Bunderson and Thompson (2009) suggest
advantage over others beyond those reported in this that callings may be experienced as a kind of moral
chapter. Specifically, it is possible that those who imperative, in which individuals have a strong sense
experience their work as a calling may be more pro- of duty, together with expectations that others
tected from negative effects of the episodic and should uphold the standards implied by a calling
uncertain nature of career progression in organiza- orientation. Haidt’s emerging work on moral foun-
tions. Because those with callings primarily define dations of human cognition suggests that concerns
their attachment to the work domain through the regarding purity and sanctity underlie motivation to
work itself, rather than through membership in live life in a noble and elevated way (Haidt &
the organization or the status of their occupation, Joseph, 2007). Future research should consider
they may find that over the various employment whether callings that represent either deep expres-
shifts that are likely in a career, they are relatively sions of the self or the enactment of a life of service
protected from the stresses that others experience to others or to God may tap a fundamental moral
during such transitions. To the extent that one is foundation upon which people build their under-
able to engage in work that represents one’s calling, standing of their actions.
changes in the kind of position one holds, and the To summarize, callings represent a unique and
organization in which one holds that position, are potentially multifaceted relationship between indi-
less important than they would be for those who are viduals and their work. Although promising prog-
more likely to define themselves on these bases. ress is being made in understanding the antecedents
Understanding callings in the broader context of of callings and especially the outcomes of callings,
organizational life also yields opportunities to study basic questions remain regarding their structure and
wr zesniewsk i 53
function in social life. Their power in shaping the Haidt, J., & Joseph, C. (2007). The moral mind: How 5 sets of
human experience of work has been established. innate moral intuitions guide the development of many
culture-specific virtues, and perhaps even modules. In
What remains is the drive for explaining why, and P. Carruthers, S. Laurence, & S. Stich (Eds.), The innate mind,
how, callings exert the influence they do over our Vol. 3 (pp. 367–391). New York: Oxford University Press.
experience of work. Hall, D.T., & Chandler, D.E. (2005). Psychological success:
When the career is a calling. Journal of Organizational
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C HA P T E R
5 Being There
Work Engagement and Positive Organizational Scholarship
Nancy P. Rothbard and Shefali V. Patil
Abstract
In this chapter, we examine the psychological state of employee work engagement. Our objective is
to provide an overview of the engagement construct, clarify its definition, and discuss its behavioral
outcomes. We discuss the development of the work engagement construct, which has led to many
inconsistencies among scholars about its definition. We clarify that engagement captures employees’
strong focus of attention, intense absorption, and high energy toward their work-related tasks.
Work engagement is important to the positive organizational scholarship (POS) field because
engagement can lead to a number of positive outcomes, such as in-role and extra-role performance,
client satisfaction, proactivity, adaptivity, and creativity. Managers, however, must ensure that
employees have adequate resources and sufficient breaks, so that engagement does not lead to
burnout or depletion. We encourage scholars interested in studying engagement in the future to
investigate the contextual moderators that affect the relationship between engagement and employee
behavior and examine the differential effects of the components of engagement—attention, absorption,
and energy.
Keywords: Engagement, energy, attention, absorption, internal resources
Today’s dynamic and high-pressure workplace raises established journal, Industrial and Organizational
interesting questions about employee work engage- Psychology, in which the opening article was devoted
ment—the degree to which employees are focused to an examination of the meaning of employee
on and present in their roles. Indeed, as the pace of engagement (Macey & Schneider, 2008), followed
work increases and the phenomenon of being avail- by 13 commentaries on the topic.
able around the clock become more prevalent with Although generating a great deal of intellectual
the rise of smart phones and other technologies, the inquiry, research on engagement is still nascent and
importance and the limitations of work engagement encompasses a broad array of constructs from traits,
become even more central. On the one hand, being to psychological states, to behaviors (Macey &
available 24/7 can facilitate work and create flexibil- Schneider, 2008). In this chapter, we focus on
ity in one’s life; but on the other hand, it can also engagement as a psychological state, and more spe-
threaten to strain employees’ attentiveness and cifically, engagement as psychological presence in a
engagement with their work tasks as they reach their role. Engagement is important to organizational
cognitive and motivational limits. The scholarly scholarship in particular because it is a psychologi-
study of engagement in organizations has risen in cal process that helps to explain the quality of par-
popularity over the past several years (Rich, LePine, ticipation in role activities (Rothbard, 2001).
& Crawford, 2010). For example, engagement Especially in the context of studying positive orga-
took center stage in Issue 1, Volume 1 of the newly nizational scholarship (POS), engagement may be a
56
key ingredient for employee and organizational differentiated from alienation at work (Blauner,
success. 1964) or psychological absence. In such states of
Yet, even within research that examines engage- alienation, employees appear mechanical, robotic,
ment as a psychological state, inconsistencies in and inauthentic (Hochschild, 1983), and estrange
construct definition and measurement have arisen. themselves from others (Seeman, 1975). In con-
Thus, in this chapter, we aim to outline the various trast, engaged employees are able to access their
ways psychological engagement has been defined considerable energies and talents in the fulfillment
and measured, consolidate and clarify these mea- of work-related tasks and goals.
surements and related constructs, and present a uni- Building on Kahn’s (1990, 1992) work on psy-
fied definition of the engagement construct as chological engagement and presence, Rothbard
psychological presence in a role. We then describe (2001, p. 656) defines engagement as “one’s psycho-
the contributions of engagement to POS, with logical presence in or focus on role activities.”
respect to behavioral outcomes of psychological Rothbard (2001) draws on Kahn’s notion that
engagement and what managers can do to foster engagement and psychological presence involve
engagement. being attentive and focused on a role and elaborates
on this concept by suggesting that there are two
Development of the Work Engagement critical components of role engagement: attention
Construct and absorption. Attention is defined by a person’s
Recent interest in the study of work engagement has cognitive availability and the amount of time one
led to a proliferation of construct dimensions and spends focused on a role. Absorption is defined by
operationalizations for measurement. Although the intensity of the person’s focus and the degree to
scholars agree that engagement is a multidimen- which a person is engrossed in a role.
sional construct, there is little consensus as to its Approaching the construct of engagement from
dimensions and valid measurement (Macey & a different theoretical tradition, Maslach, Schaufeli,
Schneider, 2008; Newman & Harrison, 2008). In and colleagues conceptualized engagement as the
an effort to provide construct clarity, we begin by opposite of job burnout. In their Maslach Burnout
reviewing the development of the psychological Inventory (MBI), Maslach and Leiter (1997) and
engagement construct and discuss the strengths and Maslach, Schaufeli, and Leiter (2001) define job
weaknesses of its current conceptualizations. engagement as the opposite end of a continuum
Kahn’s (1990, 1992) examination of work engage- between engagement and burnout. They also define
ment laid the groundwork for recent research on the engagement construct as an indicator of work-
work engagement as a psychological state. Kahn related well-being. Accordingly, they operationalize
(1990, p. 694) defined engagement as “the harness- engagement in the following way: Energy is the
ing of organization members’ selves to their work opposite of exhaustion, involvement is the opposite
roles.” Kahn (1992) suggests that engagement cap- of cynicism and depersonalization, and efficacy is
tures an employee’s psychological presence, or the opposite of reduced professional efficacy. Initially
“being there.” Psychological presence is defined as using the same scale to measure burnout and engage-
the extent to which people are attentive, connected, ment, they assumed that low scores on exhaustion,
integrated, and focused in their role performances. cynicism, and reduced professional efficacy would
Engagement has important implications for an automatically imply engagement. In an important
individual’s own success and that of the organiza- development, Schaufeli and colleagues proposed
tion. Indeed, Kahn (1992) states that engagement is a new construct, based on the belief that the oppo-
a measure of “what enables the depths of workers’ site of burnout did not necessarily capture the con-
personal selves to come forth in the service of their struct of engagement. In a measurement study in
own growth and development and that of their which they treated engagement and burnout as dis-
organizations” (Kahn, 1992, p. 322). It can also be tinct factors, Schaufeli and Bakker (2004) recharac-
seen as a negotiable relationship in which a person terized engagement as consisting of three dimensions:
both drives personal energies into role behaviors vigor, dedication, and absorption. Vigor refers to
(self-employment) and displays the self within the having high levels of energy and mental resilience;
role (self-expression). As such, it explains the holis- dedication refers to being challenged, inspired, and
tic investment of the self into one’s work role enthusiastic about one’s work; and absorption is
(Ashforth & Humphrey, 1995; Goffman, 1961; defined as fully concentrating and being engrossed in
Kahn, 1990). Seen in this way, engagement can be one’s work. Schaufeli and Bakker (2003) conceptualize
roth ba rd , patil 57
work engagement as the antipode of burnout and as affect and engagement. Thus, the conceptual
a “positive, fulfilling, work-related state of mind overlap with other constructs in the literature
characterized by . . . a more persistent and pervasive and the mixing of these constructs within the sub-
affective-cognitive state that is not focused on any scales makes interpretation of these dimensions
particular object, event, individual, or behavior” problematic.
(Schaufeli & Bakker, 2003, pp. 4–5). As a result, recent work by Rich and colleagues
Although several empirical studies have utilized has gone back to the earlier theorizing of Kahn
the Schaufeli and Bakker (2004, 2003) measure, (1990, 1992) and Rothbard (2001) to develop a
and the theoretical distinction between burnout measure of engagement that includes three compo-
and engagement is an important one, several prob- nents: physical, emotional, and cognitive engage-
lems have been identified with this approach and ment (Rich, LePine, & Crawford, 2010). In their
scale (Newman & Harrison, 2008; Rich, LePine, & conceptualization, physical engagement involves the
Crawford, 2010; Zhang, Rich, & LePine, 2009). In purposeful exertion of physical energy in one’s
particular, Zhang, Rich, and LePine (2009) argue role–it draws from Brown and Leigh’s (1996) mea-
that despite Schaufeli and colleagues’ attempt to sure of work intensity. Emotional engagement
operationalize engagement as the positive antipode involves high pleasantness and activation of positive
of burnout, the continued theoretical dependence affect in the work role. It is derived from Russell and
on burnout constrains the incremental contribu- Barrett’s (1999) research on core affect and the gen-
tions to the literature. For example, in their hand- eralized emotional state of pleasantness. Finally, cog-
book of the Utrecht Work Engagement Scale nitive engagement builds on Rothbard’s (2001)
(UWES), Schaufeli and Bakker (2003) claim vigor scales of absorption and attention. Rich and col-
and dedication are direct opposites of exhaustion leagues have taken a meaningful step in measuring
and cynicism, two dimensions from Maslach’s scale engagement as a construct that is broad and distinct
of burnout. Moreover, Zhang, Rich, and LePine from burnout. Moreover, going beyond Rothbard’s
(2009) argue that the highly correlated subdimen- (2001) more narrow conceptualization of engage-
sions of this measure prevent the concept from pro- ment as a cognitive state to include physical energy
viding comprehensive analyses. In addition, the is an additional strength of this paper. Moreover,
measurement of the Schaufeli and Bakker (2004, as Spreitzer, Lam, and Quinn (2011; Chapter 12)
2003) engagement subscales is problematic, in that discuss in this Handbook, energy is likely to be a
the items that comprise the subdimensions of vigor, subdimension of being engaged in one’s work.
dedication, and absorption have conceptual overlap Two issues with this approach should be addressed.
with other well-established constructs (Newman & First, the emotional engagement subcomponent is
Harrison, 2008). For example, the dedication scale difficult to disentangle from the construct of posi-
has items such as “I am enthusiastic about my work” tive affect, as we have indicated in the discussion of
and “I am proud of the work that I do.” Both of the Schaufeli and Bakker measure. Indeed, affect may
these items conceptually overlap with the notion of be a critical construct that relates to engagement in
positive affect. Indeed, enthusiasm and pride are important ways (e.g., Rothbard, 2001). However, to
two of the items on the Positive Affect Negative build good theory about engagement, it is impor-
Affect Scale (PANAS; Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, tant to understand that positive and negative affect
1988). The conceptual overlap between these items can both relate to engagement in important ways
in particular is problematic because confounding and that the combination of positive affect and
positive affect with engagement makes it very diffi- engagement may result in very different outcomes
cult to know what is driving the findings—positive than the combination of negative affect and engage-
affect or engagement. The other items on the dedi- ment. In Rothbard’s (2001) work on engagement in
cation subdimension refer to the meaningfulness of work and family roles, positive and negative affect
and perceived challenge of work, both of which from one role were both related to attention and
have been conceptualized as antecedents of engage- absorption in that role, but had differential effects
ment (Kahn, 1990). The vigor dimension also rep- on attention and absorption in other roles. In other
resents a mixing of constructs within the subscale by words, absorption and attention did not necessarily
simultaneously referring to energy, perseverance, evoke a positive emotional state. It is possible that
and resilience. The absorption subscale is the clean- an employee could be very absorbed and attentive to
est one, with the exception of one item “I feel happy a task but still feel frustrated and annoyed due to the
when I am working intensely,” which confounds difficulty of the task.
58 work e n g ag e m e n t
Second, although Rich et al. (2010) make dis- Likewise, Kanungo (1982) defines job involvement
tinctions among the physical, emotional, and cog- as a cognition regarding one’s psychological identifi-
nitive components of engagement, they collapse the cation with his or her job, which is dependent on
notions of attention and absorption into one con- the individual’s needs and the potential of the job to
struct within cognitive engagement, and on this six- satisfy those needs. Fulfillment of these needs is
item scale, only include one of the absorption items consequently tied to one’s self-image. In contrast,
from Rothbard’s (2001) scale. Thus, it is not sur- psychological engagement refers to the way in which
prising that they do not find a distinct factoring of individuals actually employ themselves during the
attention and absorption within the cognitive performance of their work (Saks, 2006). It does not
engagement subscale. However, the evidence sug- measure the reflection of needs fulfillment on the
gests that these two subdimensions of engagement self. Moreover, May, Gilson, and Harter (2004)
are distinct and, although highly related to one indicate that engagement may be an antecedent of
another, can have different antecedents and out- job involvement—that is, increased cognitive avail-
comes (Perry-Smith & Dumas, 2010; Rothbard, ability and intensity of work performance can lead
2001; Rothbard & Wilk, working paper). to the satisfaction of needs generated from job ful-
In sum, we believe the Rich et al. (2010) approach fillment. Alternatively, job involvement, defined as
is a step in the right direction. Based on the two identification with a role, may be an antecedent to
issues discussed above, however, we propose that engagement in that those with greater psychological
work engagement be conceptualized and mea- identification with a role and attachment to it may
sured such that there are three subcomponents: be more likely to be attentive and absorbed in the
attention, absorption, and energy. Appendix 5.1 performance of that role (Rothbard, 2001).
shows the items for each of these subscales. Moreover,
we advocate careful attention to the way in which Defining the Work Engagement Construct
affect is used in modeling and theorizing about As can be seen from the above discussion of engage-
engagement. ment and related constructs, even within the per-
spective of engagement as a psychological state, the
Work Engagement and Related Constructs construct of engagement has been through consid-
Engagement is related to but distinct from other erable development and change. As such, we would
constructs in the literature. Macey and Schneider like to be clear about our definition of work engage-
(2008) refer to several attitudes, such as organiza- ment. Consistent with the initial theorizing of Kahn
tional commitment, job satisfaction, and job (1990), the subsequent adaptation by Rothbard
involvement, that they include under a broad (2001), and work by Rich et al. (2010), we define
umbrella of state engagement. We take a different individual work engagement as an employee’s psy-
approach and contend that the distinctions between chological presence in a role—or “being there.” It is
engagement and these related constructs are impor- the person’s focus of attention, their absorption, and
tant particularly because these related constructs their available energy directed toward work-related
might be antecedents or outcomes of engagement. tasks.
First, engagement is distinct from organizational In the process of defining engagement, we draw
commitment and job satisfaction, both of which are on work from various traditions. Of importance for
attitudes toward the organization and job, respec- POS, the construct of work engagement has roots
tively. These constructs differ from engagement in in the notion of authenticity and the idea that there
that engagement, defined as one’s psychological can be value in bringing one’s whole self to work in
presence in a role, is not an attitude (Saks, 2006). terms of the types of resources (i.e., energy, perse-
Moreover, engagement may result from greater verance, information) that can be harnessed to ben-
organizational commitment and job satisfaction, as efit the work. Kahn’s (1990, 1992) definition of
individuals may be willing to bring more of them- engagement captured the value of employing the
selves to their work when they have a positive atti- whole self as “what enables the depths of workers’
tude toward their organization and the job. personal selves to come forth in the service of their
Second, engagement also differs from the own growth and development and that of their
construct of job involvement. Lodahl and Kejner organizations” (Kahn, 1992, p. 322). In this way,
(1965) define job involvement as the importance engagement can be seen as a dynamic process in
of work to an employee and the effect his or her which a person both pours personal energies into
performance has on the individual’s self-esteem. role behaviors (self-employment) and displays the
roth ba rd , patil 59
self within the role (self-expression), exhibiting a excessive, continuous engagement and burnout in
type of authenticity, or a true expression of their our section on POS.
thoughts, feelings, and beliefs (Argyris, 1982). In sum, as we have defined it, the engagement
In clarifying the definition of engagement, it is construct consists of both cognitive and physical
also important to note that engagement does not subcomponents. We suggest that scholars continue
inherently mean the expression of “positive” affect. to examine two cognitive subcomponents—absorp-
This stands in contrast to perspectives on engage- tion and attention—as these have shown differential
ment that equate engagement with high positive effects on outcomes (Rothbard, 2001). Attention
affect (e.g., Bakker & Oerlemans, 2011; Chapter refers to material resources within a person that can
14). We propose that psychological presence con- be applied to a given task. It is a resource-based
ceived as focus of attention, absorption, and energy, motivational construct because it relies on the exer-
and the notion of authentic self-expression can be tion of resources as a source of motivation.
associated with either positive or negative affect. In Absorption, on the other hand, refers to one’s capac-
particular, one can be engaged in something because ity and ability to apply those resources with inten-
it is a problem that needs to be solved, and this can sity. Last, engagement consists of a physical
be associated with negative affect; or, one can be component in the form of energy that can be directed
engaged in an activity that is joyful (Rothbard, toward a task.
2001). Likewise, authenticity implies that the
employee will express his or her true self at any point Sustaining Engagement
in time, as shown in Kahn’s (1990, 1992) ethno- Although up to this point we have concentrated
graphic studies of architecture workers and camp solely on engagement as a static construct, there is a
counselors. For example, Kahn found that an dynamic and temporal aspect of work engagement
engaged senior designer at an architecture firm that should be examined as well. Questions of
empathized with other people’s positive or negative whether individuals can sustain high levels of
feelings, whereas a disengaged camp counselor engagement over time are critical to explore. Indeed,
became bland and superficial in addressing her in one recent study of state engagement, being too
campers (i.e., exhibiting affective neutrality). In engaged in work led to greater work–family inter-
these examples, engagement as represented in the ference (Halbesleben, Harvey, & Bolino, 2009),
senior designer example was expressed both as posi- suggesting that there can be negative consequences
tive and negative affectivity, whereas disengagement of excessive focus on work. How, then, can engage-
was expressed as affective neutrality. The notion that ment be effectively harnessed over time? Drazin,
engagement is conceptually distinct from positive Glynn, and Kazanjian (1999) developed a theoreti-
and negative affectivity is an important one that cal argument about creative engagement at the
should be taken seriously in future work on engage- group level and suggested that it is the shifts in (as
ment as it has powerful implications for the out- opposed to sustained) engagement that are most
comes of engagement. As we briefly discussed in the beneficial for creativity. In contrast to being the
previous section, engagement that is associated with opposite of burnout, sustained engagement could
positive affect can lead to quite different outcomes possibly lead to negative effects such as burnout
from engagement associated with negative outcomes (Kunda, 1992). Particularly with respect to groups
(Rothbard, 2001). with high collective engagement, individuals may
Additionally, in defining engagement, we want alternate between episodes of intense individual
to reiterate that engagement is conceptually dis- work/concentration and downtime. In a recent
tinct from burnout and not simply the opposite study of software development teams, Metiu and
of burnout. Although burnout is characterized Rothbard (working paper) found that individuals
by exhaustion, cynicism, and a decline in efficacy were highly engaged, but took “time-outs,” breaks
for a prolonged period of time (Schaufeli & Bakker, to replenish their energy and refocus. Such time-
2004), engagement represents a different moti- outs led to increased engagement and thus increased
vational construct that involves a proactive gar- performance on the project team.
nering and application of resources to fully This notion that periods of disengagement or
concentrate and dedicate oneself to a certain task. breaks can sustain engagement over time is consis-
This conceptual distinction is especially important tent with research on recovery experiences (i.e.,
as too much engagement could potentially lead respite) and work engagement. For example, in a
to burnout. We will continue this discussion of study of 527 Finnish employees, Sonnentag and
60 work e n g ag e m e n t
Fritz (2007) found that employees who tend to Engagement and Positive Organizational
disconnect from their jobs when not at work are Scholarship
more likely to exhibit work engagement (Sonnentag, Having defined what we mean by engagement—
Niessen, & Neff, 2010). In Chapter 66 of this one’s psychological presence in a role—we next con-
Handbook, Sonnentag, Niessen, and Neff discuss sider why engagement has the potential to contribute
additional studies (e.g., Kuhnel & Sonnentag, in to POS. Engagement in a role is thought to lead
press; Sonnentag, 2003; Sonnentag & Bayer, 2005; individuals to do their work in a way that better
Sonnentag, Binnewies, & Mojza, in press; Westman, supports organizational effectiveness (Kahn, 1992;
1999) that consistently demonstrate that psycho- Saks, 2008). In some research, this has been taken
logical detachment from work can foster increased to mean that engagement leads people to do what
engagement with work over time. they are supposed to do in their roles better (Kahn,
The concept of breaks is also consistent with 1992; Saks, 2008), whereas in other research,
other research on the effects of scheduled down- engagement has been thought to lead employees to
time, social interactions with colleagues (Hollander, engage in discretionary behaviors beyond what they
1958), and informal joking (Bechky, 2006). Of are supposed to do in their roles (e.g., Bakker,
course, in some groups, downtime is informally and Demerouti, & Verbeke, 2004; Macey & Schneider,
naturally induced by group members to prevent 2008). Both of these outcomes are central to further
boredom (Roy, 1959), whereas in other groups, developing POS.
downtime needs to be mandated or encouraged We illustrate how engagement, as a construct,
by management. Recent research on redesigning fits into a positive view of organizational behavior
the workday advocates forced intermittent down- by discussing the link between the psychological
time (Elsbach & Hargadon, 2006), which chal- state of engagement and several behavioral out-
lenges the general notion that job complexity at all comes, especially those highly relevant to POS
times is a requirement for creativity (Oldham & scholars. Additionally, we discuss what managers
Cummings, 1996). Levinthal and Rerup (2006) can do to promote employee engagement in their
also discuss an analogous process of mindlessness workplaces, and therefore increase the likelihood
(synonymous with disengagement) and mindfulness that several positive behaviors will be exhibited by
(synonymous with engagement) that follows a tem- employees.
poral approach. Interruptions in mindlessness
lead to consciousness and then the subsequent Engagement’s Link to Positive Behavioral
adoption of new routines, a form of creativity (Cyert Outcomes
& March, 1963). In the preceding discussion, we have discussed
In addition to the importance of recovery engagement as a psychological state—conceptu-
and respite for energy replenishment at the general alizing engagement as the manner or process in
work and personal-being levels (Fritz & Sonnentag; which work is conducted, not as a behavioral out-
2005; Halbesleben, Harvey, & Bolino, 2009), come (Saks, 2008; cf. Macey & Schneider, 2008).
scholars have also demonstrated the importance of Investigating the behavioral outcomes of engage-
respite at the task level. For example, experimental ment is critically important to further understand
research has shown that disengaging from a core the benefits of the engagement construct for schol-
work problem and engaging in a distracting task arly research and the broader practical implications
is associated with better decision making on the of engagement in today’s workplace. In other words,
initial set of complex problems (Dijksterhuis, Bos, what are the behavioral benefits of highly engaged
Nordgren, & Van Baaren, 2006). Moreover, research employees? In the following section, we discuss sev-
finds that creative breakthroughs often occur after a eral possible behaviors that may result from greater
break that follows an intense period of concentra- psychological engagement in work.
tion because the break provides time for subcon- One key reason why engagement has captured
scious processing of the problem (Csikszentmihalyi the interests of scholars and managers is that across
& Sawyer, 1995). Thus, it is important for future a wide array of studies using different operational-
research to conceptualize engagement, not as a con- izations of engagement, many studies have demon-
tinuous process filled with constant intensity, but strated a positive relationship between engagement
rather as a noncontinuous process with intermittent and performance. Specifically, engagement has been
exhibitions of disengagement followed by renewed linked to increased in-role (Schaufeli, Taris, &
focus. Bakker, 2006) and extra-role behaviors (Macey &
roth ba rd , patil 61
Schneider, 2008; Bakker, Demerouti, & Verbeke, However, when interdependence is high, individual
2004). This translates into increased productivity work engagement alone may not be enough to
and efficiency in increasingly competitive global sustain group outcomes such as better team coordi-
work environments (Masson, Royal, Agnew, & nation, cooperation, and unification. Indeed,
Fine, 2008). Along these lines, engagement has been individual engagement may be a necessary but
shown to lead to a variety of positive behaviors— insufficient condition that needs to be coupled with
increased task performance and exhibition of shared and inspiring goals, identification with the
organizational citizenship behaviors (Rich et al., group, and patterns of relational interaction that
2010), enhanced overall performance (Bakker & support such group-level outcomes (Metiu &
Demerouti, 2008; Schaufeli & Salanova, 2007), Rothbard, working paper).
specific business-unit (Harter, Schmidt, & Hayes, In addition to contextual moderators, the rela-
2002) and client-related performance (Salanova, tionship between engagement and behaviors can be
Agut, & Peiro, 2005), and client satisfaction (Bakker affected by which subcomponent of engagement
& Demerouti, 2008). Last, Metiu and Rothbard is primarily activated. Engagement is defined as
(working paper) show that individual engagement people’s focus of attention, their absorption, and
can lead to group-level collective energy, in the form their available energy directed toward work-related
of mutual focus of attention, intensity of interac- tasks. Attention captures both an inward and out-
tions among team members, increased coworker ward focus and is likely to lead to better task perfor-
motivation, and positive interaction rituals. mance and impression management. In particular,
The context or situation, such as the team or Rothbard and Wilk (working paper) find that
organization in which an individual works, can also employee attention, but not absorption, is signifi-
moderate the effects of engagement on various cantly related to supervisors’ perceptions of the
behaviors. In other words, engagement may lead to employee’s engagement. This is perhaps because
different behavioral outcomes depending on the attentive employees are vigilant about their task, but
context. For example, Griffin, Parker, and Neal also about the workplace around them and may be
(2008) identify two key contextual moderators: more likely to engage in impression management
uncertainty and interdependence. Under conditions techniques to control other’s perceptions of them
of uncertainty, inputs, processes, and outputs of than those who are less attentive or than those who
work systems lack predictability. In such situations, are highly absorbed in their work. Indeed, the items
engagement may lead individuals to be more respon- often used to measure absorption refer to being
sive and adaptive to change (Griffin et al., 2008; engrossed and losing track of time. Absorption, the
Saks, 2006) because they are vigilant and attentive second component of engagement, has an inward
to their work. Moreover, the focus of attention and focus, and while it may not lead to better impres-
cognitive availability of engaged employees may sion management and perceived performance
lead them to enact more proactive or anticipatory (Rothbard & Wilk, working paper), it may very
behaviors (Grant & Ashford, 2008) that can assist well lead to greater creativity, which can benefit
in dynamically creating emergent roles that are nec- from more solitary and intense idea generation
essary for dealing with change and uncertainty (Griffin et al., 2008). The proposed relationship
(Saks, 2008). Thus, under conditions of uncertainty, between absorption and creativity is similar to the
engagement may lead to more proactive and adap- studies on independent brainstorming and idea
tive behaviors. In contrast, under conditions of cer- generation, in which production of ideas is greater
tainty, expectations are clear and predictable, and when individuals work alone to brainstorm (Diehl
thus, engagement is likely to lead to better team and & Stroebe, 1987). Individuals who are absorbed in
individual task performance because an individual’s their work and working alone may be less likely to
focus of attention can be directed toward the core engage in negative social behaviors such as social
tasks that comprise the job. loafing (Diehl & Stroebe, 1987) and groupthink
A second contextual moderator of the effects of (Aldag & Fuller, 1993), thus increasing their
engagement on behavioral outcomes is interdepen- concentration and subsequent creativity.
dence, in which individuals need to cooperate and Last, engagement is characterized by high energy.
coordinate in order to achieve shared goals (Bond & This high energy may fuel extra-role, proactive
Smith, 1996). When interdependence is low, simi- behaviors (Grant & Ashford, 2008), such as organi-
lar to situations of certainty and stability, engage- zational citizenship behaviors (Organ, 1988), seek-
ment can lead to better individual task performance. ing feedback (Ashford, Blatt, & VandeWalle, 2003),
62 work e n g ag e m e n t
taking initiative in pursuing personal and organiza- 2009); and overall poor psychological and physical
tional goals (Frese & Fay, 2001), expressing voice well-being (Burke & Matthiesen, 2004). Moreover,
(LePine & Van Dyne, 2001), taking charge workaholics have been shown to have long-term
(Morrison & Phelps, 1999), and crafting jobs health problems and suffer from eventual burnout
(Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001). Such proactive (Piotrowski & Vodanovich, 2008). Importantly, we
behaviors may require “extra” energy outside of that view the relationship between work engagement
which is required for the completion of specified and workaholism as correlational and not causal.
tasks, and highly engaged employees who have The antecedents of workaholism are distinct from
greater amounts of energy may be more capable of engagement, but if engagement is associated with
meeting those “extra” energy requirements. workaholic behaviors, then deleterious outcomes
may result.
The Downside to Engagement: Burnout and
Workaholism What Managers Can Do to Increase
Although engagement can lead to many positive Engagement
behavioral outcomes, as we have discussed above, it If engagement is likely to lead to several positive
is important to acknowledge that there may be behaviors, it is important for us to understand what
downsides to engagement. In particular, there may managers can do to encourage greater engagement
be detrimental effects of too much engagement, while recognizing the importance of respite and
without the opportunity for recovery and respite. recovery. First, a key factor for increasing work
Indeed, too much work engagement may result in engagement is psychological safety (Kahn, 1990).
both burnout and workaholism, an extreme, nega- Psychological safety refers to being able to employ
tive form of engagement. one’s self without fear of negative consequences to
First, there may be an upper limit for how self-image, status, or career—it allows an employee
engaged individuals can be without having effects or team member to engage in interpersonal risk-
on strain, time allocation, and functioning in other taking (Edmondson, 1999). When employees per-
roles. Recent research, drawing on conservation of ceive psychological safety, they are less likely to be
resources theory, shows that, for some employees, distracted by negative emotions such as fear, which
being highly engaged at work is associated with stem from worrying about controlling perceptions
greater work–family and strain-based conflict of managers and colleagues. In addition to being a
(Halbesleben, Harvey, & Bolino, 2009). Moreover, significant distraction, dealing with fear requires
if engagement leads to negative affect in a particular intense emotional regulation (Barsade, Brief, &
situation, even a moderate level of engagement may Spataro, 2003), which takes away from the ability of
be depleting, leading to lower levels of attention, an individual to fully immerse him or herself in his
absorption, and energy overall (Rothbard, 2001). or her work tasks. Psychological safety, on the other
Second, too much engagement at work may be hand, decreases such distracters and allows an
evidenced by workaholics, who tend to be very employee to expend his or her energy toward being
absorbed and attentive employees who are devoted absorbed and attentive to work tasks. Managers can
to their jobs, often working long hours without initiate psychological safety in the workplace by
breaks. When engagement is associated with the introducing effective structural features, such as
pressing, almost addicting need to work (Bonebright, coaching leadership and context support (Hackman,
Clay, & Ankenmann, 2000) and the sacrifice of 1987). Team leader behavior can greatly influence
family and social lives for the sake of work, it may the behavior of members, leading to greater trust
lead to negative outcomes for the individual. (Tyler & Lind, 1992). Supportive, coaching-
However, it is important to note that there is an oriented, and nondefensive responses to employee
important distinction between engagement and concerns and questions can lead to heightened feel-
workaholism. Although engagement is an intermit- ings of security, as opposed to authoritarian and
tent motivational state, workaholism is a stable, punitive leadership (Edmondson, 1996). Autonomy,
steady, and sustained outlook on work. This is why especially in decision-making (Salanova, Agut, &
workaholism has been shown to lead to poor mental Peiro, 2005), and feedback from coaches (in the
health; extreme perfectionism (and decreased self- form of information and rewards) also leads to such
esteem for not reaching high goals); social and rela- safety (Bakker & Demerouti, 2008; Edmondson,
tionship problems, particularly with respect to 1999; May, Gilson, & Harter, 2004) and conse-
work–family conflict (Bakker, Demerouti, & Burke, quently increased work engagement.
roth ba rd , patil 63
A second factor for increasing work engagement self-conscious about how other people are perceiv-
is the balance between the demands and resources ing or judging them (Kahn, 1990). Employees also
that an employee has. Job demands often stem from gain increased control and efficacy when they per-
time pressures, high-priority work, shift work, and ceive that they are receiving important returns on
physical demands. Both demands and resources their physical, cognitive, and emotional investments
can increase engagement, but it is important that (Kahn, 1990). Managers can attain this by increas-
employees perceive that they have sufficient resources ing the significance of their task (i.e., the extent to
to deal with their work demands (Rich et al., 2010). which the job improves the welfare of others
Challenging demands require that employees be (Hackman & Oldham, 1976)). When employees
more attentive and absorbed, and direct more energy see their tasks as significant, they feel that their own
toward their work. These high demands can often be actions are improving the welfare of others (Grant,
an energizing force themselves, by helping employees 2007, 2008; Small & Loewenstein, 2003). Finally,
achieve their goals and by stimulating their personal core self-evaluations can be enhanced by increasing
growth (Bakker & Demerouti, 2008). But, such an employee’s identity with his or her role (May
energy will be depleting, if employees perceive that et al., 2004). This can be done by increasing
they do not have enough control to tackle these employee opportunities for job enrichment and
challenging demands (Karasek, 1979). Perceived increasing the internalization of organizational
control is increased with the granting of sufficient goals, so that employees perceive deep meaning in
resources, such as managerial and collegial support. their work. By increasing employee core self-evalua-
Similar to the effects of psychological safety, ade- tions, managers are ensuring that employees will
quate resources ensure that employees are not hin- want to intrinsically feel motivated to engage in their
dered by distracters that can limit the attention, work, and will feel they are capable of exerting such
absorption, and energy that they put toward their high energy in their jobs.
work. Sufficient resources are thus especially crucial
to sustaining a positive level of engagement that Future Directions
does not eventually lead to discouragement or burn- Throughout this chapter, we have mentioned numer-
out. The relationship between adequate resources ous directions for future research on work engage-
and engagement has been discussed by Demerouti, ment. Because engagement is a psychological state
Bakker, Nachreiner, and Schaufeli’s (2001) Job that focuses on attention, absorption, and energy
Demand–Resources (JD-R) occupational stress directed toward work, we see this construct as an
model, which suggests that job demands that force important and central one for research in organiza-
employees to be attentive and absorbed can be tional behavior and positive organizational behavior,
depleting, if not coupled with adequate resources. in particular. To push forward research in this area,
The relationship has also been evidenced in a 2-year we focus on six issues that warrant more attention.
longitudinal study of Finnish health care workers:
Having adequate job resources was a strong predic- Measuring Engagement
tor of work engagement (Mauno, Kinnunen, & We have discussed several approaches that scholars
Ruokolainen, 2007; also see Hakanen, Bakker, & have used to measure engagement and the bene-
Schaufeli, 2006 and Salanova & Schaufeli, 2008). fits and drawbacks of each. We suggest that research-
Therefore, managers should ensure that the resources ers continue to explore multiple dimensions of
they provide for their employees are commensurate engagement, but focus on the three subcomponents
with the demands placed on them. shown in Appendix 5.1 (attention, absorption, and
Another set of factors that are critical for increas- energy).
ing work engagement involve core self-evaluations
and self-concept (Judge & Bono, 2001). Self-esteem, Subcomponents of Engagement
efficacy, locus of control, identity, and perceived Similarly, given that some empirical evidence also
social impact may be critical drivers of an individu- suggests that the specific subcomponents of engage-
al’s psychological availability as evident in the atten- ment have different effects on behavioral outcomes,
tion, absorption, and energy directed toward their we propose that future research look more closely at
work. Self-esteem and efficacy are enhanced by these relationships. For example, it is possible that
increasing employees’ general confidence in their intense absorption is coupled with decreased impres-
abilities (Rich et al., 2010), which in turn assists in sion management behaviors, such as boasting about
making them feel secure about themselves and less one’s accomplishments (Ferris, Judge, Rowland, &
64 work e n g ag e m e n t
Fitzgibbons, 1994), which causes managers to per- Longitudinal Designs
ceive absorbed employees less positively (Rothbard In discussing several potential antecedents and con-
& Wilk, working paper). On the other hand, atten- sequences of engagement, such as organizational
tive employees are perhaps more vigilant about their commitment, job satisfaction, and role perfor-
task and the workplace around them, making them mance, we noted that it is highly likely that these
more likely to engage in impression management constructs relate to one another in a dynamic fash-
techniques to control other’s perceptions of them. ion, such that they are reciprocally related to engage-
High energy, the third component of engagement, ment. Figure 5.1 provides a diagram of these
may be related to other behaviors, such as proactive proposed relationships. However, future research
behaviors that require “extra energy.” Thus, we should examine these dynamic relationships empiri-
encourage future scholars to examine the outcomes cally to help us better understand the role that
that result from each of the subcomponents of engagement plays as a process linking important
engagement, rather than simply aggregating them organizational antecedents and outcomes. An
into an overarching construct, unless they do indeed important way to do so is to examine the relation-
operate similarly. ships between engagement and related constructs
over time. We encourage scholars to utilize longitu-
Contextual Moderators dinal designs to examine the ebb and flow of engage-
We have discussed a few contextual moderators of ment in future research. It would also be interesting
the relationship between engagement and behav- to explore if and how each of the subcomponents of
iors; namely, uncertainty and interdependence engagement—attention, absorption, and energy—
(Griffin et al., 2008). We encourage scholars to are affected over time and in similar or different
continue to search for additional contextual mod- ways.
erators of the relationship between engagement and
behavioral outcomes. Some potential moderators Levels of Analysis
include task-related moderators, such as routine Most research on engagement to date has exam-
versus creative or complex work assignments; ined it as an individual-level construct; however,
group-related moderators, such as temporary versus engagement can also be exhibited at the group
permanent work groups; and organization-related and organizational levels of analysis. At the group-
moderators, such as security and psychological level of analysis, very recent empirical work (Metiu
safety that might result from downsizing versus & Rothbard, working paper) demonstrates the
job-secure organizations. nonadditive effects (Hertel, Kerr, & Messe, 2000;
Moderators:
• Intermittent breaks
Person-specific attitudes: • Context:
• Organizational Uncertainty
commitment Interdependence
• Job satisfaction
• Job involvement ENGAGEMENT
• Core-self evaluations
• Efficacy Attention
• Role identity
• Task/job Absorption
meaningfulness
Energy
Behaviors:
Task-specific factors:
• In-role performance
• Balanced • Extra-role performance
resources/demands • OCB
• Psychological safety • Proactivity
• Adaptivity
• Creativity
• Client satisfaction
roth ba rd , patil 65
Kohler, 1926) of individual engagement on group Bond, R.A., & Smith, P.B. (1996). Culture and conformity:
engagement for a team working on a complex task. A meta-analysis of studies using Asch’s (1952, 1956) line
judgment task. Psychological Bulletin, 119, 111–137.
However, more work needs to be done to under- Bonebright, C.A., Clay, D.L., & Ankenmann, R.D. (2000). The
stand what the antecedents and consequences of relationship of workaholism with work-life conflict, life satis-
engagement at the individual, group, and organiza- faction, and purpose in life. Journal of Counseling Psychology,
tional levels are. 47(4), 469–477.
Brown, S.P., & Leigh, T.W. (1996). A new look at psychological
climate and its relationship to job involvement, effort, and
Conclusion performance. Journal of Applied Psychology, 81, 358–368.
Work engagement is an important construct that can Burke, R.J., & Matthiesen, S.B. (2004). Workaholism among
lead to a number of positive outcomes, such as in- Norwegian journalists: Antecedents and consequences. Stress
role and extra-role performance, client satisfaction, and Health, 20, 301–308.
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burnout, depletion, or distraction. We encourage firm. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
scholars interested in studying engagement in the Demerouti, E., Bakker, A.B., Nachreiner, F., & Schaufeli, W.B.
(2001). The job demands-resources model of burnout.
future to investigate the contextual moderators that Journal of Applied Psychology, 86(3), 499–512.
affect the relationship between engagement and Diehl, M., & Stroebe, W. (1987). Productivity loss in brain-
employee behavior and to examine the differential storming groups: Toward the solution of a riddle. Journal of
effects of the components of engagement: attention, Personality and Social Psychology, 53(3), 497–509.
absorption, and energy. It is an exciting time to be Dijksterhuis, A., Bos, M.W., Nordgren, L.F., & van Baaren, R.B.
(2006). On making the right choice: The deliberation-
engaged in research on engagement. without-attention effect. Science, 311, 1005–1007.
Drazin, R., Glynn, M.A., & Kazanjian, R.K. (1999). Multilevel
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68 work e n g ag e m e n t
Appendix 5.1
Absorption
(from Rothbard, 2001)
When I am working, I often lose track of time.
I often get carried away by what I am working on.
When I am working, I am completely engrossed by my work.
When I am working, I am totally absorbed by it.
Nothing can distract me when I am working.
Energy
(from Rich, LePine, & Crawford, 2010)
I work with intensity on my job.
I exert my full effort to my job.
I devote a lot of energy to my job.
I try my hardest to perform well on my job.
I strive as hard as I can to complete my job.
I exert a lot of energy on my job.
roth ba rd , patil 69
C HA P T E R
Abstract
This chapter develops a more comprehensive theory of positive identity construction by explicating
proposed mechanisms for constructing and sustaining positive individual identities. The chapter offers a
broad, illustrative sampling of mechanisms for positive identity construction that are grounded in
various theoretical traditions within identity scholarship. Four classical theories of identity—social
identity theory, identity theory, narrative-as-identity, and identity work—offer perspectives on the
impetus and mechanisms for positive identity construction. The Dutton et al. (2010) typology of
positive identity is revisited to highlight those sources of positivity that each classical theory explains
how to enhance. As a next step in research, positive organizational scholarship (POS) scholars and
identity scholars are encouraged to examine the conditions under which increasing the positivity of an
identity is associated with generative social outcomes (e.g., engaging in prosocial practices, being
invested in others’ positive identity development, and deepening mutual understanding of the complex,
multifaceted nature of identity).
Keywords: Identity, positive identity, identity construction, positive organizational scholarship,
generative outcomes
Identities situate an entity within a social world discern what might be “positive” about identity. The
through the construction of defining characteristics POS lens on “positive identity” reflects an inten-
and relationships with other entities; they also evoke tional inquiry into the sources of positivity for
a set of cognitions, feelings, and behaviors that are identity and the mechanisms for positive
associated with such characteristics and relationships. identity construction. Building upon the body of
The study of identity reveals the meaning and signifi- work on positive identities and organizations (see
cance of such self-relevant constructions for both Dutton, Roberts, & Bednar, 2010; Roberts &
individuals and organizations. In this chapter, we Dutton, 2009), we first describe the various ways in
explore the intersection between positive organiza- which an individual might derive a positive sense of
tional scholarship (POS) and individual identities. self at work. We then examine the proposed mecha-
Within the vast domain of identity research, nisms for constructing and sustaining positive
general agreement exists that most individuals seek individual identities that are embedded in theoreti-
to hold positive self-views (Gecas, 1982), desire to be cal approaches toward the study of identity in orga-
viewed positively by others (Swann, Pelham, & Krull, nizations. Each of the classical theories of identity
1989), and, as a result, seek to construct positive that we review—social identity theory, identity
identities—those that consist of a self-definition that theory, narrative-as-identity, and identity work—
is favorable or valuable in some way (Dutton & offers a perspective on the ways in which positive
Roberts, 2009). Yet, the vast amount of research identities are shaped, formed, organized, constructed,
in the identity domain has also made it difficult to evaluated, and/or maintained. Following this review,
70
we offer guiding principles and driving questions when the multiple facets of the identity are in bal-
from the POS approach to inquiry that might anced and/or complementary relationship with one
illuminate generative mechanisms for positive another, rather than in tension or conflict with one
identity construction, whereby mutual growth, another (see Cheng, Sanchez-Burks, & Lee, 2008;
enhancement, and shared empowerment co-occur Kreiner, Hollensbe, & Sheep, 2006; Powell &
as a person views herself as more virtuous, worthy, Greenhaus, 2010).
evolving, adapting, balanced, and coherent. In the next section, we turn to four prominent
theoretical approaches to identity in organizational
What Is a Positive Identity? studies that unearth potential mechanisms for enhanc-
Dutton et al. (2010) synthesized literature on ing one’s sense of self as virtuous, favorably regarded,
identity in organizations into a four-part typology progressive, adaptive, balanced, and “whole.” We refer
that answers the question, “What makes a work- to these theoretical approaches as “classical theories
related identity positive?” We briefly summarize this of identity,” due to their well-established trajectories
typology below, as it provides an important review of conceptual and empirical scholarship.
and synthesis of potential sources of positivity in
work-related identities. We point readers to the full Classical Theories of Identity
elaboration of each perspective in the Dutton et al. Classical theories of identity—social identity theory,
(2010) review article. identity theory, narrative-as-identity, and identity
The four-part typology includes the virtue work—suggest several different mechanisms through
perspective, the evaluative perspective, the develop- which individuals construct positive identities. By
mental perspective, and the structural perspective, “mechanism” we refer to “a process that explains an
each of which highlights a different source of posi- observed relationship . . . how and/or why one thing
tivity. According to the virtue perspective, an leads to another” (Anderson et al., 2006; see also
identity is positive when it is infused with the quali- Hedstrom & Swedberg, 1998). In this section, we
ties associated with people of good character, such discuss each of the classical theories, identifying the
as “master virtues” (Park & Peterson, 2003) like different mechanisms for positive identity construc-
wisdom, integrity, courage, justice, transcendence, tion that theory proposes. We do not attempt to pro-
redemption, and resilience. The evaluative perspec- vide an exhaustive list of possible mechanisms for
tive focuses on the regard in which individuals hold positive identity construction, but rather aim to offer
their personal identity (i.e., as an individual), rela- a broad, illustrative sampling of mechanisms that are
tional identity (i.e., as a member of a relationship), grounded in various theoretical traditions within
and social identities (i.e., as members of social identity scholarship. Throughout this section, we also
groups). According to this perspective, an identity is revisit the typology proposed by Dutton et al. (2010)
positive when it is regarded favorably by the indi- in order to establish clearer linkages among past and
vidual who holds it and/or by referent others who current perspectives on positive identity, in hopes of
regard the identity favorably. The developmental developing a more comprehensive theory of positive
perspective focuses on changes in identity over time identity that highlights the sources of positivity each
and assumes that identity is capable of progress and theory explains how to enhance.
adaptation. The developmental perspective asserts We chose to focus on these four theoretical perspec-
that an identity is positive when it progresses toward tives because they offer varied accounts of the nature,
a higher-order stage of development (for an example, origin, and influences of identity, yet they hold in
see Hall’s [2002] description of progress through common the core assumption that individuals pos-
distinct career stages). The developmental perspec- sess a certain degree of agency in defining them-
tive also asserts that an identity is positive when the selves in “positive” ways. Given our primary interest in
individual defines him- or herself in a way that gener- how individuals co-construct positive identities at
ates fit between the content of the identity and inter- work, our review does not feature theoretical per-
nal or external standards (e.g., adapting to new roles spectives that view identity as essentially rigid, struc-
at work, see Ibarra [1999]; resisting stigmatization and turally bound, narrowly defined, and/or exploitative.
oppression, see Creed, DeJordy & Lok [2010] and However, our account of positive identity construction
Meyerson & Scully [1995]). The structural perspec- does feature explanatory mechanisms for coping
tive focuses on the ways in which the self-concept with devaluation, stigmatization, and oppression, as
is organized. Research fitting this perspective asserts well as those mechanisms for cultivating more positive
that an individual’s identity structure is more positive identities that are not catalyzed by identity threat.
ro berts, c rea ry 71
Table 6.1 Positive identity construction
Impetus for Construction Mechanism of Construction Effect on Self-views
Social 1. Group identification → Pursue optimal distinctiveness → More Positive identity structure
Identity and identity evaluation
Theory 2. Categorizing into → Make favorable self-enhancing → More Positive identity evaluation
social groups comparisons
3. Identity devaluation → Enhance social valuation of → More Positive identity evaluation
identity
Identity 1. Role–identity mismatch → Align actions with expectations → More Positive sense of adaptation
Theory and identity structure
2. Identity activation/salience → Prioritize identities → More Positive identity structure
3. Identity conflict → Segment or integrate identities → More Positive identity structure
Narrative- 1. Identity transition → Integrate life experiences → More Positive identity structure
as-Identity across time
2. Unexpected, untimely, → Craft narratives of growth → More Positive sense of
involuntary, or uncertain development
circumstances
Identity 1. Stereotyping → Engage in agentic identity → More Positive identity evaluation
Work performance and identity structure
2. Desire for authenticity → Engage in agentic identity → More Positive identity evaluation
performance and identity structure
3. Desire for social validation → Negotiate identity through → More Positive identity evaluation,
claiming and granting identity structure, and sense of
self as virtuous
Table 6.1 gives an overview of each of the classi- social consensus about the evaluation of his group
cal theories of identity according to the impetus for and of his membership in it with other group
positive identity construction, proposed mecha- members (Tajfel & Turner, 1979).
nisms for positive identity construction, and the
effect these behaviors have on self-views. proposed mechanisms for positive
identity construction
Social Identity Theory Pursue Optimal Distinctiveness
core assumptions about identity Group memberships provide opportunities for optimal
Social identity theorists purport that individuals distinctiveness (Brewer, 1991); people experience
belong to multiple social categories, including those belonging and differentiation simultaneously, as
inclusive of organizational membership, race/ they define themselves as similar to their in-group,
ethnicity, gender, and age cohort (Ashforth & Mael, yet distinct in positive ways from members of other
1989). Through self-categorization, individuals seg- groups. Optimal distinctiveness elevates self-esteem
ment, classify, and order the social environment and and thus fosters more positive identity evaluations
their place in it (Turner, 1987). According to (Brewer, 1991). Kreiner, Hollensbe, and Sheep’s
researchers, the existence of a social identity consti- (2006) study of Episcopal priests suggests a link
tutes both a person’s knowledge that he or she between optimal distinctiveness and positive iden-
belongs to a social group or category (Tajfel & tity structures. They detail several boundary work
Turner, 1979) and the feelings associated with that tactics that priests employ to identify strongly with
membership. A social category is represented in the their vocation, but protect their personal identity
self-concept as a social identity that both describes from being overpowered by their professional
and prescribes how one should think, feel, and demands. The priests’ continued pursuit of optimal
behave as a member of that social group (Hogg, distinctiveness helps to increase the positivity of
Terry, & White, 1995; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). As a their identity structures by balancing their needs
member of a social group, an individual shares some for belonging and differentiation. Thus, optimal
degree of emotional involvement in and degree of distinctiveness research helps to explain how group
ro berts, c rea ry 73
workplace; they describe how individuals derive a adopt a prior identity to support the development
sense of self from their various role-based interper- of a new identity that is less secure (e.g., a new resi-
sonal relationships and how relational identities dent adopting the identity of a medical student).
shape patterns of interaction. These examples of alignment help to show how
The second strand of identity theory focuses on meeting role expectations fosters a sense of self as
the internal dynamics of self-processes that impact capable of adapting to internal and external demands
social behavior (Stryker & Burke, 2000; see also without subjugating self-interest to role expecta-
Burke, 1991; Burke & Reitzes, 1991; Burke & Stets, tions. In addition, aligning actions with role expec-
1999). Identities are thought of as “self-meanings” tations helps to negotiate potential conflicts within
that are attached to the multiple roles an individual one’s multifaceted self-concept, thus promoting the
performs and the meanings of an individuals’ behav- construction of positive identity structures.
ior (Stryker & Burke, 2000). For example, Burke
and Reitzes (1981) found that college students’ self- Prioritize Roles in the Salience Hierarchy
views of academic responsibility (a dimension of the The prioritization mechanism is a pathway to con-
student identity) were a strong predictor of college structing more positive identity structures by nego-
plans, suggesting that individuals will align their tiating and balancing multiple role demands.
behaviors with their sense of self when both factors According to identity theory, identities are orga-
share meaning. Both strands of identity theory hold nized in a salience hierarchy, such that an identity
in common the belief that external social structures that is higher in the salience hierarchy is more likely
and the structure of the self are inextricably linked to be invoked across a variety of situations (Stryker
(Stryker & Burke, 2000). & Burke, 2000). The salience of an identity reflects
commitment to the role relationships associated
proposed mechanisms for positive with that identity because an individual is more
identity construction likely to behave in accordance with an identity that
Align Actions with Role Expectations is higher in the salience hierarchy than one that is
This mechanism explains how behavioral congru- lower (Stryker & Burke, 2000). For example, Ragins
ence with role expectations cultivates more positive (2008) describes how social experiences can shape
identities according to the developmental and struc- the extent to which a person identifies him- or her-
tural perspectives. Given that the self is multifaceted self as a mentor (i.e., prioritizing the identity higher
and that individuals have as many identities as they in the salience hierarchy) and, consequently, can
have social roles (Stryker & Burke, 2000), it is increase commitment to performing acts consistent
important for individuals to align their actions and with the positively regarded mentor identity. Given
sense of self with the expectations of a given role. At the multitude of role expectations, identity theorists
times, people may experience a mismatch between purport that role prioritization may be important
role expectations and their sense of self. In response, for increasing the clarity of relational identities and
they may modify their behavior or expectations to commitment to varied role expectations (Ashforth,
increase alignment. For example, professionals who Harrison, & Corley, 2008). Thus, prioritization
experience a mismatch between their roles and their helps people cultivate more positive identity struc-
identities may customize or alter their identities to tures by shaping commitment to particular actions.
fit work demands (Pratt, Rockmann, & Kaufmann,
2006). Pratt et al. (2006) uncovered three types of Segment or Integrate Multiple Identities
identity customization processes that are used According to identity theory, a third mechanism for
among medical residents—identity enriching, iden- positive identity construction is to cognitively struc-
tity patching, and identity splinting. Identity enrich- ture the multiple facets of one’s own identities in
ing occurs when professionals deepen their ways that promote complementarity. Like the pri-
understanding of their professional identity without oritization mechanism, this mechanism is impor-
changing an identity structure (e.g., evolving defini- tant for reducing or preventing the internal identity
tions of what it means to be a physician). Identity conflicts that may arise when multiple identities are
patching occurs when professionals draw upon one not mutually reinforcing (Stryker, 2000). If the
identity to make sense of another identity, and when conflicting identities differ greatly in salience, then
professionals make sense of workplace situations by the identity higher in salience will be invoked.
changing their identities to fit how they do their However, if the conflicting identities reflect similar
jobs. Identity splinting occurs when professionals positions in the salience hierarchy, stress is likely
ro berts, c rea ry 75
developed narratives of growth that signaled a greater other three classical identity theories. Unlike cogni-
sense of empowerment and agency in crafting a ful- tive approaches to identity work (e.g., shifting
filling professional and personal life, even though the dimensions of comparison to evaluate one’s own
shift was brought on by an unexpected, untimely, or social identity more favorably, sense-making of past
involuntary circumstance. Thus, this mechanism experiences to story oneself in more positive ways),
suggests that, as people craft narratives of growth, behavioral techniques focus on active and rela-
they come to see themselves as evolving in positive tional sense-making processes that help individuals
ways, which forms a basis of positive identity from construct more positive identities.
the developmental point of view.
proposed mechanisms for positive
Identity Work identity construction
core assumptions about identity Engage in Agentic Identity Performance
Although social identity, identity theory, and narra- Identity performance involves proactively shaping
tive-as-identity approaches each offer perspectives others’ perceptions of one’s social group member-
on the socially constructed nature of the self, the ships and identification (Roberts & Roberts, 2007),
identity work approach develops this notion further which helps to increase the positivity of identity
to posit that the self emerges from the dynamism of evaluations and structures. Agentic identity perfor-
interaction with one’s social world. In the tradition mance may be a mechanism for positive identity
of symbolic interactionism, the identity work per- construction in two circumstances: when an indi-
spective includes a broad body of research on the vidual desires to increase his or her experience of
interpersonal nature of identity construction authentic engagement (see Roberts & Roberts,
(Stryker, 1980). The phrase “identity work” is often 2007, for a review); and when an individual seeks to
attributed to Snow and Anderson (1987), who counter negative stereotypes (see Roberts, 2005, for
defined identity work as “the range of activities indi- a review). For example, individuals often disclose
viduals engage in to create, present, and sustain per- their feelings about group membership and involve-
sonal identities that are congruent with and ment in social-identity group activities in order to
supportive of the self-concept” (p. 1348). In other communicate how important those identities are to
words, individuals do not simply respond to exter- their self-concept and daily living (Bell & Nkomo,
nal stimuli in developing positive identities, but are 2001; Meyerson & Scully; 1995; Roberts, Cha,
proactive agents in constructing socially validated Hewlin, & Settles, 2009). They may also educate
identities that reflect aspects they deem most central others about the inaccuracies of group stereotypes,
to their sense of self. hold themselves up as a positive exemplar who does
Identity work encompasses a range of agentic not embody the stereotypes, play into group stereo-
tactics that people employ to proactively shape the types to accrue social benefits, or avoid discussions
meaning or significance of their identity in a given of difference altogether (Creed & Scully, 2000; Ely,
context. The identity work perspective typically 1994; Roberts, Settles, & Jellison, 2008). These
illustrates the ways in which people respond to dis- attempts to claim or suppress identities occur via
crepancies or threats to their identities, such as those strategic self-presentation—visible displays of physi-
prompted by stereotyping, stigmatization, or legiti- cal appearance (hair, makeup, clothing, jewelry); use
macy challenges (Ashforth & Kreiner, 1999; of symbolic gestures to emphasize certain cultural
Branscombe, Ellemers, Spears, & Doosje, 1998; orientations (displaying photos or cultural artifacts,
Ibarra, 1999). However, recent scholarship on posi- engaging in cultural rituals); the use of strategic
tive identity also raises the possibility that “identity verbal disclosures to shape perceptions of compe-
work . . . is inspired by an entity’s desire to grow tence or fit; or the enactment of certain public affili-
and evolve rather than a need to maintain social ations (i.e., strategic socialization) (Bell, 1990; Clair
status or self-worth in the face of threat” (Roberts, et al., 2005; Roberts & Roberts, 2007). The central
Dutton, & Bednar, 2009, p. 510; see also Kreiner & insight from this body of work is that individuals
Sheep, 2009). Below, we highlight two identity take on an agentic role in constructing positive iden-
work mechanisms that have garnered consider- tities. Specifically, as individuals make strategic
able attention within the organizational psychol- choices about identity displays and disclosures (even
ogy and organizational behavior literatures. We in the case of coping with identity threat), they
focus here on distinct behavioral identity work increase the positivity of identity from the evaluative
mechanisms that are not explicitly addressed by the perspective by publicly claiming the identities they
ro berts, c rea ry 77
Each of the four classical theories suggests how we encourage scholars to develop theories of posi-
to construct identities that are more positive from a tive identity that more fully explicate how individu-
developmental perspective. Narratives of growth als develop and sustain socially validated, positive
capture an individual’s sense of evolving and becom- complex identities. We suggest that this underex-
ing stronger, wiser, more capable, or better in some plored mechanism is central to discovering how
way. Narratives of hope incorporate expectations of positive identities can enable people to build posi-
oneself and one’s circumstances becoming more tive relationships at work.
positive in the future. The emphasis on adaptive The structural perspective on positive identity
identity development is prevalent in role identity offers preliminary insight on this topic, as it
research. Identity customization tactics promote expounds upon the multifaceted nature of identity
adaptation through altering one’s thoughts and construction and the importance of viewing one’s
behaviors, so that they align with internal values various roles and identities as balanced and comple-
and situational expectations. mentary. Yet, research to date does not focus on how
The virtue perspective is least obvious in each of individuals develop a shared understanding of one
the proposed mechanisms for increasing the positiv- another as people who possess multiple identities.
ity of one’s identity. Although researchers do not Instead, identity theories typically focus on cogni-
explicitly document the impact of such mechanisms tive processes for simplifying one’s own identity
on defining oneself as virtuous in some way, certain structures (e.g., hierarchical ranking) and for sim-
mechanisms might be useful in constructing more plifying others’ identity structures (e.g., categoriza-
virtuous identities. For instance, identity work tion). Much of the popular identity research
could increase the likelihood that others will per- purports that identities are arranged according to a
ceive a person as virtuous (e.g., moral, authentic, presumed hierarchy of identity and then viewed in
compassionate, courageous, generous), which could terms of the most situationally salient identities, for
increase both positive evaluations and the positivity example, master statuses (Hughes, 1945) or distinc-
of virtuous identity content. Likewise, if one’s tive (token) identities (Kanter, 2003). Individuals
growth narrative includes the self-characterization of are said to be motivated to identify with one group
becoming more virtuous over time, narrative-as- in order to resolve the tensions of belonging and
identity theories will align with developmental views distinctiveness (as with optimal distinctiveness;
of positive identity. If an individual identifies with a Brewer, 1991). Classical perspectives also suggest
group or role that is viewed as noble, righteous, cou- that individuals will use segmentation tactics, such
rageous, or moral in some way, social identity theory as dis-identification (Steele, 1997) and compart-
and identity theory can inform our understanding of mentalization (Roccas & Brewer, 2002), to create
the construction of more virtuous identities. boundaries between identities (Ashforth & Mael,
1989), or use integration tactics, such as dual iden-
Future Directions tification (Hornsey & Hogg, 2000), superordinate
In this section, we offer two avenues for future categorization (Chatman, Polzer, Barsade, & Neale,
research in this domain that would help to further 1998), and hyphenation (Roccas & Brewer, 2002)
examine the mechanisms through which individu- to combine two or more identities so that they are
als cultivate more positive identities at work: con- no longer viewed as separate (Ashforth et al., 2009;
structing positive complex identities, and evaluating Caza & Wilson, 2009; Johnson et al., 2006; Russo,
the generative potential of mechanisms for positive Mattarelli, & Tagliaventi, 2008). The aforemen-
identity construction. tioned studies focus primarily on how individuals
structure their own identities into more positive
Constructing Positive Complex Identities ones, according to social identity theory and iden-
Workplace and social trends suggest that identity tity theory. Identity work’s emphasis on claiming–
complexity is becoming a more salient and central granting processes and self-verification offers little
issue for organizations and their members, since explanation of how individuals construct socially
the workplace is becoming increasingly diverse validated positive, complex identities. We believe
(Johnston & Packer, 1987), boundaries between this gap presents an opportunity for future research
work and nonwork roles are blurring (Ashforth, on positive identity construction.
2001), and personal and professional networks are Regardless of the cognitive structure of one’s
intersecting through online social networking sites. identity, we learn from identity work research that
To add another layer to positive identity research, individuals seek social validation for their own sense
ro berts, c rea ry 79
positive identities. This distinction is particularly Given that POS emphasizes a focus on individ-
important because some of the proposed mecha- ual and collective strengths, generative mechanisms,
nisms may be quite effective in increasing the posi- and positive outcomes, we suggest that it also intro-
tivity of one’s identity through cognitions and duces a higher standard for the conception of a
emotions, but may be disconnected from actual positive identity. Whereas psychologists might
practices that one would deem to be generative (i.e., emphasize how individual cognitions and emotions
growth-enhancing and beneficial in some way, gen- can meet self-focused needs (e.g., ego preservation,
erally producing a favorable impact on people or self-actualization), a POS perspective on positive
situations beyond one’s own self-interest). For identity invites scholars to consider also the exter-
example, one might successfully claim an identity as nalities of these mechanisms for the self and others
a “powerful leader” among her peers by manipulat- through the embodiment of generative practices at
ing and disempowering others, even while those work. For example, experimental research might
who are oppressed attempt to contest her leadership trigger various mechanisms of positive identity con-
position. As another example, a religious leader struction and then assess their impact on actors’ and
might consider himself exempt from the moral observers’ identities. Archival data might also pro-
consequences of his continued ethical violations vide rich illustrations of the varied mechanisms for
due to his ingrained growth narrative of forgiveness positive identity construction and their impact on
and redemption. The impact of these identity mech- social approval, performance, and social outcomes
anisms for reinforcing toxic behaviors must be (e.g., among political candidates, elected officials,
examined within a social context. and religious leaders).
An area of particular concern emerges from social Finally, we encourage scholars to extend beyond
identity theory, in which categorization processes these four identity research traditions to discover
prompt the elevation of one’s own reference group alternate mechanisms through which individuals
in comparison to others. This zero-sum equation for might cultivate a positive sense of self in organiza-
positive identity enhancement dictates that a person tional contexts other than those we have presented.
diminishes her regard for another individual or For example, Wrzesniewski’s (2011; Chapter 4)
group in order to elevate her own sense of relative chapter in this Handbook of POS on “callings”
worth. In order for one person’s identity becomes reviews how responding to “a meaningful beckon-
more positive, another’s must become less positive. ing toward activities that are morally, socially, and
This “zero-sum/better-than” view of positive iden- personally significant” (pp. 46) can increase one’s
tity construction directly counters Rev. Dr. Martin sense of self as a social contribution (i.e., virtuous
Luther King’s observation about the importance of identity) and elevate self-esteem (i.e., positive iden-
mutuality in building relationships across differ- tity evaluation). Composing a reflected best self-
ence. The famous civil rights leader stated that “all portrait (Roberts, Dutton, Spreitzer, Heaphy, &
[humans] are caught in an inescapable network of Quinn, 2005) is another mechanism for positive
mutuality, tied with a single garment of destiny, identity construction that helps people understand
[such that] I can never be what I ought to be until how to associate their own strengths (virtues and
you are what you ought to be.” The West African core competencies) with large- and small-scale gen-
proverb “I am, because we are” implies the erative contributions to society. Studies of prosocial
same equation of mutual interdependence in culti- behavior in work organizations also suggest that
vating positive identities. Positive organizational engaging in helping behavior (e.g., community ser-
scholarship research on relationships points to the vice, coming into contact with fundraising benefi-
importance of mutual regard in developing high- ciaries) can reinforce the construction of virtuous
quality connections, even across dimensions of dif- and favorably regarded identities (Dutton, Roberts,
ference (James & Davidson, 2007; Roberts, 2007; & Bednar, in press).
Stephens, Heaphy, & Dutton, 2011, Chapter 29). In conclusion, our broad, illustrative sampling
Ironically, the pursuit of positive identity cultiva- of mechanisms for positive identity construction
tion through relative comparisons can obstruct that are grounded in various classical and contem-
mutual regard, particularly during intergroup inter- porary theoretical traditions within identity schol-
actions. Social identity research often points to arship offers a set of perspectives whereby mutual
the self-enhancement motive as a root cause for growth, enhancement, and shared empowerment
in-group bias, out-group discrimination, and inter- co-occur as a person views herself as more virtuous,
group conflict (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). worthy, evolving, adapting, balanced, and coherent.
ro berts, c rea ry 81
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