The Dispositional Approach To Job Attitudes: A Lifetime Longitudinal Test

Author(s): Barry M. Staw, Nancy E. Bell, John A. Clausen

Source: Administrative Science Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Mar., 1986), pp. 56-77
Published by: Johnson Graduate School of Management, Cornell University
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2392766
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The Dispositional Recent debates between the job enrichment and social-
ApproachTo Job Atti- information-processing perspectives have led to a trend
toward greater situationalism in organizational research.
tudes: A LifetimeLongi- This paper, however, argues for a more dispositional
tudinalTest approach in which the role of the person is emphasized.
Using a longitudinal sample, measures of affective disposi-
BarryM. Staw, Nancy tion from as early as adolescence were used to predict job
E. Bell, and John A. attitudes in later life. Results showed that dispositional
Clausen measures significantly predicted job attitudes over a time
Universityof California, span of nearly fifty years. The implications of these find-
Berkeley ings are discussed in terms of both theories of job attitudes
and organizational development activities that attempt to
alter employee job satisfactions

Not only have hundredsof studies on job attitudesattempted

to outlinethe determinantsof job satisfaction,but theories
about how individualsrespondto work have been the center of
some of the most active controversiesin organizationalre-
search. Thisemphasis is understandable,given the importance
of job satisfactionto individualwelfare and its correlationwith
other outcomes (e.g., absenteeism and turnover)of concern to
organizations.
At present, the focus of job-attituderesearchrevolves around
the debate between job enrichmentand social-information-
processing theories. Drawingon Maslow's (1954) theoryof
individualneeds, advocates of job enrichmenthave arguedthat
most worktasks failto challenge individualsadequatelyor
fulfilltheirdesires for growthand stimulation,resultingin
widespreadworkdissatisfactionand unproductivebehavior
(e.g., Herzberg,1966; Hackmanand Oldham,1980; Lawler,
1982). Thus, by redesigningtask characteristics,it is posited,
individualscan become both satisfied and intrinsicallymoti-
vated on the job (Hackmanet al., 1975). So far,the job
enrichmentapproachhas received considerableempiricalsup-
port,althoughthe bulkof the data has come fromsurveys
using self-reportmeasures of both task characteristicsand job
attitudes, ratherthanfrom studies using objective measures of
job characteristics,(e.g., Taber,Beehr, and Walsh, 1985) or
well-documentedfield experiments (e.g., Goodman,1979).
Social-information-processing theory has made two key
attacks on the job-enrichmentapproach.First,need theories
were characterizedas ambiguousand unnecessary explana-
tions of workattitudes (Salancikand Pfeffer, 1977). Then,as a
replacementfor need fulfillment,social informationprocessing
was suggested as a mechanismthat determines whether
? 1986 by CornellUniversity. individualsrespond positivelyor negativelyto task situations
0001-8392/86/3101-0056/$1.00 (Salancikand Pfeffer, 1978). Ithas been arguedthat indi-
viduals'attitudesare not a functionof deep-seated needs but a
productof how people sociallyconstructthe worldaround
Thisresearchwas supportedinpartby
them. Thatis, because tasks are inherentlyambiguous,indi-
grantAG4178 fromthe NationalInstitute vidualsmay interpretthem inways that are dictated by the
of Agingto the Instituteof HumanDe- context and meaningof theirown actions. Thus, any informa-
velopment(JohnClausen,principalinvesti- tion that a task is interesting(perhapsprovidedby others or
gator)andby a Universityof California
facultyresearchgrantto BarryStaw. Cor- throughthe observationof one's own behaviorin its social
respondenceregardingthis papershould context) could be as strong an influenceon job attitudes as the
be sent to BarryM. Staw, Schoolof Busi-
ness Administration, Universityof Califor- objective propertiesof the task. Validationof the social-
nia,Berkeley,CA94720. information-processing theory has come most directlyfrom
56/AdministrativeScience Quarterly,31 (1986): 56-77
Job Attitudes

laboratorystudies inwhich manipulatedopinionsof others

were shown to influencetask satisfaction(O'Reillyand Cald-
well, 1979; Whiteand Mitchell,1979; Weiss and Shaw, 1979)
and indirectlyfromexperimentson overjustificationthat show
the interactionof intrinsicand extrinsicrewardson task atti-
tudes (e.g., Deci, 1975; Lepper,Greene, and Nisbett, 1973;
Staw, Calder,and Hess, 1980).

The Emerging Situational Approach

The debate between job enrichmentand social information
processing has contributedto two recent shifts in theories
about how people reactto work environments.The first
change has been greateremphasis on subjectiveand cognitive
factors, with wider acceptance that interpretationof the work
situationis at least as importantas objective reality.Although
job-enrichmenttheorists have long used perceptualmeasures
in assessing task characteristics(e.g., Hackmanand Oldham,
1975; Sims, Szilagyi,and Keller,1976), individualcognitionhas
historicallybeen treated more as a source of errorvariance
than as an importantcausal factor.Thus,the conflictbetween
the social-information-processing andjob-enrichmentpositions
has put new life in the search for why a single job can be
perceived in such differentways (O'Reilly,Parlette,and
Bloom, 1980).
The second majorshift injob-attitudetheory has been a move
towardgreaterenvironmentaldeterminism.Not only have
need-based theories come undersevere criticism,but recent
attempts to finda coherent set of individualdifferences that
moderatethe effects of job enrichmenthave not been particu-
larlysuccessful (White,1978). Consequently,fromwhat was
essentially an interactionalpositionemphasizingthe proper
"fit"between individualsand workcontexts (e.g., Hackman
and Oldham,1976), we have now moved furtherin the direc-
tion of emphasizingsituationalinfluence.Currentlyempha-
sized are ways to manipulateor change job attitudesexter-
nally,using eitherobjectiveinfluences derivedfromtask
design or subjective influences derivedfrom social cues. The
best example of such a synthesis is Griffin's(1983) recent field
experimentinwhich bothjob enlargementand social labeling
were shown to increase the satisfactionof workers in two
factorysettings.

Restoring the Dispositional Perspective

Althoughthe confrontationbetween job-enrichmentand
social-information-processing theories has contributedsub-
stantiallyto our knowledge of job attitudes,there has been, we
believe, an unfortunatebyproductof this debate. Because of
interpretiveand empiricalproblemswith need theory (Wahba
and Bridwell,1976) as well as the recent emphasis on
situationalinfluence,the field has very nearlyeliminated
individual-levelvariablesfromthe study of job attitudes.The
field is no longeras interested in what the individualbringsto
the worksetting interms of behavioraltendencies, traits,and
personality(now commonlysubsumed underthe rubricof
personaldispositions)as in how the organizationcan externally
prodthe individualto evoke more positivejob attitudesand
behavior.
57/ASQ, March1986
The currenttrendtowardsituationalismin organizationalre-
search correspondsto similarleaningsin psychologyduring
the 1960s and 1970s. Overthese twenty years, dispositional
concepts were criticizedon manygrounds,the most tellingof
which was Mischel's (1968)argumentthat personalityscales
or traitmeasures account for littlevariancein behavioracross
situations. Morerecently,however, a largenumberof counter-
arguments have surfaced indefense of personalitydetermi-
nants of behavior.Bem and Allen(1974) noted that the be-
haviorof some but not all individualsis consistent across
situations. Block(1977)arguedthat in-depthassessments of
personalityby trainedspecialists are much more predictive
thanthe paper-and-pencilmeasures of traitsthat are com-
monlyused. McGowanand Gormly(1976)and Aries, Gold,and
Weigel (1983) posited that personalitytraitsare more predic-
tive of multipleinstances of behaviorthan behaviorin a single
situation.Buss and Craik(1983) noted that personalitycon-
structs are best used as predictorswhen they are based on
aggregate levels of previousbehavior.Monson, Hesley, and
Chernick(1982) showed that personalityis more predictiveof
behaviorin ambiguoussituationsthan in settings inwhich role
demands are so strong that behavioris externallydetermined
regardlessof personaldispositions.And,finally,Funderand
Ozer(1983) demonstratedthatthe statisticalmagnitudeof
manyof the most famous situationaleffects (e.g., forced
compliance,bystanderintervention,and obedience) is no
greaterthanthat achieved by the more heavilycriticizeddis-
positionalresearch.Thus, a consensus has startedto emerge
that dispositionalconstructs, when properlymeasuredand
relatedto behaviorsthat are conceptuallyrelevant,may be
useful explanatoryvariablesafterall.
Currentpersonalitytheory has also moved from a defensive
posture, attemptingto justifydispositionalresearch,to a more
constructivestance. Not only has there been a resurgence of
empiricalresearchon dispositionaldeterminantsof behavior
(Buss and Craik,1985), but a growingnumberof studies in
behaviorgenetics are now providingratherconvincingevi-
dence for the heritabilityof many individualcharacteristics
(Buss and Plomin,1984). Studies comparingidenticalvs.
fraternaltwins as well as data on the similarityof twins raised
aparthave, for example, shown very strong indicationsof a
genetic basis for both personalityand mentalabilities(Plomin,
DeFries,and McClearn,1980; Bouchard,1984). Thoughbe-
haviorgeneticists are carefulnot to deny the role of environ-
ment or the interactionof heredityand environment,the main
effect of individualdispositionson attitudesand behavioris
becoming more firmlyestablished.
Inthe context of organizationalbehavior,dispositionalresearch
is also makingsomething of a comeback.AlthoughMaslow's
need theory has been largelydiscreditedand neitherdemo-
graphicnorpersonalityvariableshave provedto be strong
determinantsof organizationalbehavior,argumentsare start-
ing to be formulatedfor improvementsinthe use of disposi-
tionalconstructs. Weiss and Adler(1984) have noted, for
example, that dispositionalvariablesmay have been such
weak predictorsof organizationalbehaviorbecause they have
been used largelyin an atheoreticalmannerto explainaddi-
tionalvariancein situationalstudies. Off-the-shelfmeasures of
58/ASQ, March1986
Job Attitudes

personalityas well as easily collected demographicfactors are

usuallyadded to surveys and experimentsas ancillaryor
moderatingvariables.Seldom is much thought given to the
theoreticalcorrespondence between dispositionalvariables
and the organizationalbehaviorsthey are intendedto predict.
Norare there manystudies designed inwhich situational
factors are variedso as to help develop the constructvalidityof
dispositionalvariablesor show underwhat conditionsdisposi-
tionalfactorswill best explainwork behavior.Thus,as Weiss
and Adler(1984) have argued,a byproductof havingputalmost
all ourtheoreticalenergies intodemonstratingsituational
effects is thatwe may now mistakenlyinferthatdispositional
variableshave littleto contributeto organizationalattitudesand
behavior.
Inthis paperwe outlineevidence for a dispositionalexplana-
tion of job attitudesand attempt to show why it is useful to
restore considerationof the individualto researchon job
satisfaction.The argumentthatjob satisfactioncan have a
dispositionalsource is not necessarilya new idea, but it is one
that has been distinctlyout of favorfor at least twenty years.
The dispositionalpositioncan be tracedto some of the earliest
writingsin organizationalpsychology. Munsterberg(1913:
198), for example, noted that ". . . the feeling of monotony
depends much less uponthe particularkindof workthan upon
the special dispositionof the individual."Hoppock(1935: 5), in
summarizingthe results of the firstextensive study of job
satisfaction,also noted that a multitudeof dispositionaland
demographicfactors ". . . may be just as importantas the job
itself in determiningwhat we tentativelychoose to calljob
satisfaction."And,in the 1940s and 1950s there were many
survey researchstudies that correlatedmiscellaneous demo-
graphicand personalityvariablesto job satisfaction(forre-
views, see Herzberget al., 1957; Vroom,1964; Locke, 1976).
Thoughfew of these previousattempts to explainjob satisfac-
tion with dispositionalvariablesyielded strong or theoretically
meaningfulresults, we would argue, likeWeiss and Adler
(1984), that it is time to improvedispositionalexplanations
ratherthanabandonthem.

Toward a Dispositional Theory of Job Attitudes

As a startingpointfor reexaminingdispositionalsources of job
satisfaction,it is useful to considerwhether job attitudes have
some consistency over time. We would not go as faras Buss
and Craik(1985) inarguingthat stabilityis the sine qua non for
dispositions,but we would note that examiningtemporal
stabilityis a valuablefirststep informulatingdispositional
explanations.Evidenceof temporalstabilityprovidesat least a
clue, if not evidence, that some dispositionalforces may be
operatingon attitudesand behavior.And, more importantly,
withoutconsideringtemporalconsistency, dispositional
theories must resortto complicatedstage and interactional
models to explainjob attitudes.
Severalfindingssuggest thatjob attitudesdo have some
temporalstability.Schneiderand Dachler(1978),for example,
found strong temporalconsistency in satisfactionscores, with
the correlationsbetween pre-and post-measures of job atti-
tudes averaging.56 for managersand .58 for nonmanagersin a
59/ASQ, March1986
16-monthlongitudinalstudy. Pulakosand Schmitt(1983) also
found that highschool students' pre-employmentexpectations
of satisfactionwere a significantpredictorof subsequent job
attitudes. Finally,some indirectsupportfor temporalcon-
sistency comes fromthe fact that nationalsurvey data have
shown ratherstable levels of job satisfactioneven though
there have been manyobjectivechanges in the qualityof
worklifeover the past decades (Quinn,Staines, and McCol-
lough, 1974; Quinnand Staines, 1979; Weaver, 1980).
Inorderto demonstratedispositionalsources of job satisfac-
tion it is also importantto establish cross-situationalconsis-
tency - to show that behaviorcan be predictedacross dispar-
ate contexts as well as withinthem (cf. Mischel, 1968). So far,
the strongest evidence for the cross-situationalconsistency of
job attitudes comes froma recent study by Staw and Ross
(1985). They reanalyzeddata fromthe NationalLongitudinal
Survey(originallydesigned to study laboreconomics issues)
and found stabilityinjob attitudes over time and situation.Over
both three- and five-yeartime intervalsStaw and Ross found
significantconsistency injob satisfactionwhen people worked
for the same employerand in the same occupation.More
importantly,theirreanalysesof the NationalLongitudinalSur-
vey data showed significantconsistency injob satisfaction
when individualschanged both the employerforwhom they
worked and theiroccupation.
The findingsof temporaland cross-situationalstabilityinjob
attitudes are importantyet preliminarysteps in formulatinga
dispositionalapproachto job attitudes.They create a basis for
what Buss and Craik(1983) have identifiedas an actuarial
approachto dispositionalresearch, providinga summaryof
past attitudesthat is useful for predictionsover time and
situation.Such consistency datado not, however, constitute a
dispositionaltheoryof job attitudes, since they have littleto
say about why individualsmay show stabilityinjob satisfac-
tion. To formulatea dispositionaltheorywe must begin to
understandsome of the mechanisms that underliethese con-
sistency effects.
Job Attitudes As a Function of Affective Disposition
One clue about dispositionalsources of job satisfactionwas
providedlong ago by Fisherand Hanna(1931).They argued
that job dissatisfactionmay be caused as much by the on-
going emotionalstate of the individualas by any objective
propertiesof the job. Intheirdispositionalexplanationof job
attitudes, Fisherand Hanna(1931: vii-viii)proposed an attribu-
tionalprocess not too differentfromthe social-information-
processing ideas now popularin organizationalbehavior:
The emotionallymaldevelopedindividualis almost certainto become
maladjustedsooner or laterto some or several of the variousmajor
apects of his everydaylife. Inasmuchas his feelings and emotions are
inherentaspects of himself,he carriesthem with him,so to speak,
into every situationwhich he enters. Now, since he does not usually
know the reason of his dissatisfaction,does not understandthe
whyforand natureof his maladjustment,it is not surprisingthat he
very frequentlyattaches or attributesit (hisdissatisfaction)to his work
or his workingsituation.
Althoughwe would not labeljobdissatisfactionas a pathology,
we do agree with Fisherand Hannathat the person's internal
60/ASQ,March1986
Job Attitudes

state can serve as an importantstimulusfor the interpretation

of job information.People may bringa positiveor negative
dispositionto the work setting, process informationabout the
job in a way that is consistent with this disposition,and then
experience job satisfactionor dissatisfactionas a result.Thus,
likesocial-information-processing theory,we would posit that
jobs are ambiguousstimulisubject to the cognitive manipula-
tion of meaning. However,we would argue that the formula-
tion of task attitudes can come as much fromthe internalstate
of the individualas fromany externalcues.
The hypothesis that personaldispositionsaffect job attitudes
could draw at least indirectsupportfromthree separate find-
ings. First,there is substantialindividualvariationin the percep-
tion of tasks that have identicalformaljob descriptions
(O'Reilly,Parlette,and Bloom, 1980). Thus, there is probably
enough ambiguityin most job situationsto allow individualsto
interpretthe work inways that fit theirown dispositions.
Second, there is substantialevidence of a relationshipbe-
tween job and life satisfaction(e.g., Orpen,1978; Near, Rice,
and Hunt,1978; Weaver, 1978) as well as a linkbetween job
attitudesand mental health(Kornhauser,1965; Gechmanand
Wiener, 1975; Kahn,1981). Althoughthese data are usually
interpretedas evidence of the effects of job satisfaction,they
can also reflecta more generaldispositionalsyndrome
(Schmittand Pulakos,1986). A thirdpiece of data indirectly
supportingthe dispositionalperspective is the fact that few
well-documentedfield experiments have shown long-term
changes injob attitudes. Oldhamand Hackman(1980) have
arguedthat most organizationalchanges are eithertoo weak to
have an effect or are resisted by traditionalpractices inorga-
nizations.What has not been noted, however, is the possibility
that attitudechanges may not persist over time because of a
tendency for satisfactionto returnto an equilibriumstate
determinedby one's affective disposition(cf. Landy,1978).
Inourview, a primecandidatefor explainingdispositional
sources of job satisfactionis the affective state of the individ-
ual. Historicallythere has been substantialinterest in the
psychologicalstates of mood and depression (e.g., Beck,
1967; Zuckerman,1977). However,only recentlyhas it been
noted that positiveor negative affectivitymay constitute an
importanton-goingdispositionof individuals,perhapsintegrat-
ing manydisparatepersonalitydimensions (Watsonand Clark,
1984). Recent researchon identicaltwins raisedaparthas also
revealedthat affectivity,likemanyother individualdifferences,
could have a genetic basis that persists over one's lifetime
(Bouchard,1984, 1985). Thus, people's affective dispositions
can be thoughtof as generaltendencies toward positive or
negative evaluationof life stimuli- tendencies that should
influence-theway people perceive work environmentsduring
their lives. We do not, of course, expect that one's affective
dispositionwill dominateperceptionsto the extent thatwork in
a grossly negative setting will be interpretedas a highly
pleasantjob but, rather,that affective dispositionswill consti-
tute a significant(andpreviouslyoverlooked)determinantof
work attitudes.
The present study examines the influenceof affective disposi-
tion on job attitudesover long periodsof time. Thisresearch
61/ASQ, March1986
takes advantageof a very unusualdata set, one that extends
over much of the lifetimeof a groupof individualswho have
been extensively tested at several points intime. We used
these data to test whether the affective dispositionof indi-
viduals,fromas farbackas juniorand senior highschool years,
can predictjob satisfactionin laterlife.

METHOD
Subjects
Datafor this researchwere taken from the Intergenerational
Studies (IGS)conducted by the Instituteof HumanDevelop-
ment at the Universityof California,Berkeley.The IGSdataare
an aggregationof three separate longitudinalstudies that have
investigatedthe lives of selected individualsfor over fifty
years. Begun inthe late 1920s and early1930s, the three
studies each startedwith differentprincipalinvestigators,sam-
ples, and researchgoals, yet there was enough commonalityin
measurement to allow IGSstaff subsequently to combine the
samples intoa single data pool.
The firstof the IGSwas the GuidanceStudy initiatedby Jean
WalkerMacfarlanein 1928. Althoughthis projectwas originally
plannedas a six-yearstudy of children'sproblembehavior,it
was latercontinuedto researchthe interactionof psychologi-
cal, social, and biologicalfactors in personalitydevelopment.
The study's 248 originalparticipantswere drawnfrom a survey
of every thirdbirthin Berkeleybetween January1, 1928 and
June 30, 1929. Since one of the study's goals was to assess
the impactof guidanceof parentsby professionalstaff, the
participantswere also dividedintoguidanceand control
groups. Extensivepersonalityassessments were taken for the
guidance group;fewer data were gatheredforthe control
subjects untilearlyadulthood.
The BerkeleyGrowthStudy,the second IGS,was started by
Nancy Bayleywith 61 infantsbornduring1928 and 1929. The
initialsample was located by requestingpermissionof obstetri-
cians to visit parentswith new babies and was laterextended
to 74 subjects by including13 additionalbabies bornin the
subsequent three years. Althoughthe originalpurposeof the
BerkeleyGrowthStudywas to trace the intellectual,motor,
and physicaldevelopment of infantsand young children,the
projectwas extended over time with the inclusionof a wide
rangeof psychologicaland social assessments.
The thirdof the IGSwas the OaklandGrowthStudy. Begun in
1931 by HaroldE.Jones, MaryC. Jones, and HerbertR. Stolz,
the OaklandGrowthStudywas designed as a study of normal
adolescence. The projectoriginallyincluded212 subjects re-
cruitedfromthe fifthand sixth grades of five elementary
schools in northeasternOaklandand subsequently enrolledin
a single juniorhighschool. The medianbirthmonth for this
sample is May 1921, thereby makingthe OaklandGrowth
Studysubjects an average of nearlyeight years olderthan
subjects in the Guidanceand BerkeleyGrowthStudies. When
initialmeasures were taken, members of the OaklandGrowth
Studywere 10-12 years in age, butthe most extensive
psychologicalassessments of them were made duringjunior
and senior highschool years.
62/ASQ, March1986
Job Attitudes

Demographically,the Oaklandand BerkeleyGrowthStudies

were limitedto Caucasians,whereas the Guidanceand Control
samples did includesome (English-speaking)minorities.About
40 percent of the OaklandGrowthStudysubjects came from
working-classhomes, whereas about 33 percent of the partici-
pants of the Guidanceand BerkeleyGrowthStudies had
working-classbackgrounds.Thisdifference is a reflectionof
the demographiccharacteristicsof Oaklandand Berkeleyat
the time of the studies. At adulthood,approximately90 per-
cent of allthree samples could be characterizedas middle
class. Overtime, some selective attritionoccurredin the
studies, with working-classmen and lower IQparticipantsof
both sexes havingslightlyhigherdrop-outrates (see Eichorn,
1981, for a more thoroughdescriptionof the samples in the
IGS).
Q-Sort Data and Methodology
Because attritionis a majorproblemwith any longitudinal
study, let alone one that spans several decades of people's
lives, it was necessary for IGSresearchersto set up a proce-
durefor poolingdata across studies. Althoughallof the IGS
investigatedpersonalitydevelopment, the particularmeasures
used to assess individualsvariedacross the projects.An
importantgoal, therefore,was to aggregate availabledata on a
set of common dimensions across the three studies.
Block,in collaborationwith Haan(1971),developed a Q-sort
methodologyas a way of combiningdiverse data fromvarious
assessments intoa set of common personalitycharacteristics.
Althoughthe materialsavailablefrom the three studies were
heterogenous (consistingof interviews,tests, and case rec-
ords),there was enough informationon most cases (interms
of breadthand depth)for a set of common Q-sortdimensions
to be derived.Using the data archivesfor each subject, trained
personalityraterswere asked to assess individualsusing a set
of descriptivestatements such as "favorsconservativevalues
in a varietyof areas," "initiateshumor,""irritable,"and "seeks
reassurancefromothers." Thejudges placed allof the items in
a forced normaldistributioninwhich lower categories (1-3)
represented qualitiesor traitsleast characteristicof the per-
son, middle-rangescores (4-6) represented moderatelychar-
acteristictraits,and higherscores (7-9) were most characteris-
tic of the person being rated.The procedureresulted in an
ipsativemeasure of the salience of variousdimensions of each
individual'spersonalityratherthana normativeratingof indi-
vidualsagainst age or sex peers.
Q-sortswere done separatelyfor each of five time periods.
Two adolescent-subjectsorts were conducted, one for ages
12-14 (earlyadolescence) and anotherfor ages 15-18 (late
adolescence), based on a case assembly of the archivalmate-
rialavailablefor each study participant.A sort for the firstadult
period(aboutage 30 for Guidancesubjects, 36 for Berkeley
Growthsubjects, and 38 for participantsin the OaklandGrowth
Study)was based on interviews rangingfromfourto six hours
for BerkeleyGrowthsubjects to an average of 12 hoursover
several days for members of the other studies-.Sorts for the
second adultwave (when Guidancesubjects were about age
40 and OaklandGrowthsubjects about 48) were based on
tape-recordedinterviewsaveragingfourhours in length. Due
63/ASQ, March1986
to fundinglimitations,BerkeleyGrowthsubjects were not
interviewedfor the second adultwave. Sorts for the thirdadult
period(aboutage 54 for Guidanceand BerkeleyGrowthsub-
jects and 62 for OaklandGrowthparticipants)were also based
on tape-recordedinterviewslastingabout two hours.
At least three judges ratedeach adolescent and at least two
ratedeach adultfor the varioustime periods. Combinationsof
judges were systematicallyvariedso that no judge ratedthe
same subject at more than one time period,nordidjudges
have access to informationfromtime periodsother than the
one they were rating.The judges were highlyqualified,con-
sisting of clinicalpsychologists and psychiatricsocial workers,
allwith substantialclinicaland/orresearchexperience. Thor-
ough traininginthe Q-sortmethod was also provided,and
judges' performanceduringthe ratingswas closely monitored.
Judges were given feedback if they appearedto be using any
of the Q-items ina nondifferentiatingmanner(e.g., by consis-
tently placingan item highin allsubjects' profiles),and several
tests were performedto provideassurance against the use of
stereotypic ratings.Nondifferentiatingplacement of items and
stereotypingdid not appearto be problemsin the Q-sorts,and
extra raterswere used if the Q-sortdata were not sufficiently
reliableacross the multiplejudges. The mean reliabilitiesof the
Q-sortsat the varioustime periodsrangedfrom .72 to .78.
Additionalreliabilitydata as well as more extensive explanation
of the Q-sortproceduresused in the IGScan be found in Block
(with Haan,1971) and in Eichornet al. (1981).

Sample Size
Althoughthe Q-sortprocedureallowed the IGSresearchersto
combine three longitudinalstudies, sample sizes are still mod-
est forthe present investigation.The firstlimitingfactoris that
female subjects of the IGS(halfof the three samples) hadvery
limitedwork experience and thus hadto be excluded from
the present analyses. The second problemis that relatively
few IGSparticipantswere assessed for allof the five time
periods. Earlyand late adolescent datawere not availablefor
subjects who were originallyinthe controlgroupof the Guid-
ance Study,since there were insufficientmaterialsfor 0-sorts
to be performedfor these cases. BerkeleyGrowthsubjects
were not assessed in the second adultwave. Finally,although
extensive efforts were made not to lose participantsover any
of the data collectionwaves (whichsometimes involvedinter-
viewers travelinglong distances to assess those unableto
returnto Berkeley)data for manyindividualsare missing for at
least one of the time periods. Fora study participantto be
includedin every wave of ouranalyses, sufficientdatawould
be necessary forfive personalityQ-sorts,rangingover a period
of 40 to 50 years, as well as two employmentquestionnaires
and an employment interviewadministeredover the last 12
years of the study. Because of these sample limitations,we
present analyses using both the largestavailabledata set as
well as a smallerset of complete longitudinaldata.
Measurement of Affective Disposition
Eighty-threeQ-sortitems were used consistently in the IGS
across the five waves of data collection. Fromthese 83 per-
sonalitydescriptionswe isolatedallthose statements that
64/ASQ, March1986
 Job Attitudes

appearedto capturesome aspect of affect on a prioritheoreti-

cal grounds. Some of these Q-sortstatements pertainedto
intrapersonalaspects of affect, such as "cheerful,""feels lack
of personalmeaning"(reverse scored), and "irritable"(reverse
scored). Otheritems pertainedto interpersonalaspects of
affect, such as "behaves in a givingway," "has hostility
towardothers" (reversescored), and "feels victimized"(re-
verse scored). Factoranalyses showed that 17 items pertain-
ing to both intra-and interpersonalaffect formeda single
affective factor,in a similarmanneras would be predictedby
Watson and Clark(1984).
The specific affective items and theirfactorloadingsare
shown inTable 1, alongwith the sample size on which each of
the factoranalyses was based. Also shown in the table are the
squared multiplecorrelationsof the variableswith the factors,
eigenvalues, Kaiser'smeasure of samplingadequacy (MSA),
and Cronbach'salphameasure of scale reliability.As illustrated
in the table, factorloadingswere ratherconsistent across the
variouswaves of data collection,averaging.65 across the five
time periods.The averagefactor loadingrangedfroma highof
.71 forthe late-adolescence periodto a low of .62 for the Adult
1 wave. Althoughit would have been preferableto have had a
largersample on which to base the factoranalyses, Kaiser's
measure of samplingadequacy indicatedthatthe datawere
adequate for the factoringtechnique (Kimand Mueller,1978).
Since reliabilities(Cronbach'salpha)rangedfrom .90 to .93 and
the squaredmultiplecorrelationsof the items with the factor
never fell below .95, we can conclude that the 17-itemaffec-
tive measure was a reliableindicatorthat retainedits factor
structureover time.

Table1

Items and Factor Loadings for The Affective Disposition Scale

Time Period
Early Late
Item adolescence adolescence Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3

Giving .79 .76 .73 .68 .78

Thin-skinned -.39 -.53 -.62 -.52 -.62
Sympathetic .78 .80 .83 .72 .84
Punitive -.61 -.66 -.65 -.57 -.78
Condescending -.49 -.53 -.35 -.35 -.63
Likeable .81 .83 .68 .74 .78
Warm .75 .70 .70 .65 .85
Hostile -.81 -.77 -.65 -.79 -.88
Distrustful - .74 -.76 -.72 -.67 -.83
Botheredby demands -.70 -.70 -.49 -.69 -.62
Irritable -.67 -.80 -.67 -.54 -.53
Negative -.76 -.75 -.69 -.67 -.80
Self-defeating -.65 -.70 -.52 -.69 -.58
Satisfiedwith self .49 .55 .36 .37 .26
Feels victimized -.74 -.76 -.66 -.71 -.66
Moody -.46 -.69 -.55 -.48 -.07
Cheerful .64 .75 .68 .64 .75
Squaredmultiple
correlationof
variableswith factor .96 .97 .95 .95 .97
Eigenvalue 7.78 8.64 6.81 6.72 8.21
Kaiser'sMSA .88 .89 .87 .87 .92
N 101 94 130 104 128
Cronbach'salpha .92 .93 .91 .90 .92

65/ASQ, March1986
As expected, the temporalstabilityof affective disposition
depended on the time periodseparatingdata collectionwaves.
Stabilitywas highest (averaging.48) for the temporallyadja-
cent periods (e.g., Adult1 and 2 waves) and somewhat lower
for data collections separated by two time periods(averaging
.31) and for measurements dividedby three time periods
(averaging.29). These temporalrelationshipsare in linewith
previouslongitudinalresearchon individualaffect reviewed by
Watson and Clark(1984), as well as with relatedpersonality
scales (e.g., the nurturant/hostiledimension)developed in
previousresearchusing the IGSsamples (Haan,1981).
Measurement of Job Attitudes
IGSmeasures of job attitudeswere availablefroma question-
nairethat was administeredto study participantsduringthe
Adult2 wave of data collectionand fromboth a questionnaire
and structuredinterviewthatwere partof the Adult3 wave of
assessments. Because the questionnairemeasures of job
attitudeswere self-reportsthey were independentof the
Q-sortassessment of personality.The interviewmeasures
were also largelyindependentof the Q-sortdata, since the
staff that conductedthe interviewsdid not have access to any
of the Q-sortassessments, nordid ratersforthe Q-sorts have
access to any specific interviewresponses. Thus, one strength
of this study is an independence of measurement, avoiding
problemsof common-methodbias that so frequentlyplague
researchon job attitudes (cf. Robertsand Glick,1981).
The IGSmeasures of job attitudefor the Adult2 time period
consisted of survey questions on bothjob and careersatisfac-
tion. One measure was a single item assessing careersatisfac-
tion with five response alternatives,rangingfrom "it is a career
Idislikeand wish Icould leave for another"to "ittruly
represents what Ihave wanted to do." A second indicatorof
job attitudeswas a 14-itemfacet satisfactionmeasure inwhich
subjects were asked to ratevariousaspects of theirwork on a
five-pointscale, rangingfrom "likeit very much"to "dislikeit
very much."Thejob facets includedin the measure were
workinghours,amountof tension and stress, income, degree
to which the work involves interests, generalconvenience for
the family,amountof leisuretime, opportunityfor advance-
ment, natureof supervision,meeting and being with people,
use of skillsand abilities,supervisionof others, respect that
others give to the job, freedom to develop ideas, and security
of the job. These items were aggregated intoa facet satisfac-
tion measure. Because facet satisfactionand careersatisfac-
tion were strongly intercorrelated (r = .51, N = 75, p<.001)
they were also combined intoan overalljob-attitudeindex.
Forthe Adult3 time periodthere were five measures of job
attitudes availablein the IGSdata.The Michiganfacet-specific
measure of job satisfaction(Quinnand Staines, 1979) was
administered,in which subjects respondedto 18 positive
statements abouttheirjobs, such as "the job securityis
good," "the chances for promotionare good," and "Ihave an
opportunityto develop my own special abilities."Responses
to these items were aggregated intoa facet job-satisfaction
measure. Inadditionto this facet satisfactionmeasure the IGS
data also includedseveral single-itemscales relatingto job
attitudes.The Michiganfacet-freejob-satisfactionitem was
66/ASQ, March1986
Job Attitudes

included,which simplyasked, "allinall, how satisfied would

you say you are with yourcurrentjob?"Therewas also a
career-satisfactionitem with slightlydifferentwordingfrom
that administeredduringthe Adult2 wave, and a related
questionnaireitem inquiredwhether one would take the job
again,with three alternatives,rangingfrom "definitelywould
take the same job"to "Idefinitelywould not take the same
job." Finally,the structuredinterviewsconducted at the Adult
3 time periodincludeda question about how one felt about
going to work,with alternativescoded from "strongpositive
responses" to "negativefeelings." When these five measures
of job attitudeswere subjected to a factoranalysis,they
revealeda single factorwith loadingsrangingfrom .50 to .78.
Factorscores were used as an overallmeasure of job attitudes
for the Adult3 time period.

RESULTS
The majordata analyses to be reportedby this study are cor-
relationsbetween affective dispositionandjob attitudes.The
firstanalyses displayedare those based on the maximumsam-
ples availablefor each pointintime. The samples differfor
each of the waves of data collection,since comparativelyfew
of the subjects were assessed at allfive time periodson both
affect and job attitudes.
Table2 shows the correlatesof Adult2 job attitudes.The
smallest sample availableforthe correlationsconsisted of 51
men who were assessed on affect duringlate adolescence
and also forAdult2 job attitudes.The largestsample was 76
men who were assessed on both affect and job attitudes dur-
ing the Adult2 time period.As shown in the table, the results
revealedseveral significantrelationshipsas well as a con-
sistent trend.As mightbe expected, the correlationswere
progressivelystrongeras the time between measurements
decreased. The strongest relationshipresultedfromthe con-
currentmeasurement of affect and job attitudes, both as-
sessed at the Adult2 time period.The weakest relationship,
though still marginallysignificant,was the predictionof Adult2
job attitudesfromaffect duringearlyadolescence.

Table 2

Relationships between Affective Disposition and Adult Job Attitudes

Job Attitudes
(Adult 2)
Overall job
Facet job Career attitude
Affective Disposition satisfaction satisfaction (average score)

Early .14 .19 .20

adolescence (N = 59) (N = 58) (N = 59)
Late .16 .270 .260
adolescence (N = 52) (N = 51) (N = 52)
Adult 1 .310 .230 .30000
(N= 70) (N= 69) (N= 70)
Adult 2 .35000 *35000 .40000
(N= 76) (N= 75) (N = 76)

p<. 10, p< 05, *p<.01; one-tailed tests.

67/AS0, March1986
 Table3 shows the relationshipbetween affective disposition
and job attitudesfromthe Adult3 time period.The sample
sizes for the variousanalyses rangedfrom 51 for the adoles-
cent years to 101 for the Adult3 time period.As shown inthe
table, the affective dispositionscores from earlyand late
adolescence were generallyrelatedto the dependent mea-
sures. The facet job satisfaction,generaljob satisfaction,and
career satisfactionmeasures were allsignificantlypredictedby
affect fromthe adolescent years. The interviewitem measur-
ing workfeelings and the questionnaireitem on whether one
would take the job againdid not show significantrelationships
with adolescent affect. However,the overalljob attitudemea-
sure (usingfactorscores) was significantlypredictedby affect
from both earlyand late adolescence.
Affective dispositionsfromAdult1 were stronglyrelatedto job
attitudes at the Adult3 time period.Allof the dependent mea-
sures at Adult3 were significantlypredictedby Adult1 affect,
and the overalljob attitudemeasure was stronglyrelatedto
affect fromthe Adult1 period.

Table3
Relationships between Affective Disposition and Adult 3 Job Attitudes

Job Attitudes
(Adult3)
Overalljob
Career Facet-free Facet Take Feelings attitude
Affective Disposition satisfaction satisfaction satisfaction job again about work (factorscore)
Early .20 .20 .240 .12 .11 370
adolescence (N = 51) (N = 51) (N = 51) (N = 51) (N = 58) (N = 46)
Late *35 .21*35g .09 .15 39g
adolescence (N = 45) (N = 45) (N = 45) (N = 45) (N = 52) (N = 40)
Adult1 *45 *370 260 330 .200 48
(N = 72) (N = 72) (N = 72) (N = 72) (N = 81) (N = 67)
Adult2 .19 .00 .04 .13 .08 .12
(N = 68) (N = 68) (N = 68) (N = 68) (N = 75) (N = 63)
Adult3 .25g .200 .230 .19 .10 .230
(N = 90) (N = 90) (N = 90) (N = 90) (N = 101) (N = 81)
*p<.10, *p<.05, *p<.01; one-tailedtests.

Of allthe relationshipsshown inTable3, the correlationsbe-

tween Adult2 affect and Adult3 job attitudeswere the
weakest. Onlyone dependent measure was even marginally
relatedto Adult2 affect, and the overalljob attitudemeasure
did not show a significantcorrelation.The concurrentrela-
tionships between Adult3 affect and Adult3 job attitudes
were somewhat stronger.These correlationswere modest in
magnitudebut statisticallysignificantdue to the largersample
sizes associated with the data.
Panel Data
One of the interestingfeatures of the results inTable3 is the
appearancethat earlymeasures of affect are strongerpredic-
tors of Adult3 job attitudesthan lateraffective measures.
However, one cannot be sure of such a trendfromthe array
shown in the table. Because differentsubjects were used to
test each relationship(withmissing datafor manyof the
waves), any comparisonof correlationsinvolvesdifferentindi-
68/ASQ, March 1986
Job Attitudes

vidualssampled. Therefore,the correlationsreportedinTables

2 and 3 should be interpretedas separate tests of the hypoth-
esis thatjob attitudes can be predictedfromaffective disposi-
tion ratherthan an answer to the question of whether affect
measured from one life stage is a strongerpredictorthanthat
fromanotherperiod.
Table4 presents data froma constant sample across the five
time periods, using the overalljob attitudemeasures as the
primarydependent variable.Results were consistent with the
data presented inTables 2 and 3. Adult2 job attitudeswere
shown to be most stronglypredictedby Adult2 affect, with
adolescent affect the weakest predictorof Adult2 attitudes. In
contrast,Adult3 job attitudeswere more stronglypredictedby
adolescent and Adult1 affect than by affect measured during
the Adult2 and 3 waves. Thus,the datawere inconclusivein
establishingwhether earlyor late affective measures are the
strongest predictorsof subsequent job attitudes; overall,they
appearapproximatelyequal in strength.

Table4

Relationships between Affective Disposition and Job Attitudes During

Adult 2 and Adult 3 Time Periods Using a Constant Sample
Job Attitudes
Adult 2 Adult 3
overall job overall job
attitude attitude
Affective Disposition (N = 52) (N = 31)

Earlyadolescence .270 .34a

Lateadolescence .260 .360
Adult1 .310 .480
Adult2 .380 .01
Adult 3 - .24

*p<. 10, *p<.05, 00p<.01; one-tailedtests.

DISCUSSION
The data fromTables 2 and 3 show distinctevidence that
affective dispositionis a significantpredictorof job satisfac-
tion. The correlationsare not of such magnitudeas to deter-
mine more thana minorityof the variance,but they are at least
as strong as those routinelyreportedfromcross-sectional
studies using a single questionnaire.This is by itself surprising,
given that the data reportedhere span almost fiftyyears in
time, with nearlyall of the data collections at least ten years
apart.
The second surprisingfindingfromthe relationshipsreported
in Tables 2 and 3 is the lackof a consistent patternof decay.
Onlythe antecedents of Adult2 attitudes showed the normally
expected patterninwhich earlymeasures of affect would be
weaker than subsequent indicatorsin predictingjob satisfac-
tion. We do not have any firmexplanationfor these results
except to note that they are not unusualfor research using the
IntergenerationalStudies. Clausen(1968),for example, found
that adolescent personalityvariableswere strong predictorsof
some forms of adultbehavior(e.g., smoking),with at least as
69/ASO, March 1986
much explanatorypower as personalitytraitsmeasured from
adultyears. Ininterpretingsuch a patternit is possible to argue
that adolescent dispositionsset in motiona set of behaviorsor
choices that laterproduceimportantconsequences for the in-
dividual.Itis also possible that adolescent assessments are
somehow more validindicatorsof individualdispositionthan
data taken from latertime periods, perhapsbecause adoles-
cent behaviorsare less disguised or socializedintoacceptable
forms thanthose of adults. Finally,because the adolescent and
Adult1 personalityassessments were based on a greater
amount of personalitydata (inthe case files) than the Adult2
and 3 measurements, they may be more representativeof the
affective dispositionof individuals.

Sources of Affective Disposition

Ourresults showed that it is possible to constructinternally
consistent measures of affective disposition,even when these
measures are constructed post hoc from priorpsychological
assessments. LikeWatson and Clark(1984),we found a range
of personaland interpersonaldimensions forminga coherent
set of individualcharacteristicsthat retainedits factorstructure
over time and that possessed some temporalstability(being
statisticallysignificantfor up to 40-year intervals).
Evidenceof stabilityin affect does not mean that this disposi-
tion is unchangeableor not subject to contextualinfluence. Itis
unclearfromourdata how the affect of individualsoriginated,
from either genetic or social sources, and how it may be influ-
enced by externalfactors over one's lifetime. Itis also unclear
whether the constructof affect remainsa constant entity over
time. When assessing personalityin a longitudinalstudy one
cannot, as noted by Haan(1981), assume that scores for a
personalityvariableare necessarily equivalentfor childhood
and adultyears. Since the Q-sortswere based on disparate
sets of interviewdata, it is possible that what was interpreted
by judges as affect fromthe adultyears is not a simple exten-
sion of affect fromadolescence. Therefore,it may be useful to
interpretthe present results as showing relationshipsbetween
job attitudesand separate (thoughrelated)affective con-
structs. Of course, even with such a restrictedinference, it is
still possible to conclude fromthe IGSdatathat affective mea-
sures, fromas farbackas adolescence, are useful predictorsof
subsequent work attitudes.
While it is possible to speculate about alternativeinterpreta-
tions of these results, it is importantto realizethat few organi-
zationalstudies have presented longitudinaldata beyond
several years in duration(Bray,Campbell,and Grant,1974 is a
rareexception). It is also importantto note that the measure-
ment of affect for each life stage was, inthis study, assessed
by a differentraterand that satisfactionwas measured on
entirelydifferentinstrumentsfrom any of the affective mea-
sures. Too often organizationalresearchstems from measure-
ments taken from single self-reportinstruments,thereby inflat-
ing the magnitudeof results, as in the correlationof job and life
satisfactionor the common practiceof relatingperceivedtask
characteristicsto job attitudes (cf. Robertsand Glick,1981).
Thus, the present findingscan be viewed as an extremely
conservativetest of the dispositionalapproachto job attitudes.
70/ASO, March1986
Job Attitudes

Cognitive Reevaluation of Jobs

Intesting the hypothesis that affective dispositionpredictsjob
attitudes, it has been assumed that cognitivedistortionmay
underliethe consistency between affect and job attitudes. It
should be stressed, however, that this is an hypothesizedex-
planationof the data, since we have no directinformationon
perceptualprocesses. A plausiblealternative,for example, is
that individualswith positive dispositions have sought out job
environments(orhave been selected intojobs) that are objec-
tively more pleasantthanthe employment situationof those
with more negative dispositions.Thisalternativecan be elimi-
nated by controllingfor objective differences injob conditions.
Althoughthe only measure of objectivejob qualityavailablefor
both the Adult2 and Adult3 waves of IGSdata is the socio-
economic status (SES)of the individuals'job, SES should be at
least a roughproxyfor the overalllevel of pay, responsibility,
and the approvalof others. Therefore,we computed partial
correlationsbetween affect at the variouspoints in individuals'
lives with subsequent job attitudes, holdingSES constant. The
results of these analyses showed no materialchanges from
the data reportedinTables 2 and 3.
Forthe Adult3 periodonly, some additionalcontrolmeasures
were available.Recently, IGSstaff completed a coding of the
substantive complexityof participants'jobs in terms of dealing
with data, people, and things. The substantive complexity
scales were taken fromthe Dictionaryof OccupationalTitles
and probablyprovidesomewhat better measures of objective
job qualitythan SES. Therefore,we againcomputed partial
correlationsbetween affect at the varioustime periodswith
job attitudesduringthe Adult3 period,holdingthe three
aspects of substantivecomplexityconstant. The results once
again showed no significantdeparturefromthose of Tables2
and 3, suggesting that affect may influenceindividuals're-
sponses to jobs, regardlessof at least some dimensions of
task content.
Itwas not possible with the IGSdata to sort out allthe possible
processes underlyingthe relationshipsbetween affect and job
satisfaction,since this would have taken both a largersample
and measures thatwere unavailablefor this research. Norwas
it possible with the IGSdata to answer questions about
whether affective dispositionis a functionof heredityor en-
vironment.Affect could resultfrom inheritedbiologicalfactors,
and these inheriteddispositionscould inturnbe associated
with other mentalor emotionaltraitsunderlyinglaterachieve-
ment inoccupationalsettings. Alternatively,affect could be a
productof earlysocializationexperiences that conditionor are
correlatedwith futurejob opportunitiesor the likelihoodof
success. The present data cannot (andwere not intendedto)
untangleallthe possible relationshipsbetween job conditions
and attitudes northe web of hereditaryand environmental
influences. We have instead sought to show that dispositional
propertiesof individuals,however constituted or developed
overtime, can be significantpredictorsof the satisfactionof
individualswith theirwork. Fortunately,we can have some
confidence inthis limitedinference.The IGSvariableswere
much more independentlymeasured and showed rela-
tionships over a much longertime span than is usuallythe case
71/ASO, March1986
in organizationalresearch.Ourconfidence in a dispositional
explanationof job attitudes is also strengthened by the fact
that adultjob satisfactionwas significantlypredictedby affec-
tive dispositions froman age before formalemployment had
begun (i.e., earlyand late adolescence). These relationships
are difficultto explainby any presumed effects of job experi-
ence on individuals'affective disposition.

Theoretical Implications
Inevaluatingthe theoreticalimplicationsof this study, one
should keep in mindthat there are several potentiallevels of
dispositionalexplanation.The most fundamentalbut also most
primitiveis knowledge that attitudes have some source of con-
sistency over time and context, since this simplyprovidesa
clue that dispositionalcharacteristicsare a source of influence.
At a second level of explanationare reportedrelationshipsbe-
tween personalityvariablesandjob attitudes that invokeun-
tested or unspecifiedtheoreticallinkages.Here,the causal
mechanisms underlyingsuch relationshipsmust be inferred
froma wide rangeof theoreticalpossibilities(e.g., those with
high-achievementneeds being less satisfied because they
might possibly have higheraspirations).A somewhat higheror
thirdlevel of dispositionalexplanationwould be one where
there is theoreticalcorrespondence between an individual
characteristicandan attitudinalor behavioralconstruct.When,
for example, power needs correlatewith promotionor, as in
this study, affective dispositionrelates to job satisfaction,the
theoreticallinkagebetween variablesis more specified or ob-
vious thanwith the almost arbitraryuse of personalitycon-
structs in much of the organizationalliterature(cf. Weiss and
Adler,1984). Studies using time lags, such as when early
needs for power or affective dispositionrelateto subsequent
and correspondentdependent variables,are also helpfulin
buildinga convincingdispositionalinference, since they show
both causal directionand potency. A fourthlevel of explana-
tion, and one not providedby this study, involves knowledge
about the exact derivationof dispositionsand aboutthe pre-
cise mechanisms by which dispositions can affect attitudes or
behavior.Inthis researchwe hypothesizedthat affective dis-
positions may constitute internalcues that influencethe way
people perceive or reactto job environments.However, we
had no data on the cognitiveprocesses of the IGSsample, nor
couldwe estimate the inheritedvs. social derivationof affec-
tive dispositions.These difficultand detailedquestions must
therefore await furtherresearchthat logicallyfollows from ear-
lierlevels of dispositionalunderstanding.
Althoughwe do not now fullyunderstanddispositionalsources
of job attitudes,the generalfindingthatjob attitudes can be
predictedby affective dispositionstill has some important
implications.Interms of job attitudetheory, it means that we
have probablyerredtoo faron the side of situationaldetermin-
ism, throwingaway valuabledispositionalpredictorsin our
general disillusionmentwith Maslow's need theory. Italso
means that, in orderto understandthe originand change of job
attitudes, it may be useful to understandthe backgroundand
development of the individualsunderstudy. As Weiss and
Adler(1984) so aptlynoted, we need studies focused on
dispositionalvariables,perhapsusing situationalvariablesas
72/ASO, March1986
Job Attitudes

moderatorsof dispositionalinfluence,ratherthan additional

studies using individualcharacteristicsas simple moderators
of situationaleffects. Forexample, if we were to explainjob
attitudes in dispositionalterms, we would want to identify
those contextualfeatures (e.g., workingconditions,supervi-
sion, etc.) that eitherallow people with positive affect to enjoy
theirwork or preventindividualswith negative affect from
unnecessarilyrejectingtheirjobs. This is a very different
researchdirectionthanwe have now and one that deserves
furtherconsideration.
The argumentthat job satisfactionhas dispositionalcauses
also suggests some necessary revisionof our models of job
attitudes. One possibilityis that objectivefeatures of the job,
social informationaboutthe work, and affective dispositionare
three separate or independentdeterminantsof job satisfac-
tion. Anotherpossibilityis that these three sources of job
attitudes are highlyinteractive.Futureresearchmay find,for
example, that the perceptionof objectivejob characteristicsis
conditionedby attitudinalcues from both internal(disposi-
tional)and external(social)sources. Alternatively,we may find
that internaland externalcues are moderatedby the realitiesof
work life, such that neithera positive dispositionnorshared
enthusiasm for the job can influencework satisfactionwithout
the presence of objectivelypositive task conditions(so as to
validateperceived cues fromoneself and others). Additional
research is needed to sort out whether such interactional
models are better explanationsof job satisfactionthan a simple
main-effects model.
Sortingout the interactionof dispositionalandjob characteris-
tics is likelyto be a complex researchtask, as alreadyillus-
tratedby some recent studies in occupationalsociology. For
example, researchby Kallebergand Loscocco (1983)and Mor-
timer, Finch,and Maruyama(1985) suggests that not only
does job satisfaction increase with aging, but that the facets of
the jobthat most directlydetermine satisfactionalso change
overtime. Thus,we mighteventuallyneed to formulatecareer
and life-stage models of dispositionaland task influences in
lieu of simple personalityor situationalpredictions.Itis also
difficultto escape fromthe fact that personalitynot only
affects the choice of job situation,but that the job situationcan
also have some lastingeffects on the individual,thus creating
reciprocalcausal loops that are difficultto understandand
study (e.g., Kohnand Schooler, 1978). These and related
questions should be idealfor a mergingof the psychological
and sociologicaltraditionsof organizationalbehavior.
Practical Implications
Interms of practicalissues, the most obvious implicationof
our findingsconcerns the usefulness of organizationaldevelop-
ment activities.The stabilityof job attitudes identifiedby Staw
and Ross (1985) and the present findingthat job attitudesare
influencedby affective dispositionboth implythat it may be
extremely difficultto improvejob attitudesvia externalin-
terventions.Job redesign efforts may, for example, be prone
to failure,since they must contend with strong forces for
stability-forces that either make individualsresistantto
change or promptindividualsto returnto their baseline states
over time.
73/ASQ, March1986
Interpretingour results in a conservativeway, one mightinfer
that job redesign is seldom worth the effort. The objective
features of tasks are seldom concrete enough to dictate a
positive or negative response, and as a consequence, indi-
vidualsmay generallyinterpretthe workenvironmentinways
that are consistent with theirown psychologicalstates. A more
liberalinterpretation,and one that is just as defensible, is that
organizationalinterventionsneed to be strongerand more
pervasive.Situationalchanges, be they job redesign, improve-
ments in physicalsurroundings,or the governance of the
organization,may need to be strong andwidespread enough to
overwhelm dispositionalforces for stability.
A compromise positionon the organizationaldevelopment
issue would be the interactionistperspective (Terborg,1981;
Schneider, 1983). Interactionistsmightconclude that interven-
tions such as job redesign need to take individualdifferences
more fullyintoconsideration.Throughbetter or more exten-
sive measurement of individualdispositions,job assignments
could be more preciselytailoredto individualcharacteristics.
Alternatively,it mightbe possible to divideindividualson the
basis of theirlikelihoodfor change. As Bem and Allen(1974)
have noted, some people may simplybe more consistent in
theirbehaviorthan others. Thus, situationalchanges such as
job redesign may be best suited, ratherthan forthe chronically
happyor unhappy,forthose whose affective dispositionvaries
over time and across situations.
Ourdata on the influenceof affective dispositionmay also
have direct implicationsfor personnel selection practices. Ifjob
attitudes are ratherstable and governed by individualdisposi-
tions, it may be easier to improveorganizationalmorale
throughemployee selection thanthroughorganizationalde-
velopment activities. Intheirsimplest form,such personnel
implicationsmay not necessitate changes in practice,since
personalcharacteristicsare probablyalreadybehindmany
selection and promotiondecisions in organizations(e.g., Ross
and Ferris,1981). The common argumentagainst using per-
sonal factors such as likabilityand positiveaffect for evalua-
tion purposes is that they would not be performancerelated.
This argumentmay not holdin service occupations, however,
since one of the majorproductsof a service relationshipcan be
the conveyance of positiveaffect (e.g., Schneider, Parkington,
and Buxton, 1980; Smith, Organ,and Near, 1983).
Ifwe go beyond the simplest personnel issues, our disposi-
tionalfindingshave additionaland perhapsmore important
implications.When we consider, for example, the research
findingsthat depressives are more realisticintheirjudgments
of riskand causationthan others (e.g., Alloyand Abramson,
1979), we are led to the conclusionthat positive affect could
hinderperformancein some managerialand staff roles. As a
result,we may need to examine each organizationalrolefor
the amountof enthusiasm versus criticalthinkinginvolvedin
orderbest to fit jobs with individuals'affective dispositions.
Likewise,if we note that workgroups (andorganizations)often
requirea varietyof individualsto serve multipleroles, ranging
from being a source of social supportto being a devil's
advocate, it may be importantto search for the propermix of
personalitiesin the organization.These are the kindsof ques-
74/ASQ0,March1986
 Job Attitudes

tions that are raisedas one begins to probethe role of

individualdispositionin organizationalbehavior.As we pursue
the dispositionalperspective further,new theoryas well as
revisionsto managerialpracticeare likelyto be suggested.
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Abramson Craik 1981 "Common dimensions of per-
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depressed and nondepressed to personality." Psychological adolescence to middle life." In
students: Sadder but wiser?" Review, 90: 105-126. Dorothy H. Eichorn, John A.
Journal of Experimental 1985 "Why not measure that trait? Clausen, Norma Haan, Marjorie
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